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History of South Korea
History of South Korea
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The history of South Korea begins with the Japanese surrender on 2 September 1945.[1] At that time, South Korea and North Korea were divided, despite being the same people and on the same peninsula. In 1950, the Korean War broke out. North Korea overran South Korea until US-led UN forces intervened. At the end of the war in 1953, the border between South and North remained largely similar. Tensions between the two sides continued. South Korea alternated between dictatorship and liberal democracy. It underwent substantial economic development.

Background

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After Japan's defeat in the Pacific War in 1945, the Korean region, which was part of Japan's territory, was occupied by American and Soviet forces. In 1948, with the end of the U.S. military government, South Korea declared its independence from Japan as the Republic of Korea. In 1952, when Japan approved the independence of the Korean region under the San Francisco Peace Treaty, it became a completely independent and sovereign nation under international law. The unconditional surrender of Japan led to the division of Korea into two occupation zones (similar to the four zones in Germany), with the United States administering the southern half of the peninsula and the Soviet Union administering the area north of the 38th parallel. This division was meant to be temporary (as was in Germany) and was first intended to return a unified Korea back to its people after the United States, United Kingdom, Soviet Union, and China could arrange a single government for the peninsula.

The two parties were unable to agree on the implementation of a Joint Trusteeship over Korea because of 2 different opinions.[2] This led in 1948 to the establishment of two separate governments with the two very opposite ideologies; the Communist-aligned Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) and the West-aligned First Republic of Korea – each claiming to be the legitimate government of all of Korea. On 25 June 1950, the Korean War broke out. After much destruction, the war ended on 27 July 1953, with the 1948 status quo being restored, as neither the DPRK nor the First Republic had succeeded in conquering the other's portion of the divided Korea. The peninsula was divided by the Korean Demilitarized Zone and the two separate governments stabilized into the existing political entities of North and South Korea.

South Korea's subsequent history is marked by alternating periods of democratic and autocratic rule. Civilian governments are conventionally numbered from the First Republic of Syngman Rhee to the contemporary Sixth Republic. The First Republic, arguably democratic at its inception (though preceded by major anti-communist and anti-socialist purges), became increasingly autocratic until its collapse in 1960. The Second Republic was strongly democratic but was overthrown in under a year and replaced by an autocratic military regime. The Third, Fourth, and Fifth Republics were nominally democratic, but are widely regarded as the continuation of military rule.[3] With the current Sixth Republic, the country has gradually stabilized into a liberal democracy.

Since its inception, South Korea has seen substantial development in education, economy, and culture. Since the 1960s, the nation has developed from one of Asia's poorest to one of the world's wealthiest nations. Education, particularly at the tertiary level, has expanded dramatically. It is said to be one of the "Four Tigers" of rising Asian states along with Singapore, Taiwan and Hong Kong.[4][5]

U.S. military administration (1945–1948)

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Yeo Woon-Hyung (far right) at the US-Soviet Joint Commission (1947) alt text
Lyuh Woon-hyung (far right) at the US-Soviet Joint Commission [ko] in 1947

Emperor Hirohito announced the surrender of the Empire of Japan to the Allied Powers on 15 August 1945. General Order No. 1 for the surrender of Japan (prepared by the Joint Chiefs of Staff of U.S. military forces and approved on 17 August 1945) prescribed separate surrender procedures for Japanese forces in Korea north and south of the 38th parallel. After Japan's surrender to the Allies (formalised on 2 September 1945), division at the 38th parallel marked the beginning of Soviet and U.S. occupation of the North and South, respectively. This division was meant to be temporary, to be replaced by a trusteeship of the United States, United Kingdom, Soviet Union, and Republic of China which would prepare for Korean independence. The trusteeship had been discussed at the Yalta Conference in February 1945.[6][7][8] U.S. forces landed at Incheon on 8 September 1945, and established a military government shortly thereafter.[9] Lieutenant General John R. Hodge, their commander, took charge of the government.[10] Faced with mounting popular discontent, in October 1945 Hodge established the Korean Advisory Council. The Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea, which had operated from China, sent a delegation with three interpreters to Hodge, but he refused to meet with them.[11] Likewise, Hodge refused to recognize the newly formed People's Republic of Korea and its People's Committees, and outlawed it on 12 December.[12] A year later, an interim legislature and interim government were established, headed by Kim Kyu-shik and Syngman Rhee respectively. Political and economic chaos – arising from a variety of causes – plagued the country in this period. The after-effects of the Japanese exploitation remained in the South, as in the North.[13] In addition, the U.S. military was largely unprepared for the challenge of administering the country, arriving with little knowledge of the language, culture or political situation.[14] Thus many of their policies had unintended destabilizing effects. Waves of refugees from North Korea and returnees from abroad added to the turmoil.[15]

In December 1945 a conference convened in Moscow to discuss the future of Korea.[16] A five-year trusteeship was discussed, and a US-Soviet joint commission [ko] was established. The commission met intermittently in Seoul but deadlocked over the issue of establishing a national government. In September 1947, with no solution in sight, the United States submitted the Korean question to the UN General Assembly.[6][7]

The resolution from the UN General Assembly called for a UN-supervised general election in Korea, but after the North rejected this proposition, a general election for a Constitutional Assembly took place in the South only, in May 1948. A constitution was adopted, setting forth a presidential form of government and specifying a four-year term for the presidency. According to the provisions of the Constitution, an indirect presidential election took place in July. Rhee Syngman, as head of the new assembly, assumed the presidency and proclaimed the Republic of Korea (South Korea) on 15 August 1948.[17][18][19]

First Republic (1948–1960)

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Syngman Rhee, the 1st President of South Korea

On 15 August 1948, the Republic of Korea was formally established, with Syngman Rhee as the first president. With the establishment of Rhee's government, de jure sovereignty also passed into the new government. On 9 September 1948, a communist government, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (North Korea), was proclaimed under Kim Il Sung.[17][18][19] However, on 12 December 1948, by its resolution 195 in the Third General Assembly, the United Nations recognized the Republic of Korea as the sole legal government of Korea.[20]

In 1946, the North implemented land reforms by confiscating private property, Japanese and pro-Japanese owned facilities and factories, and placed them under state ownership.[17] Demand for land reform in the South grew strong, and it was eventually enacted in June 1949. Koreans with large landholdings were obliged to divest most of their land. Approximately 40 percent of total farm households became small landowners.[21] However, because preemptive rights were given to people who had ties with landowners before liberation, many pro-Japanese groups obtained or retained properties.[17]

With the country now divided, the relationship between the two Koreas turned more antagonistic as time passed. The Soviet forces having withdrawn in 1948, North Korea pressured the South to expel the United States forces, but Rhee sought to align his government strongly with America, and against both North Korea and Japan.[22] Although talks towards normalization of relations with Japan took place, they achieved little.[23] Meanwhile, the government took in vast sums of American aid, in amounts sometimes near the total size of the national budget.[24] The nationalist government also continued many of the practices of the U.S. military government. In 1948, the Rhee government repressed military uprisings in Jeju, Suncheon and Yeosu. During the rebellion and its suppression 14,000 to 60,000 people were killed in all fighting.[25][18][26] Of note, President Rhee's regime was intolerant of opposition. A famous event that highlighted this was the arrest and conviction of future President Park Chung Hee, for communist conspiracy in 1948.

The main policy of the First Republic of South Korea was anti-communism and "unification by expanding northward". The South's military was neither sufficiently equipped nor prepared, but the Rhee administration was determined to reunify Korea by military force with aid from the United States. However, in the second parliamentary elections held on 30 May 1950, the majority of seats went to independents who did not endorse this position, confirming the lack of support and the fragile state of the nation.[18][27][28]

When the communist army attacked from the North in June, retreating South Korean forces executed tens of thousands suspected communists or sympathisers, either in prison or in a reeducation movement, in what is known as the Bodo League massacre.[29]

On 25 June 1950, North Korean forces invaded South Korea. Led by the U.S., a 16-member coalition undertook the first collective action under the United Nations Command (UNC) in defense of South Korea.[30][31][32] Oscillating battle lines inflicted a high number of civilian casualties and wrought immense destruction. With the People's Republic of China's entry on behalf of North Korea in late 1950, the fighting came to a stalemate close to the original line of demarcation. Armistice negotiations, initiated in July 1951, finally concluded on 27 July 1953[33] at Panmunjom, now in the Demilitarized Zone (DMZ). Following the armistice, the South Korean government returned to Seoul on the symbolic date of 15 August 1953.[30][34]

After the armistice, South Korea experienced political turmoil under years of autocratic leadership of Syngman Rhee, which was ended by student revolt in 1960. Throughout his rule, Rhee sought to take additional steps to cement his control of government. These began in 1952, when the government was still based in Busan due to the ongoing war. In May of that year, Rhee pushed through constitutional amendments which made the presidency a directly-elected position. To do this, he declared martial law, arrested opposing members of parliament, demonstrators, and anti-government groups. Rhee was subsequently elected by a wide margin.[35][36][37]

Rhee regained control of parliament in the 1954 election, and thereupon pushed through an amendment to exempt himself from the eight-year term limit, and was once again re-elected in 1956.[38] Soon after, Rhee's administration arrested members of the opposing party and executed the leader after accusing him of being a North Korean spy.[37][39]

The administration became increasingly repressive while dominating the political arena, and in 1958, it sought to amend the National Security Law to tighten government control over all levels of administration, including the local units.[36] These measures caused much outrage among the people, but despite public outcry, Rhee's administration rigged the March 1960 presidential election and won by a landslide.[40]

On that election day, protests by students and citizens against the irregularities of the election burst out in the city of Masan. Initially these protests were quelled with force by local police, but when the body of a student was found floating in the harbor of Masan, the whole country was enraged and protests spread nationwide.[41][42] On 19 April, students from various universities and schools rallied and marched in protest in the Seoul streets, in what would be called the April Revolution. The government declared martial law, called in the army, and suppressed the crowds with open fire.[41][43][44] Subsequent protests throughout the country shook the government, and after an escalated protest with university professors taking to the streets on 25 April, Rhee submitted his official resignation on 26 April and fled into exile.[45]

Second Republic (1960–1963)

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After the student revolution, power was briefly held by an interim administration under the Foreign Minister Heo Jeong.[46] A new parliamentary election was held on 29 July 1960. The Democratic Party, which had been in the opposition during the First Republic, easily gained power and the Second Republic was established. The revised constitution dictated the Second Republic to take the form of a parliamentary cabinet system where the President took only a nominal role. This was the first and the only instance South Korea turned to a parliamentary cabinet system instead of a presidential system.[47] The assembly elected Yun Po-sun as President and Chang Myon as the Prime Minister and head of government in August 1960.[41][48][49][50]

The Second Republic saw the proliferation of political activity which had been repressed under the Rhee regime. Much of this activity was from leftist and student groups, which had been instrumental in the overthrow of the First Republic. Union membership and activity grew rapidly during the later months of 1960, including the Teachers' Union, Journalists' Union, and the Federation of Korean Trade Union.[41][51] Around 2,000 demonstrations were held during the eight months of the Second Republic.[52]

Under pressure from the left, the Chang government carried out a series of purges of military and police officials who had been involved in anti-democratic activities or corruption. A Special Law to this effect was passed on 31 October 1960.[53][54] 40,000 people were placed under investigation; of these, more than 2,200 government officials and 4,000 police officers were purged.[53] In addition, the government considered reducing the size of the army by 100,000, although this plan was shelved.[55]

In economic terms as well, the government was faced with mounting instability. The government formulated a Five-Year Economic Development Plan, although it was unable to act on it prior to being overthrown.[56] The Second Republic saw the hwan lose half of its value against the dollar between fall 1960 and spring 1961.[57]

Although the government had been established with support of the people, it had failed to implement effective reforms which brought about endless social unrest, political turmoil and ultimately, the May 16 coup.

Military rule (1961–1963)

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Major General Park Chung Hee (center) during the May 16 coup

The May 16 coup, led by Major General Park Chung Hee on 16 May 1961, put an effective end to the Second Republic. Park was one of a group of military leaders who had been pushing for the de-politicization of the military. Dissatisfied with the cleanup measures undertaken by the Second Republic and convinced that the current disoriented state would collapse into communism, they chose to take matters into their own hands.[58][59][60]

The National Assembly was dissolved and military officers replaced the civilian officials. In May 1961, the junta declared "Pledges of the Revolution": anticommunism; strengthened relations with the United States; an end to government corruption termed "fresh and clean morality"; a self-reliant economy; working towards reunification; and a return to democratic civilian government within two years.[58][59][60][61]

As a means to check the opposition, the military authority created the Korean Central Intelligence Agency (KCIA) in June 1961, with Kim Jong-pil, a relative of Park, as its first director.[59][61][62] In December 1962, a referendum was held on returning to a presidential system of rule, which was allegedly passed with a 78% majority.[63] Park and the other military leaders pledged not to run for office in the next elections. However, Park became presidential candidate of the new Democratic Republican Party (DRP), which consisted of mainly KCIA officials, ran for president and won the election of 1963 by a narrow margin.[58][60][61][63]

Third Republic (1963–1972)

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President Park Chung Hee, who ruled South Korea from 1961 to 1979

Park's administration started the Third Republic by announcing the Five-Year Economic Development Plan, an export-oriented industrialization policy. Top priority was placed on the growth of a self-reliant economy and modernization; "Development First, Unification Later" became the slogan of the times and the economy grew rapidly with vast improvement in industrial structure, especially in the basic and heavy chemical industries.[64][65] Capital was needed for such development, so the Park regime used the influx of foreign aid from Japan and the United States to provide loans to export businesses, with preferential treatment in obtaining low-interest bank loans and tax benefits. Cooperating with the government, these businesses would later become the chaebol.[59][64][66]

Relations with Japan were normalized by the Korea-Japan treaty ratified in June 1965.[67][68] This treaty brought Japanese funds in the form of loans and compensation for the damages suffered during the colonial era without an official apology from the Japanese government, sparking much protest across the nation.[59][64]

The government also kept close ties with the United States, and continued to receive large amounts of aid. A status of forces agreement was concluded in 1966, clarifying the legal situation of the US forces stationed there.[69][70] Soon thereafter, Korea joined the Vietnam War, eventually sending a total of 300,000 soldiers from 1964 to 1973 to fight alongside US troops and South Vietnamese Armed Forces.[59][65][71]

Economic and technological growth during this period improved the standard of living, which expanded opportunities for education. Workers with higher education were absorbed by the rapidly growing industrial and commercial sectors, and urban population surged.[72] Construction of the Gyeongbu Expressway was completed and linked Seoul to the nation's southeastern region and the port cities of Incheon and Busan. Despite the immense economic growth, however, the standard of living for city laborers and farmers was still low. Laborers were working with low wages to increase the price competitiveness for the export-oriented economy plan, and farmers were in near poverty as the government controlled prices.[64][73] As the rural economy steadily lost ground and caused dissent among the farmers, however, the government decided to implement measures to increase farm productivity and income by instituting the Saemaul Movement ("New Village Movement") in 1971. The movement's goal was to improve the quality of rural life, modernize both rural and urban societies and narrow the income gap between them.[72][74]

A card portrait of Park Chung Hee during a military parade on Armed Forces Day, 1 October 1973

Park ran again in the 1967 presidential election, taking 51.4% of the vote.[63] At the time the presidency was constitutionally limited to two terms, but a constitutional amendment was forced through the National Assembly in 1969 to allow him to seek a third term.[64][75][76] Major protests and demonstrations against the constitutional amendment broke out, with large support gaining for the opposition leader Kim Dae-jung, but Park was again re-elected in the 1971 presidential election.[77]

Parliamentary elections followed shortly after the presidential election where the opposition party garnered most of the seats, giving them the power to pass constitutional amendments.[citation needed] Park, feeling threatened, declared a state of national emergency on 6 December 1971.[64] In the midst of this domestic insecurity, the Nixon Doctrine had eased tensions among the world superpowers on the international scene, which caused a dilemma for Park, who had justified his regime based on the state policy of anti-communism.[64] In a sudden gesture, the government proclaimed a joint communiqué for reunification with North Korea on 4 July 1972, and held Red Cross talks in Seoul and Pyongyang. However, there was no change in government policy regarding reunification, and on 17 October 1972, Park declared martial law, dissolving the National Assembly and suspending the constitution.[74][78]

Fourth Republic (1972–1981)

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Shipyard of Hyundai Heavy Industries at Ulsan in 1976

The Fourth Republic began with the adoption of the Yushin Constitution on 21 November 1972. This new constitution gave Park effective control over the parliament and the possibility of permanent presidency. The president would be elected through indirect election by an elected body, and the term of presidency was extended to six years with no restrictions on reappointment. The legislature and judiciary were controlled by the government, and educational guidelines were under direct surveillance as well. Textbooks supporting the ideology of the military government were authorized by the government, diminishing the responsibilities of the Ministry of Education.[74]

Despite social and political unrest, the economy continued to flourish under the authoritarian rule with the export-based industrialization policy. The first two five-year economic development plans were successful, and the 3rd and 4th five-year plans focused on expanding the heavy and chemical industries, raising the capability for steel production and oil refining. However, large conglomerate chaebols continuously received preferential treatment and came to dominate the domestic market. As most of the development had come from foreign capital, most of the profit went back to repaying the loans and interest.[66][74]

Students and activists for democracy continued their demonstrations and protests for the abolition of the Yushin system and in the face of continuing popular unrest, Park's administration promulgated emergency decrees in 1974 and 1975, which led to the jailing of hundreds of dissidents. The protests grew larger and stronger, with politicians, intellectuals, religious leaders, laborers and farmers all joining in the movement for democracy. In 1978, Park was elected to another term by indirect election, which was met with more demonstrations and protests. The government retaliated by removing the opposition leader Kim Young-sam from the assembly and suppressing the activists with violent means. In 1979, mass anti-government demonstrations occurred nationwide. In the midst of this political turmoil, Park Chung Hee was assassinated by the director of the KCIA, Kim Jae-gyu, thus bringing the 18-year rule of military regime to an end.[74][78][79]

Fifth Republic (1981–1988)

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Mangwol-dong cemetery (2008)
Burial grounds of the victims of the Gwangju Uprising at Mangwol-dong cemetery

After the assassination of Park Chung Hee, Prime Minister Choi Kyu-hah took the president's role only to be usurped 6 days later by Major General Chun Doo-hwan's 1979 Coup d'état of December Twelfth.[74] In May of the following year, a vocal civil society composed primarily of university students and labour unions led strong protests against authoritarian rule all over the country. Chun Doo-hwan declared martial law on 17 May 1980, and protests escalated. Political opponents Kim Dae-jung and Kim Jong-pil were arrested, and Kim Young-sam was confined to house arrest.[80]

On 18 May 1980, a confrontation broke out in the city of Gwangju between protesting students of Chonnam National University and the armed forces dispatched by the Martial Law Command. The incident turned into a citywide protest that lasted nine days until 27 May and resulted in the Gwangju massacre. Immediate estimates of the civilian death toll ranged from a few dozen to 2000, with a later full investigation by the civilian government finding nearly 200 deaths and 850 injured.[81][82][83] In June 1980, Chun ordered the National Assembly to be dissolved. He subsequently created the National Defense Emergency Policy Committee, and installed himself as a member. On 17 July, he resigned his position of KCIA Director, and then held only the position of committee member. In September 1980, President Choi Kyu-hah was forced to resign from president to give way to the new military leader, Chun Doo-hwan.

In September of that year, Chun was elected president by indirect election and inaugurated in March of the following year, officially starting the Fifth Republic. A new Constitution was established with notable changes; maintaining the presidential system but limiting it to a single 7-year term, strengthening the authority of the National Assembly, and conferring the responsibilities of appointing judiciary to the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. However, the system of indirect election of the president stayed and many military persons were appointed to highly ranked government positions, keeping the remnants of the Yushin era.[83][84]

South Korean President Chun Doo-hwan with U.S. President Ronald Reagan in Seoul, November 1983

The government promised a new era of economic growth and democratic justice. Tight monetary laws and low interest rates contributed to price stability and helped the economy boom with notable growth in the electronics, semi-conductor, and automobile industries. The country opened up to foreign investments and GDP rose as Korean exports increased. This rapid economic growth, however, widened the gap between the rich and the poor, the urban and rural regions, and also exacerbated inter-regional conflicts. These dissensions, added to the hard-line measures taken against opposition to the government, fed intense rural and student movements, which had continued since the beginning of the republic.[80][84]

In foreign policy, ties with Japan were strengthened by state visits by Chun to Japan and Japanese Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone to Korea. U.S. President Ronald Reagan also paid a visit, and relations with the Soviet Union and China improved.[85] The relationship with North Korea was strained when in 1983 a terrorist bomb attack in Burma killed 17 high-ranking officials attending memorial ceremonies and North Korea was alleged to be behind the attacks. However, in 1980 North Korea had submitted a "one nation, two system" reunification proposal which was met with a suggestion from the South to meet and prepare a unification constitution and government through a referendum. The humanitarian issue of reuniting separated families was dealt with first, and in September 1985, families from both sides of the border made cross visits to Seoul and Pyongyang in an historic event.[80][84]

Seoul Arts Center at night alt text
Seoul Arts Center

The government made many efforts for cultural development: the National Museum of Korea, Seoul Arts Center, and National Museum of Contemporary Art were all constructed during this time. The 1986 Asian Games were held successfully, and the bid for the 1988 Summer Olympics in Seoul was successful as well.[80]

Despite economic growth and success in diplomatic relations, the government that gained power by coup d'état was essentially a military regime and the public's support and trust in it was low when the promises for democratic reform never materialized.[84] In the 1985 National Assembly elections, opposition parties won more votes than the government party, clearly indicating that the public wanted a change.[86] Many started to sympathize with the protesting students. The Gwangju massacre was never forgotten and in January 1987, when a protesting Seoul National University student died under police interrogation, public fury was immense. In April 1987, President Chun made a declaration that measures would be taken to protect the current constitution, instead of reforming it to allow for the direct election of the president. This announcement consolidated and strengthened the opposition; in June 1987, more than a million students and citizens participated in the nationwide anti-government protests of the June Struggle.[84][87][88]

On 29 June 1987, the government's presidential nominee Roh Tae-woo gave in to the demands and announced the June 29 Declaration, which called for the holding of direct presidential elections and restoration of civil rights. In October 1987 a revised Constitution was approved by a national referendum and direct elections for a new president were held in December, bringing the Fifth Republic to a close.[87][89]

Sixth Republic (1988–present)

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The Sixth Republic was established on 25 February 1988 and remains the current — and by far the longest-lasting — polity of South Korea.[90]

Roh Tae-woo, 1988–1993

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Roh Tae-woo became president for the 13th presidential term in the first direct presidential election in 16 years. Although Roh was from a military background and one of the leaders of Chun's coup d'état, the inability of the opposition leaders Kim Dae-jung and Kim Young-sam to agree on a unified candidacy led to him being elected.[91][92] The first female presidential candidate, Hong Sook-ja, even withdrew from the race in order to back Kim Young-sam against Roh.[93]

Roh was officially inaugurated in February 1988. The government set out to eliminate past vestiges of authoritarian rule by revising laws and decrees to fit democratic provisions. Freedom of the press was expanded, university autonomy was recognised, and restrictions on overseas travel were lifted.[94] However, the growth of the economy had slowed down compared to the 1980s, resulting in stagnant exports while commodity prices kept on rising.

Fireworks during the closing ceremonies of the 1988 Summer Olympics

Shortly after Roh's inauguration, the 1988 Summer Olympics took place, raising South Korea's international recognition and greatly influencing foreign policy. Roh's government announced the official unification plan, Nordpolitik, and established diplomatic ties with the Soviet Union, China, and countries in Eastern Europe.[91]

A historic event was held in 1990 when North Korea accepted the proposal for exchange between the two Koreas, resulting in high-level talks and cultural and sports exchanges. In 1991, a joint communiqué on denuclearization was agreed upon, and the two Koreas simultaneously became members of the UN.[91][95]

Kim Young-sam, 1993–1998

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Kim Young-sam was elected president in the 1992 elections after Roh's tenure. He was the country's first civilian president in 30 years since 1962 and promised to build a "New Korea".[96] The government set out to address the authoritarianism of the previous administrations. Local government elections were held in 1995, and parliamentary elections followed in 1996. In response to popular demand, former presidents Chun and Roh were both indicted on charges linked to bribery, illegal funds, and, in the case of Chun, responsibility for the Gwangju Uprising. They were tried and sentenced to prison in December 1996.[96][97]

Relations with the North improved, and a summit meeting was planned but postponed indefinitely with the death of Kim Il Sung. Tensions varied between the two Koreas after that, with cycles of small military skirmishes and apologies. The government also carried out substantial financial and economic reforms, joining the OECD in 1996, but encountered difficulties with political and financial scandals involving his son[whose?]. The country also faced a variety of catastrophes: the Gupo Station rail accident[98] and the sinking of MV Seohae in 1993,[99] the Seongsu Bridge disaster in 1994,[100] and the Sampoong Department Store collapse in 1995.[101][96]

In 1997, the nation suffered a severe financial crisis, and the government approached the International Monetary Fund for relief. Opposition leader Kim Dae-jung won the presidency that year,[96] a first for the country.[citation needed]

Kim Dae-jung 1998–2003

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President Kim Dae-jung, the 2000 Nobel Peace Prize recipient for advancing democracy and human rights in South Korea and East Asia and for reconciliation with North Korea, was sometimes called the "Nelson Mandela of Asia."[102]

In February 1998, Kim Dae-jung was officially inaugurated.[103] South Korea had maintained its commitment to democratize its political processes and this was the first transfer of the government between parties by peaceful means. Kim's government faced the daunting task of overcoming the economic crisis, but with the joint efforts of the government's aggressive pursuit of foreign investment, cooperation from the industrial sector, and the citizen's gold-collecting campaign, the country was able to come out of the crisis in a relatively short period of time.[104][105][106]

Industrial reconstruction of the big conglomerate chaebols was pursued, a national pension system was established in 1998, educational reforms were carried out, government support for the IT field was increased, and notable cultural properties were registered as UNESCO Cultural Heritage sites.[106] The 2002 FIFA World Cup, co-hosted with Japan, was a major cultural event where millions of supporters gathered to cheer in public places.[107][108]

In diplomacy, Kim Dae-jung pursued the "Sunshine Policy", a series of efforts to reconcile with North Korea.[109] This culminated in reunions of the separated families of the Korean War and a summit talk with North Korean leader Kim Jong Il.[110] For these efforts, Kim Dae-jung was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2000.[111]

Roh Moo-hyun, 2003–2008

[edit]

Roh Moo-hyun was elected to the presidency in December 2002 by direct election.[112][113] His victory came with much support from the younger generation and civic groups who had hopes of participatory democracy, and Roh's administration consequently launched with the motto of "participation government". Unlike the previous governments, the administration decided to take a long-term view and execute market-based reforms gradually.[114] This approach did not please the public: approval ratings fell by the end of 2003.[115]

The Roh administration succeeded in overcoming regionalism in South Korean politics, diluting the collusive ties between politics and business, empowering civil society, settling the South Korea-United States trade disagreement, continuing summit talks with North Korea, and launching the high-speed train system KTX. But despite a boom in the stock market, youth unemployment rates were high, real estate prices skyrocketed, and the economy lagged.[116]

In March 2004, the National Assembly voted to impeach Roh regarding breach of election laws and corruption. This motion rallied his supporters and affected the outcome of the parliamentary election held in April, with the ruling party becoming the majority. Roh was reinstated in May by the Constitutional Court, which had overturned the verdict. However, the ruling party then lost its majority in by-elections in 2005, as discontinued reform plans, continual labor unrest, Roh's personal feuds with the media, and diplomatic friction with the United States and Japan caused criticism of the government's competence on political and socioeconomic issues and on foreign affairs.[115][117][118]

In April 2009, after leaving office, Roh Moo-hyun and his family members were investigated for bribery and corruption; Roh denied the charges. On 23 May 2009, Roh committed suicide by jumping into a ravine.[117][119][120]

Lee Myung-bak, 2008–2013

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Lee Myung-bak, President of South Korea from 2008 to 2013

Roh's successor, Lee Myung-bak, was inaugurated in February 2008.[121] Stating "creative pragmatism" as a guiding principle, Lee's administration set out to revitalize the flagging economy, re-energize diplomatic ties, stabilize social welfare, and meet the challenges of globalization.[122][123] In April 2008, the ruling party secured a majority in the National Assembly elections.[124] Also that month, summit talks with the United States addressed the Korea-US Free Trade Agreement and helped ease tensions between the two countries caused by the previous administrations. Lee agreed to lift the ban on US beef imports, which caused massive protests and demonstrations in the months that followed, as paranoia of potential mad cow disease gripped the country.[125]

Many issues plagued the government, starting from the arson of the Namdaemun gates, in which the government was accused of not providing adequate security. Further controversies arose over the years regarding the appointment of high-ranking government officials, rampant political conflicts, accusations of oppression of media, and strained diplomatic relationships with North Korea and Japan.[126] The global recession affected the economy as the worst economic crisis since 1997 hit the country.[127] The Lee administration tackled these issues by actively issuing statements, reshuffling the cabinet, and implementing administrative and industrial reforms.[128]

The economy bounced back after regulatory and economic reforms, with the country's economy marking growth and recovering from the global recession.[129][130][131][132] The administration also pursued improved diplomatic relations by holding summit talks with the United States, China, and Japan and participating in the ASEAN-ROK Commemorative Summit to strengthen ties with other Asian countries.[133] The 2010 G20 summit was held in Seoul, where issues regarding the global economic crisis were discussed.[134]

In October 2020, South Korea's Supreme Court upheld a 17-year prison sentence for former president Lee Myung-bak because of taking bribes before and during his presidency.[135]

Park Geun-hye, 2013–2017

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President Park Geun-hye with chaebol business magnates Lee Kun-hee and Chung Mong-koo, May 2013

Park Geun-hye was inaugurated in February 2013.[136] She is the eleventh President of South Korea and is the eldest child of South Korea's stratocratic third President, Park Chung Hee. She was the first woman to be elected South Korean president, and to be elected as a head of state in the modern history of Northeast Asia.[137] Her reputation during her presidency was eventually marred by her incompetency of handling the Sewol ferry disaster,[138] the 2015 MERS outbreak,[139] and later a major scandal, leading to her impeachment in December 2016.[140][141] The corruption scandal involving Choi Soon-sil quickly blew up after reports from multiple news organizations (the most notable of which was JTBC) in 2016, nationwide protests ensued weekly, with participant count hitting a maximum of over 2.3 million (as reported by the protesters). These protests turned out to be the biggest mass protests in Korean history. The protests continued even after Congress voted on Park's impeachment. Prime Minister Hwang Kyo-ahn acted as President of South Korea[142] pending completion of investigations[143] into the actions of Park Geun-hye, and in the absence of any intervening election. The Constitutional Court upheld the impeachment on 10 March 2017, ending Park's presidency and forcing her out of office.[144]

In April 2018, former president Park Geun-hye was sentenced to 24 years in jail because of abuse of power and corruption.[145]

Moon Jae-in, 2017–2022

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North Korean leader Kim Jong Un and South Korean President Moon Jae-in shaking hands inside the Peace House on 27 April 2018

Moon Jae-in was inaugurated on 10 May 2017.[146] As President, his tenure saw an improving political relationship with North Korea, some increasing divergence in the military alliance with the United States, and the successful hosting of the Winter Olympics in Pyeongchang.[147] Moon Jae-in met with North Korean chairman Kim Jong Un at the April 2018 inter-Korean summit, May 2018 inter-Korean summit, and September 2018 inter-Korean summit.[148][149] During the COVID-19 outbreak, President Moon had gained a positive reputation both domestically and internationally with the initial successes of controlling the outbreak.[150] Subsequent outbreaks in 2021, however, caused his ratings to plummet.[151] As of 2021, South Korea recorded more deaths than births, resulting in a population decline for the first time on record.[152]

In April 2020, President Moon's Democratic party won a landslide victory in parliamentary elections. It took 180 seats in the 300-member National Assembly with its allies. The opposition People Power Party (UFP) won 103 seats.[153]

President Moon finished his term on 9 May 2022. His successor, People Power Party candidate Yoon Suk-yeol, took over the seat on 10 May 2022 after winning narrowly the 2022 South Korean presidential election.[154]

Yoon Suk Yeol, 2022–2025

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Yoon takes the presidential oath of office outside the National Assembly, 10 May 2022.

On 29 October 2022, at least 153 people were crushed to death when a crowd surged in an alleyway during Halloween festivities in Seoul's Itaewon district. President Yoon declared a state of official national mourning.[155][156]

The "Unification Act on the Calculation of Age" took effect on 28 June 2023. The "Unification Act on the Calculation of Age" was promoted to resolve social and administrative confusion and disputes arising from mixing various age calculation methods. It is President Yoon Suk Yeol's representative presidential election pledge and the 13th of the 120 state affairs of the Yoon Suk Yeol government.[157]

In the 22nd National Assembly election held on 10 April 2024, the People Power Party to which Yoon Suk Yeol belongs won 108 out of 300 seats, while the opposition Democratic Party of Korea won 175.[158]

In June 2024, South Korea suspended the 2018 military agreement with North Korea.[159]

On 3 December 2024, Yoon enacted martial law to rid the opposition of 'Anti-State Influence'. Following a few hours of unrest, the National Assembly unanimously passed a motion to lift martial law. Many hours of protest later, with the army unable to stand down without presidential authority, Yoon lifted his prior declaration of martial law and ordered the military to stand down.[160]

Yoon was subsequently impeached on 14 December by the National Assembly and suspended from office pending a final ruling by the Constitutional Court on whether to confirm his removal from the presidency.[161]

On 29 December 2024, Jeju Air plane crash at Muan International Airport in South Korea killed 179 people, being the deadliest air disaster on the nation's soil.[162]

On 4 April 2025, in a unanimous 8-0 verdict, the Constitutional Court upheld Yoon's impeachment, formally removing him from office and laying the groundwork for a new Presidential election to be held later that year.[163]

Lee Jae-myung, 2025–present

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Inauguration of the 21st President of South Korea Lee Jae-myung.

On 4 June 2025, Lee Jae-myung was sworn in as South Korea's new president after having won a snap election by 49.4% of the vote as the candidate of Democratic Party.[164]

Timeline

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Timeline of South Korean governments
Lee Jae MyungYoon Suk YeolMoon Jae-inPark Geun-hyeLee Myung-bakRoh Moo-hyunKim Dae-jungKim Young-samRoh Tae-wooChun Doo-hwanChoi Kyu-hahPark Chung HeeYun Po-sunSyngman RheeHistory of South Korea#Sixth Republic (1988–present)History of South Korea#Fifth Republic (1981–1988)History of South Korea#Fourth Republic (1972–1981)History of South Korea#Third Republic (1963–1972)Supreme Council for National ReconstructionHistory of South Korea#Second Republic (1960–1963)History of South Korea#First Republic (1948–1960)United States Army Military Government in Korea

See also

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References

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
The history of South Korea pertains to the trajectory of the Republic of Korea, founded on August 15, 1948, in the southern zone of the Korean Peninsula after its partition from the north along the 38th parallel in the aftermath of Japan's defeat in World War II. This division, initially intended as a temporary administrative measure by the Allied powers, solidified into two ideologically opposed states, with the south aligning under U.S. influence toward capitalism and anti-communism. The nascent republic faced immediate instability, culminating in the Korean War from 1950 to 1953, when North Korean forces invaded, leading to widespread devastation, millions of casualties, and an armistice that preserved the divide without formal peace. Post-war reconstruction under the First Republic's president Syngman Rhee emphasized land reforms and anti-communist purges but devolved into corruption and authoritarianism, sparking the April Revolution of 1960 that ousted Rhee. A brief democratic interlude gave way to Major General Park Chung-hee's military coup in 1961, initiating the Third Republic and a developmental dictatorship focused on export-led industrialization. Under Park's regime, which lasted until his assassination in 1979, South Korea engineered the "Miracle on the Han River," transforming from one of the world's poorest nations— with a per capita GDP comparable to sub-Saharan Africa's in the 1960s—into an industrial powerhouse through state-directed five-year plans, chaebol conglomerates, and suppression of labor unrest, achieving average annual GDP growth exceeding 8% from 1962 to 1980. Successive authoritarian leaders, including after a coup, maintained growth amid abuses, but mass protests in 1987 forced constitutional reforms, ushering in the Sixth Republic's direct presidential elections and consolidation of . Subsequent administrations balanced with welfare expansion, elevating to high-income status by the 1990s, membership in the , and global leadership in technology, shipbuilding, and semiconductors, though challenges persist from the , demographic aging, and intermittent North Korean provocations. This evolution underscores causal drivers like export orientation and institutional discipline over initial democratic governance, with empirical records showing sustained prosperity tied to market reforms rather than egalitarian redistribution.

Historical Background

Ancient and Medieval Periods

The earliest known polity on the Korean peninsula was Gojoseon, which traditional Korean accounts date to 2333 BC through the legendary founding by Dangun Wanggeom, but archaeological and Chinese historical records indicate its emergence as a bronze-age chiefdom around the 8th to 4th centuries BC in the northwestern regions encompassing parts of modern northern Korea and southern Manchuria. Gojoseon developed iron-age technologies, agriculture, and trade networks, but internal divisions under Wiman (r. c. 194–108 BC) led to its conquest by the Han dynasty of China in 108 BC, fragmenting the region into northern commanderies and southern tribal confederacies. The fall of Gojoseon ushered in the Proto–Three Kingdoms period (c. 1st century BC–3rd century AD), characterized by the consolidation of Mahan, Jinhan, and Byeonhan confederacies in the south alongside northern Buyeo and Okjeo states, laying groundwork for formalized kingdoms through adoption of centralized governance and Buddhism precursors. This evolved into the Three Kingdoms period (c. 57 BC–668 AD), dominated by Goguryeo (established 37 BC in the northwest, expanding to Manchuria), Baekje (founded 18 BC in the southwest, emphasizing maritime trade with China and Wa (Japan)), and Silla (originating 57 BC in the southeast, initially the smallest but militarily adaptive). Baekje and Silla, centered in what became southern Korea, advanced in metallurgy, pottery, and Confucian-influenced administration, with Baekje exporting culture to Japan via Paekche-derived influences in Asuka-period artifacts. Silla's alliance with Tang China enabled the conquest of Baekje in 660 AD and Goguryeo in 668 AD, nominally unifying the peninsula under (668–935 AD), though effective control was limited to the south as Tang forces withdrew amid resentment over exploitation. promoted Buddhism as state religion, constructing monumental temples like (751 AD) and fostering the warrior youth system for social cohesion and military prowess, but aristocratic factionalism and peasant rebellions fragmented it into the Later Three Kingdoms by the late 9th century: Later Goguryeo (Taebong, 901–918), Later Baekje (900–936), and Silla remnants. Concurrently, Balhae (698–926 AD) emerged in the northeast, succeeding Goguryeo's legacy with multi-ethnic governance and trade to and the Islamic world, controlling northern territories until its collapse from Khitan invasions. The medieval era commenced with the Goryeo dynasty (918–1392 AD), founded by Wang Geon (Taejo, r. 918–943 AD), a general from Later who conquered rivals through military campaigns and marriage alliances, establishing as capital and deriving the name "Korea" from "Goryeo." centralized power under a Buddhist , inventing metal printing in 1234 AD (predating Gutenberg) for woodblocks (1236–1251 AD, over 81,000 pages preserved against Mongol threats), and excelling in ceramics exported via extensions. The dynasty repelled Khitan Liao (993–1019 AD) and Jurchen Jin invasions through fortifications like the "Four Gates" system but submitted as a to the Mongol after 1231 AD conquests, enduring seven invasions and tribute demands that strained resources yet facilitated cultural exchanges, including Yuan influence on palace architecture. Internal decay from military coups, eunuch dominance, and Neo-Confucian critiques culminated in the 1392 coup by Yi Seong-gye, who founded amid famine and Red rebel incursions.

Joseon Dynasty and Early Modern Era

The Joseon dynasty (1392–1897) succeeded the Goryeo kingdom after General Yi Seong-gye, later King Taejo, overthrew the corrupt and Mongol-influenced Goryeo regime through a coup in 1388 and formally established the new dynasty in 1392 by relocating the capital to Hanyang (modern Seoul). Yi's rise was driven by military successes against Japanese wokou pirates and Ming Chinese forces, enabling him to consolidate power amid Goryeo's fiscal collapse and peasant rebellions. The dynasty adopted Neo-Confucianism as its ruling ideology, emphasizing rational inquiry, moral governance, and a merit-based bureaucracy modeled on Ming China, which supplanted Buddhism's dominance and structured society around hierarchical ethics. Early Joseon saw cultural and administrative flourishing under kings like Sejong the Great (r. 1418–1450), who promulgated Hangul, the Korean alphabet, in 1443 to promote literacy among commoners while preserving classical Chinese for elites; this innovation facilitated scientific advancements, including rain gauges, sundials, and astronomical tools developed by the Jikgi Institute. Society was rigidly stratified into yangban (hereditary aristocracy comprising about 10% of the population, focused on scholarship and landownership), chungin (middle functionaries), sangmin (commoners, mostly farmers), and cheonmin (lowborn, including slaves and artisans), with yangban dominance reinforced by civil service exams favoring Confucian classics. The economy centered on wet-rice agriculture, with land reforms under Sejong redistributing estates to boost productivity, though yangban exemptions from taxes and corvée labor entrenched inequality. The dynasty faced existential threats from foreign invasions, including the Japanese Imjin War (1592–1598), when Toyotomi Hideyoshi launched two campaigns with over 150,000 troops to conquer Ming China via Korea, devastating the peninsula through widespread destruction of infrastructure and population loss estimated at 1 million deaths. Korean forces, aided by Ming allies and Admiral Yi Sun-sin's innovative turtle ships and naval victories at Myeongnyang, ultimately repelled the invaders by 1598, but the war prompted post-conflict reconstruction emphasizing self-reliance and military reforms. Subsequent Manchu invasions in 1627 and 1636–1637 forced Joseon into tributary status under the Qing dynasty, leading to a policy of sadae (serving the great) isolationism that prioritized subservience to China and restricted foreign contact, fostering internal stability but technological stagnation. In the late 17th and 18th centuries, kings Yeongjo (r. 1724–1776) and Jeongjo (r. 1776–1800) enacted Tangpyeongchaek policies to balance factional strife among Neo-Confucian scholars, promoting pragmatic governance and cultural patronage, including the construction of . However, by the , entered decline due to recurrent famines from droughts and floods—exacerbated by from 7 million in 1600 to over 14 million by 1800—coupled with corruption, burdensome taxation, and peasant uprisings like the 1811 revolt. Factional purges and resistance to Western influences, such as the 1866 French and American expeditions repelled at cost, underscored administrative ossification, setting the stage for external pressures that eroded sovereignty. This era's insularity, while preserving cultural homogeneity, contributed causally to economic underdevelopment relative to industrializing neighbors, as Confucian emphasis on agrarian moralism deprioritized commerce and innovation.

Opening to the West and Japanese Influence

During the mid-19th century, Korea under the regency of (1863–1873) adhered strictly to an isolationist policy, limiting foreign contact primarily to tributary relations with and limited trade with via Tsushima, while rejecting Western overtures amid fears of cultural contamination and Catholic influence. This stance, which intensified after the execution of scholars advocating openness and the suppression of Catholicism, earned Korea the moniker "" in Western accounts, as Daewongun ordered the destruction of foreign ships approaching Korean waters and persecuted converts, resulting in the deaths of nine French missionaries in 1866. The policy aimed to preserve Confucian orthodoxy and internal stability but left unprepared for aggressive external pressures. Western powers tested Joseon's resolve through punitive expeditions, beginning with the 1866 General Sherman incident, where an American merchant schooner carrying British and American crew, including missionary Robert J. Thomas, attempted to trade up the Daedong River to Pyongyang but was destroyed by local forces after clashes, with the crew killed on September 2. France responded with a campaign under Admiral Pierre-Gustave Roze, landing marines on Ganghwa Island in October 1866 to avenge the missionaries; they captured forts and looted briefly but withdrew by November due to logistical strains and Korean guerrilla resistance, achieving no diplomatic concessions. The United States mounted the Shinmiyangyo expedition in 1871, dispatching a five-vessel flotilla under Rear Admiral John Rodgers to demand reparations for the Sherman; U.S. forces assaulted Korean fortifications on Ganghwa on June 10–11, inflicting heavy casualties (estimated 350 Korean dead versus three American) and destroying defenses, yet Rodgers departed without a treaty after Korean envoys refused negotiations, citing sovereignty under the Chinese tributary system. These failures reinforced Daewongun's isolationism until his ouster in 1873, amid internal factional strife and Qing China's weakening grip. Japan, invigorated by the , succeeded where Western powers faltered, exploiting the Unyo incident of September 1875–February 1876, where a Japanese warship surveying Korean waters exchanged fire with coastal defenses near Ganghwa, providing pretext for coercion. On February 26, 1876, under threat of naval bombardment, signed the Treaty of Ganghwa (also known as the Japan-Korea Treaty of Amity), Korea's first modern bilateral agreement, which declared Korea's independence from (a nominal assertion), opened the ports of (expanding prior limited access), , and to Japanese trade, granted to Japanese subjects, and imposed low tariffs fixed at 10 percent on imports. This unequal treaty, modeled on those Japan had endured but now imposed by a rising imperial power, facilitated Japanese settlement, consular presence, and economic penetration, including mining concessions and infrastructure projects, eroding 's autonomy and sowing seeds for further Japanese dominance despite initial Korean resistance and Qing protests. Subsequent treaties with the U.S. (1882) and other powers followed this pattern, but Japan's head start entrenched its influence, culminating in the 1882 where Japanese troops aided in suppressing a soldier's revolt, highlighting the treaty's role in enabling military footholds.

Japanese Colonial Period (1910–1945)

Colonization and Economic Exploitation

Following the Japan–Korea Treaty of 1910, which formalized Japan's annexation of Korea after establishing a protectorate in 1905, the colonial administration prioritized policies that integrated the Korean economy into Japan's imperial framework, primarily to extract resources and labor for metropolitan benefit. The initial focus was on agriculture, where the Government-General of Chōsen conducted a comprehensive land survey from 1910 to 1918 to register ownership and tax liabilities, ostensibly modernizing a fragmented system inherited from the Joseon era but effectively enabling Japanese acquisition of arable land through foreclosures on indebted Korean farmers. By the early 1920s, Japanese individuals and corporations controlled approximately 40% of Korea's cultivated land, displacing tenant farmers who faced rising rents and loss of usufruct rights. This concentration facilitated surplus extraction, as policies incentivized cash-crop production over subsistence farming, exacerbating rural poverty amid stagnant wages and high taxation rates that funneled revenues to Tokyo. Agricultural exploitation intensified through mandated shifts to rice monoculture for export to , where demand surged due to domestic shortages. Rice production in Korea doubled from 1910 to 1930, reaching over 20 million metric tons annually by the late , but exports to absorbed 50-60% of the harvest by , leaving Koreans with imported coarser grains and contributing to widespread and beriberi outbreaks. Japanese zaibatsu conglomerates like and dominated processing and distribution, imposing monopsonistic purchase prices that depressed farmer incomes while inflating costs for local consumers, a dynamic reinforced by colonial devaluation and trade barriers favoring imperial imports. This "rice basket" strategy, as termed in Japanese planning documents, prioritized imperial over Korean welfare, with per capita calorie availability in Korea lagging 20-30% behind 's during the despite aggregate output gains. Industrial policies further entrenched exploitation by reserving strategic sectors for Japanese capital, limiting Korean entrepreneurship to low-value activities. From the , investments flowed into (e.g., , ) and textiles, with output in key industries like rising from 5 million tons in 1918 to 15 million by 1940, but profits repatriated to via the Oriental Development Company, which controlled 70% of colonial banking by 1930. Koreans comprised over 90% of the industrial workforce but received wages 30-50% lower than Japanese counterparts, often under hazardous conditions without legal protections until late wartime decrees. Heavy-chemical industrialization accelerated post-1931 Manchurian Incident, with Korea supplying 40% of Japan's aluminum and magnesium by 1945, yet local firms were suppressed through discriminatory licensing and technology transfers skewed toward Japanese subsidiaries. Infrastructure development, including 6,000 kilometers of railroads by 1945 (up from 1,000 in 1910), served extraction rather than domestic integration, linking resource-rich interior regions to ports for while bypassing Korean population centers. Wartime demands from 1937 onward escalated human , with the 1939 National Mobilization Law requisitioning over 5 million for labor domestically and abroad, including 700,000-800,000 shipped to Japanese mines and factories under coercive contracts marked by deception, violence, and mortality rates exceeding 20% in some sites due to and . This phase transformed Korea into a logistical hinterland for the , with economic output directed almost entirely to military ends, culminating in and by 1945. Overall, while aggregate GDP grew at 2-3% annually under colonial rule, the benefits accrued disproportionately to Japanese settlers and firms, leaving with deepened inequality and dependency.

Independence Movements and Cultural Suppression

Japanese colonial rule from 1910 systematically curtailed Korean political freedoms and cultural expression to enforce assimilation into the Japanese empire. Freedoms of assembly, association, , and speech were deprived, with Korean-language publications suppressed and many private schools closed for failing to align with Japanese standards. Traditional Korean holidays and customs faced bans or restrictions, while public spaces increasingly adopted Japanese nomenclature and practices. In education, Korean language instruction was progressively marginalized, with a full ban imposed in schools by 1938 to prioritize Japanese as the "national language" and instill loyalty to the through curricula emphasizing manual labor over intellectual pursuits. Assimilation policies intensified in the late 1930s amid wartime mobilization under the naisen ittai ideology, portraying Japan and Korea as a single imperial body. In November 1939, Governor-General Koiso issued Ordinance No. 19, mandating sōshi-kaimei—the creation of Japanese-style family names and alteration of given names—effective February 1940, to transform Koreans into "true subjects" of the emperor; by 1944, over 80% of Koreans had complied under coercion. Shinto shrine worship became compulsory, Korean history was erased from textbooks, and cultural artifacts were looted or destroyed to sever national identity. These measures, rooted in racial hierarchy rather than equality, provoked resentment and sustained resistance despite brutal enforcement by the Japanese military police (kempeitai). In response, Koreans mounted independence movements blending non-violent protests, exile governance, and targeted attacks. The March 1 Movement erupted on March 1, 1919, following Emperor Gojong's suspicious death and influenced by Woodrow Wilson's principles; demonstrators in publicly read a , sparking nationwide protests involving students, intellectuals, and civilians. The unrest spread to approximately 1,500 demonstrations across Korea and , with 0.8 to 2 million participants waving the Korean flag and chanting for autonomy. Japanese authorities deployed over 27,000 troops, imposing and responding with mass arrests, bayoneting, and village burnings; official records indicate 7,509 Koreans killed, 15,961 wounded, and 46,948 arrested or tortured. The suppression, while quelling the immediate uprising, galvanized diaspora activism and eroded Japanese legitimacy. The movement's leaders, many fleeing persecution, established the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea (KPG) in Shanghai on April 11, 1919, enacting a provisional constitution for a democratic republic and claiming sovereignty over the peninsula. Operating in exile for 26 years, the KPG raised funds through independence bonds, lobbied Allied powers, and coordinated military units like the Korean Restoration Army; it persisted despite Japanese assassination attempts and internal factionalism, symbolizing unbroken national aspiration until Japan's 1945 surrender. Complementing diplomatic efforts, armed actions included Yun Bong-gil's April 29, 1932, bombing at Shanghai's Hongkou Park during a Japanese military ceremony; the homemade explosives killed General Shirakawa Yoshinori and Navy Minister Saitō Makoto, wounding dozens and exposing vulnerabilities in colonial control. Yun, a 23-year-old activist dispatched by KPG leader Kim Ku, was captured, tried, and executed in Japan on December 19, 1932, but his act inspired further defiance. Underground networks sustained cultural resistance, clandestinely publishing in Hangul, preserving folklore, and forming study groups to evade surveillance. While early post-1919 "cultural rule" allowed limited Korean media under censorship, repression resurged by 1931 with the Manchurian Incident, culminating in total war mobilization that drafted 5.4 million Koreans for labor and military service by 1945. These movements, though unsuccessful in achieving immediate liberation, laid ideological foundations for postwar Korean statehood by fostering national consciousness against assimilation.

Division and the Korean War (1945–1953)

Postwar Occupations and State Formation

Following Japan's surrender on August 15, 1945, Soviet forces occupied Korea north of the 38th parallel starting August 24, while United States troops landed in the south on September 8 to accept the Japanese capitulation south of the line, establishing a temporary division for administrative purposes. The United States Army Military Government in Korea (USAMGIK) was instituted in September 1945 under Lieutenant General John R. Hodge to govern the southern zone, facing immediate challenges including economic disruption, food shortages, and political factionalism between leftist and rightist groups. In the power vacuum, Koreans formed the Committee for the Preparation of Korean Independence (CPKI) on August 15, 1945, led by Lyuh Woon-hyung, which established local people's committees and proclaimed the People's Republic of Korea on September 6; however, USAMGIK refused recognition, viewing it as communist-dominated, and disbanded the committees by early 1946 to curb Soviet-style organization. Efforts at unification faltered at the Moscow Conference in December 1945, where the and USSR agreed to form a for a under a five-year trusteeship, a proposal met with widespread Korean opposition as a delay to independence. The convened in May 1946 but deadlocked over consultation procedures: the Soviets insisted on excluding anti-trusteeship groups, while the sought inclusion of all democratic elements, leading to the commission's first session failure by October 1946. A second session in spring 1947 similarly collapsed due to irreconcilable definitions of "democratic" governance, with Soviet delegates prioritizing leftist inclusion and representatives emphasizing broad representation, exacerbating north-south divisions. With bilateral talks stalled, the referred the Korean question to the in September 1947, prompting the UN General Assembly to establish the Temporary Commission on Korea (UNTCOK) to oversee elections for a . The Soviets boycotted UN involvement and barred UNTCOK from the north, leading to elections confined to the south on May 10, 1948, under UN supervision, where approximately 198 members were elected to the amid reported voter turnout of over 75 percent despite leftist boycotts and violence. The Assembly adopted a constitution on July 17, 1948, establishing the Republic of Korea (ROK), which was inaugurated on August 15, 1948, with elected as its first president by the Assembly. USAMGIK oversaw land reforms redistributing Japanese-held properties to tenants and implemented measures to stabilize the economy, though hyperinflation and unrest persisted, including the Autumn Harvest Uprising in 1946 suppressed as leftist agitation. Rightist factions, led by figures like Rhee, gained prominence under US support to counter communist threats, solidifying an anti-communist orientation that shaped the ROK's foundational ideology. The division at the 38th parallel, intended as temporary, hardened into permanent state formation, with the ROK claiming sovereignty over the entire peninsula while facing northern consolidation under Kim Il-sung's regime.

Outbreak, Course, and Armistice of the Korean War

The Korean War erupted on June 25, 1950, when approximately 75,000 North Korean People's Army troops, equipped with Soviet-supplied tanks and artillery, launched a coordinated invasion across the 38th parallel into South Korea, rapidly overrunning border defenses and advancing toward Seoul. North Korean leader Kim Il-sung had secured approval from Soviet dictator Joseph Stalin for the offensive after multiple appeals, with declassified Soviet documents revealing Stalin's strategic calculations to expand communist influence while avoiding direct U.S. confrontation, including assurances of material support and coordination with Mao Zedong's China. The invasion caught South Korean forces, numbering around 98,000 poorly equipped troops under President Syngman Rhee, largely unprepared, leading to the fall of Seoul by June 28 and the retreat of Republic of Korea (ROK) units to the Pusan Perimeter in southeastern Korea. The condemned the attack on June 25—enabled by the Soviet boycott over Taiwan's seating—and called for member states to assist in repelling the aggression, prompting U.S. President Harry Truman to commit air and naval forces on June 27 and ground troops shortly after, framing the response as containment of Soviet-inspired . Under U.S. General Douglas MacArthur's command, (UNC) forces, primarily American with growing ROK contributions, held the Pusan Perimeter through August 1950 against repeated North Korean assaults. A decisive counteroffensive followed with the amphibious landing at on September 15, 1950, where 75,000 UNC troops exploited the port's vulnerability to sever North Korean supply lines, enabling the recapture of Seoul by September 28 and a northward push that crossed the 38th parallel on October 1, reaching the border with by late November. Chinese intervention altered the war's trajectory when the People's Volunteer Army (PVA), numbering over 200,000 troops under Peng Dehuai, crossed the Yalu on October 19, 1950, launching massive offensives that inflicted heavy UNC losses, including the encirclement of U.S. Marines at the Chosin Reservoir and the second fall of Seoul in January 1951. UNC forces regrouped, counterattacked under General Matthew Ridgway, and retook Seoul in March 1951, stabilizing the front near the 38th parallel amid brutal attritional fighting characterized by trench warfare, artillery duels, and operations like the Battle of Heartbreak Ridge (September–October 1951). Armistice negotiations began at Kaesong in July 1951 and shifted to Panmunjom in October, protracted by disputes over prisoner repatriation—where UNC insistence on voluntary return clashed with communist demands for forced handover—and boundary lines, amid continued combat that caused tens of thousands of casualties monthly. The armistice agreement was signed on July 27, 1953, by UNC representative William K. Harrison Jr., North Korean General , and PVA General , establishing a line roughly along the 38th parallel, creating the (DMZ) as a buffer, and mandating prisoner exchanges, though no was concluded, leaving the conflict technically unresolved. Total casualties exceeded 2.5 million military deaths, with ROK forces suffering approximately 415,000 killed and over 900,000 wounded or missing; U.S. losses included 36,574 battle deaths; and communist forces ( and ) incurred an estimated 1–1.5 million fatalities, alongside 2–3 million civilian deaths across the peninsula from , , and atrocities. The war entrenched South Korea's anti-communist stance, solidified U.S.-ROK commitments, and halted North Korean unification ambitions, though it devastated the South's and economy, setting the stage for Rhee's postwar reconstruction efforts.

Syngman Rhee Administration (1948–1960)

Establishment of Anti-Communist Foundations

The Republic of Korea, established on August 15, 1948, under President Syngman Rhee, adopted anti-communism as a core state principle amid the Cold War division and immediate threats from Soviet-backed North Korea. Rhee, a long-time nationalist exiled during Japanese rule, viewed communism as an existential danger akin to foreign domination, aligning South Korea with U.S. containment policies formalized in the Truman Doctrine of 1947. This stance shaped the new government's foundational institutions, prioritizing security against internal and external communist subversion over broader political pluralism. Central to these foundations was the National Security Act, enacted on December 1, 1948, which criminalized praise, support, or organization benefiting "anti-state groups" including communist entities, with penalties up to death. The law responded to escalating partisan warfare and uprisings by southern communists opposing the separate state's formation, enabling swift suppression of leftist activities. It targeted not only armed insurgents but also suspected sympathizers, facilitating purges that eliminated thousands of perceived threats, as evidenced by military operations against rebellions like the Yeosu-Suncheon uprising in October 1948, where soldiers mutinied in sympathy with Jeju protesters. These measures consolidated Rhee's authority by framing domestic opposition as treasonous collaboration with the North. The Jeju Uprising, beginning April 3, 1948, exemplified the regime's resolve, as police and military responses to protests against the impending election escalated into a full led by the South Korean , resulting in an estimated 14,000 to 30,000 deaths by government forces aiming to restore order before North Korean aggression materialized. Rhee's administration justified such actions as necessary to prevent a communist takeover, dehumanizing opponents in public rhetoric to foster national hostility toward ideology. Post-suppression, anti-communist education was integrated into schools and public life, embedding ideological vigilance as a societal norm. These foundations, while entrenching authoritarian control, arguably preserved South Korea's non-communist orientation until the Korean War's outbreak in June 1950 validated the preemptive posture.

Economic Policies and April Revolution

The Syngman Rhee administration pursued economic policies heavily reliant on United States foreign aid following the Korean War, with aid comprising one-third of the national budget in 1954, rising to 58.4 percent in 1956, and remaining at approximately 38 percent by 1960. This dependency stemmed from the destruction of infrastructure and industry during the war, leaving South Korea with limited domestic productive capacity and positioning it as one of the world's poorest nations, where U.S. assistance sustained basic government functions and imports of commodities. Early initiatives included land reform in 1950, which redistributed farmland from Japanese collaborators and large owners to tenants, fostering agricultural stability and preparing a rural base for future industrialization, alongside expanded education to build human capital. However, broader development was neglected in favor of anti-communist priorities and unification efforts, resulting in an import-substitution strategy that protected domestic industries through tariffs but failed to stimulate exports or efficiency. Economic growth under Rhee averaged about 4 percent annually from 1953 to 1961, translating to less than 2 percent per capita due to rapid population increases and persistent inflation, with corruption and cronyism diverting resources to political allies rather than productive investments. By the late 1950s, aid reductions exacerbated fiscal strains, prompting minimal reforms like currency devaluation, but Rhee's regime responded primarily through political repression rather than structural changes, leading to urban unemployment, rural poverty, and widespread disillusionment. These failures, compounded by authoritarian governance, eroded public support, as the economy's stagnation contrasted sharply with reconstruction in Japan and pre-war aspirations, fueling demands for accountability. The April Revolution erupted in 1960 amid these grievances, triggered by fraud in the March 15 presidential election, where Rhee's Liberal Party manipulated votes to secure his third term despite constitutional limits and opposition boycotts. Protests began on April 15 in Masan after police killed demonstrators against the rigged local elections, with a student's body discovered in the harbor on April 18, inciting nationwide outrage; by April 19, students in Seoul marched en masse, clashing with security forces who fired on crowds, resulting in over 100 deaths in the capital alone and hundreds more across the country. The uprising, driven by youth disillusioned with corruption and economic hardship, spread rapidly, paralyzing the government and forcing Rhee to declare martial law before resigning on April 26 and fleeing into exile. This event dismantled the First Republic, ushering in the short-lived Second Republic under Prime Minister Chang Myon, though underlying economic vulnerabilities persisted, setting the stage for subsequent military intervention.

Park Chung-hee Era (1961–1979)

Military Coup and Regime Consolidation

On May 16, 1961, Major General Park Chung-hee led approximately 3,500 army troops in a swift, bloodless coup d'état that overthrew the democratic Second Republic government of Prime Minister Chang Myon and President Yun Posun. The coup was precipitated by political instability, economic stagnation with high unemployment and inflation exceeding 30% annually, widespread labor strikes, and perceived governmental incompetence following the April Revolution. Park and his allies, primarily disaffected mid-level officers from the Korean Military Academy, justified the takeover as necessary to prevent communist infiltration and restore national order amid fears of North Korean subversion. The plotters seized key government buildings, broadcasting stations, and infrastructure in before dawn, declaring and dissolving the while suspending the constitution. Park established the (SCNR) as the ruling junta, assuming the role of chairman and , with Kim Jong-pil, his nephew-in-law and a key conspirator, directing intelligence operations to neutralize opposition. Thousands of politicians, intellectuals, and suspected dissidents were arrested, including former officials from the Chang administration, under the newly enacted Anti-Communist Act, which expanded state powers to suppress perceived threats. Regime consolidation proceeded through purges within the military to eliminate rivals, centralization of under military oversight, and promises of eventual rule to garner U.S. support, which initially condemned the coup but acquiesced due to anti-communist alignment. By late , had sidelined competing factions, including a brief challenge from , securing unchallenged control. The junta extended its rule beyond initial pledges, holding a constitutional on December 26, 1962, that approved a new framework enabling indirect s, paving the way for Park's victory in the October 1963 direct with 34.7% of the vote against Yun Posun's 32.0%. This transition formalized military dominance into the Third Republic, prioritizing stability and development over immediate democratization.

Export-Driven Industrialization and the Economic Miracle

Following the 1961 military coup, Park Chung-hee's administration abandoned prior import-substitution strategies in favor of export promotion to drive industrialization. The First Five-Year Economic Development Plan (1962–1966) prioritized light manufacturing sectors such as textiles, plywood, and wigs, with government incentives including subsidized credit and tax breaks tied to export performance. This policy shift was underpinned by the normalization of diplomatic and economic ties with Japan in 1965, which provided reparations equivalent to $800 million in grants and loans, funding infrastructure like the Seoul-Busan expressway. Export targets were enforced through quotas, with firms receiving preferential access to foreign exchange based on fulfillment. Economic outcomes were transformative, termed the "Miracle on the Han River." Real GNP grew at an average annual rate of 9.3% from 1962 to 1979, while exports expanded at 33.7% annually over the same period. Exports rose from 2.4% of GNP in 1962 to 31% by 1979, contributing 39.9% of total GNP growth between 1963 and 1973. Initial export successes in labor-intensive goods leveraged South Korea's abundant low-cost workforce, with real wages suppressed through restrictions on unions and strikes under the National Security Law and Labor Standards Act amendments. Government policy emphasized labor discipline, viewing workers as production inputs rather than political actors, which maintained competitiveness in global markets. Central to this model were chaebol conglomerates, selectively nurtured by the Economic Planning Board through directed lending from state-controlled banks, comprising over 90% of domestic credit by the 1970s. Firms like Hyundai and Samsung received monopoly privileges in assigned sectors, enabling rapid scale-up; for instance, Hyundai transitioned from construction to shipbuilding under state contracts. The Third Five-Year Plan (1972–1976) pivoted to heavy and chemical industries (HCI), including steel, petrochemicals, and electronics, despite high risks and debt accumulation, justified by diversification from volatile light exports and national security needs amid oil shocks. While HCI increased industrial depth, it strained finances, with external debt reaching $20 billion by 1979, though export diversification mitigated vulnerabilities. Supporting factors included high savings rates, rising from 3.3% of GNP in 1962, driven by postal savings campaigns, and investments in , expanding primary enrollment to near-universal by the . The rural modernization campaign from 1970 boosted agricultural productivity, freeing labor for factories and increasing farmer incomes. Critics, including some economists, argue the model's reliance on authoritarian coercion and favoritism sowed inequalities and financial fragilities exposed in later crises, yet empirical growth data affirm its efficacy in elevating from per capita income levels akin to in 1960 to upper-middle status by 1979.

Authoritarian Governance and Yushin System

Park Chung-hee's governance increasingly relied on authoritarian measures to consolidate power, particularly after facing electoral challenges in the 1971 presidential election where he narrowly defeated opposition leader Kim Dae-jung. In December 1971, Park declared a state of national emergency, citing threats from North Korea and internal instability as justification for enhanced executive authority. This set the stage for the Yushin (Revitalization) system, formally enacted through a self-coup on October 17, 1972, when martial law was imposed, the National Assembly dissolved, and political activities suspended. The Yushin Constitution, promulgated on October 27, 1972, via a national referendum under martial law conditions, fundamentally altered South Korea's political structure by allowing the president to serve unlimited terms, rule by decree during emergencies without National Assembly approval, and appoint one-third of assembly members to ensure regime loyalty. These provisions centralized power in the executive, bypassing democratic checks and enabling direct control over the judiciary and media. The Korean Central Intelligence Agency (KCIA) expanded its role in domestic surveillance and repression, monitoring dissidents and orchestrating arrests. To enforce the Yushin system, Park issued a series of emergency decrees starting in January 1974, with Emergency Decree No. 1 prohibiting any criticism of the constitution, authorizing warrantless arrests, and imposing indefinite detention without trial for alleged anti-state activities. Subsequent decrees, such as No. 9 in 1975, explicitly banned campaigns against Yushin and empowered security forces to detain opponents summarily. These measures led to widespread human rights abuses, including torture, forced confessions, and the imprisonment of over 10,000 political prisoners by the late 1970s, as documented in international reports on the regime's practices. Opposition to Yushin grew through the Anti-Yushin Movement from 1973 to 1979, involving students, intellectuals, religious leaders, and labor groups who protested via demonstrations and underground publications, often met with violent crackdowns. Key events included the 1974 Busan-Wolmae protests, where thousands rallied against repression, prompting further decrees. Despite economic achievements under Park's rule, the system's reliance on coercion alienated segments of society, contributing to internal regime instability evidenced by assassination attempts and elite defections. In a 1975 referendum on Yushin, official results claimed 90% approval, but widespread allegations of underscored the erosion of legitimacy.

Foreign Policy and Military Engagements

Park Chung-hee's foreign policy emphasized alignment with the to counter North Korean threats and secure economic aid, building on the Mutual Defense while navigating U.S. pressures for burden-sharing. This alliance provided with military protection and development assistance, but tensions arose in the late amid the , which sought partial U.S. troop reductions from Korea; Park resisted by leveraging South Korean contributions elsewhere to retain American forces. Domestically, Park framed policy as essential for national survival against communist aggression, militarizing society and prioritizing anti-communist vigilance. A key military engagement was South Korea's dispatch of troops to Vietnam, beginning with non-combat units in 1965 and escalating to combat forces by 1966, totaling approximately 326,000 personnel through 1973. Park authorized volunteer deployments to demonstrate alliance loyalty, secure U.S. financial compensation—estimated at $1 billion—and enable Korean construction firms to win lucrative contracts, generating foreign exchange for industrialization. These efforts stabilized Park's regime amid domestic challenges and yielded economic returns exceeding deployment costs, though they drew criticism for alleged wartime atrocities by Korean units. Diplomatic normalization with in marked a pragmatic shift, culminating in the Treaty on Basic Relations signed June 22, which established diplomatic ties and settled colonial-era claims. provided $300 million in grants and $200 million in low-interest loans to , facilitating transfers and critical for export-led growth, despite protests over the lack of explicit apologies for . pursued this over opposition from nationalists, viewing economic ties with as vital for modernization while maintaining U.S. mediation to balance concessions. Relations with North Korea remained adversarial, characterized by infiltration attempts and border clashes; notable incidents included the 1968 Blue House raid by North Korean commandos, prompting Park to declare a national emergency and expand surveillance. Amid global , limited dialogue emerged, such as the July 4, 1972, joint communiqué proposing peaceful unification through independent steps, but Park's policies prioritized military preparedness over concessions, including covert nuclear research initiated in the 1970s to hedge against alliance uncertainties—efforts later curtailed by U.S. intervention. Overall, these engagements reflected Park's realist calculus: leveraging Western partnerships for security and growth while confronting northern aggression head-on.

Chun Doo-hwan Regime (1980–1988)

Power Transition and Gwangju Incident

Following the assassination of President Park Chung-hee on October 26, 1979, by Korean Central Intelligence Agency (KCIA) Director Kim Jae-gyu during a private dinner, Prime Minister Choi Kyu-hah assumed the role of acting president amid political instability and widespread protests demanding democratization. Martial law was declared nationwide on October 27, 1979, to restore order, but power struggles within the military intensified as factions vied for control. On December 12, 1979, Major General Chun Doo-hwan, head of the Army Security Command, and his Hanahoe faction— a secretive group of officers from the 11th class of the Korean Military Academy—launched a coup known as the December 12 Incident (12·12), arresting or neutralizing rival generals including Army Chief of Staff Jeong Seung-hwa without formal authorization, thereby seizing de facto control of the armed forces in a nine-hour operation. Chun was appointed director of the KCIA in April 1980, consolidating intelligence and security apparatus under his influence, and on May 17, 1980, he orchestrated the "May 17 Coup" by expanding martial law nationwide, dissolving the National Assembly, banning political activities, and arresting hundreds of opposition figures, including former President Yun Posun and Kim Young-sam, to preempt democratization efforts. This escalation triggered widespread student-led protests across South Korea, culminating in the Gwangju Democratization Movement from May 18 to 27, 1980, where citizens in Gwangju rallied against the martial law expansion and military presence, initially peacefully but escalating after paratroopers from the Special Warfare Command used brutal force, including bayonets and clubs, killing at least 16 on May 18 alone. As protests grew, with up to 200,000 participants by May 21 seizing weapons from police stations and army depots to defend against reinforcements, the Chun regime deployed additional troops, including the 20th and 31st divisions, framing the unrest as influenced by North Korean agents or communist insurgents—a claim unsubstantiated by later investigations but used to justify the response. The military retook the city by May 27 through a final assault, with official government figures reporting 144 civilian deaths, 70 injuries, and 23 missing, alongside 22 soldiers and 4 police killed; however, subsequent truth commissions and estimates from civic groups have placed civilian fatalities between 200 and over 600, highlighting discrepancies in early reporting amid restricted access for independent verification. The event, suppressed with minimal initial media coverage due to censorship, galvanized long-term opposition to authoritarian rule while enabling Chun to force Choi Kyu-hah's resignation on August 16, 1980, and secure election as president by the National Conference for Unification on that date, with inauguration on September 1, 1980, marking the formal start of his regime under an interim constitution.

Macroeconomic Stabilization and Growth Continuation

Following the political instability and economic contraction of 1980, marked by a -5% GDP decline amid high and , the administration implemented stringent stabilization measures. These included a 17% of the won, adoption of a flexible , tight monetary and fiscal policies, and efforts to counter the second oil shock's effects. Fiscal restraint involved introducing in 1982, which reduced spending by 2.7% in real terms in 1983. These policies rapidly curbed inflation, which peaked at 35% in 1980 before falling to 5% in 1982 and 2% by 1983-1984. The current account deficit, reaching 8.7% of GNP in 1980, halved to 3.7% in 1982 and stayed below 2% thereafter, with growth slowing to 8% annually by 1983-1984. , which rose to 5.2% in 1980 from 3.8% in 1979, declined to 2.5% by 1988. Fiscal balance improved dramatically, shifting from a 4.3% GDP deficit in 1981 to a 0.2% surplus in 1987, while debt fell relative to GDP. Economic growth resumed and accelerated, averaging 9.3% annually across the , with rebounds to 6% in 1981-1982 and over 8% in 1983-1984. Complementary reforms sustained momentum, including banking in the early 1980s to reduce —though government influence over lending persisted—and the 1980 Korean Antitrust Act to address concentration and price pressures. Monetary tightening and wage controls in 1981, alongside targeted support for heavy industries via tax incentives (initially in 1981, later adjusted), facilitated recovery without derailing . By 1986, stabilized at 2.8%, enabling South Korea's first current account surplus in a decade. This stabilization laid the foundation for continued high growth into the late 1980s, driven by orthodox policies that prioritized and external balance over short-term stimulus, contrasting with less successful adjustments elsewhere. Government commitment to development, backed by a technocratic economic team, ensured chaebol competitiveness in emerging sectors like semiconductors, though high corporate debt-equity ratios (exceeding 4:1 for major groups) highlighted ongoing vulnerabilities. Overall, these measures transformed the post-1980 recession into a period of robust expansion, averaging around 8.7-10% annual GDP growth under Chun's tenure.

Path to Democratization and 1988 Olympics

Throughout the 1980s, opposition to Chun Doo-hwan's authoritarian rule intensified, with student-led protests, labor strikes, and citizen demonstrations demanding political liberalization, building on unresolved grievances from the 1980 . The regime's Fifth Republic Constitution perpetuated indirect presidential elections by an dominated by the ruling , stifling genuine competition and fueling public discontent amid economic growth that contrasted sharply with political repression. In January 1987, the torture and death of student during police interrogation, followed by a government cover-up, ignited widespread outrage, marking a that galvanized dissident groups including the National Movement Headquarters for Democratic Unification. On April 13, 1987, Chun abruptly halted discussions on constitutional revisions and declared that his successor would be selected through the existing indirect system, effectively aiming to extend military influence without direct public input. This announcement provoked the June Democratic Struggle, a nationwide wave of protests from June 10 to 29, 1987, involving an estimated 4-5 million participants across over 20 cities, including students, workers, and middle-class citizens who joined in defiance of riot police. Key escalations included the fatal shooting of Yonsei University student Lee Han-yeol by a tear gas canister on June 9, which amplified calls for vengeance against the regime. Facing mounting chaos that risked international isolation, especially with the 1988 Seoul Olympics approaching, Chun's government refrained from full-scale military crackdown, prioritizing stability over suppression. The crisis culminated in the June 29 Declaration by Roh Tae-woo, Chun's designated successor and Democratic Justice Party leader, conceding to direct popular presidential elections, release of political prisoners, and restoration of civil liberties, effectively dismantling the indirect electoral mechanism. These reforms, ratified in a new constitution via national referendum on October 27, 1987, enabled the December 16, 1987, direct election, in which Roh narrowly defeated opposition candidates Kim Young-sam and Kim Dae-jung amid vote-splitting. The transition marked the end of overt military dictatorship, though Roh's victory preserved elements of the old guard, reflecting how mass mobilization rather than regime initiative drove the shift toward electoral democracy. Parallel to these upheavals, preparations for the 1988 Summer Olympics, awarded to Seoul in 1981, served as both a propaganda tool for the regime to project modernization and a catalyst for liberalization, as hosting required suppressing dissent to avoid boycotts similar to those faced by Moscow in 1980. The games, held from September 17 to October 2, 1988, proceeded amid heightened security, with North Korea's partial boycott and Soviet participation signaling thawing Cold War tensions, while South Korea's 12 gold medals underscored its economic ascent. Post-protest concessions ensured relative calm during the event, which facilitated civic engagement and infrastructure improvements, indirectly bolstering the democratization momentum by exposing the populace to global scrutiny and normalizing peaceful power transitions.

Sixth Republic (1988–present)

Roh Tae-woo Administration (1988–1993)

Roh Tae-woo, a retired army general and close associate of predecessor Chun Doo-hwan, was elected president on December 16, 1987, in South Korea's first direct presidential election since 1971, garnering 36.6% of the votes (8,282,738 ballots) against a divided opposition between Kim Young-sam and Kim Dae-jung. He was inaugurated on February 25, 1988, marking the first peaceful transfer of power in the nation's modern history and the formal start of the Sixth Republic under a revised constitution that limited presidential terms to one five-year stint and expanded civil liberties. The administration prioritized three pillars: political democratization, equitable economic growth, and steps toward national reconciliation, though implementation faced resistance from entrenched military and chaebol interests. Domestically, Roh's government advanced partial democratization by easing restrictions on labor unions and , culminating in the 1987 constitution's ratification, which facilitated multiparty competition and reduced authoritarian controls. Economic policies built on prior export-led industrialization, achieving robust GDP growth averaging approximately 9% annually from 1988 to 1992, driven by manufacturing expansion and infrastructure investments, though rising and real estate speculation prompted interventions like the 1988 comprehensive real estate measures to curb land hoarding. The hosting of the 1988 Summer Olympics from September 17 to October 2 showcased South Korea's modernization, attracting over 13,000 athletes and boosting global visibility, while diplomatic overtures during the games thawed relations with communist states. In , Roh launched on July 7, 1988, a pragmatic diversification strategy to engage northern socialist nations and , reducing overreliance on the amid thawing. This yielded diplomatic normalization with the on September 30, 1990, unlocking trade and technology exchanges, and with on August 24, 1992, expanding markets for South Korean exports. Inter-Korean initiatives included the July 7 Declaration's offer for dialogue, leading to high-level talks and the 1991 Agreement on Reconciliation, Non-Aggression, and Denuclearization, though intransigence limited breakthroughs. These efforts enhanced South Korea's but drew U.S. concerns over dilution. By 1993, amid corruption probes and economic overheating, Roh transferred power to , solidifying democratic norms despite lingering authoritarian legacies.

Kim Young-sam Administration (1993–1998)

, a long-time opposition leader, assumed the presidency on February 25, 1993, following his victory in the December 1992 election as the candidate of the Democratic Liberal Party, a merger of his party with the ruling party of outgoing President . This transition represented the first civilian-led government in since the military seizure of power in 1961, emphasizing a break from authoritarian legacies through promised political reforms. Early initiatives included the introduction of a real-name financial transaction system in August 1993 to curb hidden slush funds and illicit dealings prevalent under prior regimes. The administration prioritized anti-corruption measures, prosecuting former Presidents Chun Doo-hwan and Roh Tae-woo in 1995-1996 for their roles in the 1979 coup and related embezzlement, resulting in Chun's death sentence (later commuted) and Roh's 22.5-year prison term. These actions, while popular, exposed persistent elite influence, as the probes revealed billions in illicit funds amassed during military rule. However, the campaign's credibility eroded amid scandals implicating Kim's inner circle; his son, Kim Hyun-chul, was arrested in May 1997 for bribery and influence-peddling in the Hanbo Steel collapse, which involved $5.9 billion in bad loans and highlighted chaebol vulnerabilities. Such incidents underscored incomplete institutionalization of reforms, with political funding and bribery persisting despite legislative efforts. Economically, Kim pursued the Segyehwa (globalization) policy from 1993, aiming to liberalize markets, attract foreign investment, and integrate into global standards ahead of membership achieved in December 1996. Reforms included deregulating finance, allowing greater short-term foreign borrowing by 1993-1995, and reducing government intervention in operations to foster competitiveness. GDP growth averaged 7-8% annually through 1996, driven by exports and construction, but structural rigidities—such as overleveraged conglomerates and lax oversight—amplified risks. The exposed these flaws, with foreign reserves plummeting from $33 billion in 1996 to under $20 billion by November 1997, triggering a IMF of $58 billion after corporate bankruptcies like Hanbo's in January 1997 revealed non-performing loans exceeding 10% of GDP. Critics attribute the crisis partly to premature liberalization without adequate prudential regulations, exacerbating currency depreciation and spikes to 7% by 1998. In foreign policy, the administration normalized diplomatic ties with in 1993 and expanded engagement with , signing a trade agreement that boosted bilateral trade to $6.2 billion by 1995. Relations with remained tense amid its nuclear program; Kim supported U.S.-led sanctions and the 1994 , but rejected direct dialogue, prioritizing deterrence. Domestically, the administration faced labor unrest and regional divisions, contributing to Kim Dae-jung's 1997 election victory amid economic turmoil. Kim's term ended on February 24, 1998, with his administration credited for advancing civilian rule but faulted for governance lapses that hastened the crisis.

Kim Dae-jung Administration (1998–2003)

Kim Dae-jung assumed the presidency on February 25, 1998, following his election victory on December 18, 1997, amid the Asian Financial Crisis that had contracted South Korea's GDP by 5.13% in 1998 and elevated external debt to $159 billion by late 1997. His administration endorsed the International Monetary Fund's $58 billion bailout package and implemented structural reforms, including debt restructuring, bank recapitalization, and enhanced to address and over-leveraging. These measures spurred economic rebound, with GDP growth surging to 11.47% in 1999, 9.06% in 2000, 4.85% in 2001, and approximately 7% in 2002, while unemployment, which peaked above 6.8% in 1999, declined steadily thereafter. Domestically, Kim prioritized democratic consolidation and accountability for past authoritarian abuses, establishing the Presidential Truth Commission on Suspicious Deaths in January 2000 via the Special Act, alongside commissions probing events like the Jeju April 3 Incident and other violations under prior regimes. These efforts investigated over 100 cases of suspicious deaths and contributed to official acknowledgments of state-perpetrated wrongs, though prosecutions remained limited due to statutes of limitations and political resistance. The hallmark of Kim's foreign policy was the Sunshine Policy, initiated in 1998, which sought reconciliation with North Korea through non-hostile engagement, economic incentives, and separation of political from humanitarian issues, without demanding immediate denuclearization or regime change. This approach facilitated family reunions starting in August 2000, inter-Korean economic projects such as the Kaesong Industrial Complex and Mount Kumgang tourism, and the first-ever inter-Korean summit on June 13–15, 2000, in Pyongyang, where Kim met Kim Jong-il and signed declarations on peace and cooperation. Kim received the Nobel Peace Prize on October 13, 2000, for advancing democracy and inter-Korean dialogue. South Korea provided North Korea with aid exceeding $500 million in food, fertilizer, and investment during this period, yet critics contend the policy's unconditional nature strengthened Pyongyang's regime, failed to curb its nuclear advancements—evident in later tests—and prioritized optics over enforceable reciprocity, as North Korean provocations persisted. Kim's term concluded on February 25, 2003, overshadowed by scandals; two sons were convicted of and stock manipulation, while aides faced charges of influence-peddling, prompting Kim to resign from the Millennium Democratic Party on May 6, 2002, and issue a public apology that highlighted persistent elite graft despite reform pledges. These revelations eroded , with polls reflecting dissatisfaction over unaddressed in the and chaebols.

Roh Moo-hyun Administration (2003–2008)

, a human rights lawyer and former assemblyman, was elected president on December 19, 2002, in a narrow victory over Lee Hoi-chang of the Grand National Party, securing 48.9% of the vote amid high youth turnout and anti-establishment sentiment. He took office on February 25, 2003, pledging a "participatory government" emphasizing transparency, anti-corruption measures, and decentralization to reduce Seoul's dominance in national development. His administration pursued "balanced national development" through infrastructure investments in regional hubs like (initially planned as an administrative capital relocation) and policies to curb real estate speculation, including stricter lending rules and taxes on multiple home ownership. Economically, the administration faced headwinds from rising global oil prices and a slowdown in exports, with annual GDP growth averaging approximately 4.0% from 2003 to 2007 before dipping amid the 2008 global financial crisis prelude, marking a deceleration from prior decades' double-digit booms. Social welfare spending increased to about 8% of GDP by mid-term, expanding national health insurance coverage and minimum wage protections, though critics argued these measures fueled fiscal deficits and distorted labor markets without addressing structural competitiveness. Labor reforms supported union rights but clashed with business interests over wage hikes and chaebol restructuring, leading to strikes and accusations of favoring organized labor over broader productivity gains. A major political crisis erupted in early 2004 when the National Assembly, controlled by opposition parties, impeached Roh on March 12 for violating election laws by publicly urging support for his Uri Party candidates during the April parliamentary elections, suspending his powers until the Constitutional Court reinstated him on May 14, ruling the infraction minor and not warranting removal. This episode galvanized progressive supporters, boosting Uri Party's subsequent election gains, but highlighted Roh's outsider status and reliance on online citizen engagement, including policy polls via the "People's Card" system, to bypass elite opposition. In foreign policy, Roh continued the Sunshine Policy of engagement with , culminating in the second inter-Korean summit on October 2–4, 2007, in , where he met Kim Jong-il and agreed on economic cooperation projects like the Kaesong Industrial Complex expansion and joint rail links, though talks stalled amid 's 2006 test. Relations with the remained anchored in the , including troop presence and negotiations initiated in 2006 despite domestic protests, but Roh's "balancer diplomacy" sought greater autonomy, critiquing U.S. unilateralism and advocating in . Economic ties with improved modestly through historical efforts, yet public sentiment soured over textbook disputes. The administration's progressive tilt drew conservative criticism for undermining growth-oriented reforms inherited from prior regimes, with policies seen as ideologically driven rather than empirically grounded, contributing to polarization and Roh's lame-duck status by 2007 amid scandals involving aides. Roh left office on February 25, 2008, handing power to conservative , leaving a legacy of deepened democratic participation but uneven economic stewardship amid external shocks.

Lee Myung-bak Administration (2008–2013)

of the conservative Grand National Party assumed the presidency on February 25, 2008, following his election victory on December 19, 2007. His administration prioritized economic recovery and infrastructure development amid the global , introducing the "747 Plan" to target 7% annual GDP growth, of $40,000, and positioning as the world's seventh-largest . Fiscal policies emphasized restraint, with budget deficits occurring only in 2009 and national debt rising by 2.5% of GDP over the term. Domestically, the administration launched the Four Major Rivers Restoration Project in 2009, a 22 trillion won initiative to dredge and rehabilitate the Han, Nakdong, , and Yeongsan rivers through weir construction, embankment reinforcement, and ecosystem enhancements, aiming to secure , mitigate , and create recreational spaces. Proponents credited it with improved flood prevention capacity, as evidenced by reduced inundation during subsequent heavy rains, while critics, including environmental groups and later audits, highlighted deteriorated , proliferation of harmful algal blooms, and construction flaws that increased ecological risks. Early in the term, resuming U.S. beef imports in April 2008—lifted after a five-year ban due to mad cow disease concerns—ignited massive protests from May to August, with millions demonstrating via candlelight vigils over fears of health risks and perceived capitulation to American pressure. The unrest, amplified by online rumors of disease transmission, prompted Lee to issue a public apology on June 18, 2008, suspend the agreement temporarily, and renegotiate for imports limited to cattle under 30 months old. In foreign policy, Lee shifted from prior engagement toward a "principle-based" approach to North Korea, linking economic aid to verifiable denuclearization progress and halting unconditional support. The March 26, 2010, sinking of the ROKS Cheonan corvette, which killed 46 sailors, was attributed to a North Korean torpedo by a joint investigation involving South Korea, the U.S., UK, Australia, and others; Lee responded on May 24, 2010, by announcing the cutoff of most inter-Korean exchanges and trade—except humanitarian aid—military drills near the border, and a push for UN Security Council condemnation of Pyongyang's provocation. The administration advanced "Global Korea," enhancing South Korea's international role through active diplomacy, including strengthened alliances and trade agreements, while navigating tensions with China over North Korea policy. Lee's term concluded on February 25, 2013, amid declining approval ratings due to accumulated controversies, paving the way for Park Geun-hye's succession.

Park Geun-hye Administration (2013–2017)


Park Geun-hye, daughter of former President Park Chung-hee, was elected as South Korea's 18th president on December 19, 2012, securing 51.6% of the vote against Moon Jae-in's 48.0%, marking the first female presidency in the nation's history. Inaugurated on February 25, 2013, her administration emphasized economic revitalization through the "Creative Economy" initiative, launched in June 2013, which sought to foster convergence between science, technology, and industry to generate new jobs and value-added growth. The policy allocated up to 40 trillion won over five years to support innovation, small businesses, and cultural industries, aiming for a "new era of happiness" via job creation and equitable development.
In foreign policy, particularly toward North Korea, Park pursued "Trustpolitik," a trust-building process intended to normalize inter-Korean relations by addressing mutual suspicions while firmly rejecting nuclear armament and provocations, such as the North's missile tests. This approach differed from prior engagement policies by conditioning dialogue on denuclearization reciprocity, though it faced challenges from Pyongyang's intransigence. Economically, the administration oversaw average annual GDP growth of approximately 3%, with rates of 3.16% in 2013, 3.20% in 2014, 2.81% in 2015, and 2.95% in 2016, alongside an upgraded sovereign credit rating and free trade agreements with 52 countries, including China and Vietnam. Critics noted slower growth compared to predecessors and persistent chaebol dominance hindering broader revitalization. The administration strengthened the U.S. alliance, supporting efforts on climate change and counter-terrorism, but decisions like THAAD deployment strained ties with China. The administration's tenure ended amid a corruption scandal involving Choi Soon-sil, Park's confidante, who exerted undue influence over state affairs, including leaking presidential speeches and extorting donations from conglomerates like Samsung for personal foundations. Mass protests erupted in October 2016, leading to Park's impeachment by the National Assembly on December 9, 2016, on charges of abuse of power, bribery coercion, and constitutional violations. The Constitutional Court unanimously upheld the impeachment on March 10, 2017, removing her from office; Park was arrested on March 30, 2017, facing trial on corruption and related charges. This crisis highlighted vulnerabilities in executive accountability but did not negate prior policy efforts amid empirical economic continuity.

Moon Jae-in Administration (2017–2022)

Moon Jae-in, a member of the Democratic Party, was elected president on May 9, 2017, securing 41.08% of the vote in a snap election triggered by the impeachment of Park Geun-hye. He was inaugurated the following day, pledging reforms in chaebol governance, labor rights, and inter-Korean reconciliation. His administration emphasized "income-led growth," including a 16.4% minimum wage hike in 2018 and a reduction of the maximum workweek from 68 to 52 hours, aimed at improving worker welfare but criticized for contributing to sluggish employment growth, particularly among youth and small businesses. Economic performance under Moon featured average annual GDP growth of approximately 2.5%, with 2.7% in 2018, hampered by global trade tensions and domestic policy shifts; unemployment remained low at around 3.8% overall but irregular employment persisted at high levels. Real estate policies, including 25 rounds of measures to suppress speculation such as higher taxes on multiple homeowners and supply increases, failed to curb soaring housing prices in Seoul, where affordability worsened, leading to public discontent and allegations of statistical manipulation on housing and income data by the Board of Audit and Inspection. In foreign policy, Moon prioritized engagement with , facilitating three inter-Korean summits: on April 27, 2018; on September 18-20, 2018; and the DMZ on June 30, 2019, yielding declarations on peace and economic cooperation but no verifiable advances in denuclearization. These efforts supported U.S.- talks, including the summit in June 2018, though the summit in February 2019 ended without agreement on sanctions relief. Relations with deteriorated amid disputes over wartime labor compensation and export controls imposed by in July 2019, while ties with involved balancing economic dependence against U.S. alliance commitments, including THAAD deployment repercussions. South Korea's COVID-19 response, emphasizing widespread testing, contact tracing, and targeted quarantines without strict lockdowns, achieved low early mortality rates and earned international praise, boosting Moon's approval to over 60% in mid-2020. However, controversies marred the term, notably the 2019 Cho Kuk affair, where the justice minister resigned amid allegations of academic fraud and stock manipulation involving his family, sparking protests and eroding public trust in reform efforts. Moon declined to seek constitutional changes for re-election, leaving office in May 2022 after his party's candidate lost to Yoon Suk Yeol.

Yoon Suk Yeol Administration (2022–2025)

Yoon Suk Yeol, a former prosecutor-general, was elected president on March 9, 2022, defeating Democratic Party candidate Lee Jae-myung by a narrow margin of 0.73 percentage points, securing 48.6% of the vote. He was inaugurated on May 10, 2022, as the 13th president of South Korea under the Sixth Republic, representing the conservative People Power Party. Yoon's administration emphasized regulatory deregulation, tax incentives for businesses, and a shift toward increased nuclear energy utilization alongside a commitment to reduce carbon emissions by 40% from 2018 levels by 2030. Domestically, the government faced challenges including a prolonged doctors' strike protesting increased medical school quotas and persistent low approval ratings amid scandals involving the first lady. In foreign policy, Yoon pursued a "global pivotal state" vision, strengthening the U.S.-South Korea alliance through elevated security cooperation and joint military exercises while adopting a harder line against North Korea's provocations, including sanctions in response to missile tests and nuclear activities. Relations with Japan improved significantly, resolving historical disputes over forced labor compensation through a third-party fund mechanism, enabling trilateral cooperation with the United States. Yoon's administration also advanced South Korea's role in global forums, such as human rights advocacy at the UN and proposals for "freedom-based unification" with North Korea. These efforts garnered praise from Western allies, though domestic political setbacks, including the opposition's landslide victory in the April 2024 legislative elections, limited policy implementation. The administration's tenure culminated in crisis on December 3, 2024, when Yoon declared , citing threats from "anti-state forces" influenced by , but the swiftly voted to nullify it hours later. impeached Yoon on December 14, 2024, suspending his powers, with Prime Minister acting as interim president. After months of hearings, the unanimously upheld the impeachment on April 4, 2025, formally removing Yoon from office and triggering a snap . Yoon defended the martial law decree as a legitimate measure rather than , but the court's ruling cited violations of constitutional order. His presidency, marked by gains but domestic polarization and failures, ended less than three years into the term, highlighting institutional checks on executive overreach.

Lee Jae-myung Administration (2025–present)

Lee Jae-myung, leader of the left-leaning Democratic Party of Korea, assumed the presidency on June 4, 2025, following his victory in the snap presidential election held on June 3, 2025. The election was triggered by the Constitutional Court's unanimous decision on April 4, 2025, to uphold the impeachment and removal of predecessor Yoon Suk Yeol over his brief declaration of martial law in December 2024. Lee secured approximately 49.4% of the vote, defeating candidates from the ruling People Power Party amid widespread public discontent with Yoon's administration and economic stagnation. Upon taking office, Lee prioritized economic revitalization, describing the situation as "desperate" and requesting parliamentary approval for an additional ₩20 trillion (about $14.7 billion) in government spending to stimulate demand. His administration announced 123 national tasks on August 14, 2025, encompassing reforms in labor, welfare, and industry to address low growth, demographic decline, and fiscal pressures. Key initiatives include labor reforms to enhance workers' rights and reduce standard working hours, alongside efforts to reboot "Korea, Inc." through pragmatic industrial policies amid global supply chain uncertainties. South Korea's economy contracted by 0.2% in the first quarter of 2025, with full-year growth projected at 0.8%, driven modestly by exports in the second quarter. In , has pursued "pragmatic ," maintaining the U.S. as a for security while seeking balanced ties with and engagement with . He proposed the "Korean Peninsula END Initiative" focusing on exchange, normalization, and denuclearization, and appealed to for support in October 2025. met U.S. President at the on August 25, 2025, positioning South Korea as a "pacemaker" in U.S.-North Korea relations, and negotiated a trade deal in late July to avert high tariffs on Korean exports amid Trump's demands. The administration pledged an 8.2% increase in military spending for 2026, aiming to bolster defense capabilities. By October 2025, Lee's diplomatic engagements intensified, including a visit to Malaysia on October 26 for ASEAN summit meetings and preparations for APEC, marking a "superweek" of regional outreach to strengthen economic ties. Despite these efforts, challenges persist, including potential U.S. trade frictions and North Korean provocations, with Lee downplaying immediate risks while emphasizing negotiation.

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