Hubbry Logo
EvensEvensMain
Open search
Evens
Community hub
Evens
logo
8 pages, 0 posts
0 subscribers
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Evens
Evens
Evens
View on Wikipedia
from Wikipedia
The settlement of the Evens in the Russian Federation for 2010 in % of the total number of this nation in the Russian Federation

Key Information

Settlement of Evens in the Far Eastern Federal District by urban and rural settlements in%, 2010 census

The Evens (/əˈvɛnz/ ə-VENZ; Even: эвэн; pl. эвэсэл; Russian: эвены; formerly called Lamuts) are a people in Siberia and the Russian Far East. They live in regions of the Magadan Oblast and Kamchatka Krai and northern parts of Sakha east of the Lena River, although they are a nomadic people. According to the 2002 census, there were 19,071 Evens in Russia. According to the 2010 census, there were 22,383 Evens in Russia. They speak their own language called Even, one of the Tungusic languages; it is heavily influenced by their lifestyle and reindeer herding. It is also closely related to the language of their neighbors, the Evenks. The Evens are close to the Evenks by their origins and culture, having migrated with them from central China over 10,000 years ago. Officially, they have been considered to be of Orthodox faith since the 19th century, though the Evens have retained some pre-Christian practices, such as shamanism. Traditional Even life is centered upon nomadic pastoralism of domesticated reindeer, supplemented with hunting, fishing and animal-trapping. Outside of Russia, there are 104 Evens in Ukraine, 19 of whom spoke Even. (Ukr. Cen. 2001)

Origins

[edit]

Migration

[edit]

The Evens people are part of the Eastern Siberians that migrated out of central China around 10,000 years ago. They are located in extreme northeast Siberia, and they are somewhat isolated from the rest of the indigenous groups in Siberia, with the closest groups being the Yakuts and the Evenks who are over 1,000 kilometers away.[3]

Name and Language

[edit]

Before the beginning of the Soviet reign the Evens were referred to as the Lamut by other groups, originally coined by the Yakut people, a nearby Siberian indigenous group. The word Lamu refers to the Okhotsk Sea in the languages spoken in eastern Siberia, thus it is reasonable to assume that this is where the name Lamut originates. The name Even came from the Evens people themselves.[4] The Evens had yet to distinguish themselves as a separate group from the Evenk even up until the 1800s. As such, Evenk culture and language heavily influenced that of the Evens. However, there are some key differences in language that made the two separate. In the Even language the last vowel and consonant of each word is dropped, while in the Evenk language the last vowel and consonant are spoken.[4]

Etymology and Vocabulary

[edit]

The Even language has a multitude of words relating to their nomadic lifestyle and reindeer herding, and a good portion of words in the Even language have to do with actions relating to these things. For example, "oralchid'ak", "nulgän", "nulgänmäj", and "nulgädäj", are their words for the concept of a nomadic lifestyle and moving from one place to another. All of these words come from the word "nulgä", which can be a measure of distance - in this case the distance one can travel in a single night - or it can also describe a group of reindeer herders. There are fourteen words in the Even language that describe very similar actions and people relating to herding and grazing, including daytime grazing and herdsmen, as well as reindeer drivers; reindeer are economically and culturally crucial to the Evens people.[5]

History

[edit]
Traditional Even clothing

In the 17th century, the people today known as the Eveni were divided into three main tribes: the Okhotsk reindeer Tungus (Lamut), the Tiugesir, Memel' and Buiaksir clans as well as a sedentary group of Arman' speakers. Today, they are all known as Eveni.[6]

Housing

[edit]

The traditional lodgings of the Evens were conical tents which were covered with animal skins. In the southern coastal areas, fish skins were used.[7] Settled Evens used a type of earth and log dugout.[7] Sheds were erected near the dwellings in order to house stocks of frozen fish and meat. Their economy was supplemented by winter hunts to obtain wild game. Hunters sometimes rode reindeer, and sometimes moved along on wooden skis.

Soviet Era

[edit]

During the Soviet reign the government collectivized reindeer herding, which drastically changed the lives of the Evens and other indigenous groups in Siberia. With the rise of Communism after 1917, the new government aimed to "civilize" the nomadic tribes of Siberia by constructing permanent housing, and by standardizing and collectivizing reindeer herding, their main occupation and lifestyle. The Soviet government seized and redistributed the reindeer of the Evens people and forced the Evens people to use specific migration routes and dates. The Soviets created a written language in the 1930s. Many nomadic Evens were forced to settle down, join the kolkhozes, and engage in cattle-breeding and agriculture.[8]

Economy

[edit]

The economy of the Evens people, both historically and now, is largely based around reindeer herding and migration, as well as hunting. The Evens kept smaller herds of reindeer than other indigenous groups in eastern Siberia, such as the Chukchi, Koryak, and the Yakut; these other groups used reindeer as food sources and trade goods, while the Evens mainly used them as a mode of transportation. Reindeer herding in this area is believed to have begun around the start of the Common Era by the ancestors of the Evens. Around this time, the ancient Tungus people had come into contact with the Mongols and Turks who introduced them to horses and horse breeding culture. The Tungus experimented with riding horses, but this failed because of the harsh climate of the Tundra. However, the saddles that they used for the horses also worked on reindeer, and a new method of transportation was born. While large scale reindeer breeding was commonplace in other parts of Siberia, it did not become a common practice where the Evens live in the north and east of Siberia until the 1600s-1700's, with the Evens not practicing it until the late 1800s into the 1900s. Because the Evens did not raise reindeer specifically for their skins and meat, they relied mostly on hunting small game such as reindeer they had not domesticated and other animals in the Tundra.[9]

Post Contact Economy

[edit]

Hunting animals for their fur, squirrel in particular, became a large source of income after the indigenous groups of Siberia came into contact with the Russians. The fur trade was extremely lucrative, and as such reindeer herding became less important to the economy of the Evens than it had been previously, however it is still the primary venture of the mainland Evens. While the Evens that lived further inland focused more on herding and the fur trade, the Evens that lived on Okhotsk Sea relied heavily on fishing in order to sustain themselves.[9]

Culture

[edit]

The traditional clothing worn by the Evens people consists of a coat with an apron, as well as pants and boots; both genders wear the same type of clothing. Their clothing is usually made using reindeer hides and skins, as well as moose hair. Evens are known to be very enthusiastic about smoking, and as such, most Evens also wear a pouch on their coat to keep a pipe and tobacco in. The Evens' housing and clothes are unique from the indigenous groups around them, with the Evens wearing open coats and aprons, as well as living in somewhat small conical tents called churns, while indigenous groups such as the Chukchi and the Koryak lived in a type of larger circular tent called a chorama-diu. These tents were usually made out of reindeer hides, although the Evens that lived by the sea used fish skins in addition to the hides. Since the Evens were and still are largely a nomadic people, everyone in the group shared with one another, and people were forbidden from hoarding meat from hunts, even if they were the one that had killed the game or were in the family of the hunter; this principle is called nimat. This principle also sometimes applied to smaller game such as birds and fish. Another aspect of nimat was that whenever two hunters were hunting together for animals who had pelts, the one who killed the animal got the meat and the other hunter received the skin of the animal. Even culture also includes folklore, which consists of stories and songs that usually feature ground animals, birds, and cliché ideas or stereotypes of people.[4]

Notable Evens

[edit]

References

[edit]

Further reading

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Evens

View on Grokipedia
from Grokipedia

The Evens, also known as Eveny or historically as Lamuts, are a Tungusic ethnic group indigenous to northeastern and the . Their traditional economy centers on nomadic , supplemented by hunting large game such as and , and in rivers and coastal areas. The belongs to the northern subgroup of the Manchu-Tungusic family, closely related to Evenki but distinct, and is spoken by a minority of the amid pressures from Russian dominance. Primarily residing in the , , , and , the Evens number approximately 21,830 in as of the 2010 , with ongoing challenges to cultural preservation due to assimilation and environmental changes affecting their subsistence practices. Their society features clan-based structures and shamanistic traditions that emphasize harmony with nature, though Soviet-era collectivization disrupted nomadic lifestyles, leading to partial sedentarization.

Origins and Ethnogenesis

Genetic and Anthropological Origins

The Evens belong to the Tungusic linguistic and ethnic family, with genetic evidence pointing to origins rooted in populations. Complete analyses of over 500 individuals from Even and closely related Evenk subgroups reveal a predominant maternal ancestry derived from haplogroups C (including subhaplogroups C4a1, C4b, C5a2a), (D4m, D4o), G1b, and , which are characteristic of indigenous Siberian lineages. These haplogroups show coalescence times and phylogenetic clustering indicative of a common source population located south of , with initial diversification estimated around 2,000 years before present, reflecting early adaptations to environments. Autosomal DNA studies further confirm that share substantial Ancient Northeast Asian (ANA) ancestry with other northern Tungusic groups, comprising up to 70-80% of their genetic makeup, alongside minor contributions from local Paleo-Siberian substrates and later admixtures. This genetic profile distinguishes from Paleo-Asiatic neighbors like Chukchi or , with whom they exhibit limited shared markers despite geographic proximity, and from southern Tungusic populations like Manchus, who show greater East Asian continental admixture. Paleogenomic data from and Siberian sites, such as those in the Baikal and regions, demonstrate continuity in these ANA-related components, linking modern to groups active 3,000-5,000 years ago without evidence of major population replacements. Anthropological assessments place within the broader Mongoloid anthropological type prevalent in northern Asia, with physical traits including relatively shorter stature (average male height of 158-162 cm) and mesocephalic to dolichocephalic cranial indices, adapted for mobility in reindeer-herding economies. These features show subtle divergences from taller, more robust Evenki morphology, likely arising from differential selective pressures in coastal versus inland Siberian habitats, though skeletal remains from late sites affirm overall somatic continuity with Tungusic forebears.

Linguistic Classification and Migration

The is classified within the Northern subgroup of the , a branch of the Altaic family spoken across eastern and the . It forms a close genetic relationship with Evenki (also known as Tungus), sharing core vocabulary, morphology, and syntax, but distinguished by phonological shifts such as reductions and consonant innovations adapted to northeastern environments. Comparative reconstruction estimates the divergence between Proto-Even and Proto-Evenki at 1,000 to 2,000 years ago, based on lexical retention rates and patterns, with Even developing isolated traits from prolonged separation in zones. Linguistic divergence correlates with migratory patterns originating near , where Proto-Northern Tungusic likely emerged before eastward expansions into the Okhotsk coast, basin, and . These movements, traceable via isoglosses in verb conjugations and toponyms, were propelled by the adoption of pastoralism around the early medieval period, enabling sustained travel across harsh terrains unlike sedentary southern Tungusic groups. traction and intensified mobility, with archaeological evidence of tools aligning with linguistic spreads dated to 500–1000 CE. From the 13th to 17th centuries, Even dispersals accelerated amid competitive pressures from Sakha (Yakut) migrations northward from , which displaced Tungusic communities through resource competition and superior horse-based warfare, as evidenced by shifted dialect boundaries and Sakha loanwords in Even substrates. In northeastern contact zones, interactions with Chukotko-Kamchatkan (e.g., Chukchi) and introduced substrate loanwords for maritime terms and , verifiable through shared morphemes absent in western Tungusic varieties, reflecting multilingual trading networks rather than wholesale assimilation. These borrowings, concentrated in semantic fields like and environment, underscore adaptive linguistic exchanges driven by ecological overlap in the Lower and Chukotka regions. The self-designation of the Even people, Even (with variants such as Evyn or Eben), derives from the Proto-Tungusic etymon ewen, denoting "person" or "man," a root paralleled in the Evenki endonym Evenki, which appends the or -ki. This shared terminology underscores their classification within the Northern (Siberian) of , descending from a common Proto-Tungusic ancestor spoken approximately 3,000–4,000 years ago in regions near the River basin. The exonym Lamut, historically applied to the Even by and neighboring groups, originates from Evenki lamu-t, where refers to "" and -t is a , literally designating "those near the sea" or coastal dwellers, distinguishing the more maritime-oriented Even from inland Evenki communities. This term reflects early ethnolinguistic perceptions rather than Even self-identification, which emphasizes the ewen root across Tungusic groups. Linguistically and anthropologically, Even and Evenki share Proto-Tungusic ancestry but underwent separate within the Northern Tungusic subgroup, with divergence likely predating the 15th-century southward Yakut (Sakha) migrations that fragmented Tungusic territories and reinforced regional adaptations. Evens developed economies centered on fishing and smaller herds suited to coastal and riverine environments in northeast and the , contrasting with Evenki reliance on larger-scale in interiors; genetic studies confirm shared Tungusic heritage with minimal divergent admixture post-split. Philological analysis of Even and reveals no substantial pre-Tungusic substrates, such as Paleo-Siberian (e.g., Chukotko-Kamchatkan) elements, despite geographic proximity; speculative admixture theories lack supporting lexical or structural evidence, with Tungusic features dominating reconstructible forms. This purity aligns with homeland models placing Proto-Tungusic origins in southern without heavy non-Tungusic overlays.

Language

Dialects and Phonological Features

The , a Northern Tungusic tongue, is characterized by three principal dialect groups: the Western group primarily in the (Yakutia), the Central group around (including Ola and Okhotsk varieties), and the Eastern group in (such as Bystraia). These groupings reflect geographic isolation and substrate influences, with Western dialects showing greater Yakut admixture and Eastern ones more direct Siberian adaptations. among dialects ranges from 70% to 90%, declining sharply between distant varieties like Bystraia (Eastern) and Sebian-Küöl (Western), due to perceptual mergers in high vowels and reductions documented in acoustic analyses of field recordings from 2009–2011 involving 8–18 speakers per site. Phonologically, Even features vowel harmony partitioning vowels into two sets—typically /e, i, o, u/ (Set 1) and /a, ị, ọ, ụ/ (Set 2)—governed by tongue root retraction or pharyngealization, with harmony applying across morpheme boundaries except in loanwords. Dialectal variation manifests in realization: Eastern dialects like Bystraia exhibit Set 2 short vowels with longer duration than Set 1 (e.g., /o/ vs. /ọ/, χ²=4.47, P=0.035) and spectral slope differences aiding harmony perception (χ²=44.33, P=1.28×10⁻⁹ for most pairs), while Western varieties like Sebian-Küöl reverse long vowel duration trends and show high vowel mergers (e.g., /i/ vs. /ị/ at 79.1% perceptual accuracy). Labialized vowels appear contextually, as in Sebian /e/ realized as [ø] or possessive markers like /-hne(n)/ vs. /-hna(n)/, reflecting harmonic conditioning. Consonants distinguish Even from related Evenki through restricted clusters (maximally biconsonantal medially, with of /i/ or /e/ in Eastern dialects) and uvular fricatives, such as /s/ as initial [ħ] in Bystraia (often lost) or velar stops shifting uvular before Set 2 vowels. Liquids /l/ and /r/ vary allophonically by harmonic set, enhancing perceptual cues in noisy Siberian environments, while Western dialects metathesize /s/ in clusters to (e.g., [kahna] 'pipe'). Russian and Yakut influences appear in code-switching, with Russian loans disrupting and Yakut trilingualism yielding morphological calques in Western dialects, as evidenced by 20th-century surveys noting interference in native .

Vocabulary and Lexical Influences

The , a Northern Tungusic , features a core deeply anchored in the of its speakers, with extensive terminology for , , and systems reflective of Tungusic proto-forms shared across related languages like Evenki. For , which form the economic backbone, the vocabulary encompasses over 70 specialized terms across semantic domains such as (e.g., nikan for ), and age (e.g., hiekän for male calf, n’amukan for female calf), coloration (e.g., n’obati for white, haŋda for black), diseases (e.g., doglan for lameness), behaviors (e.g., girkun for hardy), and actions (e.g., ilbädäi for driving reindeer), many deriving from reconstructible Proto-Tungusic roots like oran for '' itself. Hunting tools and practices draw similarly from indigenous Tungusic stock, including words for implements like bows and traps, while terms emphasize patrilineal clans tied to nomadic mobility, such as designations adapted to groups. Lexical borrowings into Even are predominantly from Russian, introduced following intensified contacts after the 17th-century Russian expansion into , filling gaps for administrative, technical, and modern items absent in traditional Tungusic ; estimates suggest 20-30% of contemporary in domains like and machinery stems from such loans, as observed in parallel Northern Tungusic languages like Evenki. Examples include adaptations for firearms (e.g., shifts from arrow-shooting verbs like Even nokit- to gun usage) and vehicles, reflecting pragmatic integration rather than wholesale replacement. Influences from Paleo-Siberian neighbors (e.g., Chukchi, Yukaghir) remain minimal, limited to a handful of reindeer-related terms via sporadic areal diffusion, such as potential Yukaghiric loans for specific husbandry concepts, underscoring historically constrained interethnic mixing and endogamous practices among Even groups. Dialectal variations show traces from Yakut and Evenki, but these are secondary to the adaptive Russian influx, prioritizing utility in post-contact survival over linguistic isolation. Semantic expansions in the lexicon, particularly for , illustrate evolutionary adaptation to domestication practices emerging around the late among Tungusic speakers, with terms broadening from descriptors to encompass managed herds (e.g., nulgän shifting to denote both and caravan formations in contexts). This enrichment—evident in proliferated subcategories for breeding cycles, pastures (oŋko), and seasonal calving (nägnäni for April-May)—demonstrates lexical dynamism driven by ecological necessities, countering notions of static purity in favor of evidenced functional borrowing and internal .

Current Status and Revitalization Efforts

The Even language is classified as severely endangered, with fluent speakers numbering approximately 5,656 according to the 2021 Russian census data amid a total Even population of around 20,000. This decline, evident from earlier censuses showing higher relative proficiency, stems primarily from urbanization, intergenerational transmission breakdown, and the dominance of Russian in education, media, and economic opportunities in Siberian regions like Sakha and Magadan Oblast. Post-Soviet Russian Federation policies have introduced programs in indigenous languages, including Even, particularly in schools since the 1990s, aiming to integrate native tongue instruction with Russian. However, these efforts exhibit limited efficacy, as figures indicate that while up to 80% of Even ethnic members report some passive , active remains low due to insufficient instructional hours, teacher shortages, and prioritization of Russian for professional advancement. State-funded initiatives often prioritize documentation over practical usage, yielding superficial outcomes without addressing underlying socioeconomic disincentives like migration to Russian-speaking urban centers. Grassroots adaptations in post-Soviet contexts include community-led of Even folklore and oral traditions, supported sporadically by NGOs and regional cultural centers, which have preserved recordings and developed basic digital resources for limited online access. These efforts show mixed results, with some intergenerational transmission in remote herding communities but overall stagnation absent economic incentives, such as subsidies for Even-medium vocational training or media production, highlighting the gap between archival preservation and living language revival.

History

Pre-Russian Contact Era

The Evens, a Tungusic-speaking indigenous group, maintained a nomadic pastoralist lifestyle in the and zones of northeastern prior to Russian expansion in the . Genetic and linguistic evidence indicates their involved a divergence from Evenk ancestors around 1,500 years before present, likely originating south of before migrating northeastward into regions encompassing modern-day , Chukotka, and northern Sakha. This period saw the establishment of as a core adaptation, with developing practices of managing semi-domesticated herds for transport, milk, meat, and traction by the CE, building on earlier Siberian precedents potentially traceable to 1500 BCE. Social organization centered on small, kin-based bands typically numbering dozens to low hundreds of individuals, who formed seasonal camps aligned with migration routes. Archaeological patterns of transient sites in the region corroborate this mobility, reflecting self-sufficient subsistence combining herding with hunting of wild game and fishing, without fixed settlements or hierarchical polities. Leadership emerged informally through consensus among elders with proven expertise in , herd management, and , fostering resilience to environmental pressures such as cooling trends preceding the around 1300 CE. Interactions with neighboring groups, including Yukaghirs to the north, involved episodic for essential like iron implements—sourced indirectly via southern —and occasional intergroup raids over resources or territory, highlighting adaptive alliances rather than rigid isolation. These dynamics, inferred from ethnographic reconstructions and regional material exchanges, underscore a pragmatic social fabric geared toward survival in sparse, competitive landscapes.

Imperial Russian Interactions

Russian contact with the Evens commenced in the late 1630s, as Cossack detachments dispatched from ventured eastward along rivers, encountering Even nomadic groups during exploratory and tribute-collecting forays into northeastern . These expeditions established the iasak fur tribute system, obliging Evens to deliver sable and other pelts annually to Russian authorities in exchange for nominal payments and integration into imperial trade circuits. While the levy strained local economies by diverting labor from subsistence to fur procurement, it concurrently supplied Evens with valued commodities including firearms for enhanced hunting efficiency, metal implements surpassing bone and stone alternatives, and , fostering reciprocal economic ties rather than unilateral extraction. By the 18th century, the Even population in Russian-held territories numbered approximately 10,000 to 15,000, dispersed across taiga and tundra zones from the Kolyma River to Kamchatka's fringes. Orthodox Church missions, expanding under state sponsorship from the mid-1700s, targeted Even clans for baptism and rudimentary instruction, particularly among coastal subgroups prone to semi-sedentary fishing lifestyles. These efforts yielded modest literacy gains via Cyrillic-script primers and encouraged village formation near mission stations, stabilizing some communities but accelerating the erosion of shamanic rituals through prohibitions on indigenous spiritual leaders and promotion of Orthodox feasts over ancestral observances. Hostilities remained sporadic and localized, with no recorded large-scale Even resistance akin to Chukchi warfare; instead, Even reindeer herders frequently guided Russian surveyors and traders, facilitating geographic and resource inventories across remote districts. This pragmatic collaboration underscored an absence of genocidal directives, as imperial policy prioritized taxable subjects and over depopulation, evidenced by sustained Even demographic presence into the amid broader Siberian incorporation.

Soviet Policies and Transformations

Soviet policies toward the Even people, implemented from the 1920s through 1991, emphasized integration into the socialist economy via collectivization, sedentarization, and , yielding mixed outcomes that included economic disruptions alongside advancements in and . In , collectivization compelled nomadic Even reindeer herders to form kolkhozy ( farms), disrupting traditional mobility and causing sharp declines in herds—often by half or more in Siberian indigenous communities due to administrative inefficiencies, slaughter for food during famines, and shifts toward state priorities like quotas over sustainable breeding. This process, while triggering localized and cultural erosion by undermining clan-based herding knowledge, facilitated mechanized operations in coastal Even areas, enhancing protein access through equipment. Sedentarization campaigns relocated families to permanent settlements with schools and clinics, imposing costs on spiritual practices tied to seasonal migration but enabling systematic healthcare delivery that reduced via vaccinations and , contrasting pre-Soviet episodic shamanic remedies. Evens were officially classified among the "small-numbered peoples of the North," a category affording nominal autonomy through ethnic quotas in local soviets and limited rights, yet this masked enforced , particularly via mandatory Russian-language instruction in schools from onward, which prioritized ideological over Even linguistic preservation. among Siberian indigenous groups, including Evens, surged from under 10% in the early 1920s—rooted in oral traditions and isolation—to approximately 90% by the 1959 census, driven by campaigns and universal schooling that equipped herders' children for administrative roles in collectives despite initial resistance to Cyrillic Even . These gains, while eroding fluency, countered narratives of unmitigated by fostering technical skills for state enterprises, with demographic stability reflecting improved rates over famine-prone pre-Soviet baselines. During , Even men enlisted in the , contributing to northern logistics and combat units amid broader Soviet mobilization of indigenous Siberians, whose familiarity with aided supply lines despite high casualties from unfamiliar warfare. Post-1945 industrialization accelerated Even involvement in operations across and Chukotka, where state incentives drew laborers from herding collectives to extract and tin, elevating average incomes through wages surpassing subsistence yields while introducing mechanized tools that offset herd losses. This shift, however, incurred environmental costs like from that degraded lands, though collective healthcare networks mitigated outbreaks common in nomadic groups, underscoring causal trade-offs where policy-induced traded cultural autonomy for demographic resilience and material security.

Post-Soviet Era and Recent Developments

Following the in 1991, privatization policies dismantled collective reindeer-herding enterprises, fragmenting operations among former workers and leading to a sharp in the sector during the , with many Even communities shifting toward and wage labor to compensate for reduced herds. By the early , some revival occurred through family brigades and re-established cooperatives, allowing partial restoration of herds in areas like Yakutia and Chukotka, though overall productivity remained below Soviet levels due to market instability and lack of state subsidies. Resource extraction projects expanded in Even-inhabited regions during the 2000s, particularly in , where federal programs approved offshore oil and gas leasing in 2000, alongside , drawing Even workers into higher-wage roles in and support services amid persistent of traditional economies. These opportunities contrasted with ongoing challenges, including in and environmental impacts on grazing lands, though they provided economic alternatives to declining herding viability. Evens hold official status as one of Russia's 47 indigenous small-numbered peoples of the North, Siberia, and Far East under federal law, entitling them to protections for traditional and priority in resource consultations, yet mining concessions frequently override these , exacerbating territorial disputes and cultural erosion without adequate compensation or power. In the 2020s, this tension intensified with intensified extraction amid sanctions, prompting sporadic protests and legal challenges from Even representatives, though enforcement remains inconsistent due to centralized federal priorities. The Even population, concentrated in , , and Chukotka, has shown signs of stabilization around 20,000–22,000 individuals following post-Soviet declines, supported by targeted federal programs for indigenous vitality despite outmigration and low birth rates in rural areas. Recent efforts for the conflict have drawn from remote northern districts, with anecdotal reports from 2023–2025 highlighting elevated recruitment quotas in Even settlements, straining community demographics and herding continuity without formal exemptions for indigenous groups.

Traditional Society and Economy

Reindeer Herding and Subsistence Practices

Even herders in northeastern traditionally manage reindeer herds ranging from 100 to 500 animals per family or small unit, emphasizing transport for seasonal mobility and pack-carrying during and expeditions rather than intensive production. This scale contrasts with the larger herds (often exceeding 500 per unit) of neighboring Chukchi pastoralists, allowing Even groups greater flexibility in forested-tundra environments where dense vegetation limits large-scale grazing. Calving cycles are closely tied to , typically occurring in late spring (May-June) when reveals lichens and grasses critical for calf , with herders timing migrations to optimize access and minimize exposure to early-season predators. Milking constitutes a primary subsistence technique, performed daily by women using specialized tools to extract nutrient-dense from lactating females, yielding up to several liters per animal seasonally for direct consumption or into storable products that supplement and . Slaughter is infrequent and opportunistic, reserved for emergencies when other foods fail, with methods focused on rapid kill via or to preserve blood, , and hides; adult provide approximately 50-100 kg of usable and per carcass, prioritized for high-energy yields during winter scarcities. These practices reflect resource optimization in calorie-limited conditions, where live reindeer utility outweighs routine harvesting. Pre-contact risk management relied on clan-based reciprocity, with families sharing surplus animals, milk, or post-loss redistributions to buffer against wolf predation, blizzards, or disease, fostering herd resilience without centralized intervention. Ethnographic accounts document how such kinship networks distributed vulnerabilities across extended groups, maintaining average family herd viability at 70-80% post-adversity through mutual aid rather than herd expansion alone. This decentralized approach enabled sustained subsistence amid volatile Arctic ecology.

Hunting, Fishing, and Seasonal Mobility

The Evens employed bows and spears for hunting large game such as elk (known locally as moose) and bear, often assisted by dogs to track and corner prey in the taiga, reflecting a pragmatic adaptation of simple, durable tools to forested terrains with low prey density. Traps and snares, constructed from wood and wire, targeted smaller fur-bearers like sable, mink, and ermine, enabling efficient capture during fall and winter when pelts were prime for trade or use. These methods prioritized versatility and minimal material input, with spears featuring metal tips preserved by fish-skin glue for repeated use in harsh conditions. Coastal Even groups supplemented protein through , deploying nets in rivers and along shores to intercept runs, which peak from July for sockeye (red ) to August for coho (silver ) in regions like Kamchatka. This seasonal focus yielded high volumes during spawning migrations, with traditional weirs and dip nets allowing communal harvests that preserved fish via drying or salting for winter storage, underscoring efficient resource timing over advanced technology. Annual subsistence cycles dictated mobility, with families establishing temporary summer fishing camps near watercourses for and whitefish, shifting to winter taiga hunts for ungulates and as snow facilitated sled travel. These patterns involved logistical forays of 20-150 km per trip, aggregating to 500-1000 km annually across core territories of roughly 2700 km², driven by prey migrations and avoiding through dispersed, low-impact movement. Ethnoarchaeological models of similar Tungusic practices indicate these strategies sustained yields of 1.8-2.5 kg of and per person per day on average, balancing protein (up to 300 g daily limit to avoid ) with fat from cached portions and opportunistic kills, sufficient for caloric needs in environments without reliance on . Such —evident in immediate butchery, communal sharing under principles like "nimat," and tool reuse—ensured survival amid unpredictable returns, with dogs and aiding transport to maximize nutritional output from sparse resources.

Housing, Tools, and Material Culture

The Evens' traditional housing consisted of portable conical tents known as chums, constructed with a framework of lashed wooden poles supporting coverings of hides sewn together for weatherproofing. These structures measured approximately 4-6 meters in , accommodating a family and their gear, and were designed for rapid assembly and disassembly—typically by 2-3 people in under an hour—to support nomadic movements synchronized with herd migrations across the . Insulation was achieved through double-layered hides and internal padding of dry grass or additional furs, enabling habitation in temperatures as low as -50°C by body heat and blocking wind, a functional essential for preventing during prolonged winter encampments. In regions with seasonal stability, such as river valleys, occasionally used semi-permanent earth-insulated log huts (balagany) built from felled timber and , providing greater durability for or short-term bases but still allowing mobility via lightweight construction. However, the absence of monumental or fixed stemmed directly from the imperatives of reindeer , where annual migrations spanning hundreds of kilometers demanded lightweight, relocatable shelters; investing resources in permanent builds would have hindered adaptability to fluctuating and weather, risking herd and group . Essential tools derived from local biomaterials, including bone knives fashioned from or for , butchering, and crafting, valued for their sharpness and renewability without . Birchbark served as a versatile material for watertight containers, such as folded baskets and boxes treated with pine resin for sealing, ideal for storing , berries, or tools due to its flexibility, lightness, and resistance to rot in damp conditions. Sleds reinforced with runners and sinew lashings facilitated transport of hides and gear over , with overall tool designs prioritizing multifunctionality to minimize load during migrations. Following Russian contact in the 17th-18th centuries, adoption of iron blades and axes enhanced precision and , reducing breakage rates in hide by up to 50% compared to bone equivalents, though traditional forms persisted for their cultural familiarity and . Material culture emphasized functionality tied to environmental causality: lightweight composites of hide, , and minimized expenditure in , while avoidance of heavy stone or clay artifacts avoided encumbrance in a where provided 80-90% of caloric needs through mobility-dependent . This system sustained populations at densities of 0.1-0.5 persons per km², underscoring how tool portability directly enabled exploitation of sparse, migratory resources over sedentary alternatives.

Culture and Beliefs

Social Structure and Kinship Systems

Even society is traditionally organized around exogamous , with strict prohibitions on within the same clan to promote and avoid , as supported by population genetic studies of Siberian indigenous groups demonstrating lower homozygosity rates in exogamous systems. Local groups typically comprise 5-10 patrilineally oriented , where descent traces through male lines, fostering structures that balance cooperation and competition among kin. Marriage practices emphasize or exchange between clans, reinforcing alliances and reciprocity, with grooms often providing labor or to the bride's family before . Elders, selected for wisdom and experience rather than , mediate disputes through consensus based on observed precedents and empirical outcomes, such as successful past resolutions in similar conflicts. prevails as the normative union, with occurring only exceptionally under resource scarcity, as historical ethnographies note its rarity amid stable pair-bonding for child-rearing and herd management. Gender roles exhibit a division of labor aligned with mobility and subsistence: men focus on large game and herding across vast territories, leveraging physical endurance for long pursuits, while women handle hide processing, , gathering, and tent maintenance, skills essential for camp stability during seasonal moves. This specialization, observed in pre-Soviet camps, enhances efficiency without rigid , as emerges meritocratically from demonstrated prowess in or , sustaining egalitarian stability absent formal chiefs or centralized authority.

Shamanism and Spiritual Practices

Among the Even people, shamans, known as kamla or kamlal, traditionally served as healers, diviners, and mediators between the world and spirits, employing rhythmic drumming, chanting, and ecstatic to address ailments, predict outcomes, and ensure successful hunts, particularly for central to Even subsistence. These practices, documented in early 20th-century ethnographic accounts of Tungusic groups including , focused on restoring balance disrupted by malevolent spirits or social discord, with shamans entering to negotiate with entities for communal welfare. Empirical analysis of analogous shamanic trances reveals measurable psychological benefits, such as reduced stress and enhanced emotional through neurophysiological changes, including altered hemispheric activity and decreased functional , suggesting adaptive roles in with harsh Siberian environments rather than literal metaphysical interactions. Even cosmology posits a tripartite comprising an upper of benevolent celestial spirits, a middle earthly realm inhabited by humans and animals, and a lower of potentially harmful entities, navigated by shamans during rituals to retrieve lost souls or avert misfortune. cults held particular prominence, with rituals honoring the as a powerful ancestral or totemic figure symbolizing strength and renewal; ethnographic records describe ceremonies involving bear skulls or effigies to invoke protection for hunters, reflecting pragmatic adaptations to predation risks in ecosystems. Following Russian imperial expansion from the 1700s, syncretic elements emerged, such as incorporating Orthodox Christian icons or prayers into shamanic rites, which diluted traditional exclusivity and facilitated cultural survival amid colonization pressures. Soviet policies from the 1920s onward aggressively suppressed as superstitious activity, with campaigns confiscating drums, arresting practitioners, and promoting through education and collectivization, leading to a sharp decline in overt practices by the mid-20th century. Despite this, underground persistence occurred, often disguised within or private , correlating with observed improvements in communities retaining trance-based rituals, as modern studies link such states to bolstered and social cohesion in indigenous groups facing marginalization. This endurance underscores 's function as a culturally embedded mechanism for stress mitigation, grounded in observable trance-induced physiological responses rather than unverifiable claims.

Folklore, Oral Traditions, and Art

Even folklore comprises a diverse array of genres, including archaic epics, myths known as nimkan, legends (tələŋ), and tales (ukchənək), which depict interactions among humans, animals, birds, and spirits. These narratives encode practical survival knowledge, such as hunting techniques, seasonal migration routes, and environmental hazards, functioning as mnemonic aids for nomadic herders navigating Siberia's and . Epics and hunter tales, in particular, preserve histories, resource locations, and adaptive strategies against or predation, blending factual with symbolic elements to ensure intergenerational transmission without written records. Songs form another core , recited during herding to calm , as lullabies to soothe children, or in communal gatherings to reinforce bonds and spiritual cosmology. These vocal forms, passed verbatim by skilled storytellers, embed rhythmic patterns that aid memory retention of ecological cues, such as behaviors signaling changes or safe crossing points over rivers. Visual arts complement these traditions through functional objects adorned with symbolic designs, such as embroidered parkas featuring geometric patterns that denote clan origins or protective motifs against malevolent spirits. Carvings on reindeer antler or bone—used for tools, amulets, and ritual items—depict animal forms and abstract symbols mirroring folklore themes, like migratory paths or shamanic visions, thereby integrating aesthetic expression with utilitarian survival tools. Oral transmission persists despite literacy's rise, with ethnographic recordings in the capturing epics and songs to document regional variants before further assimilation erodes them; scholars have noted over a hundred preserved texts from eastern Siberian groups, highlighting folklore's role in resisting .

Demographics and Modern Challenges

Population Distribution and Vital Statistics

The Even population in Russia totaled 19,975 according to the 2020–2021 census, down from 22,383 recorded in the 2010 census, reflecting a net decline driven by higher mortality relative to births. This group inhabits vast, sparsely populated territories in the northeastern and , with an overall density of approximately 0.1 individuals per square kilometer in traditional ranges, underscoring their nomadic heritage and low concentration even within core areas. Evens are distributed across five federal subjects in the Federal : the (Yakutia), , , , and . The hosts the largest share, with 15,071 Evens reported in 2010 data from official statistics, comprising over two-thirds of the national total at that time; smaller populations reside in (2,555) and (1,848), with fewer in Chukotka and Khabarovsk. Vital statistics indicate rates among and related northern indigenous groups exceeding the Russian national average of about 1.4 children per woman, often approaching or surpassing replacement levels in traditional communities due to cultural norms favoring larger families. However, mortality rates remain elevated, with social factors including contributing to excess deaths that outpace births in many settlements, as evidenced by the post-Soviet drop and reports of mortality exceeding in Even-inhabited districts. Post-1990s has accelerated, with approximately two-thirds of now living in ethnically mixed urban or settlement environments rather than remote nomadic camps, motivated by improved access to , healthcare, and labor opportunities amid declining reindeer-based subsistence viability. This shift, particularly pronounced among younger cohorts and women in regions like , has led to about 40% residence in larger settlements by recent estimates, though it correlates with cultural dilution and continued out-migration from rural areas.

Economic Shifts and Resource Exploitation

In the post-Soviet era, many Eveny communities in regions such as Magadan Oblast and the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) transitioned from state-supported collective reindeer herding to wage labor in resource extraction industries, particularly gold mining along the Kolyma River and diamond operations in Sakha. This shift, accelerating in the 1990s amid economic liberalization, provided incomes substantially higher than traditional subsistence activities, with mining sector wages often exceeding herding earnings by factors reported in regional studies of northern indigenous economies. However, industrial activities have disrupted migration routes and grazing lands through infrastructure development and pollution, contributing to conflicts between short-term revenue gains and long-term viability of pastoral practices. Domestic reindeer populations across Eveny-inhabited areas, integral to their economy, declined sharply following the Soviet collapse, with national figures dropping from approximately 2.5 million head in the late 1980s to 1.2 million by the early 2000s—a reduction of over 50% attributed to economic instability, amid weakened enforcement, and challenges. In Eveny regions like Chukotka and , similar trends persisted into the , though federal subsidies introduced since the mid-2000s, including feed and veterinary support, have helped stabilize herds at reduced levels, preventing total collapse. These interventions reflect state efforts to balance industrial growth with indigenous livelihoods, yet remains a factor, exacerbated by market demand for products. Climate change has compounded these pressures through thawing , which degrades pastures by promoting formation and altering vegetation suitable for foraging. Satellite observations from the 2010s onward, including ESA and datasets, document accelerated thaw in Siberian regions, with active layer thickening by up to 20-30 cm per decade in Eveny territories, reducing effective area and increasing herd vulnerability to during harsh winters. This offsets some economic benefits of by heightening dependence on imported feed, though extraction revenues fund adaptive measures like supplemental .

Cultural Assimilation, Rights, and Military Involvement

The Even people, like other indigenous groups in Russia's North, , and , have undergone significant through Soviet-era policies emphasizing and , resulting in widespread bilingualism that supports economic participation in mixed subsistence and wage economies. This hybridity, including proficiency in Russian alongside Even or regional languages like Sakha-Yakut, has enabled adaptation to industrial development and state services, with many Evens voluntarily engaging in for improved access to schooling and opportunities beyond traditional . While critics highlight the endangerment of the —spoken as a by a minority due to these shifts—the resulting cultural adaptability has arguably mitigated total loss by preserving core practices like within a broader Russian framework, countering narratives that frame assimilation solely as erosion without acknowledging its role in survival amid resource pressures. Russian federal legislation, including the 1999 on Guarantees of ' and amendments to codes, nominally protects Even communities as "small-numbered " by recognizing traditional and resource access, yet implementation remains inconsistent due to bureaucratic hurdles and prioritization of extractive industries. In practice, Even territories in regions like and Chukotka have faced concessions for and projects, often without adequate consultation or compensation, leading to disputes over ancestral and fisheries that undermine subsistence . UN expert committees have documented these gaps, urging to enforce titles and benefit-sharing, though state responses emphasize rather than communal entitlements, exacerbating vulnerabilities in remote Even settlements. Since Russia's 2022 invasion of Ukraine, Even-inhabited regions such as have seen disproportionate among indigenous men, with reports indicating up to 80% of mobilized indigenous volunteers from these areas deployed to the front lines, driven by high enlistment bonuses—often exceeding annual local incomes—and limited economic alternatives in impoverished communities. This pattern reflects broader incentives targeting peripheral ethnic groups, where and federal payouts incentivize participation, though exact Even casualty figures remain opaque amid state . Such involvement has strained community demographics, with returning veterans facing reintegration challenges, yet some regional leaders frame it as patriotic duty aligned with Russian identity.

Notable Evens

Anatoly Stepanov-Lamutsky (born 1940s) is an Even , , and recognized for his efforts in documenting and translating Even folklore, including contributions to bilingual publications of traditional tales like "Kyndykan." He has served as chairman of the Union of Evens in the , advocating for cultural preservation among the Even people. Ekaterina Zakharova, Elena Krivoshapkina, and other Even authors have produced works in the , focusing on traditional stories and poems that reflect themes of northern life and indigenous heritage. Lyubov Innokentievna Sergucheva, an Even artist and member of the Union of Artists of , is noted for her contributions to Even , drawing from folk motifs in museum collections and cultural exhibits.

References

  1. https://www.encyclopedia.com/humanities/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/evens
  2. https://www.berghahnjournals.com/view/journals/sibirica/21/3/sib210303.xml
  3. https://redbook.verbix.com/evens.shtml
  4. https://arctic-megapedia.com/evens/
  5. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC3861515/
  6. https://www.frontiersin.org/journals/genetics/articles/10.3389/fgene.2021.754492/full
  7. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC10917666/
  8. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC5204334/
  9. https://library.oapen.org/bitstream/id/effbe326-e4ed-4bdf-8077-ed1190b39ca9/external_content.pdf
  10. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/351778773_A_Bayesian_approach_to_the_classification_of_Tungusic_languages
  11. https://pure.mpg.de/rest/items/item_3444737_2/component/file_3444738/content
  12. https://compass.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1749-818X.2008.00110.x
  13. https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0278416521000362
  14. http://www.geocurrents.info/blog/2012/05/08/the-yakut-sakha-migration-to-central-siberia/
  15. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/6939332_Investigating_the_effects_of_prehistoric_migrations_in_Siberia_Genetic_variation_and_the_origins_of_Yakuts
  16. https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/13670069211023151
  17. https://www.academia.edu/36555427/Additional_Turkic_and_Tungusic_borrowings_into_Yukaghir
  18. http://circumpolar.iling-ran.ru/wp-content/uploads/2022/02/pupynina2021.pdf
  19. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC10427446/
  20. https://www.dictionary.com/browse/lamut
  21. https://brill.com/display/book/9789004300439/B9789004300439_006.pdf
  22. https://www.everyculture.com/Russia-Eurasia-China/Even-History-and-Cultural-Relations.html
  23. https://www.biorxiv.org/content/10.1101/018770v1.full-text
  24. https://protouralic.wordpress.com/2014/12/21/some-things-rotten-in-the-history-of-tungusic/
  25. https://siberianlanguages.surrey.ac.uk/summary/even/
  26. https://www.fon.hum.uva.nl/archive/2015/2015-PhD-NataliaAralova.pdf
  27. https://rupkatha.com/V8/n3/03_Even_Language.pdf
  28. https://hal.univ-lyon2.fr/hal-02889683v1/file/OGTL_18_Pakendorf_FINAL.pdf
  29. https://brill.com/downloadpdf/book/9789004488472/B9789004488472_s011.pdf
  30. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/254872564_Russian_interference_in_the_grammar_of_North-Tungusic_languages_in_an_areal-typological_perspective
  31. https://www.academia.edu/28089289/Extensive_borrowing_of_reindeer_terminology_in_north_eastern_Siberia
  32. https://arcticportal.org/education/quick-facts/people-and-culture/3702-indigenous-people-of-the-arctic-evens
  33. https://www.facebook.com/Uyghursbookshelf/posts/languages-of-russia-insights-from-the-2021-census-the-2021-russian-census-provid/1032857118643733/
  34. https://www.themoscowtimes.com/2023/03/13/languages-in-russia-disappearing-faster-than-data-suggests-activists-warn-a80432
  35. https://eprints.gla.ac.uk/241369/2/241369.pdf
  36. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/351345952_Indigenous_language_education_in_Russia_current_issues_and_challenges
  37. https://www.themoscowtimes.com/2025/02/21/for-indigenous-families-in-russia-keeping-language-alive-is-an-impossible-task-a88097
  38. https://ich.unesco.org/doc/src/00849-EN.doc
  39. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/357058550_A_Program_for_the_Preservation_and_Revitalization_of_the_Languages_of_Russia
  40. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC7366605/
  41. http://www.cosmicelk.net/MedievalSiberia-1.htm
  42. https://lingsib.iea.ras.ru/en/languages/even.shtml
  43. https://www.alaskaanthropology.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/VOl-14-1-2-Bakhrushin-and-Vlakhov.pdf
  44. https://content.ucpress.edu/chapters/12780.ch02.pdf
  45. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/376527683_Christianization_of_Siberian_Inhabitants_as_Part_of_the_Russian_Empire%27s_Peripheral_Policy_Between_the_18th_and_the_Early_20th_Century
  46. https://www.nps.gov/parkhistory/online_books/ania/hrs/chap3.htm
  47. https://oxfordre.com/asianhistory/display/10.1093/acrefore/9780190277727.001.0001/acrefore-9780190277727-e-269
  48. https://en.nbpublish.com/library_read_article.php?id=72711
  49. https://pastoralismjournal.springeropen.com/articles/10.1186/s13570-022-00233-9
  50. https://www.persee.fr/doc/cmr_0008-0160_1990_num_31_2_2234
  51. https://repository.si.edu/bitstreams/139992d6-5631-4141-8fb3-d3f61bf99c3d/download
  52. https://iwgia.org/images/publications/0695_HumanRights_report_18_Russia.pdf
  53. https://www.jstor.org/stable/368437
  54. https://daviscenter.fas.harvard.edu/insights/soviet-role-world-war-ii-realities-and-myths
  55. https://www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/20041013.pdf
  56. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC5637657/
  57. https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0743016717301158
  58. https://polarresearch.net/index.php/polar/article/download/2182/5433/
  59. https://urbansustainability.seas.umich.edu/wp-content/uploads/2011/04/RFE.07.pdf
  60. https://www.britannica.com/place/Magadan-oblast-Russia
  61. https://iwgia.org/en/russia/5394-iw-2024-russia.html
  62. https://www.aljazeera.com/features/2022/1/23/in-russia-indigenous-land-defenders-face-intimidation-and-exile
  63. https://docs.lib.purdue.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1021&context=jca
  64. https://factsanddetails.com/russia/Minorities/sub9_3f/entry-5132.html
  65. https://www.culturalsurvival.org/publications/cultural-survival-quarterly/evenki-reindeer-herding-history
  66. https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-3-031-42289-8_3
  67. https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10745-020-00158-0
  68. https://polarresearch.net/index.php/polar/article/download/2184/5435/
  69. https://paleoanthro.org/media/dissertations/yoshiko%20abe.pdf
  70. https://www.jstor.org/stable/24475570
  71. https://dh-north.org/siberian_studies/publications/sharakhmatova_E.pdf
  72. https://portals.iucn.org/library/sites/library/files/documents/Traf-109.pdf
  73. https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2950236525000064
  74. https://www.rbth.com/travel/destinations/siberia/2017/02/07/a-mobile-home-of-skin-and-bone-what-siberian-nomads-houses-are-like_697273
  75. https://thekidshouldseethis.com/post/nomadic-nenet-people-build-a-chum-yurt-in-the-siberian-arctic-winter
  76. https://www.mpm.edu/index.php/content/wirp/ICW-11
  77. https://folklife-media.si.edu/docs/festival/program-book-articles/FESTBK1981_03.pdf
  78. https://spatialexperiments.wordpress.com/2016/02/03/nomadic-architecture-mobility-gender-ritual/
  79. https://pure.manchester.ac.uk/ws/files/56134322/Ghosts_of_the_Gulag_May_24_2017_1_.pdf
  80. https://www.nature.com/articles/s41467-024-47618-5
  81. https://src-h.slav.hokudai.ac.jp/sympo/97summer/sasaki.html
  82. https://www.encyclopedia.com/social-sciences-and-law/political-science-and-government/military-affairs-nonnaval/even
  83. https://factsanddetails.com/world/cat55/sub350/item1919.html
  84. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC8012721/
  85. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/23311908.2017.1313522
  86. https://www.historicmysteries.com/archaeology/bear-cult/27045/
  87. https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/andrewbrown/2013/feb/09/siberian-shamans-soviet-russia
  88. https://windowoneurasia2.blogspot.com/2019/06/the-soviets-fought-shamanism-and-lost.html
  89. https://brewminate.com/the-survival-of-shamanism-in-post-soviet-siberia/
  90. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC11536825/
  91. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/367041118_The_Specifics_of_Even_Folklore_Genre_Composition_and_Regional_Features
  92. https://www.atlaskmns.ru/page/en/people_eveny.html
  93. https://rosstat.gov.ru/free_doc/new_site/population/demo/per-itog/tab7.xls
  94. https://newslab.ru/article/278141
  95. https://medanthro.ru/?page_id=3236
  96. https://cyberleninka.ru/article/n/gendernyy-aspekt-urbanizatsii-korennyh-narodov-magadanskoy-oblasti
  97. http://www.reindeer-husbandry.uit.no/online/Final_Report/russia.pdf
  98. https://www.mdpi.com/2073-445X/11/1/105
  99. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/357703843_Mining_Industry_of_the_Republic_of_Sakha_Yakutia_and_Problems_of_Environmental_and_Social_Security_of_Indigenous_Peoples
  100. https://faunalytics.org/animal-decline-after-economic-collapse-a-case-study-in-russia/
  101. https://pastoralismjournal.springeropen.com/articles/10.1186/s13570-023-00279-3
  102. https://library.arcticportal.org/427/1/Is_Siberian_Reindeer_Herding_in_Crisis_-_Living_with_Reindeer_Fifteen_Years_After_the_End_of_State_Socialism.pdf
  103. https://climate.esa.int/en/news-events/long-term-permafrost-record-details-arctic-thaw/
  104. https://www.nasa.gov/earth/nasa-helps-find-thawing-permafrost-adds-to-near-term-global-warming/
  105. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC8497664/
  106. https://dh-north.org/siberian_studies/publications/ridiatchkova.pdf
  107. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/394950601_Problems_of_Preserving_Cultural_Identity_among_the_Evenki_and_Even_Peoples_in_Modern_Russian_Society
  108. https://digitalcommons.wcl.american.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1945&context=hrbrief
  109. https://www.cwis.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/07/04_RussianFederation.pdf
  110. https://www.culturalsurvival.org/news/un-reports-highlight-grave-situation-indigenous-peoples-rights-russian-federation
  111. https://adcmemorial.org/en/articles/columns/indigenous-peoples-in-russia-criminalization-instead-of-protection-of-their-rights/
  112. https://www.arcticreview.no/index.php/arctic/article/view/6030/9322
  113. https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/crp/2025/08/01/the-arctic-indigenous-peoples-and-russias-war-in-ukraine/
  114. https://www.cnn.com/2025/10/07/world/russian-regions-military-recruitment-bonuses-intl
  115. https://en.arctic.ru/population/20210525/994193.html
  116. https://www.marketscreener.com/amp/quote/stock/PUBLIC-JOINT-STOCK-COMPAN-12786909/news/Public-Joint-Stock-ALROSA-ALROSA-supports-the-indigenous-peoples-of-the-North-culture-preservation-36479431/
  117. https://arctic-megapedia.com/en/blog/2024/01/16/34774/
Add your contribution
Related Hubs
User Avatar
No comments yet.