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Pleonasm
Pleonasm
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Pleonasm (/ˈpl.əˌnæzəm/; from Ancient Greek πλεονασμός pleonasmós, from πλέον pléon 'to be in excess')[1][2] is redundancy in linguistic expression, such as "black darkness", "burning fire", "the man he said",[3] or "vibrating with motion". It is a manifestation of tautology by traditional rhetorical criteria.[4] Pleonasm may also be used for emphasis, or because the phrase has become established in a certain form. Tautology and pleonasm are not consistently differentiated in literature.[5]

Usage

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Most often, pleonasm is understood to mean a word or phrase which is useless, clichéd, or repetitive, but a pleonasm can also be simply an unremarkable use of idiom. It can aid in achieving a specific linguistic effect, be it social, poetic or literary. Pleonasm sometimes serves the same function as rhetorical repetition—it can be used to reinforce an idea, contention or question, rendering writing clearer and easier to understand. Pleonasm can serve as a redundancy check; if a word is unknown, misunderstood, misheard, or if the medium of communication is poor—a static-filled radio transmission or sloppy handwriting—pleonastic phrases can help ensure that the meaning is communicated even if some of the words are lost.[citation needed]

Idiomatic expressions

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Some pleonastic phrases are part of a language's idiom, such as tuna fish, chain mail and safe haven in American English. They are so common that their use is unremarkable for native speakers, although in many cases the redundancy can be dropped with no loss of meaning.

When expressing possibility, English speakers often use potentially pleonastic expressions such as It might be possible or perhaps it's possible, where both terms (verb might or adverb perhaps along with the adjective possible) have the same meaning under certain constructions. Many speakers of English use such expressions for possibility in general, such that most instances of such expressions by those speakers are in fact pleonastic. Others, however, use this expression only to indicate a distinction between ontological possibility and epistemic possibility, as in "Both the ontological possibility of X under current conditions and the ontological impossibility of X under current conditions are epistemically possible" (in logical terms, "I am not aware of any facts inconsistent with the truth of proposition X, but I am likewise not aware of any facts inconsistent with the truth of the negation of X"). The habitual use of the double construction to indicate possibility per se is far less widespread among speakers of most[citation needed] other languages (except in Spanish; see examples); rather, almost all speakers of those languages use one term in a single expression:[dubiousdiscuss]

  • French: Il est possible or il peut arriver.
  • Portuguese: O que é que, lit. "What is it that", a more emphatic way of saying "what is"; O que usually suffices.
  • Romanian: Este posibil or se poate întâmpla.
  • Typical Spanish pleonasms
    • Voy a subir arriba – I am going to go up upstairs, "arriba" not being necessary.
    • Entra adentro – enter inside, "adentro" not being necessary.
  • Turkish has many pleonastic constructs because certain verbs necessitate objects:
    • yemek yemek – to eat food.
    • yazı yazmak – to write writing.
    • dışarı çıkmak – to exit outside.
    • içeri girmek – to enter inside.
    • oyun oynamak – to play a game.

In a satellite-framed language such as English, verb phrases containing particles that denote direction of motion are so frequent that even when such a particle is pleonastic, it seems natural to include it (e.g. "enter into").

Professional and scholarly use

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Some pleonastic phrases, when used in professional or scholarly writing, may reflect a standardized usage that has evolved or a meaning familiar to specialists but not necessarily to those outside that discipline. Such examples as "null and void", "each and every", "cease and desist" are legal doublets that are part of legally operative language that is often drafted into legal documents. A classic example of such usage was that by the Lord Chancellor at the time (1864), Lord Westbury, in the English case of ex parte Gorely,[6] when he described a phrase in an Act as "redundant and pleonastic". This type of usage may be favored in certain contexts. However, it may also be disfavored when used gratuitously to portray false erudition, obfuscate, or otherwise introduce verbiage, especially in disciplines where imprecision may introduce ambiguities (such as the natural sciences).[7]

Literary uses

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Examples from Baroque, Mannerist, and Victorian provide a counterpoint to Strunk's advocacy of concise writing:

  • "This was the most unkindest cut of all." — William Shakespeare, Julius Caesar (Act 3, Scene 2, 183)
  • "I will be brief: your noble son is mad:/Mad call I it; for, to define true madness,/What is't but to be nothing else but mad?" — Hamlet (Act 2, Scene 2)
  • "Let me tell you this, when social workers offer you, free, gratis and for nothing, something to hinder you from swooning, which with them is an obsession, it is useless to recoil ..." — Samuel Beckett, Molloy

Types

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There are various kinds of pleonasm, including bilingual tautological expressions, syntactic pleonasm, semantic pleonasm and morphological pleonasm:

Bilingual tautological expressions

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A bilingual tautological expression is a phrase that combines words that mean the same thing in two different languages.[8]: 138  An example of a bilingual tautological expression is the Yiddish expression מים אחרונים וואַסער mayim akhroynem vaser. It literally means 'water last water' and refers to 'water for washing the hands after meal, grace water'.[8]: 138  Its first element, mayim, derives from the Hebrew מים [majim] 'water'. Its second element, vaser, derives from the Middle High German word vaser 'water'.

According to Ghil'ad Zuckermann, Yiddish abounds with both bilingual tautological compounds and bilingual tautological first names.[8]: 138 

The following are examples of bilingual tautological compounds in Yiddish:

  • פֿינצטער חושך fíntster khóyshekh 'very dark', literally 'dark darkness', traceable back to the Middle High German word vinster 'dark' and the Hebrew word חושך ħōshekh 'darkness'.[8]: 138 
  • חמור-אייזל khamer-éyzļ 'womanizer', literally 'donkey-donkey', traceable back to the Hebrew word חמור [ħă'mōr] 'donkey' and the Middle High German word esel 'donkey'.[8]: 138 

The following are examples of bilingual tautological first names in Yiddish:

  • דוב-בער Dov-Ber, literally 'bear-bear', traceable back to the Hebrew word דב dov 'bear' and the Middle High German word bër 'bear'.[8]: 138 
  • צבי-הירש Tsvi-Hirsh, literally 'deer-deer', traceable back to the Hebrew word צבי tsvi 'deer' and the Middle High German word hirz 'deer'.[8]: 138 
  • זאב-וואָלףZe'ev-Volf, literally 'wolf-wolf', traceable back to the Hebrew word זאב ze'ev 'wolf' and the Middle High German word volf 'wolf'.[8]: 138 
  • אריה-לייב Aryeh-Leib, literally 'lion-lion', traceable back to the Hebrew word אריה arye 'lion' and the Middle High German word lewe 'lion'.[8]: 138 

Examples occurring in English-language contexts include:

Syntactic pleonasm

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Syntactic pleonasm occurs when the grammar of a language makes certain function words optional.[citation needed] For example, consider the following English sentences:

  • "I know you're coming."
  • "I know that you're coming."

In this construction, the conjunction that is optional when joining a sentence to a verb phrase with know. Both sentences are grammatically correct, but the word that is pleonastic in this case. By contrast, when a sentence is in spoken form and the verb involved is one of assertion, the use of that makes clear that the present speaker is making an indirect rather than a direct quotation, such that he is not imputing particular words to the person he describes as having made an assertion; the demonstrative adjective that also does not fit such an example. Also, some writers may use "that" for technical clarity reasons.[9] In some languages, such as French, the word is not optional and should therefore not be considered pleonastic.

The same phenomenon occurs in Spanish with subject pronouns. Since Spanish is a null-subject language, which allows subject pronouns to be deleted when understood, the following sentences mean the same:

  • "Yo te amo."
  • "Te amo."

In this case, the pronoun yo ('I') is grammatically optional; both sentences mean "I love you" (however, they may not have the same tone or intention—this depends on pragmatics rather than grammar). Such differing but syntactically equivalent constructions, in many languages, may also indicate a difference in register.

The process of deleting pronouns is called pro-dropping, and it also happens in many other languages, such as Korean, Japanese, Hungarian, Latin, Italian, Portuguese, Swahili, Slavic languages, and the Lao language.

In contrast, formal English requires an overt subject in each clause. A sentence may not need a subject to have valid meaning, but to satisfy the syntactic requirement for an explicit subject a pleonastic (or dummy pronoun) is used; only the first sentence in the following pair is acceptable English:

  • "It's raining."
  • "Is raining."

In this example the pleonastic "it" fills the subject function, but it contributes no meaning to the sentence. The second sentence, which omits the pleonastic it is marked as ungrammatical although no meaning is lost by the omission.[10] Elements such as "it" or "there", serving as empty subject markers, are also called (syntactic) expletives, or dummy pronouns. Compare:

  • "There is rain."
  • "Today is rain."

The pleonastic ne (ne pléonastique), expressing uncertainty in formal French, works as follows:

  • "Je crains qu'il ne pleuve."
    ('I fear it may rain.')
  • "Ces idées sont plus difficiles à comprendre que je ne pensais."
    ('These ideas are harder to understand than I thought.')

Two more striking examples of French pleonastic construction are aujourd'hui and Qu'est-ce que c'est?.

The word aujourd'hui/au jour d'hui is translated as 'today', but originally means "on the day of today" since the now obsolete hui means "today". The expression au jour d'aujourd'hui (translated as "on the day of today") is common in spoken language and demonstrates that the original construction of aujourd'hui is lost. It is considered a pleonasm.

The phrase Qu'est-ce que c'est? meaning 'What's that?' or 'What is it?', while literally, it means "What is it that it is?".

There are examples of the pleonastic, or dummy, negative in English, such as the construction, heard in the New England region of the United States, in which the phrase "So don't I" is intended to have the same positive meaning as "So do I."[11][12]

When Robert South said, "It is a pleonasm, a figure usual in Scripture, by a multiplicity of expressions to signify one notable thing",[13] he was observing the Biblical Hebrew poetic propensity to repeat thoughts in different words, since written Biblical Hebrew was a comparatively early form of written language and was written using oral patterning, which has many pleonasms. In particular, very many verses of the Psalms are split into two halves, each of which says much the same thing in different words. The complex rules and forms of written language as distinct from spoken language were not as well-developed as they are today when the books making up the Old Testament were written.[14][15] See also parallelism (rhetoric).

This same pleonastic style remains very common in modern poetry and songwriting (e.g., "Anne, with her father / is out in the boat / riding the water / riding the waves / on the sea", from Peter Gabriel's "Mercy Street").

Semantic pleonasm

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Semantic pleonasm is a question more of style and usage than of grammar.[16] Linguists usually call this redundancy to avoid confusion with syntactic pleonasm, a more important phenomenon for theoretical linguistics. It usually takes one of two forms: Overlap or prolixity.

Overlap: One word's semantic component is subsumed by the other:

  • "Receive a free gift with every purchase."; a gift is usually already free.
  • "A tuna fish sandwich."
  • "The plumber fixed our hot water heater." (This pleonasm was famously attacked by American comedian George Carlin,[17] but is not truly redundant; a device that increases the temperature of cold water to room temperature would also be a water heater.)
  • The Big Friendly Giant (title of a children's book by Roald Dahl); giants are inherently already "big".

Prolixity: A phrase may have words which add nothing, or nothing logical or relevant, to the meaning.

  • "I'm going down south."
    (South is not really "down", it is just drawn that way on maps by convention.)
  • "You can't seem to face up to the facts."
  • "He entered into the room."
  • "Every mother's child" (as in The Christmas Song by Nat King Cole', also known as Chestnuts roasting...).[18] (Being a child, or a human at all, generally implies being the child of/to a mother. So the redundancy here is used to broaden the context of the child's curiosity regarding the sleigh of Santa Claus, including the concept of maternity. The full line goes: "And every mother's child is gonna spy, to see if reindeer really know how to fly". One can furthermore argue that the word "mother" is included for the purpose of lyrical flow, adding two syllables, which make the line sound complete, as "every child" would be too short to fit the lyrical/rhyme scheme.)
  • "Ilk man and mother's son take heed" from Tam o' Shanter written by Robert Burns in 1790 (Ilk is a now-archaic Scots determiner meaning each or every, so this adds a second pleonasm to the mother's child example above, double-emphasising that he means absolutely every man, as well as fitting the metre of that verse)
  • "What therefore God hath joined together, let no man put asunder."
  • "He raised up his hands in a gesture of surrender."
  • "Where are you at?"
  • "Located" or similar before a preposition: "the store is located on Main St." The preposition contains the idea of locatedness and does not need a servant.
  • "The house itself" for "the house", and similar: unnecessary re-specifiers.
  • "Actual fact": fact.
  • "On a daily basis": daily.
  • "This particular item": this item.
  • "Different" or "separate" after numbers: for example:
    • "Four different species" are merely "four species", as two non-different species are together one same species. (However, in "a discount if you buy ten different items", "different" has meaning, because if the ten items include two packets of frozen peas of the same weight and brand, those ten items are not all different.)
    • "Nine separate cars": cars are always separate.
  • "Despite the fact that": although.

An expression such as "tuna fish", however, might elicit one of many possible responses, such as:

  1. It will simply be accepted as synonymous with "tuna".
  2. It will be perceived as redundant (and thus perhaps silly, illogical, ignorant, inefficient, dialectal, odd, and/or intentionally humorous).
  3. It will imply a distinction. A reader of "tuna fish" could properly wonder: "Is there a kind of tuna which is not a fish? There is, after all, a dolphin mammal and a dolphin fish." This assumption turns out to be correct, as a "tuna" can also mean a prickly pear.[19] Further, "tuna fish" is sometimes used to refer to the flesh of the animal as opposed to the animal itself (similar to the distinction between beef and cattle).[19] Similarly, while all sound-making horns use air, an "air horn" has a special meaning: one that uses compressed air specifically; while most clocks tell time, a "time clock" specifically means one that keeps track of workers' presence at the workplace.
  4. It will be perceived as a verbal clarification, since the word "tuna" is quite short, and may, for example, be misheard as "tune" followed by an aspiration, or (in dialects that drop the final -r sound) as "tuner".

Subtler redundancies

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In some cases, the redundancy in meaning occurs at the syntactic level above the word, such as at the phrase level:

"It's déjà vu all over again."
"I never make predictions, especially about the future."

The redundancy of these two well-known statements is deliberate, for humorous effect. (See Yogi Berra § "Yogi-isms".) But one does hear educated people say "my predictions about the future of politics" for "my predictions about politics", which are equivalent in meaning. While predictions are necessarily about the future (at least in relation to the time the prediction was made), the nature of this future can be subtle (e.g., "I predict that he died a week ago"—the prediction is about future discovery or proof of the date of death, not about the death itself). Generally "the future" is assumed, making most constructions of this sort pleonastic. The latter humorous quote above about not making predictions—by Yogi Berra—is not really a pleonasm, but rather an ironic play on words. Alternatively it could be an analogy between predict and guess.

However, "It's déjà vu all over again" could mean that there was earlier another déjà vu of the same event or idea, which has now arisen for a third time; or that the speaker had very recently experienced a déjà vu of a different idea.

Redundancy, and "useless" or "nonsensical" words (or phrases, or morphemes), can also be inherited by one language from the influence of another and are not pleonasms in the more critical sense but actual changes in grammatical construction considered to be required for "proper" usage in the language or dialect in question. Irish English, for example, is prone to a number of constructions that non-Irish speakers find strange and sometimes directly confusing or silly:

  • "I'm after putting it on the table."
    ('I [have] put it on the table.') This example further shows that the effect, whether pleonastic or only pseudo-pleonastic, can apply to words and word-parts, and multi-word phrases, given that the fullest rendition would be "I am after putting it on the table".
  • "Have a look at your man there."
    ('Have a look at that man there.') An example of word substitution, rather than addition, that seems illogical outside the dialect. This common possessive-seeming construction often confuses the non-Irish enough that they do not at first understand what is meant. Even "Have a look at that man there" is arguably further doubly redundant, in that a shorter "Look at that man" version would convey essentially the same meaning.
  • "She's my wife so she is."
    ('She's my wife.') Duplicate subject and verb, post-complement, used to emphasize a simple factual statement or assertion.

All of these constructions originate from the application of Irish Gaelic grammatical rules to the English dialect spoken, in varying particular forms, throughout the island.

Seemingly "useless" additions and substitutions must be contrasted with similar constructions that are used for stress, humor, or other intentional purposes, such as:

  • "I abso-fuckin'-lutely agree!"
    (tmesis, for stress)
  • "Topless-shmopless—nudity doesn't distract me."
    (shm-reduplication, for humor)

The latter of these is a result of Yiddish influences on modern English, especially East Coast US English.

Sometimes editors and grammatical stylists will use "pleonasm" to describe simple wordiness. This phenomenon is also called prolixity or logorrhea. Compare:

  • "The sound of the loud music drowned out the sound of the burglary."
  • "The loud music drowned out the sound of the burglary."

or even:

  • "The music drowned out the burglary."

The reader or hearer does not have to be told that loud music has a sound, and in a newspaper headline or other abbreviated prose can even be counted upon to infer that "burglary" is a proxy for "sound of the burglary" and that the music necessarily must have been loud to drown it out, unless the burglary was relatively quiet (this is not a trivial issue, as it may affect the legal culpability of the person who played the music); the word "loud" may imply that the music should have been played quietly if at all. Many are critical of the excessively abbreviated constructions of "headline-itis" or "newsspeak", so "loud [music]" and "sound of the [burglary]" in the above example should probably not be properly regarded as pleonastic or otherwise genuinely redundant, but simply as informative and clarifying.

Prolixity is also used to obfuscate, confuse, or euphemize and is not necessarily redundant or pleonastic in such constructions, though it often is. "Post-traumatic stress disorder" (shell shock) and "pre-owned vehicle" (used car) are both tumid euphemisms but are not redundant. Redundant forms, however, are especially common in business, political, and academic language that is intended to sound impressive (or to be vague so as to make it hard to determine what is actually being promised, or otherwise misleading). For example: "This quarter, we are presently focusing with determination on an all-new, innovative integrated methodology and framework for rapid expansion of customer-oriented external programs designed and developed to bring the company's consumer-first paradigm into the marketplace as quickly as possible."

In contrast to redundancy, an oxymoron results when two seemingly contradictory words are adjoined.

Foreign words

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Redundancies sometimes take the form of foreign words whose meaning is repeated in the context:

  • "We went to the El Restaurante restaurant."
  • "The La Brea tar pits are fascinating."
  • "Roast beef served with au jus sauce."
  • "Please R.S.V.P."
  • "The Schwarzwald Forest is deep and dark."
  • "The Drakensberg Mountains are in South Africa."
  • "We will vacation in Timor-Leste."
  • LibreOffice office suite.
  • The hoi polloi.
  • I'd like to have a chai tea.
  • "That delicious Queso cheese."
  • "Some salsa sauce on the side?"

These sentences use phrases which mean, respectively, "the the restaurant restaurant", "the the tar tar", "with in juice sauce" and so on. However, many times these redundancies are necessary—especially when the foreign words make up a proper noun as opposed to a common one. For example, "We went to Il Ristorante" is acceptable provided the audience can infer that it is a restaurant. (If they understand Italian and English it might, if spoken, be misinterpreted as a generic reference and not a proper noun, leading the hearer to ask "Which ristorante do you mean?"—such confusions are common in richly bilingual areas such as Montreal or the American Southwest when mixing phrases from two languages.) But avoiding the redundancy of the Spanish phrase in the second example would only leave an awkward alternative: "La Brea pits are fascinating".

Most people find it best not to drop articles when using proper nouns made from foreign languages:

  • "The movie is playing at the El Capitan theater."

However, there are some exceptions to this, for example:

This is also similar to the treatment of definite and indefinite articles in titles of books, films, etc. where the article can—some would say must—be present where it would otherwise be "forbidden":

  • "Stephen King's The Shining is scary."
    (Normally, the article would be left off following a possessive.)
  • "I'm having an An American Werewolf in London movie night at my place."
    (Seemingly doubled article, which would be taken for a stutter or typographical error in other contexts.)

Some cross-linguistic redundancies, especially in placenames, occur because a word in one language became the title of a place in another (e.g., the Sahara Desert—"Sahara" is an English approximation of the word for "deserts" in Arabic). "The Los Angeles Angels" professional baseball team is literally "the The Angels Angels". A supposed extreme example is Torpenhow Hill in Cumbria, where some of the elements in the name likely mean "hill".[citation needed] See the List of tautological place names for many more examples.

The word tsetse means "fly" in the Tswana language, a Bantu language spoken in Botswana and South Africa. This word is the root of the English name for a biting fly found in Africa, the tsetse fly.

Acronyms and initialisms

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Acronyms and initialisms can also form the basis for redundancies; this is known humorously as RAS syndrome (for Redundant Acronym Syndrome syndrome). In all the examples that follow, the word after the acronym repeats a word represented in the acronym. The full redundant phrase is stated in the parentheses that follow each example:

  • "I forgot my PIN number for the ATM machine." (Personal Identification Number number; Automated Teller Machine machine)
  • "I upgraded the RAM memory of my computer." (Random Access Memory memory)
  • "My laptop has an LCD display." (Liquid-Crystal Display display)
  • "She is infected with the HIV virus." (Human Immunodeficiency Virus virus)
  • "I have installed a CMS system on my server." (Content Management System system)
  • "The SI system of units is the modern form of the metric system." (International System system[a])

(See RAS syndrome for many more examples.) The expansion of an acronym such as PIN or FAQ may be well known to English speakers, but the acronyms themselves have come to be treated as words, so little thought is given to what their expansion is (and "PIN" is also pronounced the same as the word "pin"; disambiguation is probably the source of "PIN number"; "SIN number" for "Social Insurance Number number" [sic] is a similar common phrase in Canada.) But redundant acronyms are more common with technical (e.g., computer) terms where well-informed speakers recognize the redundancy and consider it silly or ignorant, but mainstream users might not, since they may not be aware or certain of the full expansion of an acronym such as "RAM".

Apparent redundancies that actually are not redundant

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Carefully constructed expressions, especially in poetry and political language, but also some general usages in everyday speech, may appear to be redundant but are not. This is most common with cognate objects (a verb's object that is cognate with the verb):

  • "She slept a deep sleep."

Or, a classic example from Latin:

The words need not be etymologically related, but simply conceptually, to be considered an example of cognate object:

  • "We wept tears of joy."

Such constructions are not actually redundant (unlike "She slept a sleep" or "We wept tears") because the object's modifiers provide additional information. A rarer, more constructed form is polyptoton, the stylistic repetition of the same word or words derived from the same root:

As with cognate objects, these constructions are not redundant because the repeated words or derivatives cannot be removed without removing meaning or even destroying the sentence, though in most cases they could be replaced with non-related synonyms at the cost of style (e.g., compare "The only thing we have to fear is terror".)

See also

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Notes

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References

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Pleonasm is the use of more words than are necessary to express an idea, resulting in that can either be unintentional or deliberate for stylistic effect. Derived from the Greek pleonasmos, meaning "superfluity" or "excess," via pleonasmus, the term entered English in the late to describe superfluous expression in language. In and , pleonasm serves as a that enriches emphasis or clarity, though it is often critiqued as a fault when it obscures precision. For instance, phrases like "free gift" (where "gift" already implies no cost) or "advance warning" exemplify semantic pleonasm, where redundant modifiers repeat inherent meanings. Syntactic pleonasm, by contrast, involves superfluous grammatical elements, such as in constructions like "the man he said," which add no new information but fulfill structural requirements in certain languages or dialects. Scholars distinguish pleonasm from related concepts like tautology, which pertains to logical redundancy in propositions rather than linguistic expression. Historically, and Roman rhetoricians viewed pleonasm positively as a device of verbal abundance to heighten , a perspective echoed in modern analyses of political and biblical where it reinforces emphasis. While unintentional pleonasms are common in everyday speech and writing—such as "true facts" or "PIN number"—intentional uses appear in and oratory to evoke intensity.

Definition and Etymology

Definition

Pleonasm refers to the use of more words than necessary to express an idea, resulting in without adding new semantic . In linguistic terms, it occurs when one element in an expression appears superfluous, as it duplicates meaning already conveyed by other elements. This is typically grammatically correct but semantically or syntactically unnecessary, distinguishing pleonasm from errors in or outright incoherence. Unlike mere , which involves excessive wordiness without direct repetition of meaning, pleonasm specifically entails superfluous words that reiterate an idea, often for rhetorical emphasis or stylistic effect. For instance, phrases like "free gift"—where "gift" inherently implies something given without cost—or "true facts," in which "facts" already denotes verifiable truths, exemplify pleonasm by incorporating redundant qualifiers that do not alter the core meaning. Similarly, "null and void" repeats the concept of invalidity, as "void" sufficiently captures nullity on its own. Pleonasm must be differentiated from tautology, a related but narrower concept in linguistics where the same idea is restated using synonymous terms, creating a logical redundancy that is inherently true but stylistically repetitive. While both involve unnecessary repetition, pleonasm encompasses broader superfluous expressions beyond strict synonymy, such as syntactic additions that enhance clarity or emphasis without introducing novel content. In rhetorical contexts, pleonasm may serve to reinforce ideas, though it is often critiqued as a stylistic fault when unintentional.

Etymology

The term "pleonasm" derives from the pleonasmós (πλεονασμός), meaning "excess" or "superfluity," formed from pleonázein ("to be more than enough" or "to be superfluous"), which combines the pleôn ("more") with the stem -ázein (indicating action or state). This root traces further to the Proto-Indo-European pelh₁-, meaning "to fill" or "to be full," reflecting notions of abundance or overflow in expression. The word first appeared in ancient rhetorical texts as a concept denoting deliberate verbal excess for emphasis, emerging in discussions of style and during the classical period. Roman scholars adopted and Latinized the term as pleonasmus in the CE, notably in Quintilian's , where it is treated as a potential fault in oratory involving superfluous words, such as "I saw it with my eyes" instead of simply "I saw." , drawing on Greek precedents, distinguished it from other stylistic errors like (omission) while acknowledging its occasional utility for clarity or intensity in speech. This adoption marked the term's integration into Latin rhetorical theory, bridging Greek origins with Western linguistic traditions. Over time, the meaning shifted from a primarily rhetorical figure of excess—valued for its emphatic potential in classical contexts—to a modern linguistic emphasis on or tautology, viewed more critically as unnecessary repetition. By the , English dictionaries reflected this ; for instance, Samuel Johnson's 1755 A Dictionary of the English Language defined pleonasm as "a figure of rhetorick, by which more words are used than are necessary," aligning it closely with ideas of tautological surplus. Etymologically related terms like "plethora" (from Greek plēthōrḗ, "fullness," sharing the theme of excess) and "superfluous" (from Latin superfluus, "overflowing," evoking similar abundance) underscore the term's roots in concepts of overabundance, though they diverge in specific applications.

Historical and Rhetorical Context

Origins in Classical Rhetoric

In classical , pleonasm originated as a strategic device for amplification and emotional reinforcement within the Greek and Roman oratorical traditions, where verbal excess was harnessed to enhance rather than dismissed as linguistic error. The Greek term pleonasmos, denoting "excess" or "superfluity," reflected its role in poetic and solemn discourse to heighten expressiveness. Aristotle's Rhetorica (c. 350 BCE) provides foundational insights in Book III, emphasizing amplification (auxēsis) as a stylistic technique to magnify the perceived magnitude of ideas through metaphors, , and controlled repetition, while cautioning against undue excess that obscures clarity. He describes the virtue of style as balanced—clear and appropriate—yet permits amplified or unusual terms in moments of passion to evoke stronger emotional responses, positioning such redundancies as persuasive tools integral to effective oratory. Roman rhetorician further refined this classification in his (c. 95 CE), defining pleonasm as an overload of words beyond necessity, exemplified by phrases like "I saw it with my eyes" (ego oculis meis vidi), where "I saw" alone suffices. In Book VIII, he treats it primarily as a stylistic fault that risks redundancy, yet in Book IX, he recognizes its value as a (schēma) for emphasis, allowing fuller language to repeat and intensify ideas in persuasive contexts, such as oratory aimed at stirring audience conviction. This dual view—fault when excessive, virtue when purposeful—underscored pleonasm's adaptability in judicial and deliberative speeches. Greek orators like exemplified pleonasm's practical application in public discourse, employing redundant phrasing to build emotional intensity and moral urgency. In his speech Against Meidias (c. 355 BCE), pleonasm clusters around themes of hybris (outrage), with layered descriptions of insults and injuries—such as reiterating the assailant's actions in overlapping terms—to amplify the victim's and provoke juror indignation, thereby strengthening the case for severe punishment. These instances demonstrate how pleonasm fortified arguments by evoking visceral responses, aligning with ' mastery of rhythmic repetition. Within the cultural framework of , pleonasm complemented other figures of repetition, such as anaphora (repeating words at clause beginnings for rhythmic buildup) and (immediate word repetition for urgency), forming part of the progymnasmata exercises that trained students in Attic oratory. Taught alongside Aristotle's principles and Quintilian's analyses, these devices emphasized pleonasm's place in a toolkit for public , where verbal abundance served ethical and emotional goals in assemblies, courts, and festivals, reflecting the era's valorization of eloquent speech as .

Evolution in Linguistic Theory

In the , prescriptive grammarians treated pleonasm as a syntactic error to be eradicated from usage. Goold Brown, in his influential The Grammar of English Grammars (1851), defined pleonasm as "the insertion of some word or words more than are necessary to the sense," classifying it as a fault that disrupts clarity and elegance in composition, with examples like unnecessary repetitions or tautological phrases deemed violations of grammatical propriety. This view aligned with the era's emphasis on normative rules, where was seen as a mark of poor style rather than a linguistic feature. By the early , views began shifting through philological and structural approaches that recognized 's role in systems. The shift toward in the early 20th century reframed pleonasm within Ferdinand de Saussure's foundational distinction between langue—the abstract system of language—and —its concrete realizations in speech—positioning redundancy as an integral component of the linguistic code that supports communication. The Prague School, building on Saussurean principles, further elaborated this through concepts like redundancy in and , where highlighted its role in enhancing predictability and aiding comprehension amid noise or ambiguity in spoken language. For instance, Jakobson's work on binary oppositions and treated such redundancies as functional elements of langue that reinforce meaning without being superfluous. During the mid-20th century, under (1950s–1970s) analyzed pleonasm via underlying redundancies in syntactic structures, which generate surface forms resilient to processing errors. In (1957), Chomsky's transformational model posits that grammatical rules can incorporate redundant elements to ensure robust interpretation, allowing language users to correct ambiguities or distortions in real-time comprehension. This perspective emphasized redundancy's utility in bridging competence (idealized knowledge) and performance (actual use), facilitating error recovery without violating principles. Contemporary interprets redundancy as a pragmatic tool that amplifies emphasis and rhetorical force in discourse, aligning with and theories. Empirical studies reveal redundancy's facilitative role in , where redundant morphological or syntactic cues—such as case marking alongside —enhance learners' and reduce during input processing. In , redundancy often signals intensity, as seen in conversational repetitions that heighten emotional or argumentative impact.

Usage in Language

Idiomatic and Everyday Expressions

In everyday English speech, pleonastic expressions are frequently embedded in idioms that reinforce ideas through redundancy, enhancing emotional impact without adding new information. For instance, phrases like "safe and sound," where "sound" redundantly emphasizes physical well-being alongside "safe," or "cease and desist," which doubles the notion of stopping an action, are commonplace in casual conversation to underscore certainty or finality. Similarly, "null and void" repeats the concept of invalidity, often used in informal discussions of agreements or plans that have failed, as these constructions provide rhythmic emphasis that feels natural and reassuring to speakers. Cross-linguistically, similar pleonastic patterns appear in idiomatic expressions to heighten vividness or clarity. In French, constructions such as "monter en haut" (go up upwards) or "descendre en bas" (go down downwards) are idiomatic redundancies that emphasize direction in everyday descriptions of movement, adding a layer of expressive intensity without altering the core meaning. These parallels illustrate how pleonasm serves a universal function in informal language across , where the repetition aids in making speech more intuitive and engaging. From a psychological perspective, such pleonasms play a key role in casual by aiding retention, though their impact on real-time comprehension varies. Linguistic , as in descriptive modifiers like "closed ," can impair immediate by reducing to specific referents in visually complex settings but enhances downstream recall, allowing speakers to emphasize points for better retention during or directives, a benefit supported by eye-tracking studies on referential communication. This contributes to conversational fluency by reinforcing shared understanding in sociolinguistic exchanges. Cultural variations in pleonastic usage are evident in regional English dialects, particularly with redundant acronyms known as (redundant acronym syndrome). Expressions like " machine" (automated teller machine machine) are prevalent in daily speech, reflecting a tendency toward explicit clarification that prioritizes over conciseness. These differences highlight how pleonasm adapts to varying norms of clarity and efficiency in Anglophone varieties.

Professional and Scholarly Applications

In legal drafting, pleonastic phrases such as "full force and effect" are frequently employed in contracts to emphasize enforceability and minimize interpretive ambiguity, ensuring that obligations remain binding without dispute over their validity. This redundancy, rooted in historical linguistic conventions, persists because it provides explicit reinforcement in high-stakes documents where precision outweighs brevity. For instance, contracts often include such doublets to cover potential nuances in judicial review, as seen in standard boilerplate language that equates the phrase with simple "effect" but adds "full force" for comprehensive coverage. In , pleonasms like "advance planning" appear in scholarly articles to underscore preparatory steps, though they are critiqued for undermining conciseness and clarity. Style guides, including the American Psychological Association's Publication Manual (7th ed.), advise against such redundancies to promote efficient , recommending "planning" alone since the concept inherently implies foresight. Despite this guidance, these expressions remain common in drafts from non-native English speakers or interdisciplinary fields, where explicitness aids reader comprehension over stylistic economy. Technical fields, particularly engineering reports, often retain pleonastic terms like "PIN number" (personal identification number number) for explicit reference in documentation, prioritizing accessibility over linguistic purity. Style manuals for professional societies, such as the IEEE Computer Society Style Guide, explicitly discourage this redundancy to foster precise communication, yet it endures in practical contexts like system specifications to avoid confusion among multidisciplinary teams. This persistence highlights a trade-off where familiarity trumps strict adherence to guidelines in applied settings. Debates in professional contexts center on pleonasm's role in balancing unambiguity against efficiency, with legal scholars arguing that redundancies enhance interpretive certainty at the cost of verbose prose. In U.S. opinions, such as Lessee of Livingston v. Moore (1832), justices have addressed pleonastic phrasing by deeming certain redundant terms mere stylistic flourishes that do not alter substantive meaning, illustrating how courts weigh clarity against conciseness in . This tension underscores broader scholarly views that while pleonasms safeguard against misreading in formal texts, excessive use can dilute persuasive impact, prompting calls for streamlined drafting in and academia.

Literary and Stylistic Uses

In and , pleonasm serves as an intentional to enhance , emphasize , or amplify thematic depth, transforming potential into a tool for artistic expression. Writers employ redundant phrasing to create sonic patterns, heighten dramatic tension, or evoke a sense of abundance in , drawing from classical rhetorical traditions where excess can underscore . This deliberate use contrasts with unintentional pleonasm, allowing authors to manipulate reader and immerse audiences in layered meanings. A prominent example appears in William Shakespeare's works, where pleonasm contributes to poetic intensity and character revelation. In Julius Caesar, Antony's eulogy declares, "This was the most unkindest cut of all," employing a double superlative that intensifies betrayal's cruelty through grammatical redundancy, thereby heightening the speech's emotional impact and rhythmic flow. Similarly, scholarly analyses of Shakespeare's tragedies highlight intentional pleonasms for emphasis, such as repetitions that mirror psychological turmoil, reinforcing the plays' exploration of fate and folly. These devices not only aid memorability in performance but also enrich the text's interpretive layers. In modern literature, pleonasm manifests in contrasting styles, where authors like incorporate redundant flourishes to evoke irony, satire, or the chaotic texture of Southern life, diverging from Ernest Hemingway's minimalist approach that rigorously avoids excess. Faulkner's prose often builds through repetitive synonyms and extended clauses, creating a dense, immersive narrative that simulates memory's convolutions, as seen in , where echoed phrases underscore themes of time and decay. This pleonastic abundance critiques societal stagnation, using stylistic overload to satirize human folly, while Hemingway's sparse sentences in works like The Old Man and the Sea prioritize precision, implicitly warning against verbal inflation. Such contrasts illustrate pleonasm's role in modernist experimentation, balancing verbosity with intent. Rhetorically, pleonasm through repetition amplifies emotional resonance in oratory, as in Martin Luther King Jr.'s "" speech, where the anaphoric "" layers visions of equality, building urgency and unity without diluting message potency. This technique, akin to pleonastic amplification, fosters audience identification and , transforming redundancy into a persuasive force that echoes across . 20th-century style guides like Strunk and White's (first published , revised ) caution against pleonastic excess in composition, advocating "omit needless words" to achieve clarity and vigor, yet acknowledge its selective value in for stylistic flair and emphasis. This balanced critique underscores pleonasm's dual nature: a vice in prosaic clarity but a virtue when wielded for literary or rhetorical artistry.

Types of Pleonasm

Syntactic Pleonasm

Syntactic pleonasm involves redundancies created by superfluous grammatical elements or structures within a sentence, where the syntax incorporates unnecessary words or phrases that do not contribute to the core meaning or function. This type of pleonasm arises when optional function words or constructions are included despite the allowing their omission, leading to structurally bloated expressions. For instance, in the phrase "the reason is because," the "is" is redundant because the subordinating conjunction "because" already establishes the causal relationship, making the full equivalent to the more economical "the reason is that." Similarly, adverbial redundancies like "return back" add the preposition "back" unnecessarily, as the "return" inherently implies reversal of direction. Grammatical examples often include pleonastic subjects or pronouns in constructions that emphasize but overextend the syntax. Another instance is the reflexive pronoun in "He himself completed the task," where "himself" reiterates the subject without adding new information, as the pronoun is implied by the verb's agreement. These structures persist because they fulfill emphatic or stylistic roles, even though they extend the phrase beyond minimal syntactic requirements. From a linguistic perspective, syntactic pleonasm contravenes economy principles in , which prioritize derivations and representations with the fewest superfluous elements to achieve interpretability. In generative grammar frameworks, such as those outlined in minimalist theory, economy conditions mandate that syntactic operations avoid unnecessary steps, like inserting redundant function words that do not license additional projections or features. Models like emphasize efficient head-adjunct relations, where pleonastic elements disrupt the valence or subcategorization frames by adding unprojected constituents, thus increasing computational load without semantic gain. Historically, syntactic pleonasm traces back to influences, where constructions like pleonastic "that" appeared in preposition + demonstrative phrases, such as "for þæt þe" (for ), evolving into modern redundant relatives. Nominal forms also exhibited , as in "cildru" (children), combining a plural suffix with a collective noun ending for hypercharacterization. This persistence is evident in modern dialects.

Semantic Pleonasm

Semantic pleonasm occurs when linguistic expressions repeat or reinforce the same semantic content through overlapping meanings, resulting in without altering the overall interpretation. This form of pleonasm arises from the inherent structure of lexical items, where one word's semantic features are already encompassed by another, leading to unnecessary elaboration. Unlike structural redundancies, semantic pleonasm focuses on the duplication of conceptual content, often serving stylistic or emphatic purposes in . The theoretical foundation for analyzing semantic pleonasm lies in , particularly through , which decomposes word meanings into atomic semantic components to reveal overlaps. In the Katz-Fodor model, semantic interpretation involves projecting these components from a to construct meanings, allowing identification of redundancies where components from one word are fully entailed by those of another. For instance, this approach highlights how expressions like "return back" exhibit pleonasm because the directional component of "back" is already inherent in the semantics of "return." Core examples illustrate this semantic overlap. The term "bi-weekly" demonstrates due to its dual semantic interpretations: either occurring twice within a week or once every two weeks, stemming from the prefix "bi-" implying both duality and interval, which creates inherent in temporal specification. Similarly, "adequate enough" reinforces the concept of sufficiency, as "adequate" already denotes a level of sufficiency, rendering "enough" semantically superfluous while emphasizing completeness. Common pitfalls in semantic pleonasm often involve everyday phrases where etymological roots amplify redundancy. For example:
  • Close proximity: "Proximity" derives from Latin proximitas, meaning "nearness" or "closeness," so "close" duplicates the core semantic feature of spatial nearness.
  • Free gift: Gifts are inherently gratuitous, making "free" redundant in denoting absence of cost.
  • Unexpected surprise: "Surprise" semantically entails the element of unexpectedness, overlapping with "unexpected."
  • Advance warning: "Warning" implies prior notice, rendering "advance" pleonastic.
These expressions frequently arise from a desire for emphasis but can obscure precision if not contextually justified.

Bilingual Tautological Expressions

Bilingual tautological expressions occur when speakers integrate words or phrases from two different languages that are semantically equivalent, creating within the . This form of pleonasm is particularly prevalent in contact situations where bilingual individuals engage in , blending elements from their linguistic repertoires for emphasis, clarity, or stylistic effect. Unlike monolingual semantic pleonasms, these arise specifically from cross-linguistic overlap, often unintentionally due to speakers' partial awareness of etymologies or translations. A classic example is "the hoi polloi," borrowed from hoi polloi, meaning "the many" or "the common people." The Greek definite article hoi ("the") renders the English "the" superfluous, resulting in a of "the the many." This redundancy emerged in English usage in the 19th century, despite early attestations by writers like in 1668, and persists as an established referring to the masses. Another well-known instance is "chai tea," a product of -English contact, where chai (from Hindi, meaning "") is paired with the English word "tea," yielding "tea tea." This expression gained popularity in the West through and the , with English speakers reanalyzing the borrowed term without recalling its original meaning. Similar redundancies appear in " bread" (naan from Hindi/Urdu/Persian for "bread") and "salsa sauce" (Spanish salsa meaning "sauce"). These often stem from food terminology in multicultural contexts, where borrowed words lose their translational transparency over time. Historically, such expressions proliferated in 19th-century amid waves of European , fostering hybrid forms like " noodles" (Italian pasta akin to "dough" or "paste," redundantly specified as "noodles"). This era's linguistic , influenced by German, Italian, and French speakers, amplified code-mixing redundancies as immigrants adapted terms to English equivalents for accessibility. In , bilingual tautologies are analyzed as outcomes of , where speakers alternate languages within . Carol Myers-Scotton's Matrix Language Frame model (1993) posits that one language provides the syntactic frame (matrix language), while elements from another (embedded language) are inserted, sometimes yielding equivalents like "go" from both languages for emphasis, as seen in Igbo-English bilingual speech (e.g., "I ga go" combining Igbo ga "go" with English "go"). This model highlights how such redundancies serve pragmatic functions, such as negotiation of identity or in conversation, rather than mere error. Globally, these expressions manifest in non-English-dominant varieties, such as (Hinglish), where "pre-plan karna" blends English "pre-plan" (already redundant) with Hindi karna ("to do"), though the core tautology lies in cross-linguistic reinforcement of intent. In (Spanish-English contact in the U.S.), examples include "diving down" as bucear down (bucear Spanish for "to dive," paired with English "down" for directional emphasis), reflecting immigrant communities' hybrid speech patterns. These instances underscore how multicultural sustains such pleonasms, adapting them into idiomatic norms.

Additional Forms and Distinctions

Subtler Redundancies

Subtler redundancies in pleonasm arise when repetition occurs through implied meanings or contextual assumptions rather than overt lexical overlap, making them less immediately detectable than more explicit forms. A classic example is "unexpected surprise," where the term "surprise" already encompasses the notion of something unforeseen, rendering the adjective "unexpected" superfluous. Similarly, "consensus of " introduces redundancy by layering "opinion" onto "consensus," which by definition refers to a shared or agreement among a group. Another instance is " plans ahead," in which "plans" inherently project into the , making "future" and "ahead" contextually repetitive. Detecting these subtler pleonasms poses challenges because they resist straightforward syntactic or semantic analysis and instead demand pragmatic inference to uncover the implied repetition. This often involves applying principles like 's maxims of conversation, particularly the maxim of quantity (avoiding unnecessary information) and manner (clarity without prolixity), which guide listeners to recognize excess in real-time discourse (Grice, 1975). Such inferences highlight how these redundancies rely on shared contextual knowledge, evading automated linguistic parsing tools that focus on surface-level structures. In professional contexts like , these phrases may serve stylistic purposes, adding nuance or rhythmic emphasis to , as seen in reports using "future plans ahead" to underscore forward momentum. However, editing manuals frequently critique them for undermining conciseness, advising writers to eliminate such to maintain precision and reader (Strunk & White, 2000). studies indicate that subtle redundancies appear more frequently in oral speech than in , where speakers employ them for amid real-time constraints, while writers benefit from revision to achieve tighter expression. For instance, corpus-based research on English registers shows exhibiting higher rates of repetitive features, including these implied redundancies, compared to edited texts (Biber, 1988).

Redundancies Involving Foreign Words, Acronyms, and Initialisms

Redundancies involving foreign words occur when a from another is paired with an equivalent native term, creating unnecessary repetition. A prominent example is the phrase "résumé summary," where "résumé" derives from the French résumer, meaning "to summarize," making the addition of "summary" superfluous. This construction is common in professional contexts like job applications, despite its inherent redundancy. Acronyms and initialisms can lead to pleonasm through what is known as redundant acronym syndrome (RAS), a where a term is expanded with a word already embedded in the , resulting in recursive . For instance, "LCD display" expands to " display," as "LCD" stands for "liquid crystal display." This error arises from incomplete familiarity with the full form, often in technical or media discourse. Similarly, " " translates to "human immunodeficiency ," a frequently observed in early reporting on the disease to aid public understanding. The prevalence of such redundancies has evolved with and technological proliferation, particularly post-1950s, as evidenced by corpus analyses. Google Ngram data shows sharp increases in phrases like "LCD display" after the (linked to electronics ), " virus" from the 1980s (amid the ), and " machine" post-1960s (with banking ), reflecting broader adoption of technical jargon in English texts. These trends underscore how and media simplification have normalized such pleonasms, despite stylistic guidelines discouraging them.

Apparent Redundancies That Are Not True Pleonasms

Certain phrases in English may appear pleonastic due to superficial redundancy, but they fulfill critical functions such as disambiguation, specification of category, or legal precision, thereby avoiding true redundancy. These constructions often arise in technical, scientific, or idiomatic contexts where the additional term provides necessary clarity or distinguishes the referent from potential ambiguities. Linguists classify many such cases as tautological compounds or hypernym-hyponym pairs, where the seemingly repetitive element reinforces the specific meaning without superfluous repetition. In technical , "SIC code" exemplifies an apparent , as SIC denotes , yet the term "code" specifies the numerical identifier system used for categorizing industries, distinguishing it from the broader classification framework or other uses of "SIC" (such as the Latin meaning "thus" in notes). This usage ensures precision in regulatory and economic contexts, such as environmental permitting or labor statistics, where could lead to misclassification. Similarly, "DNA " clarifies the physical, macromolecular of deoxyribonucleic , emphasizing its scale and tangible form in contrast to "DNA" as an abstract reference to genetic information or sequences, which is essential in educational or introductory scientific explanations to avoid conceptual confusion. Legal terminology provides another domain where apparent redundancies serve functional roles. For instance, "penal servitude" historically denoted a distinct form of involving imprisonment with compulsory , differentiating it from simple imprisonment without such requirements; this distinction originated in 19th-century British law as a substitute for transportation, ensuring that sentences carried specific rehabilitative or deterrent implications under statutes like the Penal Servitude Act of 1853. Over time, the practical differences blurred, but the phrase retained its utility for precise legal reference in historical and comparative analyses. Linguistically, hypernym-hyponym pairs like "" in illustrate non-redundant specificity: "tuna" functions as a hypernym for the species but has shifted idiomatically to primarily denote the processed food product (e.g., canned tuna), so appending "fish" disambiguates to refer explicitly to the animal or fresh form, a convention rooted in regional usage patterns rather than mere repetition. This structure is common in English for categorical reinforcement, as seen in compounds like "," where the hyponym (oak) is subcategorized under the hypernym () to highlight biological or commercial distinctions. A common misconception involves phrases like "ATM machine," often labeled pleonastic since ATM expands to Automated Teller Machine; however, in technical contexts such as computing or telecommunications, "ATM" frequently abbreviates Asynchronous Transfer Mode (a networking protocol), making "machine" necessary to specify the banking device and prevent misinterpretation among specialists. While everyday usage may render it redundant, this functional disambiguation underscores how context determines necessity, contrasting with true acronym redundancies like unexpanded repetitions in non-ambiguous settings.

References

  1. https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/The_Grammar_of_English_Grammars/Key
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