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Joseph Echols Lowery (October 6, 1921 – March 27, 2020) was an American minister in the United Methodist Church and leader in the civil rights movement. He founded the Southern Christian Leadership Conference with Martin Luther King Jr. and others, serving as its vice president, later chairman of the board, and its third president from 1977 to 1997. Lowery participated in most of the major activities of the civil rights movement in the 1950s and 1960s, and continued his civil rights work into the 21st century. He was called the "Dean of the Civil Rights Movement".[1] In 2009, Lowery received the Presidential Medal of Freedom from U.S. President Barack Obama.[2]

Key Information

Biography

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Joseph E. Lowery was born to Leroy and Dora Lowery on October 6, 1921. His mother was a teacher and his father owned a small business in Alabama.[3] When he was 11, he was abused and punched by a white police officer for not getting off the sidewalk as a white man was passing. Lowery ran home to get a gun, but his father arrived and talked him out of it.[4] His family sent him away while he attended middle school in Chicago, staying with relatives, but he returned to Huntsville, Alabama, to complete William Hooper Councill High School.[5] He attended Knoxville College and Alabama A&M College. Lowery graduated from Paine College. He was a member of Alpha Phi Alpha fraternity.[3]

He attended ministerial training at Payne Theological Seminary and later on, he completed a Doctor of Divinity degree at the Chicago Ecumenical Institute.[5] He married Evelyn Gibson in 1950, a civil rights activist and leader in her own right. She was the sister of the late Harry Gibson, an activist, and elder member of the Northern Illinois conference of the United Methodist Church, Chicago area. She died on September 26, 2013.[6] They had three daughters: Yvonne Kennedy, Karen Lowery, and Cheryl Lowery-Osborne.[7] Lowery also had two sons, Joseph Jr. and LeRoy III, from an earlier marriage to Agnes Moore.[8]

American civil rights career

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Lowery was pastor of the Warren Street Methodist Church,[9] in Mobile, Alabama, from 1952 to 1961. His career in the Civil Rights Movement took off in the early 1950s. After Rosa Parks' arrest in 1955, he helped lead the Montgomery bus boycott. He headed the Alabama Civic Affairs Association, an organization devoted to the desegregation of buses and public places. In 1957, along with Martin Luther King Jr., Fred Shuttlesworth, and others, Lowery founded the Southern Christian Leadership Conference and subsequently led the organization as its president from 1977 to 1997.[5][1]

Lowery's car and other property, along with that of other civil rights leaders, was seized in 1959 by the State of Alabama to pay damages resulting from a libel suit. The Supreme Court of the United States later reversed this decision in New York Times Co. v. Sullivan. At the request of King, Lowery participated in the Selma to Montgomery march of 1965.[10]

He was a co-founder and president of the Black Leadership Forum, a consortium of black advocacy groups. This Forum protested the existence of Apartheid in South Africa from the mid-1970s through the end of white minority rule there. Lowery was among the first five black men to be arrested outside the South African Embassy in Washington, D.C., during the Free South Africa movement. He served as the pastor of Cascade United Methodist Church in Atlanta from 1986 through 1992, adding over a thousand members and leaving the church with 10 acres (40,000 m2) of land.[4][11]

To honor him, the city government of Atlanta renamed Ashby Street for him. Joseph E. Lowery Boulevard is just west of downtown Atlanta and runs north-south beginning at West Marietta Street near the campus of the Georgia Institute of Technology and stretching to White Street in the "West End" neighborhood, running past Atlanta's Historically Black Colleges and Universities: Clark Atlanta University, Spelman College, Morehouse College, and Morris Brown College.[4]

Lowery advocated for LGBT civil rights,[12] including civil unions and, in 2012, same-sex marriage.[13]

Death

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Lowery died on March 27, 2020, in Atlanta, Georgia.[14]

Awards

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Lowery meeting with President Barack Obama at the White House in 2011

Lowery received several awards. The NAACP gave him their Lifetime Achievement Award at its 1997 convention calling him the "dean of the civil rights movement". He received the inaugural Walter P. Reuther Humanitarian Award from Wayne State University in 2003.[15] He has also received the Martin Luther King Jr. Center Peace Award and the National Urban League's Whitney M. Young Jr. Lifetime Achievement Award, in 2004.[16] Ebony named him one of the 15 greatest black preachers, describing him as, "the consummate voice of biblical social relevancy, a focused voice, speaking truth to power."[17] Lowery also received several honorary doctorates from colleges and universities including, Dillard University, Morehouse College, Alabama State University, University of Alabama in Huntsville, and Emory University. In 2004, Lowery was honored at the International Civil Rights Walk of Fame at the Martin Luther King Jr. National Historic Site, located in Atlanta, Georgia.[18]

Lowery was awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom by Barack Obama, on July 30, 2009.[19] He was also given the Fred L. Shuttlesworth Human Rights Award by the Birmingham Civil Rights Institute that year.[20]

Delta Airlines Boeing 757-200 N6716C is named for Lowery.[21]

Remarks at Coretta Scott King's funeral

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In 2006, at Coretta Scott King's funeral, Lowery received a standing ovation when he denounced the violence of war in Iraq compared to injustice for the poor, remarking before four U.S. presidents in attendance:

We know now there were no weapons of mass destruction over there. But Coretta knew and we know that there are weapons of misdirection right down here. Millions without health insurance. Poverty abounds. For war billions more but no more for the poor!

Conservative observers said his comments were inappropriate in a setting meant to honor the life of Mrs. King, especially considering George W. Bush was present at the ceremony.[22][23]

President Barack Obama's inauguration benediction

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On January 20, 2009, Lowery delivered the benediction at the inauguration of Senator Barack Obama as the 44th President of the United States of America. He opened with lines from "Lift Every Voice and Sing", also known as "The Negro National Anthem", by James Weldon Johnson. He concluded with the following, an interpolation of Big Bill Broonzy's "Black, Brown and White":

Lord, in the memory of all the saints who from their labors rest, and in the joy of a new beginning, we ask you to help us work for that day when black will not be asked to get [in] back, when brown can stick around, when yellow will be mellow, when the red man can get ahead, man; and when white will embrace what is right. Let all those who do justice and love mercy say Amen! Say Amen! And Amen! [24]

A number of conservative pundits including Glenn Beck, Michael Savage, and Michelle Malkin criticized this final passage, accusing it of being "divisive"[25] and "racialist".[26][27][28] Reporters in attendance called the passage a mocking of racial stereotypes, and said that the crowd received it with good humor.[29][30][31]

See also

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References

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Joseph Lowery

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Joseph Echols Lowery (October 6, 1921 – March 27, 2020) was an American United Methodist minister and civil rights activist recognized for his leadership in nonviolent protests and social justice advocacy. Born in Huntsville, Alabama, Lowery co-organized the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) in 1957 with Martin Luther King Jr. and other ministers to coordinate civil rights efforts across the South. He served as SCLC president from 1977 to 1997, succeeding Ralph Abernathy, and expanded the organization's focus to include international human rights issues such as opposition to apartheid in South Africa. Lowery's activism began in the 1950s with efforts to desegregate public transportation in Alabama cities like Mobile and Montgomery, where he faced arrests and violence for organizing boycotts and marches. Over his career, he participated in pivotal events including the and delivered the benediction at Barack Obama's 2009 presidential inauguration, during which his prayer drew attention for its poetic critique of racial and social inequities. Dubbed the "dean of the Civil Rights Movement" by the , Lowery received the in 2009 for his enduring commitment to equality and nonviolence. His outspoken style often emphasized moral accountability, though it occasionally sparked debate over its rhetorical sharpness toward American institutions and policies.

Early Life and Education

Childhood and Family Background

Joseph Echols Lowery was born on October 6, 1921, in Huntsville, Alabama, to LeRoy Lowery and Dora Fackler Lowery. His father operated as a local businessman, managing a pool hall and owning a general store that catered to the Black community, while his mother served as a teacher. The family belonged to the middle class within Huntsville's segregated Black districts, residing on Church Street amid businesses owned and frequented by African Americans. Lowery's early years unfolded under the strictures of , which enforced racial separation and subordination in daily life. At approximately age 11, he encountered direct racial violence when he inadvertently approached a white , who responded with a racial , struck him with a nightstick, and admonished him to avoid white spaces. Seeking revenge, Lowery retrieved his father's gun, but LeRoy Lowery intervened, delivering a stern lecture on restraint amid systemic oppression before confiscating the weapon and lodging a formal complaint with the police chief, who acknowledged his inability to secure justice due to entrenched racial power dynamics. This episode, as Lowery later recounted, sowed the initial seeds of his resolve against injustice. The Lowerys maintained a strong Methodist heritage, with Dora Lowery actively involving her son in Lakeside Methodist Church activities, fostering skills in public speaking and viewing as a bulwark against racial adversity. His parents emphasized achieving excellence within Black institutions and exercising caution in encounters with white society, reinforcing resilience through , , and religious discipline as countermeasures to discriminatory barriers.

Formal Education and Influences

Lowery commenced his undergraduate studies shortly after graduating from William Hooper Councill High School in , in 1939. He briefly attended the State Agricultural and Mechanical Institute for Negroes (present-day ), where economics and civics instructor Samuel William cultivated his enduring interest in economic and . That fall, Lowery enrolled at in , pursuing , before transferring as a junior in 1941 to , a historically Black Methodist liberal arts institution in . He completed a in there in 1943, gaining analytical insights into social structures that underscored poverty and segregation as entrenched impediments to human potential and equitable opportunity. Transitioning to theological preparation, Lowery entered Payne Theological Seminary at in in 1944, immersing himself in Methodist divinity and biblical ethics. He earned a in 1950, concurrently receiving a from the Ecumenical Institute. These seminary experiences emphasized Christian doctrines of and moral accountability, furnishing Lowery with a principled rationale for nonviolent confrontation of injustice—prioritizing ethical persuasion over coercion as the causal mechanism for dismantling barriers like and economic deprivation. This intellectual synthesis of sociological causality and theological imperatives distinguished his theoretical commitments from subsequent tactical applications in .

Ministerial Career and Initial Activism

Ordination and Early Pastorates

Lowery graduated from Theological Seminary in , in 1950 and was ordained as a United Methodist minister that same year. His ordination positioned him within the African Methodist Episcopal tradition's emphasis on principles, though he operated amid the entrenched Jim Crow segregation of the post-World War II South, where Black clergy faced legal and social barriers to expanding ministry beyond racially confined communities. In 1952, Lowery assumed his first pastoral assignment at Warren Street United Methodist Church in Mobile, Alabama, serving until 1961. During this period, he led the congregation through the realities of segregated public facilities and economic exclusion, with Mobile's Black population comprising about 40% of the city's residents yet systematically denied equal access to resources. Lowery's tenure involved routine pastoral duties such as delivery, community outreach, and church administration, all constrained by Alabama's racial laws that limited interracial assembly and for Black institutions. Prior to his Mobile pastorate, Lowery had divorced his first wife, Agnes Christine Moore, with whom he married in the early and fathered two sons; the union dissolved by the mid-. In 1948, he married Evelyn Gibson, whose partnership provided familial stability as he entered full-time ministry, enabling focus on congregational growth despite financial strains common to churches in the segregated South. Lowery's early sermons, delivered in this context, drew on Methodist doctrine to address moral and communal uplift, though specific records of his rhetorical emphases from this era remain sparse in primary accounts.

Participation in Montgomery Bus Boycott

Joseph Lowery, serving as pastor of Warren Street United Methodist Church in Mobile, Alabama, joined Montgomery ministers including Martin Luther King Jr. in the immediate aftermath of Rosa Parks' arrest on December 1, 1955, for refusing to relinquish her bus seat to a white passenger in violation of local segregation ordinances. He participated in early planning sessions by driving four hours from Mobile to Montgomery for monthly strategy meetings with King, Ralph Abernathy, and Fred Shuttlesworth, where they discussed countermeasures against segregation and coordinated the boycott's launch on December 5, 1955. These efforts built on Lowery's prior experience leading a one-day bus protest in Mobile in 1953, emphasizing disciplined nonviolent resistance to expose the moral and practical failures of Jim Crow laws. The , orchestrated through the Montgomery Improvement Association under 's leadership, saw the city's Black population—comprising about 75% of regular bus riders—abstain from public transportation for 381 days, inflicting severe economic losses on the transit system estimated at over $3,000 daily. Lowery provided direct counsel to during this period and contributed to fostering community unity, which sustained the action through alternative transportation arrangements and financial support networks despite widespread and against participants. His involvement underscored a commitment to rooted in and constitutional principles, rejecting retaliation amid threats that included bombings of Black churches and leaders' homes. The boycott's sustained pressure prompted the federal lawsuit Browder v. Gayle, challenging bus segregation under the Fourteenth Amendment's . On June 5, 1956, a three-judge U.S. District Court ruled 2–1 that such segregation was unconstitutional, a decision affirmed by the on November 13, 1956. Buses integrated on December 20, 1956, demonstrating how organized economic non-cooperation could compel judicial invalidation of discriminatory statutes, marking an empirical victory for targeted over entrenched local customs.

Role in the Southern Christian Leadership Conference

Co-Founding and Early Involvement

Joseph E. Lowery co-founded the (SCLC) on January 10–11, 1957, in Atlanta, Georgia, alongside Martin Luther King Jr., , , and other Black ministers, establishing it as a permanent organization to coordinate nonviolent campaigns across Southern Black churches in response to the Montgomery Bus Boycott's success. The SCLC aimed to harness the moral authority of the for mass mobilization, focusing on voter registration drives and desegregation efforts without supplanting local groups like the . Lowery was appointed vice president at the founding meeting, a role he held until 1967, during which he organized field operations, recruited clergy affiliates, and emphasized pragmatic strategies grounded in to sustain nonviolent discipline amid escalating Southern resistance. In this capacity, Lowery directed early SCLC initiatives on voter education, including citizenship schools that trained over 100,000 Black Southerners in and registration by the mid-1960s, contributing to increased turnout that pressured federal intervention. He played a pivotal operational role in the 1965 , chairing the SCLC delegation that presented voting rights demands to Alabama Governor on March 3, and coordinating logistics for the successful 54-mile trek completed on March 25, which galvanized national support leading to the , signed August 6 and enabling over 250,000 new Black voters in the South within a year. Lowery also supported SCLC's anti-poverty programs, such as prototypes, by linking economic boycotts to church networks for targeted leverage against discriminatory businesses. Within SCLC, Lowery helped navigate ideological tensions between strict adherents and emerging militants favoring , advocating a "militant nonviolence" framework that prioritized disciplined mass action over armed confrontation to maintain broad alliances and legal legitimacy, as evidenced by the organization's rejection of factions in favor of faith-infused persistence that yielded tangible legislative gains like the 1965 Act. This approach, rooted in Gandhian principles adapted to Southern , allowed SCLC to sustain momentum through internal cohesion despite external violence, such as the "Bloody Sunday" beatings on March 7, 1965, which Lowery publicly decried while reinforcing nonretaliatory resolve.

Presidency and Key Campaigns (1977–1997)

Lowery assumed the presidency of the (SCLC) in August 1977, following Ralph Abernathy's resignation amid the organization's post-Martin Luther King Jr. decline, which had seen reduced membership, financial instability, and diminished national influence after King's 1968 . Under his leadership, which lasted until 1997 and marked the longest tenure in SCLC history, Lowery sought to revive the group by emphasizing nonviolent militancy rooted in King's Christian radicalism, organizing mass mobilizations to address persistent and congressional inaction on amid rising and in the late 1970s. These efforts included intensified drives and educational campaigns targeting disenfranchisement in the , though SCLC's bureaucratic inefficiencies—such as poor organization and tardiness—drew criticism from journalists and activists for hindering operational effectiveness. A cornerstone of Lowery's presidency involved international advocacy, particularly against South African apartheid, where SCLC under his direction coordinated protests, including that raised corporate awareness and contributed to pressures leading to policy shifts at firms like and by the mid-1980s. These actions culminated in demonstrations at the South African Embassy in , helping propel the passage of the of 1986, which imposed U.S. sanctions despite presidential . Domestically, Lowery reoriented SCLC toward economic justice campaigns, challenging Reagan-era policies on welfare and through marches and , though the organization faced funding shortfalls exacerbated by donor fatigue and internal power struggles as early as 1979. Critics, including some black leaders, accused SCLC of veering into partisan territory by aligning closely with Democratic figures while clashing with conservatives over crime and dependency programs, potentially alienating broader coalitions. In the , Lowery launched targeted initiatives like the "Stop the Killing/End the Violence" campaign on the 25th anniversary of King's assassination, mobilizing communities against urban homicide rates that had surged to over 23,000 annually nationwide, with a focus on youth intervention and policy reform. Despite these mobilizations yielding localized wins, such as increased in key districts, SCLC grappled with ongoing financial woes—budgets hovered around $1-2 million amid multimillion-dollar shortfalls—and perceptions of stagnation, as membership failed to rebound to King-era peaks and scandals eroded credibility. Lowery's tenure thus balanced revival through protest-driven advocacy with persistent structural challenges, reflecting causal tensions between ideological commitment and organizational pragmatism in a post-civil rights era marked by fragmented black leadership.

Post-SCLC Activism and Evolving Views

Continued Civil Rights and Social Justice Efforts

Following his retirement as president of the in 1997, Lowery established the Georgia Coalition for the People's Agenda in 1998, an umbrella organization uniting civil rights, , labor, and community groups to promote voter , registration, and , particularly among Black communities in Georgia and the Southeast. The coalition aimed to address persistent socioeconomic disparities by fostering grassroots empowerment and policy advocacy, building on Lowery's longstanding emphasis on economic justice as a core component of civil rights. Lowery sustained his opposition to military interventions, notably denouncing the during a rally in Atlanta's on April 1, 2006, where he linked it to broader failures in addressing domestic inequities. At Coretta Scott King's funeral on February 7, 2006, he publicly criticized the war's violence and contrasted it with unaddressed and racial injustice, earning a despite the presence of President . These interventions reflected Lowery's consistent view that foreign conflicts diverted resources from pressing domestic needs like alleviation, a position rooted in the nonviolent principles he inherited from . In parallel, Lowery advocated for expanded voting rights protections, urging in November 2005 to support reauthorization of key provisions in the Voting Rights Act to safeguard minority electoral participation against emerging restrictions. Through the People's Agenda, he continued efforts to combat voter suppression and promote turnout, framing these as essential to sustaining progress against systemic racism and economic marginalization in urban and rural Black communities. His post-retirement work thus emphasized structural reforms to poverty and disenfranchisement, prioritizing empirical barriers like access to ballots over symbolic gestures.

Advocacy for LGBT Rights and Other Causes

Lowery's advocacy for LGBT rights marked a notable evolution in his later career, beginning with support for civil unions in the 2000s as a means to extend legal protections against discrimination to same-sex couples, consistent with his broader commitment to equality under law. By May 2012, he endorsed same-sex marriage outright, publicly backing President Barack Obama's announcement and stating that "if you believe in equal rights, you have to grant them to all people," framing the issue as a logical extension of civil rights precedents against arbitrary exclusion. This positioned Lowery among the first veteran civil rights leaders from the Black church tradition to champion such inclusion, drawing parallels to historical fights for racial justice while emphasizing anti-discrimination over doctrinal conformity. However, Lowery's stance elicited tensions within conservative Christian circles, particularly among those in the Black church who viewed it as conflicting with scriptural prohibitions on and potentially undermining the institution's authority on traditional . Traditionalists contended that prioritizing identity-based claims risked sidelining causal economic reforms—such as class-focused anti-poverty measures—that address persistent disparities in communities more directly than symbolic equality expansions. Lowery countered by insisting on universal applications, rejecting partial equal rights as inherently inconsistent, though this did not resolve debates over whether LGBT advocacy empirically advanced or distracted from core civil rights gains rooted in racial and economic causality. Beyond LGBT issues, Lowery sustained post-retirement efforts in , including protests against toxic waste dumping in low-income and minority areas, such as a 1982 march highlighting disproportionate burdens on Black and poor communities. He also prioritized anti-poverty campaigns, advocating for systemic reductions in through nonviolent organizing, while right-leaning critics occasionally highlighted perceived selective focus, noting limited emphasis on intra-community violence amid broader rhetoric. These causes reflected Lowery's expansive view of but underscored ongoing divides over prioritizing identity versus material causal factors in .

Notable Public Speeches and Events

Remarks at Coretta Scott King's Funeral

Joseph Lowery delivered eulogistic remarks at Coretta Scott King's funeral on February 7, 2006, at in , attended by President , former presidents , , and , alongside civil rights figures. In the speech, Lowery honored King's lifelong commitment to , , and justice, echoing 's ideals while framing her activism as a continuation of biblical prophecy and civil rights struggle. He transitioned into pointed critiques of Bush administration policies, reciting adapted rhyming verses to argue that federal billions were "allocated for war" rather than "for wheat, corn, and rice" to combat hunger, and declaring, "We know now there were no weapons of mass destruction over there, but Coretta knew, and we knew, that there are weapons of misdirection right down here." Lowery further addressed poverty by questioning whether "millionaires in the " comprehended the plight of the poor, and by challenging stereotypes: "God ain't finished with America yet... When the brothers won't share and the sisters won't care, God help us when white brothers won't dispossess." These elements portrayed ongoing war, economic neglect, and racial inequities as deviations from the Kings' vision, delivered in a prophetic, rhythmic style reminiscent of gospel tradition. The remarks elicited immediate applause and a standing ovation from the predominantly sympathetic audience of about 10,000, including family and activists, underscoring Lowery's stature in civil rights circles. However, they sparked widespread criticism for transforming a solemn commemoration into a partisan platform, particularly as Bush sat nearby; Republican figures and commentators decried the timing as disrespectful, arguing it prioritized political scoring over mourning and exemplified a pattern of injecting activism into events meant for unity. Lowery defended the content as faithful to black church funeral customs, where eulogies celebrate the deceased by advancing their causes and confronting power, insisting Coretta King herself opposed the Iraq War and would have endorsed such candor. This defense highlighted tensions between traditions of "speaking truth to power" and expectations of decorum at national events with bipartisan attendees. The speech generated extensive media coverage, reinforcing narratives of persistent civil rights imperatives amid perceived policy failures, yet it also intensified debates on whether such interventions perpetuated focus on grievances rather than measurable progress since the , including poverty reductions and expanded opportunities. Critics from conservative outlets argued it exemplified elite civil rights leaders' reluctance to acknowledge advancements under varied administrations, while supporters viewed it as a vital reminder of unfinished work. Lowery closed by invoking reunion in heaven—"Together at last, thank God almighty, together at last"—blending tribute with the earlier critiques to frame King's passing as a call to renewed action.

Benediction at Barack Obama's 2009 Inauguration

On January 20, 2009, Rev. Joseph Lowery delivered the benediction at the inauguration of as the 44th , held at the in . The prayer invoked divine guidance for the new administration amid national challenges, including economic crisis, and emphasized themes of unity, justice, and rejection of greed and violence. Lowery's rhetorical style featured a concluding rhymed stanza drawing on civil rights-era cadences: "Lord, in the memory of all the saints who from their labors rest, and in the joy of a new beginning, we ask you to help us work for that day when black will not be asked to forgive as much as they forgive, when brown can stick around without being kicked around, when yellow will be mellow, when the red man can get ahead, man; and when white will embrace what is right." This poetic device, praised in outlets like Democracy Now! for its inspirational evocation of racial harmony and Lowery's activist legacy, symbolized the perceived culmination of civil rights struggles through Obama's election. However, the stanza drew criticism from conservative commentators for its asymmetrical framing, which implied persistent racial grievances for non- groups contrasted against a unique exhortation for whites to "embrace what is right," interpreted as suggesting inherent failing or privilege in perpetuating divisions. Such reactions, evident in right-leaning analyses questioning post-racial unity claims, highlighted how the benediction's identity-specific appeals could exacerbate tribal perceptions rather than foster causal, universal reconciliation, despite the event's triumphant context. Liberal-leaning media, often citing Lowery's stature without addressing the rhyme's implications, largely overlooked these tensions, reflecting broader institutional tendencies to prioritize alignment over balanced scrutiny of divisive .

Personal Life and Later Years

Family and Relationships

Joseph Lowery's first marriage was to Agnes Moore in the early 1940s, producing two sons, Joseph Jr. and LeRoy III, before ending in divorce in the mid-1940s. In 1948, Lowery married Evelyn Gibson Lowery—known as "Chris"—a college professor who shared his commitment to social causes; the couple had three daughters, , Karen, and . Their union lasted 65 years, enduring multiple family relocations, arrests, death threats, and other perils tied to Lowery's public commitments, until Evelyn's death on September 26, 2013. Lowery described his family's role as anchoring him in Methodist faith and mutual fortitude, which he viewed as essential to weathering such adversities without fracturing personal bonds—a dynamic that refuted portrayals of as inherently disruptive to stability. Daughters like Cheryl Lowery-Osborne extended this legacy through their own involvement in efforts.

Health Issues and Death

Lowery survived and underwent throat surgery in his later decades, conditions that did not prevent his continued public engagement into his 90s. He occasionally experienced affecting his mobility, yet maintained an active schedule of and speaking appearances. On March 27, 2020, Lowery died at his home in at the age of 98 from natural causes unrelated to the . He was surrounded by family members at the time of his passing. A private family funeral took place on April 4, 2020, at in , conducted on a small scale amid pandemic restrictions. No significant estate disputes or legal proceedings were reported following his death, allowing for a focused family closure.

Awards, Honors, and Recognition

Major Awards Received

Lowery received the Lifetime Achievement Award in 1997, with the organization recognizing him as the "dean of the " for his leadership in sustaining activism following Martin Luther King Jr.'s assassination. This honor, presented at the 's annual convention, underscored his role in organizations like the (SCLC), though such institutional accolades often emphasized longevity amid debates over the movement's post-1960s efficacy. In 2009, President awarded Lowery the , the nation's highest civilian honor, during a ceremony on August 12, citing his decades of marching for equality and carrying forward the civil rights legacy. The medal highlighted Lowery's persistence in advocacy, including SCLC presidency from 1977 to 1997, but reflected a pattern of late-career recognitions from federal and civil rights bodies rather than earlier transformative benchmarks. Other notable honors included the Martin Luther King Jr. Center for Nonviolent Social Change Peace Award and the Fred L. Shuttlesworth Human Rights Award in 2009, both affirming his contributions to nonviolent and amid institutional networks. Lowery also earned approximately a dozen honorary degrees from universities, alongside church-based recognitions prior to the , illustrating a concentration of awards in the post-MLK era that prioritized endurance in established civil rights frameworks.

Posthumous Assessments

Following his death on March 27, 2020, former President issued a statement praising Lowery as "a giant who changed the face of America" through his leadership in the , emphasizing his role in advancing nonviolent activism alongside . Then-presidential candidate echoed this, noting that Lowery "passed away, leaving an indelible mark on our country's history towards progress" and highlighting his enduring commitment to . These assessments framed Lowery's legacy as a bridge between the foundational civil rights victories of the —such as the , which prohibited segregation in public accommodations following SCLC-organized campaigns—and contemporary struggles against inequality. Posthumous evaluations have affirmed the verifiable causal links between Lowery's SCLC efforts and legal desegregation outcomes, including the Supreme Court's November 13, 1956, ruling desegregating Montgomery buses after the boycott he helped support, and the spurred by Selma marches under SCLC auspices. However, analysts have questioned the transferability of his nonviolent protest model to post-civil rights socioeconomic challenges, observing that Black communities continue to experience disproportionate rates—for instance, , 13% of the U.S. population, accounted for over 50% of known offenders and victims in FBI data from the 2010s through early 2020s—suggesting that legal reforms alone did not resolve underlying issues like family structure breakdown and urban violence. Diverse viewpoints in recent reflections, including a 2025 analysis, portray Lowery's inclusive —such as his support for LGBTQ and anti-apartheid efforts—as potentially at odds with emerging political pushes to curtail "divisive" historical narratives in institutions like the Smithsonian, raising questions about the selective emphasis on civil rights icons' later partisan alignments in public memory. Conservative-leaning critiques, building on earlier objections to Lowery's pointed criticisms of Republican policies (e.g., at Coretta Scott King's 2006 funeral), imply that mainstream tributes post-2020 underplay how his Democratic partisanship may have narrowed perceptions of his broader appeal.

Legacy, Impact, and Criticisms

Contributions to Civil Rights

Joseph Lowery co-founded the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) in 1957 with Martin Luther King Jr. and others, establishing an organization dedicated to nonviolent direct action against racial segregation in the South. As SCLC vice president, he coordinated support for the Montgomery bus boycott starting in 1955, which applied economic pressure on segregated transit systems and resulted in a 1956 U.S. Supreme Court ruling desegregating Montgomery's buses. Lowery also organized a bus boycott in Mobile, Alabama, in the mid-1950s through the Alabama Civil Affairs Association, which he formed amid state suppression of the NAACP, leading to desegregation concessions from local authorities. During the mid-1960s, Lowery helped lead the Selma-to-Montgomery marches in 1965, mobilizing thousands to highlight voting barriers and contributing to the passage of the Voting Rights Act later that year, which federalized oversight of discriminatory practices in Southern jurisdictions. As SCLC president from 1977 to 1997, he prioritized nonviolent strategies including economic boycotts targeting businesses complicit in discrimination, securing policy shifts such as improved hiring practices in Southern industries. Under his leadership, SCLC conducted drives across multiple Southern states, building on earlier efforts that had registered approximately 49,000 Black voters in 120 counties between 1965 and 1966, and sustaining pressure for enforcement amid ongoing suppression. In 1982, Lowery organized marches recreating the Selma crossing, with 3,000 participants led by him and allies like , to advocate for renewal of the Voting Rights Act amid threats of dilution; these actions helped secure its extension through 2007, preserving federal preclearance for voting changes in covered states and correlating with sustained increases in voter turnout from 51% in 1964 to over 60% by the 1990s. Lowery's emphasis on moral persuasion, legal litigation, and coordinated nonviolent protest over confrontational tactics facilitated measurable reductions in overt segregation, enabling broader access to public facilities and ; for example, Southern school desegregation orders enforced post-1960s under such , aligning with national trends of high school completion rates from 42% in 1960 to 75% by 1990. These efforts grounded civil rights gains in institutional reforms rather than disruption, yielding enduring policy frameworks for equal protection.

Critiques of Approach and Later Positions

Critics have pointed to allegations of financial mismanagement during Lowery's tenure as SCLC president from to , including a 2000 lawsuit by the against him for breach of fiduciary duty related to a agreement that allegedly benefited him personally. Similar probes in the examined potential and misuse of funds within civil rights groups, though Lowery maintained he restored the SCLC's stability after earlier scandals under predecessors. These issues, while not resulting in convictions against Lowery, highlighted operational shortcomings in an era when the struggled to maintain donor trust amid shifting priorities post-1965 Voting Rights Act. Some analysts, including economists like , have argued that leaders like Lowery failed to pivot SCLC efforts toward post-legal reform challenges, such as rising intra-racial rates—which surged from 6.3 per 1,000 black individuals in to peaks exceeding 30 per 1,000 by the 1980s—and family structure breakdowns, with out-of-wedlock birth rates among climbing from 24% in to over 70% by 1990. Lowery's focus remained on external and economic boycotts, such as anti-apartheid campaigns, rather than internal cultural or behavioral factors contributing to persistent disparities, a echoed in conservative assessments of civil rights organizations for neglecting principles. In later years, Lowery's at Barack Obama's January 20, 2009, drew rebuke for lines perceived as racially divisive, invoking a future where "white will embrace what is right" alongside references to other groups, which some viewed as perpetuating grievance narratives over unity. His evolving support for LGBT inclusion—contrasting earlier traditional stances and aligning with broader —prompted claims from traditionalists that it diluted the civil rights movement's original emphasis on legal equality and economic opportunity, subsuming it under expansive social agendas disconnected from class-based causal drivers like and . Lowery's February 7, 2006, remarks at Coretta Scott King's funeral, criticizing George W. Bush's policies and domestic record as failing the poor and oppressed, were decried as partisan and inappropriate for the venue, despite Bush's bipartisan record on initiatives like faith-based aid to minority communities. While Lowery's civil rights achievements are undisputed, detractors contend his approach fostered dependency mindsets, as evidenced by stagnant racial gaps in metrics like median black household income (remaining at about 60% of white levels since the 1970s) and incarceration rates tied more to behavioral patterns than residual , per analyses prioritizing cultural realism over perpetual victimhood frames.

References

  1. https://www.thehistorymakers.org/biography/reverend-dr-joseph-lowery
  2. https://www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/articles/history-archaeology/joseph-lowery-1921-2020/
  3. https://kinginstitute.stanford.edu/lowery-joseph-echols
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  8. https://face2faceafrica.com/article/remembering-rev-joseph-lowery-the-dean-of-the-civil-rights-movement
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  12. https://www.jfklibrary.org/events-and-awards/kennedy-library-forums/past-forums/transcripts/rev-joseph-lowery
  13. https://kinginstitute.stanford.edu/montgomery-bus-boycott
  14. https://www.npr.org/2005/12/06/5040517/civil-rights-leader-recalls-boycott
  15. https://www.aaihs.org/undaunted-resistance-joseph-lowery-and-the-spirit-of-sclc/
  16. https://www.todayingeorgiahistory.org/tih-georgia-day/joseph-lowery/
  17. https://www.atlantamagazine.com/news-culture-articles/sclc-whats-happened-to-the-dream/
  18. https://sk.sagepub.com/ency/edvol/activism/chpt/southern-christian-leadership-conference
  19. https://www.atlantamagazine.com/civilrights/reverend-joseph-lowery-profile/
  20. https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=10490&context=etd
  21. https://www.csmonitor.com/1981/1021/102100.html
  22. https://jacksonvillefreepress.com/rev-joseph-lowery-one-of-the-most-influential-leaders-of-the-latter-20th-century/
  23. https://scholarworks.gsu.edu/bitstreams/186e8d75-2a2f-41e1-8642-37fc566036bd/download
  24. https://thepeoplesagenda.org/about-us/
  25. https://www.cnn.com/2020/03/27/us/joseph-lowery-dead
  26. https://www.dsausa.org/democratic-left/lasting-legacy-joseph-lowery-and-the-georgia-coalition-for-the-peoples-agenda/
  27. https://www.npr.org/2020/03/28/517545662/hold-hold-hold-rev-joseph-lowery-dean-of-the-civil-rights-movement-dies-at-age
  28. https://www.npr.org/2006/02/08/5196302/rev-lowery-slams-bush-policies-at-king-service
  29. https://www.thenation.com/premium/society/joseph-lowery-obituary/
  30. https://www.democracynow.org/2005/11/3/joseph_lowery_calls_on_condoleezza_rice
  31. https://www.influencewatch.org/non-profit/peoples-agenda/
  32. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2020/3/28/us-veteran-civil-rights-leader-joseph-e-lowery-dies-at-98
  33. https://nmaahc.si.edu/about/news/statement-passing-renowned-minister-and-civil-rights-leader-joseph-lowery
  34. https://www.msnbc.com/msnbc/civil-rights-legend-joseph-lowery-backs-msna28645
  35. https://www.cnn.com/videos/bestoftv/2012/05/14/exp-lowery-gay-marriage.cnn
  36. https://thegrio.com/2012/05/17/rev-lowery-equal-rights-for-some-but-not-all-is-an-oxymoron/
  37. https://avoice.cbcfinc.org/exhibit-item/environmental-justice/protesters-marching-against-waste-dump/
  38. https://www.politico.com/news/2020/03/28/joseph-lowery-civil-rights-leader-and-mlk-aide-dies-at-98-152620
  39. https://www.economist.com/obituary/2020/04/01/joseph-lowery-died-on-march-27th
  40. https://www.npr.org/2006/02/08/5195982/political-barbs-at-coretta-scott-kings-funeral
  41. https://www.c-span.org/program/public-affairs-event/coretta-scott-king-funeral/168202
  42. https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/2006/02/22/lowery-defends-his-criticism-of-bush-at-coretta-king-funeral/f163303e-34b8-4ce2-b204-91e66aef37a3/
  43. https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-2006-feb-08-na-coretta8-story.html
  44. https://news.speakola.com/p/together-at-last-thank-god-almighty
  45. https://www.democracynow.org/2006/2/8/last_tributes_to_coretta_scott_king
  46. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ukDjGcsftDo
  47. https://www.nbcnews.com/id/wbna11239857
  48. https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/american-political-science-review/article/agonistic-homegoing-frederick-douglass-joseph-lowery-and-the-democratic-value-of-african-american-public-mourning/9BF79E30C059E9A161C7654BA10B30C0
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  50. https://www.investors.com/politics/commentary/obama-promised-to-transcend-race-now-racialism-is-everywhere/
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  77. https://www.pbs.org/newshour/show/controversy-emerges-over-obamas-choice-of-inauguration-pastor
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