Moctezuma II
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1892 illustration of Moctezuma II

Key Information

Moctezuma Xocoyotzin[N.B. 1] (c. 1466 – 29 June 1520), retroactively referred to in European sources as Moctezuma II, and often simply called Montezuma,[N.B. 2] was the ninth emperor of the Aztec Empire (also known as the Mexica Empire),[1] reigning from 1502 or 1503 to 1520. Through his marriage with Queen Tlapalizquixochtzin of Ecatepec, one of his two wives, he was also the king consort of the altepetl.[2]

The first contact between the indigenous civilizations of Mesoamerica and Europeans took place during his reign. He was killed during the initial stages of the Spanish conquest of the Aztec Empire when Hernán Cortés, the Spanish conquistador, and his men seized the Aztec capital of Tenochtitlan. During his reign, the Aztec Empire reached its greatest size. Through warfare, Moctezuma expanded the territory as far south as Xoconosco in Chiapas and the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, and incorporated the Zapotec and Yopi people into the empire.[3] He changed the previous meritocratic system of social hierarchy and widened the divide between pipiltin (nobles) and macehualtin (commoners) by prohibiting commoners from working in the royal palaces.[3]

Though two other Aztec rulers succeeded Moctezuma after his death, their reigns were short-lived and the empire quickly collapsed under them. Historical portrayals of Moctezuma have mostly been colored by his role as ruler of a defeated nation, and many sources have described him as weak-willed, superstitious, and indecisive.[4] However, depictions of his person among his contemporaries are divided; some depict him as one of the greatest leaders Mexico had, a great conqueror who tried his best to maintain his nation together at times of crisis,[5] while others depict him as a tyrant who wanted to take absolute control over the whole empire.[6] Accounts of how he died and who were the perpetrators (Spaniards or natives) differ. His story remains one of the most well-known conquest narratives from the history of European contact with Native Americans, and he has been mentioned or portrayed in numerous works of historical fiction and popular culture.

Name

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Headdress traditionally attributed to Moctezuma II in the Museum of Ethnology, Vienna. The object, however, might have not belonged to Moctezuma and, contrary to popular belief, it was not used as his crown. It might have been a religious headdress to represent the god Quetzalcoatl during religious events, a battle standard, or a military device worn in the back.[7]

The Classical Nahuatl pronunciation of his name is [motɛːkʷˈs̻oːmaḁ]. It is a compound of a noun meaning 'lord' and a verb meaning 'to frown in anger', and so is interpreted as 'he frowns like a lord'[8] or 'he who is angry in a noble manner'.[9] His name glyph, shown in the upper left corner of the image from the Codex Mendoza below, was composed of a diadem (xiuhuitzolli) on straight hair with an attached earspool, a separate nosepiece, and a speech scroll.[10]

Regnal number

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The Aztecs did not use regnal numbers; they were given retroactively by historians to more easily distinguish him from the first Moctezuma, referred to as Moctezuma I.[4] The Aztec chronicles called him Motecuhzoma Xocoyotzin, while the first was called Motecuhzoma Ilhuicamina or Huehuemotecuhzoma ('Old Moctezuma'). Xocoyotzin (IPA: [ʃoːkoˈjoːt͡sin̥]) means 'honored young one' (from xocoyotl 'younger son' + suffix -tzin added to nouns or personal names when speaking about them with deference).[11]

Biography

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Ancestry and early life

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Moctezuma's ancestry as depicted in a 1566 manuscript

Moctezuma II was the great-grandson of Moctezuma I through his daughter Atotoztli II and her husband Huehue Tezozómoc (not to be confused with the Tepanec leader). According to some sources, Tezozómoc was the son of emperor Itzcóatl, which would make Moctezuma his great-grandson, but other sources claim that Tezozómoc was Chimalpopoca's son, thus nephew of Itzcóatl, and a lord in Ecatepec.[12] Moctezuma was also Nezahualcóyotl's grandson; he was a son of emperor Axayácatl and one of Nezahualcóyotl's daughters, Izelcoatzin or Xochicueyetl.[13][14] Two of his uncles were Tízoc and Ahuizotl, the two previous emperors.[15]

As was customary among Mexica nobles, Moctezuma was educated in the calmecac, the educational institution for the nobility. He would have been enrolled into the institution at a very early age, likely at the age of five years, as the sons of the kings were expected to receive their education at a much earlier age than the rest of the population.[16] According to some sources, Moctezuma stood out in his childhood for his discipline during his education, finishing his works correctly and being devout to the Aztec religion.[13]

Moctezuma was an already famous warrior by the time he became the tlatoani of Mexico, holding the high rank of tlacatecuhtli (lord of men) and/or tlacochcalcatl (person from the house of darts) in the Mexica military, and thus his election was largely influenced by his military career and religious influence as a priest,[17] as he was also the main priest of Huitzilopochtli's temple.[18]

Then-prince Moctezuma the Younger is arriving to the rescue of the merchants who were put under siege during the conquest of Ayotlan, according to the Florentine Codex. The merchants are seen talking to Moctezuma, informing him about the end of the war.

One example of a celebrated campaign in which he participated before ascending to the throne was during the last stages of the conquest of Ayotlan, during Ahuizotl's reign in the late 15th century. During this campaign, which lasted 4 years, a group of Mexica pochteca merchants were put under siege by the enemy forces. This was important because the merchants were closely related to Ahuizotl and served as military commanders and soldiers themselves when needed. To rescue the merchants, Ahuizotl sent then-prince Moctezuma with many soldiers to fight against the enemies, though the fight was brief, as the people of Ayotlan surrendered to the Mexica shortly after he arrived.[19]

Approximately in the year 1490, Moctezuma obtained the rank of tequihua, which was reached by capturing at least 4 enemy commanders.[13]

Coronation

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Stone of the Five Suns, a stone with inscriptions in Nahuatl writing depicting the date 15 July 1503 in the Aztec calendar. Some historians believe this to be the date on which Moctezuma was crowned.
Annotation of Moctezuma's coronation stone to allow for increased legibility. The primary function of this stone was to commemorate the reign of Emperor Moteuczoma II. This stone legitimizes Mocteczuma's rule and contextualizes his reign with the cosmological view of Aztec history. In the annotated image, the five suns of the Aztecs are indicated. They are significant in the timeline of Aztec civilization. Each sun represents the belief of the Aztec people that the world has gone through five distinct cycles of creation and destruction. One should read the stone starting with the first Sun in the bottom right and moving counterclockwise (following the blue arrows in the annotation). The fifth sun in the center of the stone represents the present era of the Aztecs.

The year in which Moctezuma was crowned is uncertain. Most historians suggest the year 1502 to be most likely, though some have argued in favor of the year 1503. A work currently held at the Art Institute of Chicago known as the Stone of the Five Suns is an inscription written in stone representing the Five Suns and a date le 11 reed,[clarification needed] which is equivalent to 15 July 1503 in the Gregorian calendar. Some historians believe this to be the exact date on which the coronation took place, as it is also included in some primary sources.[20][21] Other dates have been given from the same year; Fernando de Alva Cortés Ixtlilxóchitl states that the coronation took place on 24 May 1503.[22] However, most documents say Moctezuma's coronation happened in the year 1502, and therefore most historians believe this to have been the actual date.[13]

Reign

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Moctezuma's coronation according to the Durán Codex

After his coronation, Moctezuma set up thirty-eight more provincial divisions, largely to centralize the empire. He sent out bureaucrats, accompanied by military garrisons, who made sure tax was being paid, national laws were being upheld and served as local judges in case of disagreement.[23]

Internal policy

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Natural disasters

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Moctezuma's reign began with difficulties. In the year 1505, a major drought resulted in widespread crop failure, and thus a large portion of the population of central Mexico began to starve. One of the few places in the empire not affected by this drought was Totonacapan, and many people from Tenochtitlan and Tlatelolco sought refuge in this region to avoid starvation. Large amounts of maize were brought from this area to aid the population.[24] Moctezuma and the lords of Texcoco and Tlacopan, Nezahualpilli, and Totoquihuatzin, attempted to aid the population during the disaster, including using all available food supplies to feed the population and raising tributes for one year.[25] The drought and famine ultimately lasted three years,[26] and at some point became so severe that some noblemen reportedly sold their children as slaves in exchange for food to avoid starvation. Moctezuma ordered the tlacxitlan, the criminal court of Tenochtitlan (which aside from judging criminals also had the job of freeing "unjustified" slaves), to free those children and offer food to those noblemen.[27] Another natural disaster, of lesser intensity, occurred in the winter of 1514, when a series of dangerous snowstorms resulted in the destruction of various crops and property across Mexico.[28]

Policies and other events during his reign

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During his government, he applied multiple policies that centered the government of the empire on his person, though it is difficult to tell exactly to which extent those policies were applied, as the records written about such policies tend to be affected by propaganda in favor of or against his person.[N.B. 3]

According to Alva Ixtlilxóchitl, among Moctezuma's policies were the replacement of a large portion of his court (including most of his advisors) with people he deemed preferable, and increasing the division between the commoner and noble classes, which included the refusal to offer certain honors to various politicians and warriors for being commoners.[30] He also prohibited any commoners or illegitimate children of the nobility from serving in his palace or high positions of government. This was contrary to the policies of his predecessors, who did allow commoners to serve in such positions.[31]

Moctezuma's elitism can be attributed to a long conflict of interests between the nobility, merchants, and warrior class. The struggle occurred as the result of the conflicting interests between the merchants and the nobility and the rivalry between the warrior class and the nobility for positions of power in the government. Moctezuma likely sought to resolve this conflict by installing despotist policies that would settle it.[32] However, it is also true that many of his elitist policies were put in place because he did not want to "work with inferior people", and instead wanted to be served by and interact with people he deemed more prestigious, both to avoid giving himself and the government a bad reputation and to work with people he trusted better.[33] However, some of his policies also affected the nobility, as he had intentions of reforming it so that it would not pose a potential threat to the government; among these policies was the obligation of the nobility to reside permanently in Tenochtitlan and abandon their homes if they lived elsewhere.[34]

Regarding his economic policies, Moctezuma's rule was largely affected by natural disasters in the early years. As mentioned before, the famine during his first years as tlatoani resulted in a temporary increase in tribute in some provinces to aid the population. Some provinces, however, ended up paying more tribute permanently, most likely as the result of his primary military focus shifting from territorial expansion to stabilization of the empire through the suppression of rebellions. Most of the provinces affected by these new tributary policies were in the Valley of Mexico. For example, the province of Amaquemecan, which formed part of the Chalco region, was assigned to pay an additional tribute of stone and wood twice or thrice a year for Tenochtitlan's building projects.[35] This tributary policy eventually backfired, as some of the empire's subjects grew disgruntled with Moctezuma's government and launched rebellions against him, which eventually resulted in many of these provinces—including Totonacapan (under the de facto leadership of Chicomacatl), Chalco and Mixquic (which were near Tenochtitlan)—forming alliances with Spain against him.[36]

The famine at the beginning of his rule also resulted in the abolishment of the huehuetlatlacolli system, which was a system of serfdom in which a family agreed to maintain a tlacohtli (slave or serf) perpetually. This agreement also turned the descendants of the ones who agreed into serfs.[34]

During his campaign against Jaltepec and Cuatzontlan (see below), he made negotiations with the Tlatelolca to obtain the weapons and resources needed. As a result of these negotiations, Tlatelolco was given more sovereignty; they were permitted to rebuild their main temple which was partially destroyed in the Battle of Tlatelolco in a civil war during Axayácatl's reign, act largely independently during military campaigns, and be absolved from paying tribute.[37][31]

Many of these policies were planned together with his uncle Tlilpotonqui, cihuacoatl of Mexico and son of Tlacaelel, at the beginning of his reign,[33] while others, such as his tributary policies, were created as the result of various events, like the famine which occurred at the beginning of his rule. His policies, in general, had the purpose of centralizing the government in his person through the means of implementing policies to settle the divide between the nobility and commoners and abolishing some of the more feudal policies of his predecessors, while also making his tributary policies more severe to aid the population during natural disasters and to compensate for a less expansionist focus in his military campaigns.[34]

Most of the policies implemented during his rule would not last long after his death, as the empire fell into Spanish control on 13 August 1521 as a result of the Spanish conquest of the Aztec Empire, one year after he died.[38] The new Spanish authorities implemented their laws and removed many of the political establishments founded during the pre-Hispanic era, leaving just a few in place. Among the few policies that lasted was the divide between the nobility and the commoners, as members of the pre-Hispanic nobility continued to enjoy various privileges under the Viceroyalty of New Spain, such as land ownership through a system known as cacicazgo.[39][40]

Construction projects

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Moctezuma's Palace from the Codex Mendoza (1542)
The National Palace
The location of Moctezuma's palace (left) is south of the central plaza of Tenochtitlan and the Totocalli (down) next to it in a map likely made by Hernán Cortés.

Moctezuma, like many of his predecessors, built a tecpan (palace) of his own. This was a particularly large palace, which was somewhat larger than the National Palace that exists today which was built over it, being about 200 meters long and 200 meters wide. However, little archaeological evidence exists to understand what his palace looked like, but the various descriptions of it and the space it covered have helped reconstruct various features of its layout. Even so, these descriptions tend to be limited, as many writers were unable to describe them in detail. The Spanish captain Hernán Cortés, the main commander of the Spanish troops that entered Mexico in the year 1519, himself stated in his letters to the king of Spain that he would not bother describing it, claiming that it "was so marvelous that it seems to me impossible to describe its excellence."[41]

The palace had a large courtyard that opened into the central plaza of the city to the north, where Templo Mayor was. This courtyard was a place where hundreds of courtiers would hold multiple sorts of activities, including feasts and waiting for royal business to be conducted. This courtyard had suites of rooms that surrounded smaller courtyards and gardens.[41]

Remains of the Casa Denegrida in the Museo Nacional de las Culturas at the time of its excavation

His residence had many rooms for various purposes. Aside from his room, at the central part of the upper floor, there were two rooms beside it which were known as coacalli (guest house). One of these rooms was built for the lords of Tlacopan and Texcoco, the other two members of the Triple Alliance, who came to visit. The other room was for the lords of Colhuacan, Tenayohcan (today known as Tenayuca) and Chicuhnautlan (today, Santa María Chiconautla [es]). The exact reason why this room had this purpose remains uncertain, though a few records like Codex Mendoza say the reason was that these lords were personal friends of Moctezuma. There was also another room which became known as Casa Denegrida de Moctezuma (Spanish: Moctezuma's Black House), a room with no windows and fully painted black which was used by Moctezuma to meditate. Remains of this room have been found in recent years in modern Mexico City.[42] The upper floor had a large courtyard which was likely used as a cuicacalli, for public shows during religious rituals. The bottom floor had two rooms which were used by the government. One of them was used for Moctezuma's advisors and judges who dealt with the situations of the commoners (likely the Tlacxitlan). The other room was for the war council (likely the Tequihuacalli), where high-ranking warriors planned and commanded their battles.[43]

As part of the construction of Moctezuma's palace, various projects were made which made it more prestigious by providing entertainment to the public.

The Totocalli as depicted in the Florentine Codex

One of the most famous among these projects was the Totocalli [es] (House of Birds), a zoo which had multiple sorts of animals, mainly avian species, but also contained several predatory animals in their section. These animals were taken care of by servants who cleaned their environments, fed them, and offered them care according to their species. The species of birds held within the zoo were widely varied, holding animals like quetzals, eagles, true parrots, and others, and also included water species like roseate spoonbills and various others that had their pond.[44][45]

The section with animals other than birds, which was decorated with figures of gods associated with the wild, was also considerably varied, having jaguars, wolves, snakes, and other smaller predatory animals. These animals were fed on hunted animals like deer, turkeys, and other smaller animals. Allegedly, the dead bodies of sacrificial victims were also used to feed these animals, and after the battle known as La Noche Triste, which occurred during the early stages of the Spanish conquest of the Aztec Empire in June 1520 (during which Moctezuma died), the bodies of dead Spaniards may have been used to feed them.[46]

This place was highly prestigious, and all sorts of important people are said to have used to visit this place, including artists, craftsmen, government officials, and blacksmiths.[45]

The Totocalli, however, was burnt and destroyed, along with many other constructions, in the year 1521 during the Siege of Tenochtitlan, as the Spanish captain Hernán Cortés ordered for many of the buildings that formed part of the royal palaces to be burnt to demoralize the Mexica army and civilians. Though Cortés himself admitted that he enjoyed the zoo, he stated that he saw it as a necessary measure in his third letter to King Charles I of Spain.[47]

Another construction was the Chapultepec aqueduct, built in 1506 to bring fresh water directly from Chapultepec to Tenochtitlan and Tlatelolco.[24] This water was driven to the merchant ports of the city for people to drink and to the temples.[48] This aqueduct was destroyed less than a year after Moctezuma's death, during the Siege of Tenochtitlan in 1521, as the Spaniards decided to destroy it to cut Tenochtitlan's water supply. Some Mexica warriors attempted to resist its destruction, but were repelled by the Tlaxcalan allies of the Spanish.[49]

Territorial expansion during his rule, military actions and foreign policy

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Celebrations during Moctezuma's coronation according to the Durán Codex

At the beginning of his rule, he attempted to build diplomatic ties with Tlaxcala, Huexotzinco (today, Huejotzingo), Chollolan (Cholula), Michoacan, and Metztitlán, by secretly inviting the lords of these countries to attend the celebrations for his coronation before the continuation of the flower wars, which were wars of religious nature arranged voluntarily by the parties involved with no territorial purposes, but instead to capture and sacrifice as many soldiers as possible. During this period, Mexico and Tlaxcala still were not at war, but the tension between these nations was high, and the embassy sent for this purpose was put in a highly risky situation, for which reason Moctezuma chose as members of the embassy only experts in diplomacy, espionage, and languages. Fortunately, his invitation was accepted, and Moctezuma used this opportunity to show his greatness to the lords who attended. However, because the invitation was secret to avoid a scandal for inviting his rivals to this ceremony, Moctezuma ordered that no one should know that the lords were present, not even the rulers of Tlacopan (today known as Tacuba) and Texcoco, and the lords saw themselves often forced to pretend to be organizers to avoid confusion.[50] Though Moctezuma would continue to hold meetings with these people, where various religious rituals were held, it did not take long for large-scale conflicts to erupt between these nations.

An important thing to note is that contrary to popular belief, Tlaxcala was not Mexico's most powerful rival in the central Mexican region in this period, and it would not be so until the final years of pre-Hispanic Mexico in 1518–19. In the opening years of the 16th century, Huejotzingo was Mexico's actual military focus, and it proved itself to be one of the most powerful political entities until these final years, as a series of devastating wars weakened the state into being conquered by Tlaxcala.[51]

During his reign, he married the queen of Ecatepec, Tlapalizquixochtzin,[2] making him king consort of this altepetl, though according to the chronicle written by Bernal Díaz del Castillo, very few people in Mexico knew about this political role, being only a few among his closest courtiers among those who knew.[52]

Early military campaigns

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Moctezuma's military victories listed in Codex Mendoza

The first military campaign during his rule, which was done in honor of his coronation, was the violent suppression of a rebellion in Nopala and Icpatepec. For this war, a force of over 60,000 soldiers from Tenochtitlan, Texcoco, Tepanec lands, Chalco, and Xochimilco participated, and Moctezuma himself went to the frontlines. Approximately 5100 prisoners were taken after the campaign, many of whom were given to inhabitants of Tenochtitlan and Chalco as slaves, while the rest were sacrificed in his honor on the fourth day of his coronation. In Nopala, Mexica soldiers committed a massacre and burned down the temples and houses, going against Moctezuma's wishes.[53] After the campaign, celebrations for his coronation continued in Tenochtitlan.[54] Moctezuma's territorial expansion, however, would not truly begin until another rebellion was suppressed in Tlachquiauhco (today known as Tlaxiaco), where its ruler, Malinalli, was killed after trying to start the rebellion. In this campaign, all adults above the age of 50 within the city were killed under Moctezuma's orders as he blamed them for the rebellion.[55] A characteristic fact about Moctezuma's wars was that a large portion of them had the purpose of suppressing rebellions rather than conquering new territory, contrary to his predecessors, whose main focus was territorial expansion.[17]

Rebellions

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Human sacrifice as shown in the Codex Magliabechiano, Folio 70. Heart-extraction was viewed as a means of liberating the Istli and reuniting it with the Sun: the victim's transformed heart flies Sun-ward on a trail of blood.

During his reign, multiple rebellions were suppressed by the use of force and often ended with violent results. As mentioned previously, the first campaign during his reign, which was done in honor of his coronation, was the suppression of a rebellion in Nopallan (today known as Santos Reyes Nopala) and Icpatepec (a Mixtec town that no longer exists which was near Silacayoapam), both in modern-day Oaxaca.[20] The prisoners taken during this campaign were later used as slaves or for human sacrifice.

After Mexico suffered a humiliating defeat at Atlixco during a flower war against Huejotzingo (see below), many sites in Oaxaca rebelled, likely under the idea that the empire's forces were weakened. However, Moctezuma was able to raise an army numbering 200,000 and marched over the city of Yancuitlan (today known as Yanhuitlan), a city which had been previously conquered by Tizoc, and conquered Zozollan in the process. Abundant territorial expansion was carried out following this.[56]

Another notable rebellion occurred in Atlixco (in modern-day Puebla), a city neighboring Tlaxcala which had previously been conquered by Ahuizotl.[17] This rebellion occurred in 1508, and was repressed by a prince named Macuilmalinatzin.[25] This wasn't the first conflict that occurred in this region, as its proximity with Tlaxcala and Huejotzingo would cause multiple conflicts to erupt in this area during Moctezuma's reign.

A large series of rebellions occurred in 1510, likely as a result of astrological predictions halting some Mexica military operations to a degree. Moctezuma would try to campaign against these rebellions one at a time throughout the following years, campaigning against territories in Oaxaca, including Icpatepec again, in 1511 or 1512.[57] Some of these revolts occurred as far south as Xoconochco (today known as Soconusco) and Huiztlan (today, Huixtla), far down where the Mexican-Guatemalan border is today. These territories were highly important to the empire and had been previously conquered by his predecessor Ahuizotl, thus Moctezuma had to maintain them under his control.[58] These revolts occurred in so many locations that the empire was unable to deal with all of them effectively.

Territorial expansion

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The empire's expansion during Moctezuma's rule was mainly focused on southwestern Mesoamerican territories, in Oaxaca and modern-day Guerrero. The earliest conquests in this territory were held by Moctezuma I.

The first important conquest during Moctezuma's rule occurred in the year 1504 when the city of Achiotlan (today known as San Juan Achiutla) was conquered. This war, according to some sources, was supposedly mainly caused by "a small tree which belonged to a lord of the place which grew such beautiful flowers Moctezuma's envy couldn't resist it", and when Moctezuma asked for it, the lord of the city refused to offer it, thus starting the war. After the conquest, this tree was supposedly taken to Tenochtitlan. The second conquest occurred in Zozollan, a place neighboring east of Achiutla, on 28 May 1506, during the campaign against the Yanhuitlan rebellion. This conquest had a particularly violent result, as a special sacrifice was held after the campaign where the prisoners captured in Zozollan were the victims. "The Mexicans killed many of the people from Zozola [sic] which they captured in war", according to History of the Mexicans as Told by Their Paintings, an early colonial source based on Aztec codices.[59]

In the year 1507, the year of the New Fire Ceremony, abundant military action occurred. Among the towns that are listed to have been conquered this year are: Tecuhtepec (from which multiple prisoners were sacrificed for the ceremony), Iztitlan, Nocheztlan (an important town northeast of Achiutla), Quetzaltepec, and Tototepec.[59]

Folios 30 to 31 (right to left) of Codex Azoyú 1 depicting the campaigns launched by Moctezuma II in Tlapanec lands.
Campaigns launched by the Mexica over the Tlapanec Kingdom of Tlachinollan, including the conquest of Tototepec by Moctezuma II. The map doesn't show his campaigns against Xipetepec, Acocozpan, Tetenanco, and Atlitepec.

The conquest of Tototepec formed part of the conquests of some of the last few Tlapanec territories of modern-day Guerrero, an area which had already been in decline since Moctezuma I began his first campaigns in the region and probably turned the Kingdom of Tlachinollan (modern-day Tlapa) into a tributary province during the rule of Lord Tlaloc between 1461 and 1467 (though the kingdom would not be invaded and fully conquered until the reign of Ahuizotl in 1486, along with Caltitlan, a city neighboring west of Tlapa). In between the years of 1503 and 1509, a campaign was launched against Xipetepec, and another was launched (as mentioned previously) in 1507 against Tototepec, which had previously been a territory conquered by Tlachinollan in the mid-14th century. The campaign in Tototepec occurred as the result of a large group of Mexica merchants sent by Moctezuma being killed after they attempted to trade for some of the resources of the area on his behalf.[60] During the conquest of Tototepec, two important Mexica noblemen, Ixtlilcuechahuac and Huitzilihuitzin (not to be confused with the tlatoani of this name), were killed.[25] All the population of Tototepec, except for the children, was massacred by the Mexica forces, and about 1350 captives were taken.[61] Another campaign was launched in 1515 to conquer Acocozpan and Tetenanco and reconquer Atlitepec, which had been previously conquered by Ahuizotl in 1493.[62]

The massacre of Mexica merchants in Quetzaltepec. Durán Codex

Quetzaltepec was conquered on the same campaign as Tototepec, as both reportedly murdered the merchants sent by Moctezuma in the area. The Mexica managed to raise an army of 400,000 and first conquered Tototepec. Quetzaltepec was also conquered, but it rebelled along with various sites across Oaxaca soon after when the Mexica lost the Battle of Atlixco against Huejotzingo. Being a fortified city with six walls, the Mexica put the city under siege for several days, with the each of groups of the Triple Alliance attacking from various locations and having over 200 wooden ladders constructed under Moctezuma's orders. The Mexica eventually emerged victorious, successfully conquering the city.[63]

Several military defeats occurred in some of these expansionist campaigns, however, such as the invasion of Amatlan in 1509, where an unexpected series of snowstorms and blizzards killed many soldiers, making the surviving ones too low in numbers to fight.[57]

War with Cuatzontlan. Durán Codex
Tequihua spies gathering information on an enemy city during the night. Codex Mendoza

An important campaign was the conquest of Xaltepec (today known as Jaltepec) and Cuatzontlan and the suppression of the last revolt in Icpatepec, all in Oaxaca. This war started as the result of provocations given by Jaltepec against Moctezuma through killing as many Mexicas as they could find in their area, as some sort of way to challenge him, and the beginning of the revolt by Icpatepec as the result. The Xaltepeca had done this before with previous tlatoanis and other nations. Moctezuma and the recently elected ruler of Tlacopan themselves went to the fight, along with Tlacaelel's grandson and cihuacoatl of Mexico in this period Tlacaeleltzin Xocoyotl.[64] A large portion of the weapons and food was brought by Tlatelolco, though they were initially hesitant to do so, but were ordered by Moctezuma to offer it as a tribute to Tenochtitlan, and they received multiple rewards as the result, including the permission to rebuild their main temple (which had been partially destroyed during the Battle of Tlatelolco which occurred during Axayacatl's reign). This campaign had a highly violent result; Moctezuma, after receiving information on the cities gathered by his spies, ordered for all adults in the sites above the age of 50 to be killed to prevent a rebellion once the cities were conquered, similar to the war in Tlachquiauhco. The conquest was done by dividing the army that was brought in 3 divisions; one from Tlacopan, one from Texcoco, and one from Tenochtitlan, so that each one attacked a different city. The Tenochtitlan company attacked Jaltepec. Moctezuma came out victorious and then returned to Mexico through Chalco, where he received many honors for his victory.[65] This war likely happened in 1511, as a war against Icpatepec is recorded to have happened again in that year.[59]

After the campaigns in the Oaxaca region, Moctezuma began to move his campaigns into northern and eastern territories around 1514, conquering the site of Quetzalapan, a Chichimec territory through the Huastec region, taking 1332 captives and suffering minimal casualties, with only 95 reported losses. Likely around this time, many other territories in the region were also conquered. He also went to war against the Tarascan Empire for the first time since Axayácatl was defeated in his disastrous invasion. This war caused high casualties on both sides. The Mexica succeeded at taking a large amount of captives, but failed to conquer any territory.[66]

Among the final military campaigns carried out by Moctezuma, aside from the late stages of the war against Tlaxcala, were the conquests of Mazatzintlan and Zacatepec, which formed part of the Chichimec region.[67]

Map showing the expansion of the Aztec Empire through conquest. The conquests of Moctezuma II are marked by the color green (based on the maps by Ross Hassig in Aztec Warfare).

The approximate number of military engagements during his rule before European contact was 73, achieving victory in approximately 43 sites (including territories already within the empire),[59] making him one of the most active monarchs in pre-Hispanic Mexican history in terms of military actions.[17]

However, his rule and policies suffered a very sudden interruption upon the news of the arrival of Spanish ships in the east in 1519 (see below).

Texcoco crisis

[edit]

One of the most controversial events during his reign was the supposed overthrow of the legitimate government of Nezahualpilli in Texcoco. Historians such as Alva Ixtlilxóchitl even went as far as referring to this action as "diabolical", while also making claims that are not seen in other chronicles and are generally not trusted by modern historians.[68][N.B. 3]

Nezahualpilli's death

[edit]
Nezahualpilli's funeral, according to the Durán Codex

The circumstances of Nezahualpilli's death are not clear, and many sources offer highly conflicting stories about the events that resulted in it.

According to Alva Ixtlilxóchitl, the issue began when Moctezuma sent an embassy to Nezahualpilli reprimanding him for not sacrificing any Tlaxcalan prisoners since the last 4 years, during the war with Tlaxcala (see below), threatening him saying that he was angering the gods. Nezahualpilli replied to this embassy stating that the reason he had not sacrificed them was that he simply did not want to wage war because he and his population wanted to live peacefully for the time being, as the ceremonies that would be held in the following year, 1 reed, would make war inevitable, and that soon his wishes would be granted. Eventually, Nezahualpilli launched a campaign against Tlaxcala, though he did not go himself, instead sending two of his sons, Acatlemacoctzin and Tecuanehuatzin, as commanders. Moctezuma then decided to betray Nezahualpilli by sending a secret embassy to Tlaxcala telling them about the incoming army. The Tlaxcalans then began to take action against the Texcoca while they were unaware of this betrayal. The Texcoco armies were ambushed in the middle of the night. Almost none of the Texcoca survived the fight. Upon receiving the news of Moctezuma's betrayal, understanding that nothing could be done about it and fearing for the future of his people, Nezahualpilli committed suicide in his palace.[69]

This story, however, as mentioned before, is not generally trusted by modern historians, and much of the information given contradicts other sources.

Sources do agree, however, that Nezahualpilli's last years as ruler were mainly characterized by his attempts to live a peaceful life, likely as the result of his old age. He spent his last months mostly inactive in his rule and his advisors, on his request, took most of the government's decisions during this period. He assigned two men (of whom details are mostly unknown) to take control of almost all government decisions. These sources also agree that he was found dead in his palace, but the cause of his death remains uncertain.[70]

His death is recorded to have been mourned in Texcoco, Tenochtitlan, Tlacopan, and even Chalco and Xochimilco, as all of these altepeme gave precious offerings, like jewelry and clothes, and sacrifices in his honor. Moctezuma himself was reported to have broken into tears upon receiving the news of his death. His death was mourned for 80 days. This was recorded as one of the largest funeral ceremonies in pre-Hispanic Mexican history.[71]

Succession crisis

[edit]

Elections

[edit]
Cacamatzin as tlatoani of Texcoco. Florentine Codex

Since Nezahualipilli died abruptly in the year 1516, he left no indication as to who his successor would be. He had six legitimate sons: Cacamatzin, Coanacochtli (later baptized as Don Pedro), Tecocoltzin (baptized as Don Hernando), Ixtlilxochitl II (baptized as Don Hernando), Yoyontzin (baptized as Don Jorge) and Tetlahuehuetzquititzin (baptized as Don Pedro), all of whom would eventually take the throne, though most of them after the Spanish conquest of the Aztec Empire.[72] His most likely heir was Tetlahuehuetzquititzin, as he was the wealthiest among Nezahualpilli's sons, but he was considered inept for the job. His other most likely heirs were Ixtlilxochitl, Coanacochtli, and Cacamatzin, though not everyone supported them as they were considerably younger than Tetlahuehuetzquititzin, as Ixtlilxochitl was 19 years old and Cacamatzin was about 21.[73] Moctezuma supported Cacamatzin since he was his nephew. In the end, the Texcoco council voted in favor of Moctezuma's decision, and Cacamatzin was declared tlatoani, being that he was the son of Moctezuma's sister Xocotzin and was older than his two other brothers. Though Coanacochtli felt the decision was fair, Ixtlilxochitl disagreed with the results and protested against the council.[74] Ixtlilxochitl argued that the reason why Moctezuma supported Cacamatzin was because he wanted to manipulate him so that he could take over Texcoco, being that he was his uncle. Coanacochtli responded that the decision was legitimate and that even if Cacamatzin was not elected Ixtlilxochitl would not have been elected either, as he was younger than the two. Cacamatzin stayed quiet during the whole debate. Eventually, the members of the council shut down the debate to prevent a violent escalation. Though Cacamatzin was officially declared tlatoani, the coronation ceremony didn't occur that day, and Ixtlilxochitl used this as an opportunity to plan his rebellion against him.[75]

Ixtlilxóchitl's rebellion

[edit]

Shortly after the election, Ixtlilxochitl began to prepare his revolt by going to Metztitlán to raise an army, threatening civil war. Cacamatzin went to Tenochtitlan to ask Moctezuma for help. Moctezuma, understanding Ixtlilxochitl's war-like nature, decided to support Cacamatzin with his military forces should a conflict begin and try to talk Ixtlilxochitl into stopping the conflict, and also suggested taking Nezahualpilli's treasure to Tenochtitlan to prevent a sacking. According to Alva Ixtlilxóchitl, Cacamatzin asked Moctezuma for help after Ixtlilxochitl went to Metztitlán,[76] while other sources claim that Ixtlilxochitl went to Metztitlán because of Cacamatzin's visit to Moctezuma.[77]

Ixtlilxochitl first went to Tulancingo with 100,000 men, where he was received with many honors and recognized as the real king of Texcoco. He then accelerated his pace, possibly because he received worrying news from Texcoco, and advanced to the city of Tepeapulco, where he was also welcomed. He soon advanced to Otompan (today known as Otumba, State of Mexico), where he sent a message before his entrance in hopes of being received as a king there as well. However, the people of Otumba supported Cacamatzin and informed Ixtlilxochitl that such a demand would not be fulfilled. Ixtlilxochitl therefore sent his troops to invade the city, and after a long fight the troops began to gradually retreat and its ruler was killed. When the news of this fight was heard in Texcoco, all events, religious or not, were canceled, soldiers were recruited, troops were sent from Tenochtitlan to the city and Cacamatzin and Coanacochtli fortified the city to avoid an invasion.[78]

He eventually reached Texcoco and placed the city under siege, while also occupying the cities of Papalotlan, Acolman, Chicuhnautlan (today known as Santa María Chiconautla [es]), Tecacman, Tzonpanco (Zumpango), and Huehuetocan to take every possible entrance Moctezuma could use to send his troops to Texcoco. Moctezuma, however, used his influence to enter the city of Texcoco and obtain access to the Acolhua cities not yet occupied by Ixtlilxochitl. Cacamatzin used this opportunity to send a commander from Iztapalapa named Xochitl to arrest Ixtlilxochitl as peacefully as possible. Moctezuma approved this decision and Xochitl was sent along with some troops. Ixtlilxochitl was quickly informed about this and, as per the custom of war, informed Xochitl that he was going to fight him. A short battle occurred some time after in which Xochitl was captured and later publicly executed by burning. Once the news of this defeat was heard by Moctezuma, he ordered that no more military engagements be done for the moment to prevent further escalation and that he wanted to rightfully punish Ixtlilxochitl for what he did at a more appropriate moment. In the meantime, the brothers agreed to try to reach a consensus through a peaceful debate, as Ixtlilxochitl did not want to fight either, as he claimed that he only sent the troops as a means of protest and not to wage war.[79] However, this would only be done under the condition that Moctezuma would not get involved by any means.[80] The three brothers then agreed to divide the province of Acolhuacan (where Texcoco was the de facto capital) in three parts, one for each brother, and that Cacamatzin would continue to rule over Texcoco.[81]

At some point, however, Ixtlilxochitl sought refuge outside of Texcoco to avoid facing a conflict with Cacamatzin.[82]

Spanish involvement

[edit]
Coronation of Ixtlilxóchitl II and arrest of Cacamatzin, as depicted by the New-Spanish artists Juan González and Miguel González

This crisis would later become relevant again after the Spanish arrived at Tenochtitlan, when Cacamatzin, who initially welcomed the Spaniards when they first entered in November 1519, attempted to raise an army against them for imprisoning Moctezuma (see below) by calling for the people of Coyoacan, Tlacopan, Iztapalapa and the Matlatzinca people to enter the city, kill the Spaniards and free Moctezuma in early 1520. The Spanish captain Hernán Cortés, who was the main commander of the Spanish troops who entered Mexico, decided to act and ordered Moctezuma to send someone to arrest Cacamatzin before the attack. Moctezuma suggested that Ixtlilxochitl be sent due to the crisis, as then he could take the throne and prevent another succession crisis. He still tried to establish negotiations between the Texcoco leadership and the Spaniards but was unable to change Cacamatzin's mind. Eventually, Moctezuma sent troops to secretly arrest Cacamatzin in his palace and send him to Mexico after he ordered for three of his commanders to be arrested for suggesting requesting Mocetzuma's permission for the attack and telling him that there was no chance of entering into negotiations with the Spaniards. Ixtlilxochitl became the likely de facto leader of Texcoco afterwards,[83] though according to Bernardino de Sahagún, it was Tecocoltzin who officially took the title of tlatoani after Cacamatzin's arrest and Ixtlilxochitl would not officially become the tlatoani until a year later.[84]

Baptism of Ixtlilxochitl II, by José Vivar y Valderrama

Ixtlilxochitl continued fighting for the Spaniards afterwards, became a personal friend of Cortés, converted to Christianity and participated in the Spanish conquest of Honduras in 1525.[84] His figure has remained controversial in the historical record, as some have seen him as a man who betrayed his people for his ambition,[85] while others have seen him as a brave warrior who fought against the tyrannical rule of Moctezuma II and liberated the peoples he subjugated with the help of Hernán Cortés.[86]

War with Tlaxcala, Huejotzingo and their allies

[edit]

Though the first conflicts between Mexico and Tlaxcala, Huejotzingo, and their allies began during the rule of Moctezuma I in the 1450s, it was during the reign of Moctezuma II that major conflicts broke through.

Battle of Atlixco

[edit]
Battle of Atlixco
Part of the flower wars

The defeat suffered at the battle of Atlixco against Huejotzingo, according to the Durán Codex
Datec. 1503/1507
Location
Atlixco, Mexico
Result

Huejotzingo Pyrrhic victory:

  • Mexico forces retreated with massive losses.
  • Huejotzingo military forces highly weakened by massive losses.
Belligerents
Mexica Empire Huejotzingo
Supported by:
Commanders and leaders
  • Tlacahuepan 
  • Moctezuma II
Tecayahuatzin(?)
Strength
100,000 warriors Unknown (possibly 100,000 warriors)
Casualties and losses
  • Possibly over 20,000 killed
  • Many wounded
  • Possibly over 20,000 killed
  • Many captured

Planning and preparations

[edit]

Approximately in the year 1503 (or 1507, after the conquest of Tototepec, according to historian Diego Durán),[87] a massive battle occurred in Atlixco which was fought mainly against Huejotzingo, a kingdom that used to be one of the most powerful ones in the Valley of Mexico.[88] The war was provoked by Moctezuma himself, who wanted to go to war against Huejotzingo because it had been many months since the last war. The local rulers of the region accepted Moctezuma's proposal to wage this war. It was declared as a flower war, and the invitation to go to war was accepted by the people of Huejotzingo, Tlaxcala, Cholula, and Tliliuhquitepec, a city-state nearby. The war was arranged to occur in the plains of Atlixco. Moctezuma went to the fight along with four or five of his brothers and two of his nephews.[89]

He named one of his brothers (or children, according to some sources),[90] Tlacahuepan, as the main commander of the troops against the troops of Huejotzingo. He was assigned 100,000 troops to fight. Tlacahuepan decided to begin the fight by dividing the troops into three groups which would attack one after the other, the first being the troops from Texcoco, then from Tlacopan, and lastly from Tenochtitlan.

Battle

[edit]

He began by sending 200 troops to launch skirmishes against the Huexotzinca, but despite the large numbers and skirmishes, he was unable to break the enemy lines. The group of Texcoco suffered huge losses and once they were unable to fight they were put to rest while the group from Tlacopan was sent. However, they were still unable to break the lines. The Tenochca group then advanced and pushed to aid the Tepanecs of Tlacopan, causing multiple casualties against the Huexotzinca, but the lines were still not broken as more reinforcements arrived. Eventually, Tlacahuepan saw himself surrounded, and though he initially resisted, he finally surrendered. Though the Huexotzinca wanted to take him alive, he asked to be sacrificed there on the battlefield, and so he was killed, and then the rest of the Mexica troops retreated.[91] The result of this battle was considered humiliating for the empire. According to primary records, about 40,000 people were killed on both sides (possibly meaning that about 20,000 died on each side).[92] Some important Mexica noblemen were also killed during the engagement, including Huitzilihuitzin (not to be confused with the tlatoani of this name), Xalmich and Cuatacihuatl.

Aftermath

[edit]

Regardless, multiple prisoners were taken after the fight, who were later sacrificed in Moctezuma's honor.[89] Tlacahuepan was remembered as a hero despite the loss, and many songs were dedicated to him to be remembered through poetry. In one song called Ycuic neçahualpilli yc tlamato huexotzinco. Cuextecayotl, Quitlali cuicani Tececepouhqui (The song of Nezahualpilli when he took captives in Huexotzinco. [It tells of] the Huastec themes, it was written down by the singer Tececepouhqui), he's referred as "the golden one, the Huastec lord, the owner of the sapota skirt", about the god Xipe Totec, and also states "With the flowery liquor of war, he is drunk, my nobleman, the golden one, the Huastec Lord", about his Huastec heritage, using the stereotype that the Huastecs were drunkards.[93] Anyway, the defeat was a humiliating one, and Moctezuma is said to have cried in anguish upon hearing of the death of Tlacahuepan and the massive loss of soldiers. Moctezuma himself welcomed the soldiers who survived back into Mexico, while the population that welcomed them mourned.[94]

The fact that the Huexotzinca also suffered massive casualties caused their military power to be highly weakened by this battle and various others, and so this could be seen as the beginning of the fall of Huejotzingo, as multiple military losses against Tlaxcala and Mexico in the following years eventually led to its fall, despite the victory in the fight.[95]

Other battles against Huejotzingo and its allies

[edit]

Various other battles occurred in the following years between Mexico and Huejotzingo, and though none of them were as big as the Battle of Atlixco, they still caused significant losses on both sides; high losses for Mexico and significant losses for Huejotzingo.

An engagement which occurred likely in the year of 1506. This fight was another flower war which was proposed by Cholula, with support from Huejotzingo, to be fought in Cuauhquechollan (today known as Huaquechula, in modern-day Puebla), near Atlixco. Though Moctezuma did not want to fight as a result of the previous defeat in Atlixco, he saw no other option and prepared for the fight. In this fight, warriors from Texcoco, Tlacopan, Chalco, Xochimilco, and modern-day Tierra Caliente participated. This battle reportedly ended with 8200 Mexicas killed or captured. However, the Mexica are said to have dealt a similar number of casualties in this one-day battle. The result of this battle was indecisive, as some reported it as a victory, but it seems Moctezuma II took it as a defeat and was highly upset about it, to the point that he complained against the gods.[96]

Fernando Alvarado Tezozómoc, however, reports that 10,000 Mexicas died in this fight and that the Mexica were so angry about the fight that they called for reinforcements who committed a "cruel slaughter" and captured 800 more enemies. He lists the number of Huexotzinco-Cholula casualties as 5600 killed and 400 captured in one other engagement afterwards, which resulted in 8200 Mexicas killed or captured.[92]

Invasion of Tlaxcala

[edit]

Initial stages

[edit]

It was approximately in the year 1504 or 1505 when the first large-scale conflicts between Mexico and Tlaxcala began. In this period, Moctezuma thought about placing the entire country under siege, understanding that most of it was surrounded by territories belonging to the empire. The ruler of Huejotzingo, Tecayahuatzin, sympathized with Moctezuma despite their connections with Tlaxcala and conflicts in the past, and through bribes and propaganda attempted to ally with Cholula and local Otomi populations to attack Tlaxcala, though with little success. The Tlaxcalans became greatly worried about this and began to grow suspicious of all allies they had fearing a betrayal, as Huejotzingo was one of Tlaxcala's closest states, as proven by its support at the battle of Atlixco. Moctezuma, however, had the disadvantage that many of his dominions surrounding Tlaxcala did not want to fight them, as many of them used to be their allies in the past even with all the promises Moctezuma made, and therefore his support was actually quite limited.

One of the first battles occurred in Xiloxochitlan (today known as San Vicente Xiloxochitla [es]), where multiple atrocities were committed. Despite this, the Tlaxcalan resistance managed to hold out, and after a great struggle, the Huexotzinca armies were repelled, though during the fight the Ocotelolca commander Tizatlacatzin was killed. Many other smaller battles took place in other parts of the border, though none of them were successful.[97]

Moctezuma II receiving the Huexotzinca embassy requesting for aid against the Tlaxcalans. Durán Codex

In response, Tlaxcala launched a counter-invasion against Huejotzingo, knowing that the Huexotzinca had been severely weakened by their fights with the Mexica Empire;[98] their towns were sacked repeatedly and the entire nation was put essentially under siege, and the remains of the nation were now cornered in the region around the Popocatépetl. The Huexotzinca became greatly worried and knew they couldn't win the war alone, therefore a prince named Teayehuatl decided to send an embassy to Mexico to request aid against the Tlaxcalans. According to historians like Durán, this embassy was sent in the year 1507, just after the New Fire Ceremony, while others date this embassy to the year 1512.[99] The embassy informed Moctezuma about the Tlaxcalan counter-invasion, which had been happening for over a year by this point, requesting Moctezuma to do something about the situation to expel the Tlaxcalans from their land. This was not the first time the Huexotzinca had requested aid from Mexico for similar reasons, as the first time was actually around the year 1499, during the reign of Ahuizotl, though this previous request was denied.[100] After consulting Nezahualpilli and the ruler of Tlacopan, Moctezuma agreed to help the Huexotzinca, despite the conflicts they had in the past, and sent a large number of soldiers to help this nation,[101] while also allowing many of their refugees to stay in Tenochtitlan and Chalco.[99]

Late stages

[edit]

With the Mexica forces to support Huejotzingo, the invasion continued from the west with the main force from the towns of Cuauhquechollan, Tochimilco, Itzocan (today known as Izúcar de Matamoros), and a smaller support force from a town named Tetellan (today, Tetela de Ocampo) and from a town named Chietla. The advance was quick, but the Tlaxcalans used the territories they had captured from Huejotzingo to advance safely to Atlixco through the captured areas with little population before the Mexica-Huejotzingo forces spread.[102] Once done, a long fight began between the two forces. The battle lasted 20 days, and both armies suffered huge losses, as the Tlaxcalans had a famous general captured and the Mexica lost so many men that they requested emergency reinforcements, asking for "all kinds of people in the shortest possible time". The Tlaxcalans claimed victory in that fight, and the Mexica were fought into a complete standstill.[99] The following year, Huejotzingo started to suffer a famine as the result of a lack of resources as the Tlaxcalans pushed further into their territory. The Tlaxcalans even went as far as burning down the royal palaces of Huejotzingo and stealing as much food as they could.[103]

Approximately in the year 1516, Huejotzingo abandoned its alliance with the empire.[100]

The devastating wars that broke out against Huejotzingo caused this nation, which had been the most powerful nation in the Valley of Puebla in the opening years of the 16th century, to become weak enough to be conquered by Tlaxcala. This was the point at which Tlaxcala became Mexico's most powerful rival in the central Mexican area. The nation which used to be their main military focus was now the subject of a nation that would later bring the killing blow to the Mexica Empire.[51]

The war between Mexico and Tlaxcala would eventually have devastating consequences, as the Tlaxcalans decided an alliance with Spain against Mexico on 23 September 1519 after a few battles proved that an alliance with this nation could help them destroy Moctezuma's reign.[104]

Contact with the Spanish

[edit]

First interactions with the Spanish

[edit]
Meeting place of Moctezuma and Hernán Cortés, at Calzada de Tlalpan, Mexico City, the road which connects the southernmost part of the city with the central plaza. This plaque commemorating the meeting is located at the eastern wall of the Church of Jesus the Nazarene [es], in Cuauhtémoc borough

In 1518,[24] Moctezuma received the first reports of Europeans landing on the east coast of his empire; this was the expedition of Juan de Grijalva who had landed on San Juan de Ulúa, which although within Totonac territory was under the auspices of the Aztec Empire. Moctezuma ordered that he be kept informed of any new sightings of foreigners at the coast and posted extra watchguards and watchtowers to accomplish this.[105]

When Cortés arrived in 1519, Moctezuma was immediately informed and he sent emissaries to meet the newcomers; one of them was an Aztec noble named Tentlil in the Nahuatl language but referred to in the writings of Cortés and Bernal Díaz del Castillo as "Tendile". As the Spaniards approached Tenochtitlán they allied with the Tlaxcalteca, who were enemies of the Aztec Triple Alliance, and they helped instigate revolt in many towns under Aztec dominion. Moctezuma was aware of this and sent gifts to the Spaniards, probably to show his superiority to the Spaniards and Tlaxcalteca.[106]

On 8 November 1519, Moctezuma met Cortés on the causeway leading into Tenochtitlán and the two leaders exchanged gifts. Moctezuma gave Cortés the gift of an Aztec calendar, one disc of crafted gold, and another of silver. Cortés later melted these down for their monetary value.[107]

According to Cortés, Moctezuma immediately volunteered to cede his entire realm to Charles V, King of Spain. Though some indigenous accounts written in the 1550s partly support this notion, it is still unbelievable for several reasons. As Aztec rulers spoke an overly polite language that needed a translation for their subjects to understand, it was difficult to determine what Moctezuma said. According to an indigenous account, he said to Cortés: "You have come to sit on your seat of authority, which I have kept for a while for you, where I have been in charge for you, for your agents the rulers ..." However, these words might be a polite expression that was meant to convey the exact opposite meaning, which was common in Nahua culture; Moctezuma might have intended these words to assert his stature and multigenerational legitimacy. Also, according to Spanish law, the king had no right to demand that foreign peoples become his subjects, but he had every right to bring rebels to heel. Therefore, to give the Spanish the necessary legitimacy to wage war against the indigenous people, Cortés might just have said what the Spanish king needed to hear.[108]

Host and prisoner of the Spaniards

[edit]
Moctezuma captured and imprisoned by Cortés

Six days after their arrival, Moctezuma became a prisoner in his own house. Exactly why this happened is not clear from the extant sources.

According to the Spanish, the arrest was made as a result of an attack perpetrated by a tribute collector from Nautla named Qualpopoca (or Quetzalpopoca) on a Spanish Totonac garrison. The garrison was under the command of a Spanish captain named Juan de Escalante and the attack was in retaliation for the Totonac rebellion against Moctezuma which started in July 1519 after the Spanish arrived. This attack resulted in the death of many Totonacs and approximately seven Spaniards, including Escalante.[109] Though some Spaniards described that this was the only reason for Moctezuma's arrest, others have suspected that Escalante's death was merely used as an excuse by Cortés to imprison Moctezuma and usurp power over Mexico, positing that Cortés might have planned to imprison Moctezuma before they even met.[110] Cortés himself admitted that he imprisoned Moctezuma primarily to avoid losing control over Mexico, understanding that nearly all of his forces were within his domains.[111]

Moctezuma claimed innocence for this incident, claiming that though he was aware of the attack as Quetzalpopoca brought him the severed head of a Spaniard as a demonstration of his success, he never ordered it and was highly displeased by these events.[112]

Around 20 days after his arrest, Quetzalpopoca was captured, together with his son and 15 nobles who allegedly participated in the attack, and after a brief interrogation, he admitted that indeed Moctezuma was innocent. He was publicly executed by burning soon after, but Moctezuma remained prisoner regardless.[113]

Despite his imprisonment, Moctezuma continued to live a somewhat comfortable life, being free to perform many of his daily activities and being respected as a monarch. Cortés himself even ordered for any soldiers who disrespected him to be physically and roughly punished regardless of rank or position. However, despite still being treated as a respected monarch, he had virtually lost most of his power as emperor as the Spaniards oversaw nearly all of his activities.[114]

Moctezuma repeatedly protected the Spaniards against potential threats using the little power he had left, either under the threat of the Spanish or by his own will, such as during the succession crisis in Texcoco mentioned above, when he ordered for the ruler of Texcoco, Cacamatzin, to be arrested as he was planning to form an army to attack the Spaniards.

The Aztec nobility reportedly became increasingly displeased with the large Spanish army staying in Tenochtitlán, and Moctezuma told Cortés that it would be best if they left. Shortly thereafter, in April 1520, Cortés left to fight Pánfilo de Narváez, who had landed in Mexico to arrest Cortés. During his absence, tensions between Spaniards and Aztecs exploded into the Massacre in the Great Temple, and Moctezuma became a hostage used by the Spaniards to ensure their security.[N.B. 4]

Death

[edit]
Moctezuma's stoning, illustration by Keith Henderson in Montezuma, Lord of the Aztecs by Cottie Burland
Death of Moctezuma and Itzquauhtzin and cremation of Moctezuma as depicted in the Florentine Codex, Book 12

In the subsequent battles with the Spaniards after Cortés' return, Moctezuma was killed. The details of his death are unknown, with different versions of his demise given by different sources.

In his Historia, Bernal Díaz del Castillo states that on 29 June 1520, the Spanish forced Moctezuma to appear on the balcony of his palace,[115] appealing to his countrymen to retreat. Four leaders of the Aztec army met with Moctezuma to talk, urging their countrymen to cease their constant firing upon the stronghold for a time. Díaz states: "Many of the Mexican Chieftains and Captains knew him well and at once ordered their people to be silent and not to discharge darts, stones or arrows, and four of them reached a spot where Montezuma [Moctezuma] could speak to them."[116]

Díaz alleges that the Aztecs informed Moctezuma that a relative of his had risen to the throne and ordered their attack to continue until all of the Spanish were annihilated, but expressed remorse at Moctezuma's captivity and stated that they intended to revere him even more if they could rescue him. Regardless of the earlier orders to hold fire, however, the discussion between Moctezuma and the Aztec leaders was immediately followed by an outbreak of violence. The Aztecs, disgusted by the actions of their leader, renounced Moctezuma and named his brother Cuitláhuac tlatoani in his place. To pacify his people, and undoubtedly pressured by the Spanish, Moctezuma spoke to a crowd but was struck dead by a rock.[117] Díaz gives this account:

They had hardly finished this speech when suddenly such a shower of stones and darts were discharged that (our men who were shielding him having neglected for a moment their duty because they saw how the attack ceased while he spoke to them) he was hit by three stones, one on the head, another on the arm and another on the leg, and although they begged him to have the wounds dressed and to take food, and spoke kind words to him about it, he would not. Indeed, when we least expected it, they came to say that he was dead.[118]

Franciscan friar Bernardino de Sahagún oversaw the recording of two versions of the conquest of the Aztec Empire from the Tenochtitlán-Tlatelolco viewpoint. Book 12 of the Florentine Codex, which indigenous scholars composed under Sahagún's tutelage, is an illustrative, Spanish and Nahuatl account of the Conquest which attributes Moctezuma II's death to Spanish conquistadors. According to the Codex, the bodies of Moctezuma and Itzquauhtzin were cast out of the Palace by the Spanish; the body of Moctezuma was gathered up and cremated at Copulco.

And four days after they had been hurled from the [pyramid] temple, [the Spaniards] came to cast away [the bodies of] Moctezuma and Itzquauhtzin, who had died, at the water's edge at a place called Teoayoc. For at that place there was the image of a turtle carved of stone; the stone had an appearance like that of a turtle.[119]

History of the Indies of New Spain by Dominican friar Diego Durán references both Spanish and indigenous accounts of Moctezuma II's death. Durán notes that Spanish historians and the former conquistador he interviewed recall Moctezuma dying to Aztec projectiles. However, his indigenous text and a historical informant claimed that Cortés' forces stabbed Moctezuma to death.[120] In other indigenous annals, the Aztecs found Moctezuma strangled to death in his palace.[121]

Aftermath

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The Spaniards were forced to flee the city and they took refuge in Tlaxcala and signed a treaty with the natives there to conquer Tenochtitlán, offering the Tlaxcalans control of Tenochtitlán and freedom from any kind of tribute.[citation needed]

Moctezuma was then succeeded by his brother Cuitláhuac, who died shortly afterwards during a smallpox epidemic. He was succeeded by his adolescent nephew, Cuauhtémoc. During the siege of the city, the sons of Moctezuma were murdered by the Aztecs, possibly because they wanted to surrender. By the following year, the Aztec Empire had fallen to an army of Spanish and their Native American allies, primarily Tlaxcalans, who were traditional enemies of the Aztecs.

Contemporary depictions

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Bernal Díaz del Castillo

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Moctezuma II in the Codex Mendoza

The firsthand account of Bernal Díaz del Castillo's True History of the Conquest of New Spain paints a portrait of a noble leader who struggles to maintain order in his kingdom after he is taken prisoner by Hernán Cortés. In his first description of Moctezuma, Díaz del Castillo writes:

The Great Montezuma was about forty years old, of good height, well proportioned, spare and slight, and not very dark, though of the usual Indian complexion. He did not wear his hair long but just over his ears, and he had a short black beard, well-shaped and thin. His face was rather long and cheerful, he had fine eyes, and in his appearance and manner could express geniality or, when necessary, a serious composure. He was very neat and clean and took a bath every afternoon. He had many women as his mistresses, the daughters of chieftains, but two legitimate wives who were Caciques[N.B. 5] in their own right, and only some of his servants knew of it. He was quite free from sodomy. The clothes he wore one day he did not wear again till three or four days later. He had a guard of two hundred chieftains lodged in rooms beside his own, only some of whom were permitted to speak to him.[122]

When Moctezuma was allegedly killed by being stoned to death by his people, "Cortés and all of us captains and soldiers wept for him, and there was no one among us that knew him and had dealings with him who did not mourn him as if he were our father, which was not surprising since he was so good. It was stated that he had reigned for seventeen years, and was the best king they ever had in Mexico, and that he had personally triumphed in three wars against countries he had subjugated. I have spoken of the sorrow we all felt when we saw that Montezuma was dead. We even blamed the Mercedarian friar for not having persuaded him to become a Christian."[123]

Hernán Cortés

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Moctezuma II, from Les vrais pourtraits et vies des hommes illustres, Paris 1584

Unlike Bernal Díaz, who was recording his memories many years after the fact, Cortés wrote his Cartas de relación (Letters from Mexico) to justify his actions to the Spanish Crown. His prose is characterized by simple descriptions and explanations, along with frequent personal addresses to the King. In his Second Letter, Cortés describes his first encounter with Moctezuma thus:

Moctezuma [sic] came to greet us and with him some two hundred lords, all barefoot and dressed in a different costume, but also very rich in their way and more so than the others. They came in two columns, pressed very close to the walls of the street, which is very wide and beautiful and so straight that you can see from one end to the other. Moctezuma came down the middle of this street with two chiefs, one on his right hand and the other on his left. And they were all dressed alike except that Moctezuma wore sandals whereas the others went barefoot, and they held his arm on either side.[124]

Anthony Pagden and Eulalia Guzmán have pointed out the Biblical messages that Cortés seems to ascribe to Moctezuma's retelling of the legend of Quetzalcoatl as a vengeful Messiah who would return to rule over the Mexica. Pagden has written that "There is no preconquest tradition which places Quetzalcoatl in this role, and it seems possible therefore that it was elaborated by Sahagún and Motolinía from informants who themselves had partially lost contact with their traditional tribal histories".[125][126]

Bernardino de Sahagún

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The Florentine Codex, made by Bernardino de Sahagún and indigenous scholars under his tutelage, relied on native informants from Tlatelolco and generally portrays Tlatelolco and Tlatelolcan rulers in a favorable light relative to those of Tenochtitlan. Historian Matthew Restall claims that the Codex depicts Moctezuma as weak-willed, superstitious, and indulgent.[106] James Lockhart suggests that Moctezuma fills the role of a scapegoat for the Aztec defeat.[127]

Other historians have noted that the Codex may not necessarily cast Moctezuma as cowardly and responsible for Spanish colonization. Rebecca Dufendach argues that the Codex reflects the native informants' uniquely indigenous manner of portraying leaders who suffered from poor health brought on by fright.[128]

Fernando Alvarado Tezozómoc

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Fernando Alvarado Tezozómoc, who may have written the Crónica Mexicayotl, was possibly a grandson of Moctezuma II. His chronicle may relate mostly to the genealogy of the Aztec rulers. He described Moctezuma's issue and estimated them to be nineteen – eleven sons and eight daughters.[129]

Depiction in early post-conquest literature

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The Spanish take control of Montezuma in Mexico. Illustration from Philosophical and political history of and trade of Europeans, Jean-Léonard Pellet, Geneva, 1780.

Some of the Aztec stories about Moctezuma describe him as being fearful of the Spanish newcomers, and some sources, such as the Florentine Codex, comment that the Aztecs believed the Spaniards to be gods and Cortés to be the returned god Quetzalcoatl. The veracity of this claim is difficult to ascertain, though some recent ethnohistorians specializing in early Spanish/Nahua relations have discarded it as post-conquest mythicalization.[130]

Much of the idea of Cortés being seen as a deity can be traced back to the Florentine Codex, written some 50 years after the conquest. In the codex's description of the first meeting between Moctezuma and Cortés, the Aztec ruler is described as giving a prepared speech in classical oratorical Nahuatl, a speech which as described verbatim in the codex (written by Sahagún's Tlatelolcan informants) included such prostrate declarations of divine or near-divine admiration as "You have graciously come on earth, you have graciously approached your water, your high place of Mexico, you have come down to your mat, your throne, which I have briefly kept for you, I who used to keep it for you", and, "You have graciously arrived, you have known pain, you have known weariness, now come on earth, take your rest, enter into your palace, rest your limbs; may our lords come on earth." While some historians such as Warren H. Carroll consider this as evidence that Moctezuma was at least open to the possibility that the Spaniards were divinely sent based on the Quetzalcoatl legend, others such as Matthew Restall argue that Moctezuma politely offered his throne to Cortés (if indeed he did ever give the speech as reported) may well have been meant as the exact opposite of what it was taken to mean, as politeness in Aztec culture was a way to assert dominance and show superiority.[131] Other parties have also propagated the idea that the Native Americans believed the conquistadors to be gods, most notably the historians of the Franciscan order such as Fray Gerónimo de Mendieta.[132] Bernardino de Sahagún, who compiled the Florentine Codex, was also a Franciscan priest.

Indigenous accounts of omens and Moctezuma's beliefs

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Cihuacoatl warning with sadness about the destruction of the empire
A weeping lady wandering in the night warning of the destruction of Tenochtitlán
Two depictions of the 6th omen in the Florentine Codex

Bernardino de Sahagún (1499–1590) includes in Book 12 of the Florentine Codex eight events said to have occurred before the arrival of the Spanish. These were purportedly interpreted as signs of a possible disaster, e.g. a comet, the burning of a temple, a crying ghostly woman, and others. Some speculate that the Aztecs were particularly susceptible to such ideas of doom and disaster because the particular year in which the Spanish arrived coincided with a "tying of years" ceremony at the end of a 52-year cycle in the Aztec calendar, which in Aztec belief was linked to changes, rebirth, and dangerous events. The belief of the Aztecs being rendered passive by their superstition is referred to by Matthew Restall as part of "The Myth of Native Desolation" to which he dedicates chapter 6 in his book Seven Myths of the Spanish Conquest.[130] These legends are likely a part of the post-conquest rationalization by the Aztecs of their defeat, and serve to show Moctezuma as indecisive, vain, and superstitious, and ultimately the cause of the fall of the Aztec Empire.[127]

Nezahualpilli (right) telling Moctezuma about the omens warning the destruction of the empire, according to the Durán Codex

According to 16th-century Spanish historian Diego Durán, who was one of the most important chroniclers of the indigenous stories of the empire, Nezahualpilli was among those who informed Moctezuma of the imminent destruction of the empire by a foreign invader, warning him that omens confirming his fears will soon appear. This warning caused Moctezuma great fear and he made a series of erratic decisions immediately after, such as severe punishments against his soldiers for disappointing results after battles against the Tlaxcalans.[133]

Depiction of the 4th omen, a large comet which was seen during daytime, depicted in the Durán Codex

Ethnohistorian Susan Gillespie has argued that the Nahua understanding of history as repeating itself in cycles also led to a subsequent rationalization of the events of the conquests. In this interpretation, the description of Moctezuma, the final ruler of the Aztec Empire before the Spanish conquest, was tailored to fit the role of earlier rulers of ending dynasties—for example, Quetzalcoatl, the mythical last ruler of the Toltecs.[134] In any case it is within the realm of possibility that the description of Moctezuma in post-conquest sources was coloured by his role as a monumental closing figure of Aztec history.[citation needed]

Personal life

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Wives, concubines, and children

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Anonymous portrait of Moctezuma II, 17th century.
Colonial copy of a portrait of Hernán Cortés dated to the year 1525

Moctezuma had numerous wives and concubines by whom he fathered an enormous family, but only two women held the position of queen – Tlapalizquixochtzin and Teotlalco. His partnership with Tlapalizquixochtzin, daughter of Matlaccoatzin of Ecatepec, also made him king consort of Ecatepec since she was queen of that city.[2] However, Spanish accounts describe that very few people in Mexico knew that these two women held such positions of power, some of those who knew being a few of his close servants.[52]

Genealogy of Tecuichpoch

Of his many wives may be named the princesses Teitlalco, Acatlan, and Miahuaxochitl, of whom the first named appears to have been the only legitimate consort. By her, he left a son, Chimalpopoca, who fell during the Noche Triste,[135] and a daughter, Tecuichpoch, later baptized as Isabel Moctezuma. By the Princess Acatlan were left two daughters, baptized as Maria and Mariana (also known as Leonor);[136] the latter alone left offspring, from whom descends the Sotelo-Montezuma family.[137]

Though the exact number of his children is unknown and the names of most of them have been lost to history, according to a Spanish chronicler, by the time he was taken captive, Moctezuma had fathered 100 children and fifty of his wives and concubines were then in some stage of pregnancy, though this estimate may have been exaggerated.[138] As Aztec culture made class distinctions between the children of senior wives, lesser wives, and concubines, not all of his children were considered equal in nobility or inheritance rights. Among his many children were Princess Isabel Moctezuma, Princess Mariana Leonor Moctezuma,[136] and sons Chimalpopoca (not to be confused with the previous huey tlatoani) and Tlaltecatzin.[139] Noteworthy is also Francisca de Moctezuma, his daughter by Tlapalizquixochtzin, Queen-regant of Ecatepec. She married Don Diego de Alvarado Huanitzin, the first governor of Mexico City.

Activities

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Moctezuma was physically fit and practised a variety of sports, among them archery and swimming. He was well-trained in the arts of war, as he was experienced on the battlefield from an early age.[140]

Among the sports he practised, he was an active hunter, and often used to hunt for deer, rabbits, and various birds in a certain section of a forest (likely the Bosque de Chapultepec) that was exclusive to him and whomever he invited. It was prohibited for anyone without permission to enter, and allegedly any trespassers would be put to death. He also used to invite servants to this forest, should he order for certain animals to be hunted for him, which would often be done for the entertainment of his guests.[141]

Moctezuma was recorded to have been heavily obsessed with cleanliness and personal hygiene, such as bathing multiple times a day in his private pool; as well as not wearing the same clothes every day.[52]

A Spanish soldier accompanying Hernan Cortés during the conquest of the Aztec Empire reported that when Moctezuma II dined, he took no other beverage than chocolate, served in a golden goblet. Moctezuma was passionate about chocolate; he had it flavoured with vanilla or other spices such as chili peppers, and his chocolate was whipped into a froth that dissolved in the mouth. No fewer than 60 portions each day reportedly may have been consumed by Moctezuma II, and 2,000 more by the nobles of his court.[142]

Legacy

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Descendants in Mexico and the Spanish nobility

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Coat of arms of the Dukes de Moctezuma de Tultengo (Descendientes del Emperador Mexica Moctezuma II)
Francisco Javier Girón y Ezpeleta Duque de Ahumada

Several lines of descendants exist in Mexico and Spain through Moctezuma II's son and daughters, notably Tlacahuepan Ihualicahuaca, or Pedro Moctezuma, and Tecuichpoch Ixcaxochitzin, or Isabel Moctezuma. Following the conquest, Moctezuma's daughter, Techichpotzin (or Tecuichpoch), became known as Isabel Moctezuma and was given a large estate by Cortés, who also fathered a child by her, Leonor Cortés Moctezuma, who in turn was the mother of Isabel de Tolosa Cortés de Moctezuma.[143][144] Isabel married consecutively to Cuauhtémoc (the last Mexican sovereign), to a conquistador in Cortés' original group, Alonso Grado (died c. 1527), a poblador (a Spaniard who had arrived after the fall of Tenochtitlán), to Pedro Andrade Gallego (died c. 1531), and to conquistador Juan Cano de Saavedra, who survived her.[145] She had children by the latter two, from whom descend the illustrious families of Andrade-Montezuma and Cano-Montezuma. A nephew of Moctezuma II was Diego de Alvarado Huanitzin.

A further line of descendants originates with Doña Francisca Moctezuma, the daughter of Moctezuma II. and Tlapalizquixochtzin, the Queen regnant of Ecatepec. Her grandson Don Pedro Cortés Tetlepanquetzatzin de Tlacopan - his grandfather and husband of Doña Francisca Moctezuma being Don Diego de Alvarado Huanitzin, King of Ecatepec and High-King of Tenochtitlan, later on its first governor under Spanish rule - married Ana de Chilapa, a direct descendant from the rulers of Chilapa, Coyoacán, Xochimilco, Texcoco and also the High-King Axayácatl. Her great-grandson Don Joseph Tesifón Moctezuma, Cacique de Chilapa, married a daughter of Don Antonio de Ordaz Villagómez, the second encomendero of Chilapa,[146] who in turn descended from the House of Ponce de León.[147] The offspring from this marriage thus claim descent not only from several Mexica royal houses but also the Kings of Leon and Castilla. Agustín Moctezuma, the grandson of Joseph Tesifón Moctezuma de Chilapa, married María Antonia Guerrero Dávila, a member of the Guerrero-Dávila family. The founders of this family Juan Guerrero de Luna and Beatriz Gómez Dávila were offspring of conquistadores and together with their children have established several mayorazgos in Mexico incorporating also the inheritance of Alonso “El Rico” de Villaseca, one of the largest fortunes at that time.[148][149] Their main seat were the Houses of the Mayorazgo de Guerrero in Mexico City. Thus, the Cacicazgo of Chilapa, held by old Mexica royalty, and one of the 16th century Mayorazgos of the Spanish nobility in New Spain, were merged within the House of Guerrero-Dávila-Moctezuma. Today, descendants of this branch can be found in Chilapa and Mexico City, the latter (for example the families Sandoval-Alvear and Mariscal-Alvear)[150] being mostly descendants of Roque de Alvear y Herrera and Maria de la Luz Guerrero Dávila Moctezuma. These two played a prominent role in an infamous trial concerning the control over the Mayorazgo Guerrero-Dávila in 1775–1777.[151]

Estaban Moctezuma.

The grandson of Moctezuma II, Pedro's son, Ihuitemotzin, baptized as Diego Luis de Moctezuma, was brought to Spain by King Philip II. There he married Francisca de la Cueva de Valenzuela.[152] In 1627, their son Pedro Tesifón de Moctezuma was given the title Count of Moctezuma (later altered to Moctezuma de Tultengo) and thus became part of the Spanish nobility. In 1766, the holder of the title became a Grandee of Spain. In 1865 (coincidentally during the Second Mexican Empire), the title, which was held by Antonio María Moctezuma-Marcilla de Teruel y Navarro, 14th Count of Moctezuma de Tultengo, was elevated to that of a duke, thus becoming Duke of Moctezuma, with de Tultengo again added in 1992 by Juan Carlos I.

Descendants of Pedro Tesifón de Moctezuma included (through an illegitimate child of his son Diego Luis) General Jerónimo Girón-Moctezuma, 3rd Marquis de las Amarillas (1741–1819), a ninth-generation descendant of Moctezuma II, who was commander of the Spanish forces at the Battle of Fort Charlotte, and his grandson, Francisco Javier Girón y Ezpeleta, 2nd Duke of Ahumada and 5th Marquess of the Amarillas who was the founder of the Guardia Civil in Spain.[153][self-published source] Other holders of Spanish noble titles that descend from the Aztec emperor include Dukes of Atrisco.[154] Researchers believe an additional line of descent exists in Mexico through Ana Francisca de Gabadi y Moctezuma, the wife of Basque nobleman, and early colonist and settler in Mexico, Don Lope Ruiz de Esparza. This Ana Francisca de Gabadi y Moctezuma was the daughter of Martín Navarro and doña Petronila de Moctezuma, believed by some experts to be a direct lineal descendant of Moctezuma II (documental evidence has not been found yet to support this).[155]

Notable descendants from this line include Mexican politicians and philanthropists, Secretary Gerardo Ruiz de Esparza and Luis Rubén (né Valadez Bourbon) of the influential Macias-Valadez in the state of Jalisco, Mexico.[156][157][clarification needed] According to family historian Blanca Barragan Moctezuma, there are between 600 and 700 living descendants of Emperor Moctezuma in Mexico and 350 living in Spain as of 2020. Another notable descendant is Estaban Moctezuma, who served as Secretary of Public Education of the Government of Mexico.[158]

Indigenous mythology and folklore

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Many indigenous peoples in Mexico are reported to worship deities named after the Aztec ruler, and often a part of the myth is that someday the deified Moctezuma shall return to vindicate his people. In Mexico, the contemporary Pames, Otomi, Tepehuán, Totonac, and Nahua peoples are reported to worship earth deities named after Moctezuma.[159] His name also appears in Tzotzil Maya ritual in Zinacantán where dancers dressed as a rain god are called "Moctezumas".[160]

Hubert Howe Bancroft, writing in the 19th century (Native Races, Volume 3), speculated that the name of the historical Aztec emperor Moctezuma had been used to refer to a combination of different cultural heroes who were united under the name of a particular salient representative of Mesoamerican identity.

Symbol of indigenous leadership

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As a symbol of resistance against the Spanish, the name of Moctezuma has been invoked in several indigenous rebellions.[161] One such example was the rebellion of the Virgin Cult in Chiapas in 1721, where the followers of the Virgin Mary rebelled against the Spanish after having been told by an apparition of the virgin that Moctezuma would be resuscitated to assist them against their Spanish oppressors. In the Quisteil rebellion of the Yucatec Maya in 1761, the rebel leader Jacinto Canek reportedly called himself "Little Montezuma".[162]

Portrayals and cultural references

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See also

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Notes

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References

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Moctezuma II (c. 1466 – June 1520), known in Nahuatl as Motecuhzoma Xocoyotzin, served as the ninth huey tlatoani (high ruler) of the Mexica Empire from 1502 until his death.[1][2] Under his leadership, the empire attained its greatest territorial extent through a combination of military conquests, tribute extraction, and alliances, incorporating regions across central Mexico and extending influence southward.[3][4] His reign, marked by elaborate religious ceremonies and administrative centralization, ended amid the invasion by Spanish forces under Hernán Cortés in 1519, culminating in the siege and fall of the capital Tenochtitlan in 1521, shortly after his demise.[1][2] The circumstances of Moctezuma's death—whether at the hands of the Spaniards or his own subjects—remain disputed among historical accounts, reflecting the challenges of reconciling indigenous oral traditions with European chronicles.[5]

Name and Titles

Etymology and Variants

The name Moctezuma, referring to the ninth tlatoani (ruler) of Tenochtitlan, derives from the Classical Nahuatl Motēuczōma, a compound word composed of the reflexive prefix mo- ("he who causes himself"), tēuc- (a variant of tēōtl, denoting "lord" or "divine"), and -zōma ("to frown in anger" or "to resolutely anger").[6] This etymology translates literally to "he who frowns like a lord" or "he who resolutely causes himself to be angry in a lordly manner," evoking an image of authoritative resolve or stern nobility.[7][8] To distinguish him from his predecessor, the fifth tlatoani (r. c. 1440–1469), Moctezuma II bore the epithet Xōcoyōtzin, meaning "beloved youngest son" or "the younger," yielding the full Nahuatl designation Motēuczōma Xōcoyōtzin.[9] Spanish chroniclers, adapting the name phonetically, rendered it as Moctezuma or Moteuzoma, while English usage popularized Montezuma through early translations and accounts, such as those by Hernán Cortés' contemporaries.[7] Other attested variants in historical texts include Motecuhzoma and Motecuzoma, reflecting orthographic inconsistencies in transcribing Nahuatl's glottal stops and vowel lengths by non-native scribes.[10]

Regnal Number and Succession Context

Moctezuma II is designated in modern scholarship as the ninth huey tlatoani (ruling lord) of Tenochtitlan, a numbering convention adopted to distinguish him from the earlier ruler Moctezuma I, who held the position from approximately 1440 to 1469; the Aztecs themselves did not employ regnal numerals for their leaders.[11][2] He ascended following the death of his uncle Ahuitzotl, the eighth tlatoani, in 1502, marking the transition at the empire's territorial peak.[12][2] Succession to the tlatoani was not strictly hereditary but elective, determined by a council of high nobles and representatives from allied city-states such as Texcoco and Tlacopan, who selected from eligible male descendants of the royal lineage based on merit, including military prowess and piety.[11][12] Moctezuma, born as the son of the sixth tlatoani Axayacatl (r. 1469–1481) and nephew to both Tizoc (r. 1481–1486) and Ahuitzotl, emerged as the consensus choice after deliberations among the electors, reflecting his established reputation as a capable warrior-priest.[11][1] This process ensured continuity of the Triple Alliance's dominance while prioritizing leadership qualities deemed essential for governance and expansion.[2]

Early Life and Ascension to Power

Ancestry and Family Background

Moctezuma II, born around 1466, was the son of Axayacatl, the sixth tlatoani of Tenochtitlan who ruled from 1469 to 1481, and his principal wife, identified in historical accounts as Xochicueyetl.[13] Axayacatl ascended to power following the death of his predecessor Motecuhzoma I, consolidating Mexica influence through military campaigns and alliances with neighboring city-states.[14] The ruling family of Tenochtitlan traced its lineage to Acamapichtli, the first tlatoani elected around 1375, establishing a dynastic tradition that emphasized descent from Toltec nobility to legitimize authority.[15] Moctezuma's mother, Xochicueyetl, was reportedly a daughter of Nezahualcóyotl, the poet-king of Texcoco who ruled from 1418 to 1472, linking the Tenochtitlan imperial house to the Acolhua dynasty and reinforcing Triple Alliance bonds.[13] This intermarriage strategy integrated noble bloodlines from allied polities, enhancing political stability amid expansionist pressures. Axayacatl's siblings included Tizoc and Ahuitzotl, who successively ruled as tlatoque after his death in 1481, with Tizoc reigning briefly from 1481 to 1486 and Ahuitzotl from 1486 to 1502; these uncles bypassed Moctezuma's immediate elder siblings, possibly due to ritual or military qualifications required for succession.[16] As the youngest son, denoted by his epithet Xocoyotzin meaning "the younger," Moctezuma grew up within the calpulli of the imperial family in Tenochtitlan, receiving education in warfare, rhetoric, and religious duties typical of noble Aztec youth.[14] Limited records detail his full siblings, though Aztec nobility often produced multiple heirs, with sisters frequently married into tributary states to secure loyalty; this familial network positioned Moctezuma as a key figure in the Mexica aristocracy by the late 15th century.[17]

Military and Political Career Prior to Rule

Motecuhzoma Xocoyotzin, born circa 1466 as the son of tlatoani Axayacatl and a noblewoman from Cuauhnahuac, underwent rigorous training in the calmecac school reserved for elite youth, emphasizing military tactics, religious rites, and governance.[1] He elected the dual role of warrior and priest, distinguishing himself through martial achievements that aligned with Mexica values of capturing foes for ritual sacrifice rather than outright slaughter in conventional warfare.[1] Under the rule of his uncles Tizoc (1481–1486) and Ahuitzotl (1486–1502), Motecuhzoma rose as a prominent military figure, joining expeditions that expanded Aztec influence through conquests and tribute extraction. By the 1490s, he had reportedly captured four enemy captains, earning elite status symbols such as distinctive back devices and lip labrets denoting high warrior rank.[18] These "flower wars" and campaigns honed his skills in leading troops and securing captives, contributing to the empire's prestige and resource flow.[12] A pivotal demonstration of his command occurred during Ahuitzotl's reign when he led a relief force to Ayotlan, where Aztec pochteca merchants had endured a four-year siege by hostile locals. The expedition's arrival prompted swift enemy capitulation, averting prolonged conflict and affirming the strategic protection of trade routes vital for acquiring luxury goods like feathers and cacao. This feat, recorded in indigenous codices, elevated his profile among nobles and priests, paving the way for his selection as successor upon Ahuitzotl's death in 1502.[1][19]

Coronation in 1502

Moctezuma II ascended to the throne as the ninth huey tlatoani (great speaker) of the Aztec Empire following the death of his uncle Ahuitzotl in 1502, after a council of elders elected him based on his military prowess and noble lineage.[20][2] The investiture process adhered to established Aztec protocols, extending over several months and commencing with initial rituals at the Templo Mayor and the royal palace in Tenochtitlan.[2] The ceremonies began with a period of spiritual preparation, including fasting, prayer, and self-mortification, during which Moctezuma ritually wounded himself to offer blood to the gods, a customary act symbolizing devotion and renewal of divine favor.[21] This was followed by a grand procession to the Templo Mayor, where he was enthroned amid homage from nobles, accompanied by music, dancing, and feasting; visiting dignitaries from allied and vassal states attended, underscoring the empire's hierarchical alliances.[12] A key element involved a "coronation war" led by Moctezuma to capture prisoners for ritual sacrifice, ensuring the ceremonies' auspicious completion through offerings to deities like Huitzilopochtli; historical accounts, such as those by Diego Durán drawing from native informants, describe vows by the new ruler to protect the populace, including the vulnerable, as part of the public affirmation of his authority.[11][21] The events culminated in elaborate festivities, depicted in codices with scenes of musicians and communal celebrations, marking the formal consolidation of his rule over an empire at its territorial peak. The Coronation Stone, inscribed with the date corresponding to 1503 in the Aztec calendar (though the ascension is dated to 1502), commemorates these rites and features cosmological motifs like the Five Suns, reflecting the ideological framing of Moctezuma's legitimacy as a divine intermediary.[22][2]

Domestic Rule and Administration (1502-1519)

Governance Structure and Reforms

Moctezuma II governed the Aztec Empire as huey tlatoani, the supreme ruler of the Triple Alliance comprising Tenochtitlan, Texcoco, and Tlacopan, wielding centralized authority supported by a council of high-ranking nobles (pipiltin) and priests.[23] The administrative hierarchy extended through appointed provincial governors, tribute overseers (calpixque), and local lords who managed tribute extraction, labor drafts, and justice under imperial directives, often with military garrisons ensuring compliance.[24] This structure emphasized indirect rule over vassal states while channeling resources—goods, captives, and manpower—directly to the Triple Alliance capitals, with Tenochtitlan dominating distribution.[23] Upon his coronation in 1502, Moctezuma pursued reforms to enhance centralization by creating thirty-eight additional provincial divisions across the empire's expanding territories, enabling tighter bureaucratic oversight and revenue control.[25][26] He deployed officials accompanied by soldiers to collect taxes, enforce laws, adjudicate disputes, and suppress dissent, transforming previously autonomous regions into more integrated administrative units.[25] These measures, including the appointment of loyal kin and allies as governors, replaced disloyal advisors and reinforced personal allegiance to the throne, though they strained relations with allied city-states like Texcoco.[26] Moctezuma also introduced sumptuary regulations and moral codes to rigidify social distinctions, prohibiting commoners (macehualtin) from certain luxuries like cotton attire—previously attainable via warrior merit—and barring them from royal service, thereby elevating noble privileges and curbing upward mobility.[27] He rewarded military elites with lands and titles, fostering elite cohesion while imposing stricter tribute quotas on provinces to fund infrastructure and campaigns.[23] These reforms bolstered imperial cohesion amid territorial growth but arguably sowed internal resentments by diminishing merit-based advancement.[25]

Religious Practices and Human Sacrifices

Aztec religious practices during Moctezuma II's reign (1502–1520) revolved around a polytheistic cosmology demanding ritual offerings to gods such as Huitzilopochtli, the sun and war deity, and Tlaloc, the rain god, to perpetuate the fifth sun's cycle and avert cataclysm. As tlatoani, Moctezuma II served as a divine intermediary, personally performing autosacrifice through bloodletting—piercing his tongue, ears, or calves with maguey thorns or bone awls to collect blood on paper for burning as an offering—exemplifying elite devotion to nourish the gods' vital energy.[28][29] Priests, a hereditary class wielding significant influence, oversaw a ritual calendar of 18 veintenas (20-day months), each featuring processions, fasting, and offerings at the Templo Mayor in Tenochtitlan, where dual shrines to Huitzilopochtli and Tlaloc hosted layered dedications throughout his rule.[30] Human sacrifice constituted the paramount ritual, ideologically justified as reciprocity for divine creation and essential for cosmic stability, with victims symbolizing the gods' primordial self-offering. Primarily male war captives from xochiyaoyotl ("flowery wars") or rebellions, victims were ritually prepared, adorned as ixiptla (god impersonators) in some festivals like Toxcatl, then sacrificed on a chacmool altar or stone atop the Templo Mayor: priests stretched the individual over a convex stone, incised the chest with an obsidian knife, extracted the still-beating heart (yollotl), and offered it in a cuauhxicalli vessel to the sun, smearing blood on temple surfaces. Bodies were dismembered, skulls defleshed for tzompantli racks, and in select cases, limbs distributed for ritual cannibalism by captor warriors to absorb valor.[31][32] Children and women were occasionally selected for deities like Tlaloc during droughts, their tears believed to summon rain.[29] Archaeological evidence from Templo Mayor phases VII–VIII, corresponding to Moctezuma II's era, includes burials with sacrificial victims, obsidian blades, and coprolites indicating blood rituals, while the nearby Hueyi Tzompantli excavation uncovered over 600 skulls (many of children and women) in layers suggesting continuous display of thousands.[33] Spanish eyewitnesses, including Hernán Cortés's forces, documented daily sacrifices upon entering Tenochtitlan in 1519, estimating dozens per ceremony, though chroniclers like Díaz del Castillo inflated figures to tens of thousands empire-wide annually, figures critiqued for bias yet corroborated by indigenous codices and osteological data indicating a scale of thousands yearly in the capital alone to support imperial ideology and social control.[34][35] This intensity, tied to militarism and tribute systems, reflected causal priorities of renewal over humanitarianism, with no evidence of decline under Moctezuma despite reported omens.[36]

Response to Natural Disasters and Reported Omens

In the years preceding the Spanish arrival in 1519, Aztec accounts recorded several unusual natural phenomena and portents, primarily documented in post-conquest sources such as the Florentine Codex compiled by Bernardino de Sahagún between 1545 and 1590 based on interviews with native informants. These included a comet-like apparition with a broad tail visible in the eastern sky for an entire year around 1517, interpreted by priests as a harbinger of calamity; a lightning strike on the temple of Huitzilopochtli in Tenochtitlan that killed several attendants and caused a fire; flames descending from the sky into Lake Texcoco, causing it to boil; and sightings of a heron-like bird carrying a mirror in which warriors were reflected.[37][38] Other reports described abnormal births, such as twins or conjoined figures, and a period of unexplained hunger affecting the populace.[39] Moctezuma II, upon learning of these events, reportedly grew distressed and consulted soothsayers, diviners, and temple priests for interpretations, who attributed them to divine displeasure or impending upheaval.[38] In response, he ordered intensified rituals, including the sacrifice of victims to appease deities like Huitzilopochtli and Tezcatlipoca, and dispatched messengers to distant provinces to gather omens and perform additional offerings.[37] These measures aligned with established Mexica practices of responding to celestial or atmospheric anomalies through propitiatory acts, though no evidence indicates they altered broader military or diplomatic strategies.[40] Historians debate the pre-conquest authenticity of these omens, as they appear exclusively in sources recorded after the Aztec defeat, potentially shaped by hindsight to rationalize the empire's fall rather than reflecting contemporaneous beliefs that paralyzed decision-making.[40][41] Native informants interviewed decades later may have amplified superstitious elements under Spanish influence, which emphasized pagan fatalism to legitimize the conquest, though Sahagún's methodology aimed for ethnographic fidelity.[41] Earlier in Moctezuma's reign, around 1507–1510, crop failures and frosts contributed to famines, prompting tribute reallocations and storage distributions from imperial granaries, but these were managed through administrative rather than primarily ritual means.[42] No verified records link late-reign natural disasters directly to policy shifts beyond the reported omens.

Major Construction Projects and Infrastructure

Moctezuma II oversaw the expansion of the royal palace complex in Tenochtitlan, transforming it into a sprawling administrative and residential center that symbolized imperial power. The palace, located near the Templo Mayor, encompassed multiple courtyards, halls for audiences, and private quarters, constructed using stone, stucco, and wood with intricate carvings and frescoes.[26] This expansion facilitated governance by housing nobility, officials, and tribute storage, while incorporating luxurious features such as artificial ponds and shaded gardens maintained by hundreds of servants.[43] A key component of the palace grounds was the imperial menagerie, known as the House of Animals or Totocalli, which functioned as an early zoo housing exotic and native species collected from across the empire. Descriptions from Spanish chroniclers indicate it included enclosures for jaguars, eagles, wolves, deer, and serpents, alongside aquariums stocked with freshwater and saltwater fish, demonstrating advanced containment and feeding systems.[44] Adjacent aviaries, or Houses of Birds, sheltered thousands of tropical species like parrots and quetzals, organized by plumage color in vast netted structures supported by poles, reflecting both aesthetic and symbolic religious purposes tied to Mesoamerican cosmology.[45] These projects relied on coerced labor from tributary provinces and resources from military campaigns, underscoring the extractive nature of Aztec imperial infrastructure. While enhancing Tenochtitlan's prestige and Moctezuma's divine image as a ruler akin to gods, the constructions strained provincial populations through demands for materials like tezontle stone and timber.[46] Archaeological remnants, including basalt pavements and walls beneath Mexico City's National Palace, corroborate the scale of these endeavors, though much was destroyed post-conquest.[47]

Military Expansion and Foreign Relations (1502-1519)

Early Conquests and Territorial Growth

Upon ascending to the throne in 1502, Moctezuma II pursued aggressive military expansion to consolidate and extend Aztec dominance, building on the foundations laid by his uncle Ahuitzotl. Early campaigns targeted resistant polities in the Puebla-Tlaxcala region, including a significant offensive against Huexotzingo around 1503–1507, which sought to dismantle the Tlaxcalan alliance's independence but achieved only limited tributary incorporation, preserving Tlaxcala's enmity as a key factor in later events.[48][49] Turning southward, Moctezuma's forces conducted successful operations into the Mixteca and Zapotec territories of Oaxaca, subduing key city-states and integrating them into the tribute network through direct assaults and coerced alliances. These efforts extended Aztec reach to the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, where campaigns incorporated Yopi and other groups, enhancing control over trade routes for cacao, cotton, and precious stones. By the early 1510s, further advances reached Xoconosco in Chiapas, representing the empire's southern frontier and yielding exotic goods like jaguar pelts and tropical feathers vital for elite consumption and ritual.[26][8] This phase of territorial growth markedly enlarged the Aztec sphere of influence, with military expeditions—often framed as ritual "flower wars" to capture warriors for sacrifice—facilitating the addition of dozens of provinces obligated to annual tribute payments. Over approximately four major wars in the first half of his reign, the empire's administrative reach expanded eastward and southward, bolstering Tenochtitlan's wealth through heightened inflows of resources while straining logistical capacities for distant garrisons and supply lines. Such expansions underscored Moctezuma's strategic emphasis on hegemony via indirect rule, where conquered elites retained local autonomy in exchange for loyalty and material contributions, though this model sowed seeds of resentment exploited during the Spanish incursion.[48][50]

Suppression of Internal Rebellions

Moctezuma II maintained control over the expansive Aztec empire through decisive military actions against provinces that rebelled against tribute obligations or attacked Mexica representatives. These suppressions often followed incidents where local rulers executed Aztec merchants (pochteca), who served as both commercial agents and intelligence gatherers, prompting retaliatory campaigns to reimpose dominance and extract captives for ritual sacrifice. Such expeditions underscored the empire's reliance on fear and periodic coercion to sustain its hegemonic structure, as rebellious subjects exploited the Aztecs' preference for "flowery wars" aimed at capturing prisoners over outright annihilation. An early instance occurred shortly after Moctezuma's ascension in 1502, when rebellions erupted in the provinces of Nopallan and Icpatepec. Mobilizing an army estimated at 60,000 warriors, Mexica forces quelled the uprisings, capturing approximately 5,100 prisoners destined for sacrificial rites to affirm imperial authority. This campaign set a precedent for Moctezuma's approach, blending overwhelming force with ritual reinforcement of Mexica supremacy. A more prominent suppression took place in 1515 against Quetzaltepec and Tototepec in the Isthmus of Tehuantepec region, where local inhabitants had massacred Mexica merchants dispatched to enforce tribute demands. Moctezuma personally led or oversaw a large expedition that sacked both cities, resulting in thousands of captives transported to Tenochtitlan for human sacrifice. These actions, documented in indigenous codices and corroborated by archaeological evidence of intensified skull racks (tzompantli) during his reign, exemplified the punitive logic: deterrence through devastation to prevent emulation by other tributaries.[51] Further campaigns targeted rebellious pockets in Oaxaca and Tlapanec territories, such as Cuauhtitlan and Tlachinollan, where divided armies subdued resistant city-states and integrated them more firmly into the tribute system. Spies (quimichin) played a crucial role in identifying disloyal provinces, enabling preemptive strikes that minimized prolonged insurgencies. While these efforts temporarily stabilized the periphery, they exacerbated underlying resentments, sowing seeds for widespread defection during the Spanish incursion. By prioritizing captive acquisition over permanent pacification, Moctezuma's suppressions preserved short-term order but highlighted the fragility of Aztec overlordship reliant on coerced loyalty rather than assimilation.

Texcoco Succession Crisis and Tripartite Alliance Strains

Nezahualpilli, the tlatoani of Texcoco and a principal ally of Moctezuma II, died in 1515 without designating a clear successor, precipitating a succession crisis among his numerous sons.[52] The primary contenders were his eldest legitimate son, Cacama (also known as Cacamatzin), and a younger brother, Ixtlilxochitl II, who challenged the former's claim to the throne on grounds of legitimacy and rallied support from dissident nobles and warriors.[53] This internal strife threatened the stability of Texcoco, the cultural and intellectual center of the Triple Alliance, which had been formed in 1428 between Tenochtitlan, Texcoco, and Tlacopan to coordinate conquests and tribute collection.[54] Moctezuma II intervened promptly to resolve the dispute, favoring Cacama—his nephew through marriage ties—and leveraging Mexica military and diplomatic influence to secure Cacama's election as tlatoani around 1516.[55] This decision reflected Moctezuma's strategic interest in installing a pliable ruler aligned with Tenochtitlan's expanding dominance, as Nezahualpilli had previously served as a sagacious counselor whose independence had balanced the alliance.[55] Ixtlilxochitl, perceiving the selection as externally imposed, refused to submit and launched a rebellion, fortifying himself in strongholds and waging guerrilla warfare against Cacama's forces.[53] To quell the uprising, Moctezuma dispatched Mexica troops to aid Cacama, culminating in the suppression of Ixtlilxochitl's revolt by 1517, after which the rebel prince retreated to the countryside but continued sporadic resistance.[55] This episode underscored the erosion of Texcoco's autonomy within the Triple Alliance, as Tenochtitlan's unilateral intervention transformed the confederation from a nominal equality—where tribute shares were divided with Texcoco receiving two-fifths alongside Tenochtitlan's two-fifths and Tlacopan's one-fifth—into a structure increasingly subordinate to Mexica hegemony.[54] Chroniclers note that such overreach fostered underlying resentments among Texcocan elites, weakening collective cohesion at a time when external threats loomed, though the alliance formally endured until the Spanish arrival.[53]

Spanish Contact and the Conquest (1519-1520)

Initial Encounters and Intelligence Gathering

Hernán Cortés and his expedition of approximately 500 men, 13 horses, and several ships landed at San Juan de Ulúa near present-day Veracruz on April 22, 1519, after initial stops along the Yucatán coast. Local indigenous groups, including Totonacs under Aztec tributary oversight, promptly observed the "floating houses" and foreign intruders, dispatching runners to relay news to the Aztec capital of Tenochtitlan roughly 200 miles inland. Within a week, Moctezuma II received initial verbal reports describing the Spaniards' pale skin, bearded faces, metallic armor, and equine mounts—elements alien to Mesoamerican experience.[56][57] In response, Moctezuma immediately sent a delegation of high-ranking noble messengers, accompanied by sacrificial priests and bearing lavish gifts including gold ornaments, feathered headdresses, and quetzal plumes, to the coastal site. These envoys, selected for their eloquence and loyalty, were tasked with assessing the strangers' divine or human status, their weaponry, and motives, while presenting the calendar stone and other ritual items to gauge reactions. Upon return, they provided vivid oral testimonies, later recorded in post-conquest Nahuatl annals, depicting the Spaniards' crossbows, cannons, and horses as thunderous and fleet-footed, prompting Moctezuma to convene his council and consult oracles amid reports of ill portents like lightning-struck temples.[58][59] To deepen intelligence, Moctezuma activated the Aztec empire's established espionage network, primarily comprising pochteca—professional long-distance merchants trained from youth in discretion and reconnaissance—who operated as de facto spies across tributary provinces. These agents shadowed Cortés' forces as they founded Villa Rica de la Veracruz in late June 1519 and marched inland from mid-August, relaying precise updates on troop numbers (around 400-550 soldiers at key points), alliances formed with Cempoalan allies, and logistical preparations via encrypted quipu-like knotted cords or verbal codes to evade interception. Spanish chroniclers like Bernal Díaz del Castillo corroborate the ubiquity of these unobtrusive observers, noting their reports enabled preemptive Aztec deployments, though indigenous sources emphasize the psychological impact of the Spaniards' technological edge over any prophetic paralysis.[60][61][62] Subsequent embassies in May and July 1519 delivered escalating treasures—20,000 pesos of gold in one instance—to satiate the Spaniards and dissuade further advance, while extracting reciprocal demonstrations of arms that confirmed their martial prowess without revealing vulnerabilities. This phased diplomacy, informed by cumulative field intelligence, reflected Moctezuma's strategic calculus to contain the threat through appeasement rather than immediate confrontation, buying time to mobilize levies from core provinces; however, intercepted communications and Malinche's (Doña Marina's) translations later undermined these efforts. Primary accounts from both sides, including Cortés' letters to Charles V and the Florentine Codex, align on the diligence of this gathering but diverge on Moctezuma's intent, with Spanish narratives attributing hesitation to superstition—a claim critiqued by modern historians as self-serving amid the Aztecs' documented pragmatic use of informants in prior campaigns.[63][52]

Reception of Hernán Cortés and Strategic Calculations

Moctezuma II received reports of the Spanish arrival on the Gulf Coast near present-day Veracruz in mid-February 1519, prompting immediate dispatch of scouts and messengers to gather intelligence on the foreigners' numbers, intentions, and capabilities.[64] These envoys, including noblemen bearing gifts such as gold ornaments, feathered artifacts, and a model of Tenochtitlán's layout, arrived at Cortés' camp by late April, aiming to assess the intruders while demonstrating Aztec wealth to deter inland advance.[41] Moctezuma's instructions emphasized flattery and offers of tribute to encourage the Spaniards to remain coastal traders rather than explorers, reflecting a calculated effort to neutralize a perceived peripheral threat without committing military resources strained by recent expansions.[65] Subsequent exchanges involved multiple delegations, with Moctezuma providing further gold and jewels—totaling several thousand pesos' worth—while urging Cortés through intermediaries to accept these as sufficient payment and return whence he came. This diplomacy aligned with Aztec imperial practice of incorporating distant polities via tribute and symbolic submission, but Moctezuma underestimated Cortés' resolve and the Spaniards' alliances with disaffected groups like the Totonacs.[66] No primary indigenous or Spanish eyewitness accounts from 1519 indicate Moctezuma viewed Cortés as the returning god Quetzalcoatl; such interpretations emerged later in post-conquest chronicles by figures like Francisco López de Gómara, serving Spanish propagandistic aims rather than reflecting contemporaneous Nahua beliefs.[41] Indigenous testimonies collected by Bernardino de Sahagún in the Florentine Codex portray Moctezuma's response as pragmatic wariness, rooted in omens and reports of the strangers' pale skin, bearded faces, and seaborne arrival, but framed through political realism rather than divine fatalism.[65] As Cortés marched toward Tenochtitlán in August-October 1519, Moctezuma shifted tactics, reinforcing garrisons at Cholula—a key ally—to monitor and potentially ambush the expedition, while publicly inviting Cortés as an honored guest to the capital upon his approach.[56] This duality—covert preparation alongside overt hospitality—stemmed from strategic calculus balancing the risks of open war against a force of roughly 500 Spaniards and thousands of indigenous auxiliaries, against the benefits of luring them into the island city's controllable environment for surveillance, isolation, or elimination.[67] On November 8, 1519, Cortés entered Tenochtitlán amid ceremonial reception, quartered in the palace of Axayacatl, where Moctezuma engaged in feigned alliance-building discussions, providing food, women, and access to markets while restricting movement and probing for weaknesses.[68] Historians attribute this leniency to Moctezuma's overconfidence in the Triple Alliance's military superiority—evidenced by prior suppressions of rebellions—and misjudgment of Spanish firearms, horses, and divide-and-conquer diplomacy, which exploited tributary resentments. Ultimately, these calculations faltered when Cortés seized Moctezuma as hostage days later, exploiting the emperor's initial accommodation to consolidate control.

Moctezuma's Captivity and Failed Diplomacy

Hernán Cortés and his expedition entered Tenochtitlan on November 8, 1519, where Moctezuma II housed them in the adjacent palace of Axayacatl, providing lavish gifts and provisions while maintaining cautious oversight through nobles and guards.[69] Six days later, on November 14, Cortés, alerted by interpreter Doña Marina (Malinche) to an alleged plot by Mexica nobles to expel or kill the intruders, orchestrated the emperor's seizure during a private audience, surrounding him with armed Spaniards and compelling his compliance under threat of death.[70] Moctezuma was relocated to the Spanish quarters in Axayacatl's palace, where he remained under guard for approximately seven months until his death in June 1520, allowing Cortés to wield imperial authority indirectly by issuing commands in the emperor's name to suppress unrest and extract tribute.[71] During captivity, Moctezuma pursued diplomacy to secure release and Spanish withdrawal, dispatching envoys with gold, jewels, and textiles valued at thousands of pesos—enough to fill a room to chest height, as later melted down by the Spaniards—and proposing vassalage to Charles V, including annual tribute and cession of frontier provinces to Cortés for conquest against rebels.[69] He also offered his daughters in marriage to Cortés and key captains, framing the Spaniards as returning lords entitled to rule alongside him, and urged compliance from subjects to avoid bloodshed, even endorsing the placement of Christian images over Aztec deities in the palace temple.[70] These overtures, detailed in Cortés' second letter and Bernal Díaz del Castillo's eyewitness account, aimed to leverage Mexica wealth and Moctezuma's residual prestige to neutralize the threat without open war.[72] Efforts faltered due to asymmetrical motivations and eroding legitimacy: Cortés, driven by conquest ambitions and reports of untapped gold mines, rejected partial concessions, demanding unrestricted access to treasuries (yielding over 200 loads of treasure) and religious reforms that alienated Mexica priests and warriors.[71] Moctezuma's public addresses from captivity, such as ordering calm after minor clashes, were viewed by nobles as coerced collaboration, fostering perceptions of weakness and inciting covert resistance, as noted in Díaz's chronicle where Mexica lords withheld full obedience despite formal submission.[72] The emperor's isolation from councils and inability to mobilize armies independently—exacerbated by Cortés' execution of Mexica officials and alliances with discontented tributaries—rendered diplomacy impotent, culminating in heightened tensions that preceded the Spanish massacre at the Templo Mayor festival in mid-1520.[70] Primary Spanish accounts, while self-justifying, align on these dynamics, corroborated by the rapid post-captivity unraveling of imperial cohesion, underscoring Moctezuma's strategic miscalculation in initially accommodating rather than confronting the intruders.[69]

Engagements with Tlaxcalan Allies and Aztec Defenses

Following initial skirmishes in late August 1519 near Zautla and Ixtaquimaxtitlan, Hernán Cortés's forces faced repeated attacks from superior Tlaxcalan armies, including Otomí auxiliaries, over two weeks of engagements from early September.[73] Despite being outnumbered, the Spaniards repelled assaults using cavalry and firearms, suffering minimal losses such as two horses while holding defensive positions and conducting raids for supplies.[73] These battles, spanning September 2 to 20, demonstrated Spanish tactical advantages, leading Tlaxcalan leaders to sue for peace on September 18; the alliance formed thereafter, driven by shared enmity toward the Aztecs, who had long imposed tribute and conducted slave raids on Tlaxcala.[74][73] The pact provided Cortés with a secure base in Tlaxcala for 20 days of rest and reinforcement, yielding thousands of warriors who augmented his expedition against Aztec interests.[73] In mid-October 1519, Cortés departed Tlaxcala with approximately 400 Spanish infantry, 15 horses, and around 4,000–6,000 Tlaxcalan fighters, marching toward Cholula, a major Aztec-aligned religious center suspected of harboring ambush forces under Moctezuma II's direction.[75][76] Tlaxcalan scouts warned of treachery, citing Cholula's recent shift in allegiance to the Aztecs; on October 18, Cortés ordered an attack on assembled Cholulan nobles, resulting in the deaths of thousands within hours, with Tlaxcalans participating in the assault, sacking homes, and claiming captives for enslavement or sacrifice.[77][77] This preemptive strike neutralized a potential staging point for Aztec resistance, exposing weaknesses in Moctezuma's peripheral defenses and signaling the coalition's threat to tributary states.[78] Bolstered by Tlaxcalan numbers, Cortés advanced unopposed to Tenochtitlan, entering on November 8, 1519, where the allies' presence deterred immediate Aztec mobilization despite the city's formidable lake-based fortifications, including causeways and canoe fleets.[78] During Moctezuma's captivity from mid-November, the looming Tlaxcalan force outside the capital constrained Aztec military responses, as nobles hesitated to provoke a broader indigenous uprising; however, internal defenses activated after Pedro de Alvarado's killing of Aztec elites during the Toxcatl festival in May 1520, leading to sustained assaults on the Spanish-occupied palace with slings, arrows, and fire-hardened spears.[78] These urban engagements highlighted Aztec reliance on massed warriors and terrain advantages but faltered against Spanish artillery and barricades, foreshadowing the limits of defenses without preemptive action against Cortés's allies.[78]

Death and Collapse of Aztec Resistance

Events Surrounding Moctezuma's Death in 1520

The siege of the Spanish forces in Tenochtitlan intensified following the massacre at the Toxcatl festival around May 20, 1520, when Pedro de Alvarado ordered the killing of numerous Aztec nobles and warriors during the ceremony honoring Tezcatlipoca, sparking widespread revolt among the city's inhabitants.[79] Hernán Cortés, having returned from subduing Pánfilo de Narváez on the coast, faced relentless attacks from Aztec forces blockading the palace of Axayacatl where the Spaniards and their allies were confined, with supplies dwindling and combat persisting for days.[74] In a bid to negotiate safe passage, Cortés compelled Moctezuma to address the besieging crowds from the palace rooftop on or about June 26, 1520, urging them to cease hostilities and allow the foreigners to depart; however, the emperor's authority had eroded due to his perceived collaboration with the invaders, and the Aztecs responded with jeers, stones, and arrows, inflicting severe wounds including blows to his head and limbs.[80] According to Bernal Díaz del Castillo's eyewitness account in The True History of the Conquest of New Spain, Moctezuma endured the assault for some time before being dragged inside gravely injured, refusing sustenance thereafter and succumbing to his trauma two or three days later on June 29, 1520.[81] Spanish sources, including Díaz and Cortés's second letter to Charles V, consistently attribute the fatal injuries to Aztec aggression, portraying the event as a tragic rejection of their ruler by his own subjects, though these narratives may reflect efforts to absolve the captors of direct culpability.[82] Contrasting indigenous testimonies, such as those recorded in Book XII of the Florentine Codex compiled by Bernardino de Sahagún from Nahuatl informants, assert that Moctezuma survived the rooftop pelting but was subsequently murdered by the Spaniards—either stabbed, strangled, or beaten—once his utility waned, with his body reportedly hurled from the palace afterward alongside that of Tlatelolco's ruler.[83] These accounts, gathered post-conquest from Aztec survivors, emphasize Spanish perfidy and Moctezuma's lingering will to live unheeded, potentially shaped by resentment toward the victors but corroborated in pattern by other native chronicles like the Relación de Michoacán. Scholarly analyses, including neurosurgical reviews of the injuries described, lend plausibility to lethal head trauma from stones as the proximate cause, while acknowledging the partisan incentives in both source traditions—Spanish chroniclers minimizing atrocities to legitimize the enterprise, and indigenous ones amplifying them amid cultural subjugation.[82][84] Moctezuma's demise precipitated immediate Aztec leadership turmoil, with his brother Cuitláhuac swiftly acclaimed as tlatoani, escalating the siege and prompting the Spaniards' desperate nocturnal flight across the causeways on June 30, 1520—known as La Noche Triste—during which hundreds perished in ambushes and the lake's depths, marking a pivotal collapse in imperial cohesion.[74]

Archaeological Corroboration of Key Sites

Excavations in Mexico City have uncovered physical remains of palaces associated with Moctezuma II's captivity and death during the Spanish conquest in 1520. In 2008, archaeologists from Mexico's National Institute of Anthropology and History (INAH) unearthed portions of a palace complex linked to Moctezuma II in the historic center, including stone foundations and architectural features consistent with descriptions in conquistador accounts of Tenochtitlan's royal residences.[85] These findings corroborate the existence of elite Aztec structures where historical sources place Moctezuma's imprisonment by Hernán Cortés's forces in the Palace of Axayacatl, adjacent to Moctezuma's own dwellings.[86] Further digs in 2020 beneath a colonial-era building revealed basalt slab floors and column bases from the Palace of Axayacatl, the site where Cortés housed his expedition and held Moctezuma captive starting in late 1519.[87] INAH teams identified these elements through test pits, confirming the palace's pre-Hispanic origins and its adaptation by Spaniards, aligning with narratives of the emperor's confinement amid rising tensions that culminated in the Aztec uprising of June 1520.[47] While no direct artifacts from Moctezuma's death—such as remains from stoning or execution—have been recovered, the verified location supports eyewitness testimonies of events unfolding within these fortified enclosures during La Noche Triste prelude.[88] Archaeological work at the Templo Mayor, Tenochtitlan's central temple complex, provides contextual corroboration for the urban setting of the collapse. Ongoing excavations since 1978, directed by Eduardo Matos Moctezuma, have exposed multiple construction phases of the pyramid, including layers from Moctezuma II's reign (1502–1520), with offerings of sculptures, jade, and human remains attesting to the site's religious and political centrality.[89] Discoveries of destruction layers and post-conquest overlays indicate the temple's role in the final Aztec defenses, matching accounts of street fighting and ritual continuity amid the siege.[90] These findings validate the scale and layout of key sites described in primary sources, countering potential exaggerations by emphasizing empirical evidence of Tenochtitlan's engineered sophistication.[91]

Immediate Succession and Aztec Civil Unrest

Following the death of Moctezuma II on June 30, 1520, amid the escalating violence in Tenochtitlan, Aztec nobles rapidly elected his younger brother Cuitláhuac as the tenth huey tlatoani to unify leadership and prosecute the war against the Spanish and their Tlaxcalan allies.[92] This succession, occurring in the immediate aftermath of Moctezuma's demise—which indigenous accounts attribute to stoning by his own displeased subjects during an attempt to pacify the crowd—marked a shift from Moctezuma's accommodationist policies toward aggressive defense.[93] Cuitláhuac, previously detained by Hernán Cortés but released during the chaos, assumed command as Aztec warriors launched coordinated assaults, forcing the Spanish to evacuate the city in disarray during the episode known as La Noche Triste on July 1, 1520, with estimates of over 600 Spanish and thousands of allied indigenous casualties.[94] The transition, while decisive, unfolded against a backdrop of profound internal turmoil, including grief over Moctezuma's humiliating end and resentment toward his perceived collaboration with the invaders, which had eroded his authority among key military and priestly factions.[95] Cuitláhuac's brief reign, lasting approximately 80 days, focused on fortifying Tenochtitlan's defenses, replenishing warrior ranks depleted by prior skirmishes, and mobilizing tributary city-states for sustained resistance, thereby temporarily stabilizing the Triple Alliance amid the Spanish siege initiated after their retreat.[96] However, the onset of a devastating smallpox epidemic—introduced by the Spanish in 1520 and unfamiliar to Mesoamerican populations—exacerbated civil strains, killing an estimated 25-50% of Tenochtitlan's inhabitants, including elites and commoners, and disrupting food supplies, labor conscription, and council deliberations.[97] Cuitláhuac himself succumbed to the disease in early October 1520, precipitating another hasty election and highlighting the fragility of Aztec governance under compounded pressures of foreign invasion, famine, and pathogen-induced mortality, which primary indigenous codices like the Florentine Codex describe as sowing panic and weakening communal cohesion.[93] Cuauhtémoc, a nephew of Moctezuma II and grandson of Axayacatl, was then selected as tlatoani, inheriting a realm fractured by ongoing siege warfare, epidemic losses exceeding 5 million across central Mexico, and simmering disputes over tribute obligations from vassal states emboldened by the leadership vacuums.[92] Under Cuauhtémoc, Aztec forces mounted a vigorous defense, employing causeway blockades, canoe warfare, and scorched-earth tactics that prolonged the conflict until the city's fall on August 13, 1521, but internal unrest persisted through noble rivalries, priestly omens of doom, and desertions amid starvation, as corroborated by mestizo chroniclers drawing on native testimonies.[93] This period of rapid successions underscored the Aztec system's elective meritocracy among royal kin, yet revealed its vulnerability to exogenous shocks, with no evidence of outright civil war but clear causal links between elite mortality and diminished command efficacy against Cortés's coalition.[94]

Personal Life and Character

Marriages, Concubines, and Offspring

Moctezuma II, as tlatoani of Tenochtitlan, contracted multiple marriages primarily for political alliances with subordinate city-states, a common practice among Aztec nobility to secure loyalty and tribute. Historical accounts identify Teotlalco (or Teotlaco) of Tlacopan as his principal wife, and Tlapalizquixochtzin of Ecatepec as another legitimate spouse, through whom he became king consort of Ecatepec.[98][99] Spanish chroniclers, such as Bernal Díaz del Castillo, describe him maintaining numerous concubines and secondary wives, often daughters of local rulers, with estimates ranging from dozens to exaggerated figures like 3,000, likely inflated to emphasize imperial excess.[100][25] These unions produced a large number of offspring, with Spanish sources claiming around 100 children, though precise counts remain uncertain due to incomplete records and varying definitions of legitimacy in Aztec society. Among his documented daughters were Tecuichpotzin (later baptized Isabel Moctezuma, born circa 1509–1510 to Teotlalco), who was initially betrothed to her cousin and later married Spanish figures post-conquest; Mariana Leonor Moctezuma (circa 1505–1562); and others including Ana, María, and Mariana, some of whom were placed under Hernán Cortés's guardianship after the fall of Tenochtitlan. Sons are less prominently recorded in surviving accounts, with no direct heir among them; Moctezuma reportedly favored his brother Cuitláhuac for succession over his children, possibly due to their youth or lack of military merit.[101][15][102] Many of Moctezuma's surviving children and grandchildren integrated into colonial society through baptisms and marriages to Spaniards, receiving encomiendas as recognition of their noble status, which facilitated the persistence of Aztec royal lineages into the viceregal period. This arrangement, while providing some privileges, often served Spanish interests in legitimizing conquest narratives. Primary indigenous codices offer limited details on personal family matters, prioritizing political genealogy over domestic specifics, underscoring reliance on post-conquest Spanish testimonies prone to sensationalism.[103][104]

Reported Habits, Beliefs, and Leadership Style

Moctezuma II maintained a regimen of personal hygiene and seclusion typical of Aztec nobility, bathing daily in the evening and changing his garments after a single use, discarding them for four days thereafter.[105] His meals, served in private behind screens attended by trusted kin and female servants, featured up to 30 distinct dishes of fowl, game, and other meats kept warm over braziers, accompanied by frothy chocolate beverages and tobacco smoking from multiple pipes; food was prepared by hundreds of waiters and tasted for poison before consumption.[105] [106] Lavish banquets for accompanying nobles included thousands of dishes and entertainments such as musicians, dancers, and acrobats, reflecting a courtly emphasis on display and hierarchy.[106] His beliefs aligned with Mexica cosmology, positioning the tlatoani as a semi-divine intermediary who sustained the gods through blood sacrifice, including personal acts of autosacrifice such as piercing his earlobe with maguey spines to offer blood.[2] Devoted to Huitzilopochtli, the war god, Moctezuma patronized rituals like the 1507 New Fire Ceremony to renew the cosmic cycle and consulted priests and omens before major decisions, interpreting celestial signs as portents influencing imperial policy.[2] [1] These practices underscored a worldview where human offerings ensured solar movement and agricultural fertility, with the emperor's role entailing oversight of temple dedications and captive executions tied to conquests. In leadership, Moctezuma exercised centralized authority over an expanded empire, organizing military campaigns that doubled Aztec territory through tribute extraction and provincial governance divided into 38 administrative units.[20] [25] He enforced strict court protocols, requiring subordinates to approach barefoot and in postures of submission, while deploying spies and messengers for intelligence on distant realms.[105] Monumental constructions, such as palaces and sculptures depicting himself in divine regalia, projected an image of cosmic stability and martial prowess, though Spanish eyewitness accounts portray a blend of gravity and tenderness in dealings with vassals.[2] His style integrated theocratic oversight with pragmatic expansion, commissioning "coronation wars" to secure sacrificial victims post-ascension in 1502.[2]

Primary Sources and Historical Interpretations

Accounts from Spanish Conquistadors

Hernán Cortés, in his second letter to Emperor Charles V dated October 30, 1520, described the initial meeting with Moctezuma on November 8, 1519, portraying the Aztec ruler as emerging from his palace attended by about two hundred nobles, all barefooted and clad in fine cotton livery, to receive the Spaniards graciously.[107] Cortés emphasized Moctezuma's authority, noting that "no prince was ever more feared by his subjects, both in his presence and absence," and detailed the ruler's courtly splendor, including daily meals served to hundreds in vast halls with fresh provisions for nobles and servants alike.[69] He further depicted Moctezuma's palaces as opulent, housing conservatories for exotic birds tended by 300 caretakers, menageries of animals with similar staffing, and features like marble columns and jasper floors, underscoring the ruler's command over vast resources.[69] Bernal Díaz del Castillo, a soldier under Cortés, provided a firsthand portrayal in The True History of the Conquest of New Spain (written circa 1568), estimating Moctezuma's age at around 40, describing him as well-proportioned yet not handsome, with a slender build, natural indigenous complexion, short hair, sparse black beard, and eyes conveying both tenderness and gravity.[105] Díaz highlighted Moctezuma's meticulous hygiene, bathing daily in the evening, and his secretive relations with numerous mistresses—daughters of chieftains—while maintaining two principal wives, all conducted without public knowledge or deviation into vice.[105] He recounted the ruler's meals as elaborate, with over 30 dishes prepared daily from fowl, game, and other meats, inspected by chefs before selection, and distributed to guards in quantities exceeding 1,000 plates kept warm by braziers, reflecting a disciplined yet lavish routine.[105] During captivity beginning late 1519, Díaz reported that Moctezuma, seized after a tense standoff in his palace, was confined to Spanish quarters but afforded respect, retaining his household, wives, and counselors while continuing state duties, baths, and tribute reception; chains were briefly applied amid executions but removed upon pledges of alliance.[108] The ruler reportedly dissuaded Aztec forces from attacking the Spaniards, invoking divine counsel from Huitzilopochtli, and developed affinity for his captors, particularly the interpreter Orteguilla, even as Cortés noted Moctezuma's compliance in halting human sacrifices during the Spanish presence.[108] [69] Spanish accounts of Moctezuma's death on June 29 or 30, 1520, during the Aztec uprising amid Cortés's absence, uniformly attributed it to injuries inflicted by his own subjects. Díaz detailed Moctezuma being pelted with stones and arrows from rooftops while attempting to pacify the crowd from a palace balcony, suffering fatal wounds to the head and body despite Spanish efforts to shield him.[81] Cortés corroborated this in his letters, stating the emperor succumbed to these injuries after addressing him in his final moments, requesting Christian burial rites, with his body subsequently cast out by Aztecs and retrieved by Spaniards.[109] These narratives, consistent across conquistador testimonies, framed Moctezuma's end as betrayal by his people, though they served to exonerate Spanish conduct amid the ensuing chaos of the Noche Triste retreat.[81] [109]

Indigenous Codices and Oral Traditions

The Codex Mendoza, compiled around 1541 under Viceroy Antonio de Mendoza's auspices but based on indigenous Nahua pictorial conventions and knowledge, dedicates sections to Moctezuma II's reign (1502–1520), illustrating his military conquests—such as those against regions like Tepeacac and Huaxtepec—and the resulting expansion of the Triple Alliance's tribute network, which included goods like feathers, cacao, and warrior costumes from over 30 subjugated provinces.[110] These depictions use traditional glyphs, such as Moctezuma's name sign (a turquoise diadem or tezcatl lip ornament), to record causal sequences of warfare and imperial consolidation, reflecting pre-conquest mnemonic practices where tlacuiloque (native scribes) encoded history for rulers and successors.[111] The Crónica Mexicáyotl, a Nahuatl-language annals-style text authored circa 1609 by Fernando Alvarado Tezozómoc (a Mexica noble and likely maternal grandson of Moctezuma II), integrates oral recitations (huehuetlatolli or "elder words") with genealogical records to narrate Moctezuma's ascension after his uncle Ahuitzotl's death in 1502, his oversight of infrastructure like aqueducts and zoos, and campaigns that subdued rebellious polities, attributing imperial stability to ritual sacrifices and divine favor from deities like Huitzilopochtli.[112] This chronicle preserves indigenous causal reasoning, linking Moctezuma's policies to cosmic cycles and prior migrations from Aztlan, while noting omens preceding the 1519 Spanish arrival as fulfillments of ancestral prophecies rather than personal failings.[113] In the Florentine Codex (compiled 1545–1590 from Nahua informant testimonies under Bernardino de Sahagún), Book XII recounts Moctezuma's interactions with Cortés—portrayed as initial deference followed by coercion—and his death on June 29 or 30, 1520, explicitly attributing it to Spanish stabbing or strangling amid the palace siege, contrasting Spanish claims of stoning by Mexica crowds; this aligns with multiple Nahua accounts emphasizing foreign agency over internal betrayal.[114] Oral traditions embedded in these texts, such as recited speeches and songs (cuicatl), frame Moctezuma as a tlatoani embodying solar kingship, with his era marked by heightened xochiyaoyotl (flowery wars) for captives, yet vulnerable to the nezaualcoyotl (fasting coyote) omen signaling imperial decline.[84] These sources, while post-conquest, derive credibility from their fidelity to pre-Hispanic iconography and Nahuatl syntax, less mediated by European bias than clerical glosses, though selective omissions of atrocities reflect elite Mexica self-presentation.[115]

Evolution in Post-Conquest Literature

In the immediate post-conquest period of the 16th century, Spanish chroniclers depicted Moctezuma II primarily as a ruler of immense wealth and ceremonial splendor whose interactions with the invaders underscored the inevitability of Spanish dominance. Hernán Cortés, in his Cartas de relación (1519–1526), portrayed Moctezuma as initially hospitable and deferential, providing lavish gifts and quarters in Tenochtitlan, which served to frame the conquest as a legitimate extension of imperial authority rather than unprovoked aggression.[5] Francisco López de Gómara, in his Historia de la conquista de México (1552), emphasized Moctezuma's indecision and tragic vulnerability, attributing his downfall to a fatalistic acceptance of omens and divine prophecy, thereby justifying the enterprise as providential.[5] Bernal Díaz del Castillo's Historia verdadera de la conquista de la Nueva España (written circa 1568, published 1632) offered a more eyewitness-grounded view, admiring Moctezuma's opulent court and authority while critiquing his perceived hesitation and eventual stoning by his own subjects after urging peace with the Spaniards, reinforcing narratives of Aztec internal frailty.[5] Indigenous-influenced accounts compiled under Spanish oversight, such as those in Bernardino de Sahagún's Florentine Codex (circa 1577), shifted focus to Moctezuma's torment by portents and "fright illness" upon the Spanish arrival, portraying him as a divinely ordained tlatoani overwhelmed by chaotic forces, with his death amid Aztec resistance highlighting cultural devastation rather than personal failing. Fray Diego Durán's Historia de las Indias de Nueva España (circa 1581) synthesized Nahua and Spanish perspectives, casting Moctezuma as a tyrannical figure whose rule merited correction through conquest, blending betrayal by his people with Spanish intervention to legitimize colonial hierarchies.[5] These early depictions varied by authorial intent—strategic glorification in Cortés, moral triumph in Gómara, nuanced critique in Díaz, and hybrid tragedy in Durán and Sahagún—forming the foundation of a colonial historiography that prioritized Spanish agency and Aztec otherness. By the 17th and 18th centuries, portrayals in European literature solidified Moctezuma as a symbol of oriental despotism, with his empire's fall emblematic of civilization's encounter with barbarism, often drawing on primary chronicles to evoke exoticism without substantial reevaluation. In the 19th-century Romantic era, however, his image evolved into that of a tragic, noble monarch doomed by fate and superstition. William H. Prescott's History of the Conquest of Mexico (1843), a seminal English-language synthesis, characterized Moctezuma as weak-willed, superstitious, and cowardly, enslaved by auguries that paralyzed decisive action, influencing transatlantic views through metaphors of fatalism and imperial decay.[116] This romanticized lens permeated fiction, as in Edward Maturin's Montezuma: The Last of the Aztecs (1845), which dramatized him as a poignant victim of prophecy and betrayal, and H. Rider Haggard's Montezuma's Daughter (1893), which explored his downfall amid personal and imperial trauma.[117] [118] In parallel, 19th-century Mexican nationalist historiography began rehabilitating Moctezuma as a precursor to indigenous sovereignty, emphasizing his pre-conquest expansions and cultural patronage over collaboration with Cortés, to forge a narrative of pre-Hispanic grandeur amid independence struggles.[2] This shift, evident in works invoking him as a symbol of resistance against foreign domination, contrasted with European emphases on tragedy, reflecting postcolonial efforts to reclaim agency from colonial-era diminishment, though often glossing over empirical evidence of his initial diplomacy and ritual practices.[2]

Modern Assessments and Debates

Reassessment of Leadership Competence

Modern historians have increasingly challenged the traditional portrayal of Moctezuma II as a superstitious or feeble leader, a depiction largely derived from Spanish conquistador accounts that served to rationalize the conquest by emphasizing Aztec vulnerability. Scholars such as Matthew Restall contend that this image inverts reality, presenting Moctezuma instead as a shrewd and authoritative ruler of an advanced civilization, whose actions reflected calculated authority rather than fear or delusion.[119][120][121] Prior to the Spanish arrival, Moctezuma demonstrated marked competence in military and imperial expansion, transforming the Aztec domain into its largest extent through successful campaigns that incorporated distant territories and reinforced tributary networks. Reigning from 1502 to 1520, he oversaw conquests that extended Aztec influence across central Mexico and beyond, sustaining a complex system of alliances and warfare that amassed substantial wealth and resources for Tenochtitlan.[1][3] His administrative reforms centralized control by reorganizing the empire into approximately 38 provinces, fortifying the capital, and appointing loyal nobles to key positions, which enhanced efficiency in tribute collection and governance.[25][122] Critiques of Moctezuma's leadership often focus on his response to Cortés, interpreting initial diplomacy—such as sending gifts and emissaries—as hesitation born of fatalism. However, reassessments frame these as pragmatic strategies informed by intelligence from spies, aiming to assess and contain the threat without immediate escalation, consistent with his prior successes in managing rebellions and external pressures. The empire's internal fractures, including resentful subject states that later allied with Spaniards, stemmed more from systemic overreliance on coerced tribute than personal failings, as Moctezuma's expansions, while enriching the core, bred widespread discontent exploitable by invaders.[119][123][124]

Myth of Quetzalcoatl Prophecy and Causal Factors in Fall

The notion that Moctezuma II awaited the return of the feathered serpent god Quetzalcoatl and mistook Hernán Cortés for this deity upon the Spanish arrival in 1519 originated in post-conquest Spanish chronicles, particularly those influenced by Cortés's secretary Francisco López de Gómara, who first propagated the idea in the 1550s to frame the conquest as divinely ordained.[119] [41] No contemporary Aztec or Spanish records from 1519–1521, including Cortés's own Cartas de relación or indigenous accounts like the Florentine Codex, mention Quetzalcoatl in connection with the Spaniards; instead, they depict Moctezuma's initial response as diplomatic caution toward foreign invaders from the east, consistent with reports of prior expeditions and omens interpreted as warnings of disruption rather than fulfillment of prophecy.[65] [119] Scholars attribute the myth's persistence to a retrospective Christian overlay on Aztec cosmology, amplified by 16th-century evangelists to portray indigenous leaders as superstitious and the conquest as predestined, thereby minimizing the role of human agency, violence, and alliances in the empire's collapse.[41] [119] In reality, the Aztec empire's fall under Moctezuma stemmed from structural vulnerabilities exacerbated by Spanish exploitation rather than prophetic delusion. The empire's expansionist tribute system, which extracted resources and sacrificial victims from subjugated polities like Tlaxcala and Cholula, bred widespread resentment; this enabled Cortés to forge alliances with over 200,000 indigenous warriors who provided the bulk of forces during the 1521 siege of Tenochtitlán, outnumbering the Spanish contingent of approximately 500–900 men by ratios exceeding 10:1 in decisive battles.[78] [125] Smallpox, introduced by a Spanish-infected African slave in April 1520, killed an estimated 25–50% of the central Mexican population within months, including key leaders like Cuitláhuac in late 1520, disrupting command structures and reducing Tenochtitlán's defenders from around 300,000 to a fraction amid famine and siege.[126] Moctezuma's strategic miscalculations further accelerated the collapse: his decision to host Cortés in Tenochtitlán in November 1519 without immediate military confrontation allowed the Spaniards to seize him as a hostage by late April 1520, eroding his authority amid growing unrest.[78] Ongoing rebellions in peripheral provinces, such as those in the Mixteca and Huasteca regions subdued but not fully pacified during his 1502–1520 reign, diverted Aztec resources and highlighted the empire's overextension, with tributary obligations sustaining an estimated 5–6 million subjects but fostering dependency on coerced loyalty rather than integration.[125] Spanish advantages in steel weapons, gunpowder, and cavalry—though limited in scale—combined with psychological impacts like horses and brigantines on Lake Texcoco to compound these fractures, culminating in Tenochtitlán's fall on August 13, 1521, after Moctezuma's death (likely from wounds or execution during the June 1520 Noche Triste retreat) and subsequent leadership vacuums.[78] [67] While Spanish accounts emphasize Moctezuma's passivity, indigenous sources portray a ruler actively negotiating tribute exemptions and intelligence gathering, underscoring that the fall resulted from contingent epidemiological, diplomatic, and military failures rather than fatalistic belief.[65] [41]

Scale of Aztec Imperial Atrocities Under His Rule

The Aztec Empire under Moctezuma II (r. 1502–1520) maintained and intensified practices of human sacrifice, primarily to propitiate deities like Huitzilopochtli and ensure cosmic stability through ritual offerings of blood and hearts. Annual sacrifices in Tenochtitlan alone numbered approximately 50–100 victims, drawn from war captives, slaves, criminals, and children, with empire-wide totals potentially reaching thousands during major festivals such as Tlacaxipehualiztli (March 4–23), though Spanish chroniclers' claims of 20,000 in the capital for such events likely reflect exaggeration to justify conquest.[127][128] These rituals involved methods like heart extraction, gladiatorial combat on enlarged stones (expanded under Moctezuma), and child immolations for rain ceremonies, with victims often sourced from "flower wars" (xochiyaoyotl)—staged conflicts against client states like Tlaxcala yielding 40–50 captives per engagement for Tenochtitlan.[127] Archaeological excavations at the Templo Mayor's Huey Tzompantli, a skull rack structure active in the early 16th century, have uncovered over 600 crania (many from children and women), indicating displays of several thousand skulls accumulated from sacrifices during Moctezuma's era, confirming a material scale beyond isolated events.[129][130] Imperial conquests and punitive expeditions amplified violence, as Moctezuma oversaw campaigns subjugating regions in the Mixteca, Huasteca, and southern Gulf Coast, enforcing tribute systems that included human quotas for labor and sacrifice. These wars prioritized live captures over battlefield slaughter to supply rituals, but rebellions prompted massacres, such as the razing of Nopala's temples and execution of resistors around 1510, contravening Moctezuma's reported restraint yet exemplifying imperial coercion.[127] Flower wars and provincial levies sustained a flow of victims, with rebellious polities required to remit elites as atonement, fostering widespread resentment among tributaries who later allied with Spaniards.[127] Specific casualty figures from these operations remain elusive due to sparse indigenous records, but central Mexican skull tallies suggest an average of around 4,250 sacrifices over the empire's final decades, aligning with Moctezuma's reign amid heightened temple expansions.[51] Beyond sacrifices, atrocities encompassed systemic enslavement and exploitation, with conquered populations furnishing pochteca merchants and tlacotin slaves for rituals or labor, often under threat of death for non-compliance. Moctezuma ordered supplementary offerings, such as additional male and juvenile victims, in response to perceived divine slights, underscoring sacrifice's role in both piety and deterrence.[127] While Spanish accounts (e.g., by Díaz del Castillo) inflate totals for propagandistic ends—potentially biasing toward claims of 50,000+ annual empire-wide deaths—cross-verification with codices like the Florentine and archaeological data supports a substantiated scale of thousands yearly, integral to Aztec hegemony yet fueling its fragility through subject alienation.[127][128] This intensity peaked under Moctezuma, distinguishing his rule from predecessors via infrastructural enhancements like ritual arenas, though demographic constraints limited totals to sustainable levels within a population of several million.[131]

Legacy and Long-Term Impact

Descendants in Colonial Mexico and Europe

Moctezuma II's surviving children, primarily his daughters, integrated into colonial society through marriages to Spanish settlers and strategic appeals to the Crown for recognition of their status. His daughter Isabel Moctezuma (c. 1509–1550), initially wed to Aztec nobles before the conquest, was baptized by Hernán Cortés and married Spanish captains including Alonso de Grado and Pedro Gallego de Andrada; her offspring, such as Isabel de Andrada y Moctezuma (d. after 1579), inherited claims to Aztec tribute lands and pursued viceregal grants for pensions equivalent to 700 pesos annually by the 1530s, leveraging documents affirming their imperial lineage.[132] Similar privileges extended to other daughters like Francisca de Moctezuma and Mariana Leonor de Moctezuma, who received royal cacicazgos (indigenous lordships) and intermarried with encomenderos, enabling their mestizo descendants to amass estates in central Mexico while navigating the legal fiction of "natural nobility" under Spanish law.[132] [15] These lineages employed audiencias and lawsuits across generations to defend privileges against encroachments, often citing Moctezuma's pre-conquest sovereignty; by the mid-17th century, such persistence yielded formal Spanish nobility. In 1627, Philip IV granted the title of 1st Count of Moctezuma de Tultengo to Pedro Tesifón de Moctezuma (c. 1590s–1650s), a descendant through Isabel's line via her granddaughter, affirming the family's haciendas in Tultengo and Orizaba with entailed estates valued at thousands of pesos.[132] [101] The title passed matrilineally, with successors like Diego Luis de Moctezuma (d. 1680) consolidating wealth through mining interests and alliances, though internal disputes occasionally required royal arbitration.[132] Daughters in these branches funded northern frontier missions and presidios, such as those in Nueva Vizcaya, blending Aztec prestige with colonial expansion.[102] In Europe, branches diverged via male lines like that of son Pedro Moctezuma (baptized 1521, d. Spain c. 1570), who relocated to Madrid under royal patronage and whose progeny intermarried into Castilian hidalgos, preserving the surname amid Habsburg court circles.[103] The Moctezuma comital title, elevated to dukedom in the 19th century, originated in colonial grants but saw holders shuttle between Mexico and Spain, with 18th-century counts petitioning Carlos III for reaffirmations tied to transatlantic properties.[132] The lineage's adaptability culminated in indirect influence, as a Moctezuma descendant through marriage, Tomás Antonio de la Cerda y Aragón (Viceroy 1696–1701), assumed the viceroyalty of New Spain, embodying the fusion of indigenous royalty with Iberian governance.[132]

Role in Indigenous Folklore and National Narratives

In post-conquest Nahua chronicles such as the Florentine Codex, compiled by indigenous informants in the mid-16th century, Moctezuma II is portrayed as a ruler beset by apocalyptic omens—including comets, fiery skies, and visions—that signaled the empire's impending doom, reflecting a Nahua worldview where cosmic disorder mirrored political collapse.[114] These accounts emphasize his personal affliction, described as "his heart died" upon learning of the Spanish advance, interpreted by scholars as an indigenous concept of soul loss or spiritual disintegration rather than mere physical death, underscoring a fatalistic element in Nahua historical memory.[114] Surviving oral traditions among Nahua communities have perpetuated legends of Moctezuma's hidden treasures, where vast quantities of gold and jewels—estimated in folklore to rival the empire's annual tribute of thousands of loads of precious metals—were purportedly sunk in lakes like Texcoco or buried in mountains to evade Spanish seizure during the 1520 siege of Tenochtitlan.[133] These tales, transmitted through generations in central Mexico, symbolize the abrupt rupture of Mexica hegemony and enduring resentment toward conquest, though archaeological evidence for such hoards remains absent, suggesting embellishment over empirical fact.[134] In broader indigenous folklore, particularly among Nahua descendants, Moctezuma figures as a semi-divine tlatoani whose fall invoked ancestral curses, with some narratives linking his demise to breaches in ritual obligations, such as neglected sacrifices that provoked divine wrath—a causal interpretation rooted in Mesoamerican cosmology rather than later Spanish-influenced passivity tropes.[2] This portrayal contrasts with Spanish chronicles' emphasis on his alleged weakness, highlighting how Nahua sources preserved agency in imperial downfall through metaphysical rather than interpersonal failure. Within Mexican national narratives, especially during the post-revolutionary indigenismo movement of the 1920s–1950s, Moctezuma II was elevated as an emblem of pre-Hispanic splendor and victimhood, integral to constructing a mestizo identity that fused indigenous resilience with Spanish imposition to legitimize the revolutionary state's cultural policies.[135] Historiographers like those in Enrique Florescano's analysis portrayed him as a dignified sovereign betrayed by internal divisions and foreign guile, sidelining the Aztec Triple Alliance's expansionist conquests—which under his rule incorporated over 38 provinces through military subjugation—and ritual human sacrifices exceeding 20,000 victims annually at Tenochtitlan's temples.[136] This selective framing, promoted via murals, textbooks, and monuments, served nation-building by romanticizing Aztec governance amid efforts to assimilate indigenous groups, yet it has drawn critique for inverting causal realities: the empire's overextension and tributary brutality, not mere Spanish superiority, eroded alliances that enabled Cortés's 1519–1521 campaign.[137] Contemporary reassessments in Mexican scholarship increasingly challenge these narratives' omissions, attributing indigenismo's Moctezuma idealization to state-driven mestizaje ideology that prioritized unity over the Aztec system's coercive foundations, evidenced by tribute records demanding cacao, feathers, and captives from subjugated polities.[2] While folklore persists in popular culture—such as treasure hunts inspiring expeditions into the Sierra Madre—national discourse has shifted toward pluralistic indigenous voices, diminishing Moctezuma's centrality in favor of diverse Mesoamerican legacies, reflecting empirical recognition of the Mexica as one hegemonic actor among many.[133]

Broader Consequences: End of Aztec Hegemony and Spanish Order

The fall of Tenochtitlan on August 13, 1521, marked the decisive end of Aztec hegemony over central Mexico, as Hernán Cortés and his forces, bolstered by tens of thousands of indigenous allies—primarily from Tlaxcala, who resented Aztec tribute demands and ritual warfare—overwhelmed the city's defenses after a three-month siege.[138][139] The Aztec Triple Alliance, a hegemonic network sustained through coerced tribute from over 300 subject polities rather than direct governance, fractured rapidly once core leadership collapsed, with many vassal states defecting to the Spanish coalition rather than mounting unified resistance.[52] This outcome reflected not merely Spanish steel and gunpowder but the empire's internal vulnerabilities, including overextension and exploitation that alienated potential supporters.[125] Compounding military pressures, Old World diseases introduced by the Europeans, notably smallpox arriving in 1520 via a Spanish slave, triggered epidemics that decimated the Aztec population—killing up to 25% in Tenochtitlan alone during the siege and contributing to an overall decline from an estimated 25 million in 1519 to under 1 million by the late 16th century across central Mexico.[140][141] These pandemics, interacting with famine from disrupted agriculture and warfare, eroded societal cohesion and manpower, facilitating Spanish consolidation without sustained large-scale indigenous counteroffensives.[142] In the aftermath, Spanish authorities supplanted Aztec structures with colonial institutions, renaming the region New Spain and rebuilding Mexico City atop Tenochtitlan's ruins as the administrative hub by 1522, under Cortés's initial governorship in Coyoacán.[143] The Crown formalized the Viceroyalty of New Spain in 1535, appointing Antonio de Mendoza as the first viceroy to centralize control, implement the encomienda system for labor extraction, and enforce Catholic conversion, thereby dismantling polytheistic temples and integrating surviving indigenous elites into a hierarchical order favoring Spanish settlers and loyal allies like the Tlaxcalans, who received exemptions from tribute.[144] This transition prioritized resource extraction—silver mining boomed by mid-century—and cultural assimilation, permanently shifting power from nomadic warrior expansions to sedentary European-style dominion, though sporadic revolts persisted into the 1530s.[145][146]

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