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Human subject research
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Human subjects research is systematic, scientific investigation that can be either interventional (a "trial") or observational (no "test article") and involves human beings as research subjects, commonly known as test subjects. Human subjects research can be either medical (clinical) research or non-medical (e.g., social science) research.[1] Systematic investigation incorporates both the collection and analysis of data in order to answer a specific question. Medical human subjects research often involves analysis of biological specimens, epidemiological and behavioral studies and medical chart review studies.[1] (A specific, and especially heavily regulated, type of medical human subjects research is the "clinical trial", in which drugs, vaccines and medical devices are evaluated.) On the other hand, human subjects research in the social sciences often involves surveys which consist of questions to a particular group of people. Survey methodology includes questionnaires, interviews, and focus groups.
Human subjects research is used in various fields, including research into advanced biology, clinical medicine, nursing, psychology, sociology, political science, and anthropology. As research has become formalized, the academic community has developed formal definitions of "human subjects research", largely in response to abuses of human subjects.
Human subjects
[edit]The United States Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) defines a human research subject as a living individual about whom a research investigator (whether a professional or a student) obtains data through 1) intervention or interaction with the individual, or 2) identifiable private information (32 CFR 219.102). (Lim, 1990)[2]
As defined by HHS regulations (45 CFR 46.102):
- Intervention – physical procedures by which data is gathered and the manipulation of the subject or their environment for research purposes.
- Interaction – communication or interpersonal contact between investigator and subject.
- Private Information – information about behavior that occurs in a context in which an individual can reasonably expect that no observation or recording is taking place, and information which has been provided for specific purposes by an individual and which the individual can reasonably expect will not be made public.
- Identifiable information – specific information that can be used to identify an individual.[2]
Human subject rights
[edit]In 2010, the National Institute of Justice in the United States published recommended rights of human subjects:
- Voluntary, informed consent
- Respect for persons: treated as autonomous agents
- The right to end participation in research at any time[3]
- Right to safeguard integrity[3]
- Protection from physical, mental and emotional harm
- Access to information regarding research[3]
- Protection of privacy and well-being[4]
From Subject to Participant
[edit]The term research subject has traditionally been the preferred term in professional guidelines and academic literature to describe a patient or an individual taking part in biomedical research. In recent years, however, there has been a steady shift away from the use of the term 'research subject' in favour of 'research participant' when referring to individuals who take part by providing data to various kinds of biomedical and epidemiological research.[5]
Ethical guidelines
[edit]In general, it can be said that experimental infections in humans are tightly linked to a history of scandals in medical research, with scandals being followed by stricter regulatory rules.[6] Ethical guidelines that govern the use of human subjects in research are a fairly new construct. In 1906 some regulations were put in place in the United States to protect subjects from abuses. After the passage of the Pure Food and Drug Act in 1906, regulatory bodies such as the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) and institutional review boards (IRBs) were gradually introduced. The policies that these institutions implemented served to minimize harm to the participant's mental or physical well-being.[citation needed]
The Common Rule
[edit]The Common Rule, first published in 1991, also known as the Federal Policy for the Protection of Human Subjects,[7] is dictated by the Office of Human Research Protections under the United States Department of Health and Human Services and serves as a set of guidelines for institutional review boards (IRBs), obtaining informed consent, and Assurances of Compliance[7] for human subject participants in research studies. On January 19, 2017, a final rule was added to the Federal Register[8] with an official effective date of July 19, 2018.[9]
Nuremberg Code
[edit]In 1947, German physicians who conducted deadly or debilitating experiments on concentration camp prisoners were prosecuted as war criminals in the Nuremberg Trials. A portion of the verdict handed down in the doctors' trial became commonly known as the Nuremberg Code, the first international document to clearly articulate the concept that "the voluntary consent of the human subject is absolutely essential". Individual consent was emphasized in the Nuremberg Code in order to prevent prisoners of war, patients, prisoners, and soldiers from being coerced into becoming human subjects. In addition, it was emphasized in order to inform participants of the risk-benefit outcomes of experiments.[citation needed]
Declaration of Helsinki
[edit]The Declaration of Helsinki was established in 1964 to regulate international research involving human subjects. Established by the World Medical Association, the declaration recommended guidelines for medical doctors conducting biomedical research that involves human subjects. Some of these guidelines included the principles that "research protocols should be reviewed by an independent committee prior to initiation" and that "research with humans should be based on results from laboratory animals and experimentation".[citation needed]
The Declaration of Helsinki is widely regarded as the cornerstone document on human research ethics.[10][11][12]
The Belmont Report
[edit]The Belmont Report was created in 1978 by the National Commission for the Protection of Human Subjects of Biomedical and Behavioral Research to describe the ethical behaviors that involve researching human subjects. It is most heavily used by the current United States system for protecting human subjects in research trials.[7] By looking primarily at biomedical and behavioral research that involve human subjects, the report was generated to promise that ethical standards are followed during research of human subjects.[13] There are three standards that serve as the baseline for the report and how human subjects are to be researched. The three guidelines are beneficence, justice and respect for persons. Beneficence is described as protecting the well-being of the persons and respecting their decisions by being ethical and protecting the subjects from harm. The two rules of beneficence are maximizing the benefits of research and minimizing any possible risks.[14] It is the job of the researcher to inform the persons of the benefits as well as the risks of human subjects research. Justice is important because it causes the researchers to be fair in their research findings and share what they have found, whether the information is good or bad.[14] The selection process of the subject is supposed to be fair and not separate due to race, sexual orientation or ethnic group.[15] Lastly, respect for persons explains that at any point a person who is involved in a study can decide whether they want to participate, not to participate or withdraw themselves from the study altogether. Two rules of respect for persons involve the person being autonomous and persons with diminished autonomy and entitled to protection.[13] The sole purpose of these guidelines is to ensure autonomy and to protect against those with a lesser chance to remain autonomous because of something out of their control.[13]
Ethical concerns
[edit]As science and medicine evolve, the field of bioethics struggles to keep up with updating guidelines and rules to follow. There has been an interest in revisiting the ethics behind human subject trials. Members of the health field have commented that it may be useful to have ethics classes available to students studying to be health care professionals as well as have more discussions surrounding the issues and importance of informed consent.[16] There have also been a bigger push to protect participants in clinical trials. Rules and regulations of clinical trials can vary by country.[17] Suggestions to remedy this include installing a committee to keep better track of this information and ensure that everything is properly documented.[17] Research coordinators and physicians involved in clinical studies have their own concerns, particularly that an implementation of ethics rules could potentially disrupt the logistics of preparing a research study, specifically when it comes to enrolling patients.[18][19] Another concern that research teams may have is that even if the rules are ethically sound, they may not be logical or helpful for conducting their studies.[19]
Of note currently in the research field is the manner in which researchers direct their conversations with potential human subjects for a research study.
Research in rural communities
[edit]This section relies largely or entirely upon a single source. (July 2025) |
Recently there has been a shift from conducting research studies at research institution facilities or academic centers to rural communities. There is concern surrounding the topics addressed during the discussions with this specific demographic of participants, particularly having to do with funding, overall efficacy of the treatment being studied, and if conducting such studies is done to the highest ethical standard.[citation needed]
Ann Cook and Freeman Hoas from the University of Montana's Department of Psychology conducted a study[18] to gain more understanding about what influences potential candidates to consent to participation in any given clinical trial. They published their findings in February 2015. Cook and Hoas asked for the perspectives of the researchers and whether they would consent to being a subject in a clinical trial. To assess the shift to rural communities, they surveyed 34 physicians or researchers and 46 research coordinators from states that have "large rural populations and have historically demonstrated limited participation in clinical research."[18] Proper consent forms were provided and signed at the start of the study. Of the physicians and research coordinators that participated in this study, 90% were from hospital centers or worked in a hospital-clinic setting. Of all the participants, only 66% of research coordinators and 53% of physicians received training in research methods, while 59% of the coordinators received any ethics training. Only 17% of the physicians had ethics research training prior to this study.[citation needed]
Hoas and Cook categorized their findings into the following main topics:[citation needed]
- source of funding
- morally nagging and challenging issues
- willingness to join a research study
The role of funding
[edit]This section relies largely or entirely upon a single source. (July 2025) |
Cook and Hoas found that funding played a significant role in participant selection. One of Hoas's and Cook's participants commented that "in his practice, the income from conducting pharmaceutical trials sometimes [is] used to offset the losses of conducting scientifically interesting but poorly funded federal studies,"[18] and most other participants administered trials because "reimbursements generated from such trials made it possible to maintain a financially viable, as well as profitable, practice."[18] Cook and Hoas found that most of the physicians and coordinators could not explain directly if they actually told their patients or subjects about any financial compensation they received. Respondents worry that discussing funding or compensation would affect enrollment, effectively swaying participants from joining a research study. In most respondents' experience, most patients do not even ask for that information, so they assume that they do not have to discuss it with them and not jeopardize enrollment. When asked if information about funding or compensation would be important to provide to patients, one physician replied "...certainly it may influence or bring up in their mind questions whether or not, you know, we want them to participate because we're gonna get paid for this, you know, budget dollar amount. But, you know, when you talk about full disclosure, is that something that we should be doing? That's an interesting question."[18]
Morally nagging or challenging issues
[edit]This section relies largely or entirely upon a single source. (July 2025) |
The 2015 survey of doctors conducting medical research found respondents more often pointed out practical or logistical issues with the overall process rather than ethical issues. There was a general consensus that the whole practice of conducting research studies was more focused on the business aspects like funding and enrolling participants in the study in time. A physician commented that "[industry] relationships are very important because of cash flow."[18]
Typical ethical issues that arise in this type of research trials include participant enrollment, the question of coercion if a physician refers their own patients, and any misunderstandings regarding treatment benefits. Patients are more likely to enroll in a trial if their primary care physician or a provider that they trust recommends the study. Most respondents to the survey agreed that patients consent to participate because they believe that through this study, they would be receiving "more attention than my regular patients"[18] and that "there are an awful lot of additional opportunities for interaction."[18] One respondent commented "...the way that we're required to actually recruit patients, which is to have their providers be the point of contact, some ways is--I mean, I don't want to use the word 'coercion', but it's kind of leaning in that direction because basically here's this person that they entrust themselves to, who they're very dependent on for, you know, getting their healthcare."[18]
There was a large amount of respondents who thought that research participants did not read or understand the documents provided for informed consent.[18] However, those respondents did not believe that was an ethical or moral concern.[citation needed]
Willingness to join a research study
[edit]This section relies largely or entirely upon a single source. (July 2025) |
Most of the coordinators and researchers showed some hesitation when they were asked if they would enroll as a subject in a clinical trial, not necessarily their own, but any study. When asked to elaborate on their hesitation, many said that they would be "concerned about the motivations behind the study, its purpose, its funding, as well as expectations of what participation might entail."[18] Ultimately, only 24% of the respondents said they would be willing to participate with a majority of them stating they would need full transparency and an indication that there would be some personal benefit in order for them to even consider participating. Some had a list of criteria that had to be met. Eleven percent indicated that they would not at all be willing to enroll in a research study. One respondent commented "If it involved taking a medication, no. Never. I would be in a clinical trial if there was something, like...track [your] mammogram…[something] I am already subjecting myself to."[18] Cook and Hoas stated that these answers were "particularly puzzling" because "these respondents still reported that their patient/participants received 'optimal care'" from clinical trials.[18]
Clinical trials
[edit]Clinical trials are experiments done in clinical research. Such prospective biomedical or behavioral research studies on human participants are designed to answer specific questions about biomedical or behavioral interventions, including new treatments (such as novel vaccines, drugs, dietary choices, dietary supplements, and medical devices) and known interventions that warrant further study and comparison. Clinical trials generate data on safety and efficacy.[20] They are conducted only after they have received health authority/ethics committee approval in the country where approval of the therapy is sought. These authorities are responsible for vetting the risk/benefit ratio of the trial - their approval does not mean that the therapy is 'safe' or effective, only that the trial may be conducted.[21]
Depending on product type and development stage, investigators initially enroll volunteers or patients into small pilot studies, and subsequently conduct progressively larger scale comparative studies. Clinical trials can vary in size and cost, and they can involve a single research center or multiple centers, in one country or in multiple countries. Clinical study design aims to ensure the scientific validity and reproducibility of the results.[22]
Trials can be quite costly, depending on a number of factors. The sponsor may be a governmental organization or a pharmaceutical, biotechnology or medical device company. Certain functions necessary to the trial, such as monitoring and lab work, may be managed by an outsourced partner, such as a contract research organization or a central laboratory. For example, a clinical drug trial case at the University of Minnesota that was under investigation in 2015[23] for the Death of Dan Markingson was funded by AstraZeneca, a pharmaceutical company headquartered in the United Kingdom.
Human subjects in psychology and sociology
[edit]Stanford prison experiment
[edit]A study conducted by Philip Zimbardo in 1971 examined the effect of social roles on college students at Stanford University. Twenty-four male students were assigned to a random role of a prisoner or guard to simulate a mock prison in one of Stanford's basements. After only six days, the abusive behavior of the guards and the psychological suffering of prisoners proved significant enough to halt the two-week-long experiment.[24] The goal of the experiment was to determine whether dispositional factors (the behavior of guards and prisoners) or positional factors (the social environment of prisons) are the major cause of conflict within such facilities. The results of this experiment showed that people will readily conform to the specific social roles they are supposed to play. The prison environment played a part in making the guards behavior more brutal, due to the fact that none of the participants showed this type of behavior beforehand. Most of the guards had a hard time believing they had been acting in such a way. The evidence concludes this to be positional behavior, meaning the behavior was due to the hostile environment of the prison.[25]
Milgram experiment
[edit]In 1961, Yale University psychologist Stanley Milgram led a series of experiments to determine to what extent an individual would obey instructions given by an experimenter. Placed in a room with the experimenter, subjects played the role of a "teacher" to a "learner" situated in a separate room. The subjects were instructed to administer an electric shock to the learner when the learner answered incorrectly to a set of questions. The intensity of this electric shock was to be increased for every incorrect answer. The learner was a confederate (i.e. actor), and the shocks were faked, but the subjects were led to believe otherwise. Both prerecorded sounds of electric shocks and the confederate's pleas for the punishment to stop were audible to the "teacher" throughout the experiment. When the subject raised questions or paused, the experimenter insisted that the experiment should continue. Despite widespread speculation that most participants would not continue to "shock" the learner, 65 percent of participants in Milgram's initial trial complied until the end of the experiment, continuing to administer shocks to the confederate with purported intensities of up to "450 volts".[26][27] Although many participants questioned the experimenter and displayed various signs of discomfort, when the experiment was repeated, 65 percent of subjects were willing to obey instructions to administer the shocks through the final one.[28]
Asch conformity experiments
[edit]Psychologist Solomon Asch's classic conformity experiment in 1951 involved one subject participant and multiple confederates; they were asked to provide answers to a variety of different low-difficulty questions.[29] In every scenario, the multiple confederates gave their answers in turn, and the participant subject was allowed to answer last. In a control group of participants, the percentage of error was less than one percent. However, when the confederates unanimously chose an incorrect answer, 75 percent of the subject participants agreed with the majority at least once. The study has been regarded as significant evidence for the power of social influence and conformity.[30]
Robber's Cave study
[edit]A classic advocate of realistic conflict theory, Muzafer Sherif's Robber's Cave experiment shed light on how group competition can foster hostility and prejudice.[31] In the 1961 study, two groups of ten boys each who were not "naturally" hostile were grouped together without knowledge of one another in Robber's Cave State Park, Oklahoma.[32] The twelve-year-old boys bonded with their own groups for a week before the groups were set in competition with each other in games such as tug-of-war and football. When competing, the groups resorted to name-calling and other displays of resentment, such as burning the other group's team flag. The hostility continued and worsened until the end of the three-week study, when the groups were forced to work together to solve problems.[32]
Bystander effect
[edit]The bystander effect is demonstrated in a series of famous experiments by Bibb Latane and John Darley.[32] In each of these experiments, participants were confronted with a type of emergency, such as the witnessing of a seizure or smoke entering through air vents. A common phenomenon was observed that as the number of witnesses or "bystanders" increases, so does the time it takes for individuals to respond to the emergency. This effect has been shown to promote the diffusion of responsibility by concluding that, when surrounded by others, the individual expects someone else to take action.[32]
Cognitive dissonance
[edit]Human subjects have been commonly used in experiments testing the theory of cognitive dissonance after the landmark study by Leon Festinger and Merrill Carlsmith.[33] In 1959, Festinger and Carlsmith devised a situation in which participants would undergo excessively tedious and monotonous tasks. After the completion of these tasks, the subjects were instructed to help the experiment continue in exchange for a variable amount of money. All the subjects had to do was simply inform the next "student" waiting outside the testing area (who was secretly a confederate) that the tasks involved in the experiment were interesting and enjoyable. It was expected that the participants would not fully agree with the information they were imparting to the student, and after complying, half of the participants were awarded $1 (roughly the same as $11 now), and the others were awarded $20 (like $216 now). A subsequent survey showed that, by a large margin, those who received less money for essentially "lying" to the student came to believe that the tasks were far more enjoyable than their highly paid counterparts.[33]
Vehicle safety
[edit]This section relies largely or entirely upon a single source. (December 2020) |
In the automotive industry, research has shown that civilian volunteers decided to participate in vehicle safety research to help automobile designers improve upon safety restraints for vehicles. This research allows designers to gather more data on the tolerance of the human body in the event of an automobile accident, in order to better improve safety features in automobiles. Some of the tests conducted ranged from sled runs evaluating head–neck injuries, airbag tests, and tests involving military vehicles and their restraint systems. From thousands of tests involving human subjects, results indicate no serious injuries were persistent. This is largely due to the preparation efforts of researchers to ensure all ethical guidelines are followed and to ensure the safety and well-being of their subjects. Although this research provides positive contributions, there are some drawbacks and resistance to human subjects research for crash testing due to the liability of injury and the lack of facilities that have appropriate machinery to perform such experiments. Research with live persons provides additional data which might be unobtainable when testing with cadavers or crash test dummies.[34]
Social media
[edit]The increased use of social media as a data source for researchers has led to new uncertainties regarding the definition of human subjects research. Privacy, confidentiality, and informed consent are key concerns, yet it is unclear when social media users qualify as human subjects. Moreno et al. conclude that if access to the social media content is public, information is identifiable but not private, and information gathering requires no interaction with the person who posted it online, then the research is unlikely to qualify as human subjects research.[35] Defining features of human subjects research, according to federal regulations, are that the researchers interact directly with the subject or obtain identifiable private information about the subject.[2] Social media research may or may not meet this definition. A research institution's institutional review board (IRB) is often responsible for reviewing potential research on human subjects, but IRB protocols regarding social media research may be vague or outdated.[35]
Concerns regarding privacy and informed consent have surfaced regarding multiple social media studies. A research project by Harvard sociologists, known as "Tastes, Ties, and Time", utilized data from Facebook profiles of students at an "anonymous, northeastern American university" that was quickly identified as Harvard, potentially placing the privacy of the human subjects at risk.[36] The data set was removed from public access shortly after the issue was identified.[37] The issue was complicated by the fact that the research project was partially funded by the National Science Foundation, which mandates the projects it funds to engage in data sharing.[37]
A study by Facebook and researchers at Cornell University, published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences in 2014, collected data from hundreds of thousands of Facebook users after temporarily removing certain types of emotional content from their News Feed.[38] Many considered this a violation of the requirement for informed consent in human subjects research.[39][40] Because the data was collected by Facebook, a private company, in a manner that was consistent with its Data Use Policy and user terms and agreements, the Cornell IRB board determined that the study did not fall under its jurisdiction.[38] It has been argued that this study broke the law nonetheless by violating state laws regarding informed consent.[40] Others have noted that speaking out against these research methods may be counterproductive, as private companies will likely continue to experiment on users, but will be dis-incentivized from sharing their methods or findings with scientists or the public.[41] In an "Editorial Expression of Concern" that was added to the online version of the research paper, PNAS states that while they "deemed it appropriate to publish the paper... It is nevertheless a matter of concern that the collection of the data by Facebook may have involved practices that were not fully consistent with the principles of obtaining informed consent and allowing participants to opt out."[38]
Moreno et al.'s recommended considerations for social media research are: 1) determine if the study qualifies as human subjects research, 2) consider the risk level of the content, 3) present research and motives accurately when engaging on social media, 4) provide contact information throughout the consent process, 5) make sure data is not identifiable or searchable (avoid direct quotes that may be identifiable with an online search), 6) consider developing project privacy policies in advance, and 7) be aware that each state has its own laws regarding informed consent.[35] Social media sites offer great potential as a data source by providing access to hard-to-reach research subjects and groups, capturing the natural, "real-world" responses of subjects, and providing affordable and efficient data collection methods.[35][42]
Unethical human experimentation
[edit]Unethical human experimentation violates the principles of medical ethics. It has been performed by countries including Nazi Germany, Imperial Japan, North Korea, the United States and the Soviet Union. Examples include Project MKUltra, Unit 731, Totskoye nuclear exercise,[43] the experiments of Josef Mengele, and the human experimentation conducted by Chester M. Southam.
Nazi Germany performed human experimentation on large numbers of prisoners (including children), largely Jews from across Europe, but also Romani, Sinti, ethnic Poles, Soviet POWs and disabled Germans in its concentration camps mainly in the early 1940s, during World War II and the Holocaust. Prisoners were forced into participating; they did not willingly volunteer and no consent was given for the procedures. Typically, the experiments resulted in death, trauma, disfigurement or permanent disability, and as such are considered as examples of medical torture. After the war, these crimes were tried at what became known as the Doctors' Trial, and the abuses perpetrated led to the development of the Nuremberg Code.[44] During the Nuremberg Trials, 23 Nazi doctors and scientists were prosecuted for the unethical treatment of concentration camp inmates, who were often used as research subjects with fatal consequences. Of those 23, 15 were convicted, 7 were condemned to death, 9 received prison sentences from 10 years to life, and 7 were acquitted.[45]
Unit 731, a department of the Imperial Japanese Army located near Harbin (then in the puppet state of Manchukuo, in northeast China), experimented on prisoners by conducting vivisections, dismemberments, and bacterial inoculations. It induced epidemics on a very large scale from 1932 onward through the Second Sino-Japanese war.[46] It also conducted biological and chemical weapons tests on prisoners and captured POWs. With the expansion of the empire during World War II, similar units were set up in conquered cities such as Nanking (Unit 1644), Beijing (Unit 1855), Guangzhou (Unit 8604) and Singapore (Unit 9420). After the war, Supreme Commander of the Occupation Douglas MacArthur gave immunity in the name of the United States to Shirō Ishii and all members of the units in exchange for all of the results of their experiments.[46]
During World War II, Fort Detrick in Maryland was the headquarters of US biological warfare experiments. Operation Whitecoat involved the injection of infectious agents into military forces to observe their effects in human subjects.[47] Subsequent human experiments in the United States have also been characterized as unethical. They were often performed illegally, without the knowledge, consent, or informed consent of the test subjects. Public outcry over the discovery of government experiments on human subjects led to numerous congressional investigations and hearings, including the Church Committee, Rockefeller Commission, and Advisory Committee on Human Radiation Experiments, amongst others. The Tuskegee syphilis experiment, widely regarded as the "most infamous biomedical research study in U.S. history,"[48] was performed from 1932 to 1972 by the Tuskegee Institute contracted by the United States Public Health Service. The study followed more than 600 African-American men who were not told they had syphilis and were denied access to the known treatment of penicillin.[49] This led to the 1974 National Research Act, to provide for protection of human subjects in experiments. The National Commission for the Protection of Human Subjects of Biomedical and Behavioral Research was established and was tasked with establishing the boundary between research and routine practice, the role of risk-benefit analysis, guidelines for participation, and the definition of informed consent. Its Belmont Report established three tenets of ethical research: respect for persons, beneficence, and justice.[50]
From the 1950s-60s, Chester M. Southam, an important virologist and cancer researcher, injected HeLa cells into cancer patients, healthy individuals, and prison inmates from the Ohio Penitentiary. He wanted to observe if cancer could be transmitted as well as if people could become immune to cancer by developing an acquired immune response. Many believe that this experiment violated the bioethical principles of informed consent, non-maleficence, and beneficence.[51]
In the 1970s, the Indian government implemented a large-scale forced sterilization program, primarily targeting poor and marginalized populations. Millions of people, especially women, underwent sterilization surgeries without their informed consent, often under pressure from local authorities or in exchange for government services.[52]
Some pharmaceutical companies have been accused of conducting clinical trials of experimental drugs in Africa without the informed consent of participants or without providing adequate access to healthcare. These practices raise questions about the exploitation of vulnerable populations and the prioritization of commercial interests over the rights of participants.[53]
Psychological experiments have also faced ethical criticism due to their manipulation of participants, inducing stress, anxiety, or other forms of emotional distress without informed consent. These experiments raise concerns regarding the respect for the dignity and well-being of the individuals involved.[54]
See also
[edit]- Chester M. Southam – American immunologist and oncologist
- Doctors' Trial – Post-World War II trial of German doctors for war crimes
- Duplessis Orphans – Canadian children, wrongly classified as mentally ill
- Genie (feral child) – American feral child (born 1957)
- Human radiation experiments – Studies of radiation effects on humans
- Institutional review board – Type of committee that applies research ethics
- Japanese human experimentations – Japanese biological and chemical warfare unit (1936–1945)
- Medical torture – Acts of torture influenced or instigated by medical personnel
- Military medical ethics
- Nazi human experimentation – Series of human experiments in Nazi Germany
- Non-human primate experiments – Experimentation using other primate animals
- Statistical unit – Individual entity for statistical purposes
- Unethical human experimentation in the United States
- Vivisection – Experimental surgery
References
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- ^ Blass T (1999). "The Milgram paradigm after 35 years: Some things we now know about obedience to authority". Journal of Applied Social Psychology. 29 (5): 955–978. doi:10.1111/j.1559-1816.1999.tb00134.x. as PDF Archived 2016-11-14 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ Asch SE (1951). "Effects of group pressure on the modification and distortion of judgments". In Guetzkow H (ed.). Groups, Leadership and Men. Pittsburgh, PA: Carnegie Press. pp. 177–190.
- ^ Milgram S (1961). "Nationality and conformity". Scientific American. 205 (6): 45–51. Bibcode:1961SciAm.205f..45M. doi:10.1038/scientificamerican1261-45.
- ^ Whitley BE, Kite ME (2010). The Psychology of Prejudice and Discrimination. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth. pp. 325–330.
- ^ a b c d Mook D (2004). Classic Experiments in Psychology. Greenwood Press. ISBN 9780313318214.
- ^ a b Cooper, Joel (2007). Cognitive Dissonance, Fifty Years of a Classic Theory. SAGE Publications.
- ^ Bradford LL (May 1973). Vehicle safety research integration: symposium. Washington: proceedings. Washington: USGPO. pp. 87–98.
- ^ a b c d Moreno MA, Goniu N, Moreno PS, Diekema D (September 2013). "Ethics of social media research: common concerns and practical considerations". Cyberpsychology, Behavior and Social Networking. 16 (9): 708–13. doi:10.1089/cyber.2012.0334. PMC 3942703. PMID 23679571.
- ^ "Harvard's Privacy Meltdown". The Chronicle of Higher Education. 2011-07-10. Retrieved 2018-04-23.
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Further reading
[edit]- AFP (October 31, 2007). "A life haunted by WWII surgical killings". THE BRUNEI TIMES. Archived from the original on 13 December 2014. Retrieved 16 May 2014.
- AFP (Oct 28, 2007). "Japanese veteran haunted by WWII surgical killings". AFP. Archived from the original on March 17, 2014. Retrieved 16 May 2014.
External links
[edit]- "Human Research Report" - a monthly newsletter on protecting human subjects
- Nuremberg Code
- Belmont Report
- Declaration of Helsinki, 6th edition
- Universal Declaration on Bioethics and Human Rights by UNESCO
- Hungry Canadian aboriginal children used in government experiments during 1940s Toronto Star, 2013
Human subject research
View on GrokipediaDefinition and Fundamentals
Definition and Types of Research
Human subject research refers to a systematic investigation, including research development, testing, and evaluation, that is designed to develop or contribute to generalizable knowledge and involves living individuals as subjects.[14] Under the U.S. Common Rule (45 CFR 46), a human subject is defined as a living individual about whom an investigator, whether professional or student, obtains information or biospecimens through intervention or interaction with the individual and uses, studies, or analyzes such data, or obtains, uses, studies, analyzes, or generates identifiable private information.[14] This excludes research solely on deceased individuals or non-identifiable data, though the latter may still require ethical review if risks to privacy exist.[1] Human subject research is broadly classified into biomedical and social-behavioral-educational categories, reflecting differences in methods, risks, and regulatory oversight.[15] Biomedical research typically involves physiological or medical interventions, such as administering drugs, devices, or procedures to test efficacy or safety, often in clinical trials where participants are prospectively assigned to interventions like placebos or controls. Examples include Phase I-IV clinical trials evaluating pharmaceuticals, with Phase I focusing on safety in small groups (typically 20-100 healthy volunteers) and later phases expanding to efficacy in larger patient populations. These studies carry higher risks of physical harm, necessitating rigorous institutional review board (IRB) approval and monitoring.[16] Social-behavioral-educational research, by contrast, examines human behavior, cognition, opinions, or educational outcomes through non-invasive methods like surveys, interviews, focus groups, or observational studies, often without physical manipulation.[17] This category includes psychological experiments on decision-making or sociological analyses of group interactions, where risks primarily involve privacy breaches or psychological discomfort rather than bodily harm.[18] Observational subtypes, such as epidemiological cohort studies tracking disease patterns without altering participant behavior, further distinguish from interventional designs by relying on existing data or passive monitoring.[16] Hybrid approaches, like behavioral interventions in public health trials testing habit-formation programs, may blend elements but are classified by predominant methods and intended outcomes. Both types require determination of whether the activity qualifies as research—versus quality improvement or program evaluation—and assessment for exemptions, such as minimal-risk educational tests or secondary use of de-identified data, to streamline oversight while protecting participants.[19] Classifications guide ethical protocols, with biomedical often demanding more stringent informed consent due to potential irreversibility of effects, as evidenced by historical data showing adverse events in 1-5% of early-phase trials.[1]Scientific and Societal Benefits
Human subject research has enabled the validation of medical interventions through controlled testing on human physiology, which cannot be fully replicated in animal models or computational simulations, thereby establishing evidence-based treatments that improve health outcomes.[9] For instance, phase III clinical trials assess efficacy and safety in diverse populations, leading to regulatory approvals that ensure interventions are both effective and tolerable before widespread use.[20] This process has driven advancements such as the development of antibiotics like penicillin, which underwent human trials in the 1940s and reduced mortality from bacterial infections by up to 90% in treated cases.[21] Key examples include vaccine development, where large-scale human trials have eradicated or controlled major diseases; the 1954 Salk polio vaccine trial involving 1.8 million children demonstrated 60-90% efficacy against paralytic poliomyelitis, paving the way for global vaccination campaigns that reduced cases by over 99% worldwide by 2023.[21] Similarly, mRNA-based COVID-19 vaccines, tested in trials with tens of thousands of participants starting in 2020, achieved efficacy rates of 90-95% against severe disease, averting an estimated 14.4-19.8 million deaths globally in the first year of rollout.[22] In non-medical fields, psychological and sociological studies using human participants have elucidated causal mechanisms in behavior, such as the effects of cognitive behavioral therapy on depression, supported by randomized controlled trials showing remission rates 20-30% higher than controls.[23] Societally, these research outcomes yield benefits beyond individual participants, including reduced disease burdens that lower healthcare costs—estimated at $3.5 trillion in U.S. savings from vaccines alone since 1994—and inform public policies on issues like addiction treatment or educational interventions.[24] For example, human trials on smoking cessation therapies have contributed to declining U.S. adult smoking rates from 42% in 1965 to 11.5% in 2021, correlating with millions of averted premature deaths and $1.4 trillion in economic gains from improved productivity.[9] Such knowledge dissemination enhances collective welfare by prioritizing interventions with proven societal value over untested alternatives.[24]Historical Development
Early Practices and Pre-Modern Examples
Human vivisection was practiced in ancient Alexandria during the 3rd century BCE, where anatomists Herophilus and Erasistratus conducted dissections on living condemned criminals, reportedly with permission from Ptolemaic rulers, to study the brain, nervous system, and vascular structures.[25] Herophilus, known as the father of anatomy, identified distinctions between sensory and motor nerves and described the brain as the seat of intelligence through these procedures, which involved opening the skull and abdomen of conscious subjects.[26] Such practices, absent taboos against human dissection in Ptolemaic Egypt, yielded detailed observations but ceased after about 30-40 years due to ethical opposition, not resuming systematically for centuries.[25] One of the earliest recorded controlled comparisons resembling a clinical trial appears in the Book of Daniel, circa 600 BCE, where Hebrew captives in Babylon tested a diet of vegetables and water against the king's rich food and wine for 10 days, assessing physical appearance and health outcomes against a control group of peers.[27] The experimental group reportedly appeared healthier, influencing longer-term adoption of the regimen, though the account serves prophetic purposes rather than scientific documentation.[28] This episode, interpreted by later scholars as an empirical test of dietary effects, predates formal methodologies but demonstrates deliberate comparison of interventions on human participants.[27] In the Roman Empire, physician Galen (129-216 CE) advanced physiological knowledge primarily through vivisections on animals like pigs and apes, ligating arteries to demonstrate blood presence and severing recurrent laryngeal nerves to observe voice loss, often analogizing findings to human anatomy.[29] While Galen dissected human cadavers opportunistically and examined gladiators' wounds, direct live human experimentation was limited, with ethical constraints favoring animal models despite occasional access to condemned individuals.[30] His work emphasized causal inference from interventions, laying groundwork for experimental physiology, though reliant on imperfect human extrapolations.[31] By the 16th century, French surgeon Ambroise Paré conducted an inadvertent trial during the siege of Turin in 1537, applying a soothing salve instead of boiling oil to gunshot wounds on some soldiers when supplies ran low, observing lower infection and mortality compared to cauterized cases, thus shifting treatment paradigms based on empirical outcomes.[32] Similarly, in 1747, James Lind divided 12 scurvy-afflicted sailors aboard HMS Salisbury into groups testing remedies like vinegar and citrus fruits, finding oranges and lemons curative within days, providing evidence against prevailing theories and advocating dietary prevention.[27] These pre-modern efforts, often opportunistic and lacking randomization or consent, prioritized observational inference over ethical safeguards, reflecting nascent recognition of comparative methods in human studies.[28]20th Century Abuses Leading to Reforms
During World War II, Nazi physicians conducted lethal experiments on thousands of concentration camp prisoners, including high-altitude simulations, freezing tests, malaria infections, and sterilization procedures, often without anesthesia or consent, resulting in hundreds of deaths and severe injuries.[33] These abuses, prosecuted in the 1946-1947 Doctors' Trial at Nuremberg, prompted the formulation of the Nuremberg Code in 1947, which established voluntary informed consent as an absolute requirement for permissible medical experiments and emphasized avoiding unnecessary suffering.[34] In the United States, the Public Health Service's Tuskegee Syphilis Study, initiated in 1932, enrolled 600 Black men in Macon County, Alabama—399 with untreated syphilis and 201 controls—deceiving participants by withholding diagnosis, treatment, and information about penicillin's availability after 1947, leading to at least 28 direct deaths from syphilis, 100 from complications, and transmission to spouses and children.[35] Public exposure in 1972 by whistleblower Peter Buxtun triggered termination of the study, congressional hearings, and the 1974 National Research Act, which mandated Institutional Review Boards (IRBs) and the Belmont Report's ethical principles.[36] Parallel U.S.-funded experiments in Guatemala from 1946 to 1948 deliberately infected over 1,300 vulnerable individuals—including soldiers, prisoners, psychiatric patients, and children—with syphilis and gonorrhea via prostitutes, direct inoculation, or spinal taps, without consent or adequate treatment, causing numerous infections and ethical violations uncovered in 2010.[37] This scandal reinforced calls for international standards, influencing revisions to the Declaration of Helsinki in 1964 and later U.S. regulations on overseas research.[38] At Willowbrook State School from 1956 to 1971, researchers led by Saul Krugman intentionally infected intellectually disabled children with hepatitis A and B viruses through fecal matter or serum to study transmission and immunity, exploiting overcrowding and parental desperation for admission, with partial consent obtained under duress and insufficient long-term follow-up on harms like chronic liver disease.[39] Criticism, amplified by Geraldo Rivera's 1972 exposé on institutional abuses, contributed to heightened scrutiny of vulnerable populations in research, bolstering requirements for risk minimization and justice in participant selection under emerging federal guidelines.[40] In 1963, at Jewish Chronic Disease Hospital in Brooklyn, oncologist Chester Southam injected live HeLa cancer cells into 22 elderly, debilitated patients without disclosing the cells' nature or obtaining informed consent, aiming to study tumor rejection but exposing participants to potential malignancy risks without therapeutic benefit.[41] Legal challenges and media coverage highlighted failures in consent and deception, accelerating New York State laws on human experimentation by 1965 and national pushes for oversight, including the 1966 NIH policy on extramural research reviews.[42] These incidents, spanning wartime atrocities to domestic deceptions targeting marginalized groups, exposed systemic gaps in consent, equity, and harm prevention, driving the evolution of global and U.S. frameworks like the 1964 Declaration of Helsinki, which expanded on Nuremberg by addressing therapeutic research, and the 1979 Belmont Report, which codified respect for persons, beneficence, and justice as foundational ethics.[43] Despite these reforms, revelations of ongoing issues underscored persistent challenges in enforcement and accountability.[44]Core Ethical Principles
Respect for Persons and Informed Consent
The principle of respect for persons, as articulated in the 1979 Belmont Report, requires that individuals participating in human subject research be treated as autonomous agents capable of self-determination, while also providing additional protections for those with diminished autonomy, such as children, prisoners, or individuals with cognitive impairments.[9] This principle derives from the recognition that research subjects retain rights to control their involvement, informed by historical abuses where autonomy was disregarded, such as in the Tuskegee syphilis study (1932–1972), where participants were denied treatment without their knowledge.[9] Respect for persons thus mandates obtaining informed consent as a core application, ensuring subjects are not merely means to research ends but ends in themselves, aligning with Kantian ethics emphasizing human dignity over utilitarian outcomes.[45] Informed consent in human subject research involves a deliberate process where prospective participants receive comprehensive information about the study and voluntarily agree to participate, encompassing disclosure of relevant details, facilitation of comprehension, and confirmation of voluntariness without undue influence or coercion.[46] Federal regulations under the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (45 CFR 46) and the Food and Drug Administration (21 CFR 50) specify basic elements, including a statement that the activity involves research, its purposes, duration, procedures, foreseeable risks and discomforts, potential benefits, alternative procedures or treatments, confidentiality protections, compensation for injury, and the right to withdraw at any time without penalty.[47] Additional elements cover whom to contact for questions about rights, research-related injuries, or study details, with documentation typically requiring a signed form approved by an Institutional Review Board (IRB), though waivers may apply for minimal-risk studies or when documentation poses undue burden, such as in anonymous surveys.[46][48] The process extends beyond a one-time signature to ongoing communication, requiring investigators to update participants on new risks or findings that might affect willingness to continue, as seen in FDA guidance emphasizing dynamic consent in long-term trials.[49] Competence to consent presumes adulthood and decisional capacity, but for vulnerable groups, assent from the individual plus permission from legally authorized representatives is required, with protections against exploitation heightened in populations like incarcerated persons under 45 CFR 46 Subpart C.[9] International standards, such as the Declaration of Helsinki (last revised 2013), reinforce these by mandating consent free from exploitation, particularly in low-resource settings where power imbalances may undermine voluntariness. Challenges to achieving genuine informed consent persist, including low comprehension rates—studies indicate that only about 50% of participants fully understand randomized trial elements like placebo use—due to lengthy, jargon-heavy forms averaging 30 pages.[50] Therapeutic misconception, where participants conflate research with personalized care, affects up to 70% in oncology trials, leading to overestimation of personal benefits and underappreciation of risks.[51] Language barriers, cultural differences, and cognitive limitations further complicate the process, with evidence showing higher misunderstanding among non-native speakers and those with lower health literacy, prompting recommendations for simplified summaries and multimedia aids in recent HHS/FDA guidance (2023).[52][53] Despite regulatory mandates, empirical data reveal inconsistencies in practice, with some IRBs approving forms that prioritize legal protection over participant understanding, underscoring the tension between bureaucratic compliance and ethical autonomy.[49]Beneficence, Non-Maleficence, and Risk-Benefit Analysis
Beneficence in human subject research entails an ethical obligation to maximize potential benefits to participants and society while actively securing their well-being through efforts to improve conditions and secure favorable outcomes.[9] This principle, articulated in the 1979 Belmont Report, incorporates two core obligations: (1) non-maleficence, or the imperative to avoid causing harm, and (2) a proactive commitment to enhance benefits by minimizing risks.[9] [45] Non-maleficence specifically demands that researchers refrain from exposing subjects to unnecessary harm, drawing from historical precedents like the Hippocratic tradition but adapted to empirical scrutiny of foreseeable adverse effects in experimental contexts.[54] In practice, these principles converge in the requirement for systematic assessment of research protocols to ensure that no procedure inflicts harm without commensurate justification, prioritizing participant safety over expediency.[55] Risk-benefit analysis forms the operational framework for applying beneficence and non-maleficence, involving a rigorous, evidence-based evaluation of potential harms against anticipated advantages before research commences.[9] Risks are categorized as physical (e.g., adverse drug reactions), psychological (e.g., distress from debriefing), social (e.g., stigma from sensitive disclosures), or economic (e.g., opportunity costs), each quantified where possible through probabilistic modeling or historical data from analogous studies.[56] Benefits, conversely, encompass direct gains to participants (e.g., therapeutic interventions), indirect knowledge advancements (e.g., data informing public health policies), and societal returns (e.g., novel treatments validated in phase III trials).[57] Regulatory bodies, such as Institutional Review Boards (IRBs), mandate this analysis to determine if risks are minimized to the lowest feasible level and if the overall balance justifies proceeding, often rejecting protocols where harms exceed plausible gains by thresholds like those in FDA guidelines for investigational new drugs.[58] For instance, in clinical trials, a 2024 FDA framework emphasizes weighing quantifiable endpoints, such as reduction in mortality rates against incidence of severe side effects, using structured tools like multi-criteria decision analysis when subjective judgments risk bias.[59] This assessment extends beyond immediate participants to broader implications, requiring researchers to distinguish research-specific risks from those inherent to standard care and to incorporate uncertainty through sensitivity analyses.[60] Empirical data underscores its necessity: a 2020 analysis of IRB-reviewed studies found that protocols with unbalanced risk-benefit profiles were 40% more likely to yield null or harmful outcomes, highlighting causal links between inadequate evaluation and ethical lapses.[55] Where vulnerabilities exist—such as in pediatric or vulnerable populations—additional safeguards, like phased escalation or independent data monitoring committees, are imposed to uphold non-maleficence, ensuring that scientific progress does not exploit informational asymmetries or coerce participation through undue inducements.[54] Failure to conduct thorough risk-benefit scrutiny has historically precipitated abuses, reinforcing the principle's role in causal realism: ethical research demands verifiable minimization of harms predicated on first-order evidence rather than optimistic projections.[61]Justice and Participant Selection
The ethical principle of justice in human subject research mandates equitable distribution of the benefits and burdens of participation, ensuring that research subjects are selected through fair procedures that prioritize scientific relevance over convenience or exploitation.[9] This principle, articulated in the 1979 Belmont Report, counters historical patterns where vulnerable populations disproportionately bore research risks without commensurate access to ensuing benefits, such as medical advancements.[9] Justice requires investigators to justify participant inclusion or exclusion criteria rigorously, avoiding arbitrary barriers that might deny trial access to underrepresented groups while preventing undue enrollment of those unable to provide meaningful consent or withstand potential harms.[45] In participant selection, justice emphasizes scrutinizing vulnerabilities—such as socioeconomic status, incarceration, cognitive impairment, or minority racial/ethnic status—to prevent their exploitation as proxies for ease of recruitment.[62] For instance, federal regulations under 45 CFR 46 subparts B through E impose additional safeguards for pregnant women, fetuses, neonates, prisoners, and children, mandating that their involvement yield direct benefits or pose no more than minimal risk unless justified by the study's aims.[63] Equitable selection also counters exclusionary practices; post-Belmont analyses revealed that women and racial minorities were often omitted from early-phase clinical trials, limiting generalizability and denying them potential therapeutic gains, as documented in National Institutes of Health reviews from the 1990s onward.[62] Researchers must thus balance inclusivity with protection, using criteria like disease prevalence or physiological relevance rather than stereotypes or administrative simplicity.[55] Violations of justice in selection have historically undermined trust and prompted reforms, exemplified by the U.S. Public Health Service's Tuskegee Syphilis Study (1932–1972), where 399 poor African American men with syphilis were deliberately withheld penicillin after its 1947 efficacy was established, bearing untreated disease progression for observational data while receiving no therapeutic benefits.[55] Similarly, the 1946–1948 U.S.-funded Guatemala syphilis experiments infected over 1,300 vulnerable soldiers, prisoners, and mental patients without consent, exposing them to deliberate disease transmission for serology studies, with inadequate follow-up care or compensation until declassification in 2010.[64] These cases illustrate causal failures in justice: burdens fell on easily accessible, marginalized groups, while benefits accrued to broader society without reciprocal equity, fueling mandates for institutional review boards to vet selection plans for distributive fairness.[9] Contemporary applications extend justice to global contexts, where low- and middle-income country participants in multinational trials risk "parachute research"—studies extracting data without ensuring post-trial access to proven interventions or capacity-building for local health systems.[65] Guidelines like the Council for International Organizations of Medical Sciences (CIOMS) 2016 recommendations reinforce that selection must align host-country needs, prohibiting exploitation via placebo arms inferior to local standards unless scientifically unavoidable. Empirical audits, such as those by the World Health Organization, indicate persistent disparities, with 70% of phase III trials in 2010–2020 under-enrolling elderly or comorbid patients despite their disease burden, potentially skewing efficacy data and outcomes. Upholding justice thus demands transparent, data-driven selection protocols audited for equity, mitigating biases in institutional oversight where resource constraints may favor low-risk, homogeneous cohorts.[66]Major Ethical Guidelines
Nuremberg Code (1947)
The Nuremberg Code originated as part of the judgment in the Doctors' Trial (United States of America v. Karl Brandt et al.), the first of twelve subsequent Nuremberg Military Tribunals convened after World War II to prosecute Nazi war criminals.[67] The trial commenced on December 9, 1946, before an American military tribunal in Nuremberg, Germany, and examined the actions of 23 defendants—primarily physicians, biologists, and administrators—who conducted lethal and torturous medical experiments on concentration camp prisoners, including Jews, Roma, and Soviet POWs, without consent and often resulting in death or severe injury.[67] These experiments encompassed high-altitude simulations, freezing exposures, malaria infections, and sterilization procedures, justified under Nazi racial hygiene doctrines but deemed crimes against humanity.[67] On August 19, 1947, the tribunal convicted 16 defendants, sentencing seven to death by hanging, and appended to its verdict a statement of ten principles for ethically permissible human experimentation, forming the Nuremberg Code.[68] Drafted by tribunal judges with input from consultants like Andrew Ivy and Leo Alexander, the Code represented the first codified international standard prioritizing subject autonomy over scientific imperatives.[43] The ten principles of the Nuremberg Code emphasize voluntary informed consent as paramount, rejecting any coercion or deception, and require that subjects possess the capacity for free choice and comprehension of risks.[69] They are:- The voluntary consent of the human subject is absolutely essential, free of force, fraud, deceit, duress, or coercion, with sufficient knowledge for an enlightened decision.[69]
- The experiment must yield fruitful results for the good of society, unprocurable by other methods or means of study, and not be random or unnecessary interpolation.[69]
- It should be based on prior animal experimentation and a knowledge of the natural history of the disease or problem under study, ensuring results justify human risk.[69]
- It must avoid all unnecessary physical and mental suffering or injury.[69]
- No experiment should include a priori foreseeable death or disabling injury, except possibly if the investigator is also the subject.[69]
- The risk degree should never exceed the humanitarian importance of the problem solved by the experiment.[69]
- Proper preparations and facilities must guard against even remote possibilities of injury, disability, or death.[69]
- The experiment must be conducted only by scientifically qualified persons, with the highest degree of skill and care for subject welfare throughout.[69]
- The human subject must retain the right to terminate the experiment at any time if psychologically or physiologically intolerable.[69]
- The scientist must terminate the experiment if continuation is likely to result in injury, disability, or death.[69]
Declaration of Helsinki (1964 and Revisions)
The Declaration of Helsinki, adopted by the World Medical Association (WMA) at its 18th General Assembly in Helsinki, Finland, on June 19, 1964, establishes ethical principles to guide physicians in biomedical research involving human subjects.[7] It builds upon the Nuremberg Code by extending protections to non-therapeutic research and emphasizing the welfare of participants over scientific interests, responding to post-World War II concerns about medical experimentation abuses.[70] The original document outlines 12 core recommendations, including requirements for voluntary consent, competent medical oversight, risk minimization, and avoidance of unnecessary suffering, while mandating that research protocols prioritize participant health and obtain institutional review where applicable.[7] Subsequent revisions have refined these principles to address emerging ethical challenges, such as placebo use, post-trial access to treatments, and protections for vulnerable groups, with the WMA conducting periodic updates through general assemblies involving global medical input.[7] Key amendments include: the 1975 Tokyo revision, which strengthened informed consent requirements and clarified distinctions between therapeutic and non-therapeutic research;[7] the 1983 Venice update, enhancing safeguards for vulnerable populations like prisoners and children;[7] the 1989 Hong Kong revision, incorporating references to ethics committees;[7] the 1996 Somerset West version, introducing provisions on placebo controls and post-trial benefits;[7] the 2000 Edinburgh amendment, emphasizing risk-benefit assessments;[7] clarifications in 2002 (Washington) and 2004 (Tokyo) on placebo justification and ethical review;[7] the 2008 Seoul revision, bolstering research ethics committee roles;[7] and the 2013 Fortaleza update, prioritizing participant access to proven interventions after trials.[7] The most recent revision, adopted at the 75th WMA General Assembly in Helsinki on October 2024, modernizes the document to align with contemporary issues like data privacy, global health disparities, and advancing technologies, while reaffirming core tenets such as voluntary informed consent in comprehensible language, rigorous risk-benefit analysis where risks must not exceed potential benefits, and equitable inclusion of vulnerable participants only when research addresses their specific needs with added protections.[7] This evolution reflects the WMA's commitment to balancing scientific progress with human dignity, though debates persist over interpretations, such as the ethical permissibility of placebos in resource-limited settings, underscoring the declaration's role as a non-binding yet influential global standard rather than enforceable law.[7][71]Belmont Report (1979)
The Belmont Report, formally titled Ethical Principles and Guidelines for the Protection of Human Subjects of Research, was issued on September 30, 1978, and transmitted to Congress in 1979 by the National Commission for the Protection of Human Subjects of Biomedical and Behavioral Research, established under the National Research Act of 1974.[72] [73] The report emerged amid concerns over past ethical violations in U.S. research, such as the Tuskegee syphilis study and Jewish Chronic Disease Hospital case, aiming to delineate foundational ethical principles rather than prescriptive rules, distinguishing boundaries between practice and research, and applying principles to resolve ethical dilemmas in human subjects studies.[9] [74] The report articulates three core ethical principles: respect for persons, beneficence, and justice, derived from philosophical analysis and historical precedents like the Nuremberg Code.[9] Respect for persons requires acknowledging individuals' autonomy by obtaining informed consent—encompassing disclosure of information, comprehension by participants, voluntariness without coercion, and competence—while also protecting those with diminished autonomy, such as children or prisoners, through additional safeguards like privacy protections.[9] [75] Beneficence obligates researchers to maximize potential benefits and minimize possible harms, involving systematic evaluation of intervention risks against knowledge gains, with obligations to assess, avoid unnecessary risks, and monitor studies for harm emergence.[9] [45] Justice addresses equitable distribution of research benefits and burdens, critiquing historical patterns where vulnerable populations bore risks without accessing benefits, and proposing selection criteria favoring scientific relevance over convenience, with fair procedures for subject inclusion and post-study benefit access.[9] [76] The report applies these principles to practices like informed consent processes, risk-benefit assessments in Institutional Review Boards (IRBs), and participant selection, emphasizing that research differing from standard practice in uncertain outcomes requires ethical oversight to prevent exploitation.[9] Its influence shaped subsequent U.S. regulations, including the 1981 Common Rule (45 CFR 46), though critics note it prioritizes individual autonomy over communal considerations in non-Western contexts and assumes universal applicability without fully addressing power imbalances in researcher-participant dynamics.[77] [78]The Common Rule (1981 and Updates)
The Common Rule, formally the Federal Policy for the Protection of Human Subjects, originated as regulations issued by the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) in 1981 under 45 CFR Part 46, Subpart A, implementing the ethical principles of respect for persons, beneficence, and justice outlined in the 1979 Belmont Report.[77] [72] It established requirements for institutional review boards (IRBs) to oversee research, obtain informed consent from participants, and assess risks and benefits in studies involving human subjects conducted or supported by HHS.[79] In 1991, 17 federal departments and agencies adopted these regulations uniformly, earning the designation "Common Rule" for its shared application across entities.[80] The 1981 policy defined research as a systematic investigation designed to develop or contribute to generalizable knowledge and human subjects as living individuals about whom an investigator obtains data through intervention, interaction, or identifiable private information.[79] It mandated IRB review and approval for non-exempt research, with criteria including minimization of risks, reasonable risk-benefit ratios, equitable subject selection, informed consent processes, and data privacy protections.[81] Exemptions applied to certain low-risk activities, such as educational tests or benign behavioral observations, provided no vulnerable populations were unduly burdened.[82] The rule applied to federally funded or regulated biomedical and behavioral research but excluded scholarly or journalistic activities, public health surveillance not intended for generalizable knowledge, and certain criminal justice or national security efforts.[83] Revisions, proposed in 2015 and finalized on January 19, 2017, were termed the "2018 Requirements" and addressed modern challenges like big data and biospecimens; an interim final rule delayed most effective dates from January 19, 2018, to July 19, 2018, with general compliance required from January 21, 2019.[84] [85] Key updates expanded the definition of research to encompass identifiable private information and biospecimens as potential human subjects data, even without direct interaction, while introducing "broad consent" options for future unspecified use of stored materials.[86] New exemption categories streamlined review for minimal-risk studies, such as secondary research on datasets or biospecimens under broad consent, reducing IRB burden for low-risk social-behavioral research.[87] Further changes mandated posting of IRB-approved consent forms for federally funded clinical trials on a public federal website to enhance transparency, required single IRB review for multi-site cooperative research to improve efficiency, and heightened IRB criteria for assessing privacy and confidentiality risks in data-intensive studies.[88] [89] Informed consent forms were revised to include mandatory statements on data retention for clinical trials and optional elements like the number of anticipated participants.[90] As of 2025, these 2018 Requirements remain in effect without subsequent major amendments, continuing to govern human subjects protections across adopting federal agencies while subparts B (pregnant women, fetuses, neonates), C (prisoners), and D (children) provide additional safeguards.[63] [85]Regulatory Mechanisms
Institutional Review Boards (IRBs) and Oversight
Institutional Review Boards (IRBs) are independent administrative bodies mandated to review, approve, modify, or disapprove research protocols involving human subjects to safeguard participants' rights and welfare.[91] In the United States, IRBs originated from ethical responses to abuses like the Tuskegee syphilis study and were formalized under the National Research Act of 1974, which established requirements for institutional assurances of compliance with ethical standards.[92] Their core function is to ensure research adheres to principles of respect for persons (via informed consent), beneficence (risk minimization and benefit maximization), and justice (equitable participant selection), as outlined in the 1979 Belmont Report.[93] Under the Federal Policy for the Protection of Human Subjects, known as the Common Rule (45 CFR part 46, subpart A), IRBs must evaluate whether risks to subjects are reasonable in relation to anticipated benefits, whether risks are minimized through sound research design, and whether selection of subjects avoids exploitation of vulnerable populations.[81] Approval criteria include documentation of informed consent processes, equitable procedures for subject selection, and data monitoring for ongoing studies.[63] Research is classified into full board review for studies posing greater than minimal risk, expedited review for minimal risk protocols meeting specific categories, or exemption for certain low-risk activities like educational tests or surveys.[92] IRBs also conduct continuing reviews at least annually for approved studies involving greater than minimal risk.[79] IRB composition requires at least five members with diverse expertise, including at least one non-scientist and one non-affiliated individual to mitigate institutional conflicts of interest.[79] For FDA-regulated research involving drugs, devices, or biologics, IRBs must additionally comply with 21 CFR part 56, which mandates written procedures for initial and continuing review, reporting of unanticipated problems, and investigator suspensions.[91] Oversight is provided by the Office for Human Research Protections (OHRP) within the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS), which enforces compliance through audits, investigations of complaints, and corrective action plans; non-compliance can result in funding suspension or termination.[63] The Food and Drug Administration (FDA) conducts parallel oversight for clinical investigations under its jurisdiction, including biennial inspections of IRBs.[91] Despite these mechanisms, empirical evaluations reveal inconsistencies in IRB decision-making, with studies documenting variability in approval rates, risk assessments, and consent form evaluations across institutions.[94] Critics argue that IRB processes impose significant administrative burdens, delaying research without commensurate improvements in subject protection, as evidenced by surveys showing prolonged review times averaging 8-12 weeks for low-risk studies.[95] Reforms, such as the 2018 revisions to the Common Rule, introduced streamlined reviews for minimal risk research and single IRB requirements for multi-site studies to reduce redundancy, effective January 21, 2019.[63] However, ongoing challenges include inadequate resources for diverse membership and peer review of IRB performance, potentially limiting overall effectiveness in preventing ethical lapses.[96]International and National Variations
International harmonization efforts, such as the International Council for Harmonisation's Good Clinical Practice (GCP) guideline E6(R3), establish ethical and scientific standards for clinical trials involving human subjects, emphasizing independent ethics committee review, voluntary informed consent, and risk minimization, with adoption in over 100 countries including the US, EU, and Japan.[97] These standards build on the Declaration of Helsinki but allow national adaptations, leading to variations in enforcement, scope, and additional requirements like data localization or post-trial access.[98] In the United States, human subjects research is primarily regulated under the Common Rule (45 CFR 46), which mandates Institutional Review Board (IRB) oversight for federally funded studies, focusing on minimal risk categorization, expedited reviews for low-risk protocols, and protections for vulnerable populations such as prisoners and children through subparts B-D.[63] The Food and Drug Administration (FDA) extends similar requirements to investigational drugs and devices via 21 CFR parts 50 and 56, prioritizing individual consent and adverse event reporting, though non-federally funded research may face less uniform oversight. European Union member states implement harmonized rules under Regulation (EU) No 536/2014, which requires ethics committee assessment for all clinical trials via a centralized EU portal, ensuring subject safety, data protection under GDPR, and mandatory insurance for trial-related injuries, differing from the US by emphasizing multinational coordination and transparency in trial registries.[99] National variations persist, such as Germany's stricter documentation for consent in non-therapeutic research or France's dual scientific-ethical review, with greater focus on equitable post-trial benefits compared to US provisions.[100] In China, the National Medical Products Administration (NMPA) oversees clinical trials under the Drug Administration Law (revised 2019), requiring institutional ethics committee approval that is independent and fair, alongside informed consent and protections for vulnerable groups, but with mandates for local data storage and in-country management to address concerns over foreign exploitation.[101] Recent 2023 measures extend ethics reviews to life sciences research involving humans, emphasizing scientific integrity, though implementation challenges include varying committee capacities.[102] India's regulations, guided by the Indian Council of Medical Research (ICMR) National Ethical Guidelines (2017), require Institutional Ethics Committee (IEC) review for biomedical research, stressing the principle of essentiality—ensuring human involvement is indispensable—and enhanced safeguards for vulnerable participants like pregnant women, with mandatory compensation for trial-related harms under Central Drugs Standard Control Organization (CDSCO) rules.[103] These differ from Western models by incorporating socio-economic vulnerability assessments and prohibiting commercial exploitation, reflecting post-colonial priorities, though enforcement gaps have prompted amendments like the 2019 New Drugs Rules for faster approvals.[104] Other nations, such as Japan, closely align with ICH GCP through the Pharmaceuticals and Medical Devices Agency (PMDA), mandating ethics committee review and consent akin to the US but with cultural adaptations like family involvement in decisions for incapacitated subjects. In Brazil, the National Health Surveillance Agency (ANVISA) and National Research Ethics Commission enforce Helsinki-aligned standards with emphasis on indigenous protections, highlighting global tensions between harmonization and local contexts like resource constraints in low-income settings.Biomedical Applications
Structure of Clinical Trials
Clinical trials in biomedical research are typically structured into sequential phases to systematically evaluate the safety, efficacy, and broader impacts of investigational interventions, such as drugs or medical devices, on human subjects. This phased approach, established by regulatory bodies like the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA), minimizes risks by progressing from small-scale safety assessments to large-scale confirmatory studies only after prior phases demonstrate sufficient promise. Preclinical testing, involving laboratory and animal models, precedes human trials to identify potential toxicities and mechanisms of action; for instance, the FDA requires evidence from these studies before approving an Investigational New Drug (IND) application for Phase I initiation. Phase I trials, the initial human testing stage, involve 20 to 100 healthy volunteers or patients to assess safety, dosage tolerance, and pharmacokinetics. Conducted in controlled settings like specialized clinics, these trials focus on adverse effects and how the body processes the intervention, with escalation of doses under close monitoring to determine the maximum tolerated dose. Success rates from Phase I to subsequent phases are low, around 70% proceeding to Phase II, reflecting the high attrition due to safety concerns. Phase II trials expand to 100 to 300 participants with the target condition, evaluating preliminary efficacy alongside continued safety monitoring. Designs often include randomized allocation and, where feasible, blinding to reduce bias, with primary endpoints like symptom reduction or biomarker changes. These trials provide initial evidence of therapeutic benefit, but only about 33% advance to Phase III, as many fail to show statistically significant efficacy in controlled settings. Phase III trials, the confirmatory stage, involve thousands of diverse participants across multiple sites to compare the intervention against standard care or placebo, establishing definitive efficacy, optimal dosing, and long-term safety profiles. Randomized, double-blind, multicenter designs are standard to ensure generalizability and minimize confounding factors, with statistical powering to detect clinically meaningful differences (e.g., hazard ratios or response rates). Regulatory approval for market often hinges on Phase III data, which demonstrate risk-benefit ratios; for example, the FDA mandates these for New Drug Applications, with success rates around 25-30% from Phase II. Phase IV, or post-marketing surveillance, occurs after approval and monitors real-world effectiveness, rare adverse events, and subpopulations not fully studied earlier, involving registries or observational cohorts. This phase addresses limitations of pre-approval trials, such as underrepresentation of certain demographics, and can lead to label changes or withdrawals; for instance, the FDA's Adverse Event Reporting System (FAERS) has prompted actions like rofecoxib's 2004 withdrawal based on cardiovascular risks emerging post-approval. Trial designs incorporate ethical safeguards, such as equipoise—genuine uncertainty about comparative benefits—and adaptive elements allowing interim analyses for futility or efficacy stopping rules, per International Council for Harmonisation (ICH) E9 guidelines. Parallel-group, crossover, or factorial designs are selected based on the research question, with sample sizes calculated via power analyses (e.g., 80-90% power at alpha=0.05). Institutional Review Boards (IRBs) oversee protocols to ensure participant protections align with this structure.Informed Consent in Medical Contexts
Informed consent in medical human subject research requires that prospective participants receive comprehensive information about the study's purpose, procedures, foreseeable risks and discomforts, potential benefits, alternative treatments, confidentiality protections, compensation for injury, and the right to withdraw at any time without prejudice, enabling them to make a voluntary decision free from coercion.[47] This principle originated with the Nuremberg Code of 1947, which established that "the voluntary consent of the human subject is absolutely essential," specifying that consent must be given by a subject with legal capacity, situated to exercise free choice without undue influence or force, and based on full disclosure of the nature, duration, purpose, methods, hazards, and effects of the experiment.[34] The Declaration of Helsinki, first adopted in 1964 and revised multiple times, including in 2013, builds on this by mandating that informed consent be obtained in writing where possible, or otherwise formally documented and witnessed, with provisions for vulnerable populations and post-trial access to beneficial interventions.[7] In the United States, federal regulations under 21 CFR Part 50, enforced by the Food and Drug Administration (FDA), prohibit involving human subjects in clinical investigations without obtaining legally effective informed consent, except in limited cases such as minimal risk studies where institutional review boards waive it. The process emphasizes a dialogue beyond mere form signing, with investigators responsible for ensuring comprehension through clear language, avoiding technical jargon, and assessing understanding, as outlined in FDA guidance updated in 2023.[49] Key elements must be presented upfront, including the voluntary nature of participation and that refusal or withdrawal will not affect standard medical care, to mitigate undue inducements like excessive compensation.[105] Documentation typically involves a signed form, though oral consent suffices with a witness for certain low-risk studies, and for non-English speakers or illiterate subjects, short forms or interpreters are permitted under strict oversight. In emergency research, exceptions allow deferred consent from surrogates if immediate intervention is necessary and prior community consultation occurs, but only for life-threatening conditions without alternatives. Despite these safeguards, empirical studies reveal persistent challenges in achieving truly informed consent. Therapeutic misconception, where participants overestimate personal benefits and fail to distinguish research's scientific aims from individualized therapy, affects up to 70% of subjects in some trials, undermining voluntariness as individuals consent under false expectations of direct therapeutic gain.[106] Comprehension barriers arise from complex forms averaging 30 pages, low health literacy, cognitive impairments in patient populations, and time pressures during recruitment, with research showing many subjects retain little beyond basic facts post-consent.[107] Vulnerable groups, such as those with terminal illnesses or economic disadvantages, face heightened coercion risks from hope bias or financial incentives, prompting calls for enhanced assessment tools and independent advocates, though regulatory enforcement varies and rarely revokes approvals for documentation lapses alone. These issues highlight that while informed consent serves as a cornerstone against exploitation, its implementation often falls short of first-principles ideals of autonomous decision-making, necessitating ongoing empirical scrutiny over procedural compliance.[108]Behavioral and Social Science Applications
Key Psychological and Sociological Experiments
Solomon Asch's conformity experiments, initiated in 1951 at Swarthmore College, examined how social pressure influences judgment. Participants estimated line lengths matching a standard line, unaware that other group members were confederates providing unanimous incorrect answers on 12 of 18 trials. Approximately 75% of participants conformed to the incorrect majority at least once, yielding a 32% conformity rate across critical trials, demonstrating the power of group consensus over perceptual evidence.[109][110] Stanley Milgram's obedience experiments, conducted starting August 1961 at Yale University, tested compliance with authority in a simulated learning task. Participants, acting as teachers, were instructed by an experimenter to deliver escalating electric shocks—up to 450 volts, marked as "XXX" for danger of lethal shock—to a learner (an actor feigning pain) for incorrect responses on word pairs. In the baseline condition, 65% of 40 male participants from New Haven administered the maximum shock, continuing despite protests, illustrating high levels of destructive obedience under perceived legitimate authority.[111][112] Philip Zimbardo's Stanford Prison Experiment, begun August 14, 1971, at Stanford University, investigated situational forces in a mock prison setup with 24 male student volunteers randomly assigned as guards or prisoners. Guards quickly adopted abusive tactics, including psychological humiliation and sleep deprivation, while prisoners exhibited signs of acute distress, such as crying and anxiety; the study was terminated after six days rather than the planned two weeks due to escalating emotional harm.[113][114] Muzafer Sherif's Robbers Cave experiment, conducted in 1954 at a boys' summer camp near Oklahoma's Robbers Cave State Park, explored intergroup dynamics with 22 fifth-grade boys divided into two isolated groups ("Eagles" and "Rattlers"). Initial rapport within groups gave way to hostility during competitive tournaments over resources like a movie projector, manifesting in raids, name-calling, and food tampering; conflict subsided only after researcher-introduced superordinate tasks requiring cooperation, such as repairing a water tank, supporting realistic conflict theory that competition over scarce resources drives prejudice.[115][116] These studies, pivotal in revealing mechanisms of conformity, obedience, situational roles, and intergroup conflict, relied on deception and induced stress, prompting post-hoc ethical scrutiny and influencing guidelines like debriefing requirements to mitigate potential psychological harm in behavioral research.[117][118]