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Novatian
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Novatian (Greek: Νοβατιανός, Latin: Novatianus, c. 200 – c. 258) was a scholar, priest, and theologian. He is considered by the Catholic Church to have been an antipope between 251 and 258.[1] Some Greek authors give his name as Novatus,[2] who was an African presbyter.
Key Information
He was a noted theologian and writer, the first Roman theologian who used the Latin language, at a time when there was much debate about how to deal with Christians who had lapsed and wished to return, and the issue of penance. Consecrated as pope by three bishops in 251, he adopted a more rigorous position than the established Pope Cornelius. Novatian was shortly afterwards excommunicated: the schismatic church which he established persisted for several centuries (see Novatianism).
Life
[edit]Few details are known as to his life. He was a man of learning and had been trained in literary composition.[3]
Pope Cornelius, in a letter to Fabius of Antioch, states that a catechumen called Novatian was possessed by Satan for a whole season. "A deep and settled melancholy had fastened on his mind; and the Christians who knew him said that an evil spirit had got possession of him, and that if he would profess Christ the evil spirit would go out of him; so, from a hope of recovering his health, he professed Christianity."[4] Exorcists attended him, but he fell into a sickness from which imminent death was expected; he was, therefore, given baptism by affusion as he lay on his bed. The rest of the rites were not supplied on his recovery, nor was he confirmed by the bishop. "How then can he have received the Holy Ghost?" asked Cornelius.[3]
For his profound learning, Cornelius sarcastically defined him as "that creator of dogmas, that champion of ecclesiastical culture", but his eloquence impressed Saint Cyprian of Carthage and Pope Fabian made him a priest despite the protests of the clergy that one who had been baptised only and had not been confirmed could not become a priest.[5]
The story told by Eulogius, bishop of Alexandria, that Novatian was an archdeacon of Rome consecrated a priest by the pope in order to prevent his succeeding to the papacy, is contradicted by Cornelius and is based on a later state of affairs in which Roman deacons were statesmen rather than religious ministers.[3]
Novatian became a leading presbyter of the Roman Church, and one of the most noted personages in the Church of the 3rd century.[4] Saint Cyprian of Carthage later accused Novatian of striking his pregnant wife in the stomach and causing an abortion.[6]
Decian persecution
[edit]On 20 January 250, during the Decian persecution, Pope Fabian was martyred and the persecution was so fierce that it proved impossible to elect a successor, with the papal seat remaining vacant for a year. During this period the church was governed by several priests, including Novatian. In a letter the following year, Cornelius speaks of his rival whose cowardice and love of his own life made him deny to the persecutors that he was a priest and refuse to comfort his brothers in danger. The deacons urged him to come out of hiding, but he told them that he was in love with another philosophy and thus did not want to be a priest any longer. The anonymous work Ad Novatianum (XIII) states that Novatian, "so long as he was in the one house, that is in Christ's Church, bewailed the sins of his neighbours as if they were his own, bore the burdens of the brethren, as the Apostle exhorts, and strengthened with consolation the backsliding in heavenly faith".[3]
Novatian wrote two letters during the persecution in the name of the Roman clergy to Saint Cyprian. These letters look at the question of those who had lapsed from the faith and the Carthaginians' demands for them all to be allowed back into the church without penance. The Roman clergy agreed with Cyprian that the question had to be treated with moderation and balance by a council at the earliest possible opportunity, after the election of a new bishop. In any case, they held that they had to maintain the just church discipline that had marked the Roman church since the time of Saint Paul, without being cruel to those who were penitent. These letters use strong expressions but show that the Roman clergy did not think the readmission of lapsed Christians to communion was entirely impossible.
Novatian disagreed with this viewpoint and believed that reconciling those who had lapsed would compromise the integrity of the Church.[7] Arguing that idolatry was an unforgivable sin and that the church had no right to readmit lapsed members to communion, Novatian argued that the church could admit the penitent to penitence-for-life, but only God could grant forgiveness. Such a position was not completely new, as Tertullian had criticised Pope Callixtus I's introduction of pardons for adultery. Even Saint Hippolytus was inclined towards severity, and laws were promulgated in many places and at various times to punish determined sinners with excommunication ending at the hour of death or even refusing them communion in the hour of death.
According to Cyprian, the gravity of this position was not in its cruelty or injustice but in the negation of the church's power in such cases to give absolution. Cyprian (Letter LXXV) conceded that Novatian affirmed the baptismal question: "Do you believe in the remission of sins and in the life eternal, through the Holy Church?" However, because Novatian refused to recognize Cornelius as the rightful successor to Peter's throne, Cyprian argued that Novatian was a schismatic; and to Cyprian, who had to contend with a comparably lenient faction in Carthage, schismatics who compromised the unity of the Church were worse than apostates.[8]
Papal candidacy and excommunication
[edit]In March 251, with the emperor Decius's death, the persecution began to subside and the Roman community seized the opportunity to nominate a successor to Fabian. Although Novatian was the pre-eminent theologian in Rome, and had a hand in running the Church after the death of Fabian, the moderate Roman aristocrat Cornelius was elected. Those who supported a more rigorist position had Novatian consecrated bishop and refused to recognize Cornelius as Bishop of Rome.[7]
Cornelius and Novatian each sent messengers out to the churches to announce their elections and seek support. Saint Cyprian's correspondence tells of an accurate investigation carried out at the end of the Council of Carthage (251), which resulted in the whole African episcopate backing Cornelius. Even Saint Dionysius of Alexandria sided with Cornelius and with this influential support, he soon consolidated his position. However, for some time the church was divided between the two competing popes. Saint Cyprian writes that Novatian "took over" (Letter LXIX, 8) and sent new epistles to many cities to get them to accept his election. Although all the provinces and all the cities held bishops of venerable age, pure faith and proven virtue, who had been proscribed during the persecution, Cyprian writes (Letter LV, 24) that Novatian dared to replace them with new bishops he had created himself.
Meanwhile, in October 251, Cornelius had called a council of 60 bishops (probably all those from Italy and the neighbouring territories) in which Novatian was excommunicated. The bishops unable to attend added their signatures to the council's closing document, which was sent to Antioch and all the other main churches. However, Novatian still found supporters among Christians still in prison, such as Maximus, Urbanus and Nicostratus. Dionysius and Cyprian, however, wrote to them and convinced them to support Cornelius. At the beginning of the dispute between Novatian and Cornelius, it took the form of a simple question of a schism, the argument of Cyprian's first letters about Novatian (XLIV-XLVIII, 1) focusing on who was the legitimate occupant of St. Peter's throne. After a couple of months, this changed, with Cyprian (Letter LIV) finding it necessary to send his book De lapsis and letter LV to Rome, with the latter being the first document to speak of the "heresy of Novatian". Several theologians have subsequently viewed Novatian as a proto protestant.[9][10]
Novatian died in 258,[7] probably during Valerian's persecutions, in the same year as his opponent Cyprian.
Works
[edit]- The Trinity, The Spectacle, Jewish Foods, In Praise of Purity, Letters, (translated by Russell J. DeSimone) Catholic University of America Press (1974).
- The treatise on actors warns Christians not to go to the theatre or the circus.
- The treatise on Jewish foods tells Christians they are not bound by Jewish dietary laws but cautions them against eating meat from animals slaughtered during religious rituals and later sold in butcher shops.[11]
See also
[edit]References
[edit]- ^ "Novatian". Encyclopædia Britannica. 2008. Retrieved 9 March 2008.
- ^ Roberts, Alexander; Donaldson, Sir James; et al., eds. (1886). The Ante-Nicene Fathers: Hippolytus, Cyprian, Caius, Novatian, Appendix. C. Scribner's Sons. ISBN 9780802880871.
ante-nicene fathers novatian.
{{cite book}}: ISBN / Date incompatibility (help) - ^ a b c d
One or more of the preceding sentences incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Chapman, Henry Palmer (1911). "Novatian and Novatianism". In Herbermann, Charles (ed.). Catholic Encyclopedia. Vol. 11. New York: Robert Appleton Company.
- ^ a b
One or more of the preceding sentences incorporates text from this source, which is in the public domain: Strong, James; McClintock, John (1880). "Novatian". The Cyclopedia of Biblical, Theological, and Ecclesiastical Literature. New York: Harper and Brothers.
- ^ Euseb. H.E., VI 43; Eusebius erroneously refers to Novatian as Novatus: http://www.presbytersproject.ihuw.pl/index.php?id=6&SourceID=1388
- ^ Fisher, A. (2011). Catholic Bioethics for a New Millennium. Cambridge University Press. p. 155. ISBN 978-1-139-50488-1. Retrieved 2023-06-24.
- ^ a b c Papandrea, James L., Novatian of Rome and the Culmination of Pre-Nicene Orthodoxy, Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2011 ISBN 9781606087800
- ^ Burns Jr., J. Patout, Cyprian the Bishop, Routledge, 2002, ISBN 9781134556328, p. 5
- ^ Papandrea, J.L.; Aquilina, M. (2019). The Early Church (33–313): St. Peter, the Apostles, and Martyrs. Reclaiming Catholic History. Ave Maria Press. p. 88. ISBN 978-1-59471-772-7. Retrieved 2023-06-13.
- ^ The Baptist Memorial and Monthly Record. John R. Bigelow. 1851. p. 254. Retrieved 2023-06-13.
- ^ Dihle, Albrecht. Greek and Latin Literature of the Roman Empire, Routledge, 2013, ISBN 9781134678372, p. 389
Further reading
[edit]- "Novatian" in Encyclopedia of Ancient History (Wiley-Blackwell, 2012) article written by James L. Papandrea.
- Papandrea, James L. (2012). Rome: A Pilgrim's Guide to the Eternal City. Cascade Books. ISBN 978-1-61097-268-0.
- Papandrea, James L. (2015). Novatian of Rome: On the Trinity, Letters to Cyprian of Carthage, Ethical Treatises. Brepols Publishers. ISBN 978-2503544915. (English Translations with Introduction)
- Papandrea, James L., "Between Two Thieves: Novatian of Rome and Kenosis Christology", If These Stones Could Speak… Studies on Patristic Texts and Archaeology: Essays in Honor of Dennis E. Groh (New York: The Edwin Mellen Press, 2009).
- Papandrea, James L.,Novatian of Rome and the Culmination of Pre-Nicene Orthodoxy (Eugene, Oregon: Pickwick Publications / Princeton Monograph Series, 2011)
- Novatian of Rome, On the Trinity, Letters to Cyprian of Carthage, Ethical Treatises, English Translations with Introduction, by James L. Papandrea, Tunhout: Brepols, 2015
External links
[edit]- . Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. 19 (11th ed.). 1911. p. 832.
- Novatian, de Trinitate in Latin
- On the Trinity in English
- On Jewish meats in English
- Multilanguage Opera Omnia
- Works by Novatian at LibriVox (public domain audiobooks)

Novatian
View on GrokipediaEarly Life and Ecclesiastical Rise
Origins and Background
Novatian was born around 200 AD in Rome, where he emerged as a figure of considerable intellectual stature within the early Christian community.[7] As a presbyter in the Roman church, he was ordained during the episcopate of Fabian (r. 236–250 AD), gaining recognition for his rhetorical skill and training in literary composition, which positioned him as a defender of doctrinal orthodoxy.[8] He became the first Roman theologian to author systematic works in Latin, reflecting the church's shift toward vernacular theological expression amid growing institutionalization.[7] Details of his personal origins remain sparse and contested, with primary accounts limited to ecclesiastical records from contemporaries. Adversarial sources, such as letters from Bishop Cornelius (r. 251–253 AD), claim Novatian converted after prolonged demonic possession relieved by exorcism, followed by a grave illness that prompted baptism via affusion (pouring) on his sickbed rather than immersion, allegedly rendering his ordination irregular due to incomplete rites.[8] These reports, however, originate from opponents during the schism and lack independent corroboration, suggesting possible polemical exaggeration to undermine his clerical legitimacy. No reliable evidence supports alternative claims of Phrygian birth, which stem from later, biased historians like Philostorgius.[8] Prior to the Decian persecution (249–251 AD), Novatian served as a key clerical leader, corresponding with figures like Cyprian of Carthage on matters of church discipline, initially advocating measured responses to lapsed Christians while emphasizing purity.[7] His background thus reflects the tensions of a Roman church navigating persecution, doctrinal refinement, and leadership succession in a pre-Constantinian era of vulnerability.[8]Ordination and Role in the Roman Church
Novatian was ordained as a presbyter in the Church of Rome by Bishop Fabian, whose episcopate spanned from approximately 236 to 250.[9] This ordination positioned him within the clerical hierarchy during a time of relative stability before the Decian persecution disrupted church leadership. As Fabian's martyrdom in 250 left the see vacant amid imperial demands for sacrifices to Roman gods, presbyters like Novatian assumed administrative responsibilities, managing correspondence and doctrinal matters in the absence of a bishop.[9] In his role as presbyter, Novatian distinguished himself through intellectual contributions, authoring treatises such as De Trinitate, which articulated defenses against heretical views on the Godhead prevalent in mid-3rd-century Rome. He also represented the Roman clergy in epistolary exchanges with figures like Bishop Cyprian of Carthage, addressing issues of orthodoxy and church governance around 250. Novatian's advocacy for doctrinal purity and strict ecclesiastical standards during this period reflected his influence among rigorist elements, though it remained within the bounds of presbyteral authority until the post-persecution vacuum.[8][10]Theological Contributions
Trinitarian Doctrine in De Trinitate
De Trinitate, composed by Novatian in the 240s AD prior to the Decian persecution, presents a defense of the triune nature of God, drawing extensively from Scripture to affirm the divinity of the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit while distinguishing their persons.[2][11] The treatise counters modalistic views that conflate the persons and adoptionist tendencies that deny the Son's eternal divinity, emphasizing a unified divine substance with relational distinctions.[11] Novatian structures his argument progressively: first establishing the Father's supremacy, then proving the Son's co-divinity through pre-existence and creative agency, and finally the Spirit's sanctifying role, all within a framework of monotheism.[11] Novatian identifies the Father as the originating, unbegotten God, invisible and supreme, from whom the Son and Spirit derive without compromising divine unity.[11] He cites Deuteronomy 6:4 and Isaiah 45:5 to underscore the oneness of God, positioning the Father as the font of divinity.[11] This foundation rejects polytheism while allowing for intra-divine relations, as the Father sends the Son (John 3:16) and the Spirit proceeds from Him (John 15:26).[11] Regarding the Son, Novatian asserts eternal generation from the Father, affirming full divinity: "the Son of God is God, because He is from God," supported by John 1:1 ("the Word was God") and John 10:30 ("I and the Father are one").[11] He evidences this through the Son's role in creation (John 1:3; Colossians 1:16), Old Testament theophanies (Genesis 18:1-2; Exodus 3:2), and worship as God (John 20:28).[11] Yet, Novatian employs subordinationist language, describing the Son as begotten with a "beginning" in relation to the Father, sent to obey and execute divine will (John 6:38; John 14:28, "the Father is greater than I"), indicating functional and ontological derivation without creaturely status.[11] This anticipates later conciliar refinements but aligns with third-century orthodoxy by rejecting Arian-like creation ex nihilo.[12] The Holy Spirit receives briefer treatment but is deemed divine as the Paraclete who sanctifies, teaches, and glorifies the Son (John 14:16; John 16:13-14).[11] Novatian links the Spirit to Old Testament prophecy (Joel 2:28) and Pentecost (Acts 2:4), portraying it as proceeding from the Father through the Son, subordinate in mission yet sharing divine operations like inspiration and unity with believers.[11] Overall, unity persists as the three persons act inseparably (John 5:19), forming one God without division or confusion, a position scholars view as culminating pre-Nicene Trinitarian thought despite hierarchical elements.[11][13]Positions on Church Discipline and Purity
Novatian maintained that the church must uphold rigorous standards of moral purity, particularly in response to the crisis of apostasy during the Decian persecution of 250–251 AD, when many Christians offered sacrifices to Roman idols to avoid death or imprisonment. He contended that post-baptismal commission of grave sins—such as idolatry (apostasy), adultery, and murder—permanently barred individuals from full ecclesiastical fellowship, as these acts violated the sanctity of the covenant established at baptism.[8][14] Unlike more lenient factions that permitted reconciliation after prolonged penance, Novatian argued that bishops lacked the authority to absolve such offenses, reserving forgiveness solely to God and deeming the visible church an assembly of the uncorrupted rather than a refuge for the repeatedly fallen.[3][15] This stance reflected Novatian's broader theological emphasis on the church's identity as a pure body, free from compromise with imperial demands, and drew from precedents like Tertullian's Montanist-influenced rigorism against post-baptismal lapses. He rejected the practice of libelli—certificates of sacrifice—as insufficient grounds for mercy, insisting that true repentance could not restore communion privileges in this life, though some accounts suggest allowance for lifelong penance without sacramental participation.[8][16] Novatian's position prioritized ecclesiastical discipline over pastoral leniency, aiming to deter future apostasy by exemplifying unyielding commitment to Christ's commands against idolatry.[14] Consequently, Novatian's views fueled the schism of 251 AD, as he opposed Bishop Cornelius's policy of graduated penance leading to readmission, positioning his faction—known as the "pure" or Cathari—as guardians of doctrinal integrity against what he saw as erosion of church holiness.[3][17] This rigorist framework influenced subsequent debates on penance in councils like Arles (314 AD) and Nicaea (325 AD), where mainstream Christianity affirmed limited forgiveness for the lapsed, condemning Novatianism while acknowledging its critique of laxity.[8]Response to the Decian Persecution
Context of the Persecution and Apostasy Crisis
In 249 AD, Decius ascended to the Roman imperial throne following the defeat and death of Emperor Philip the Arab at the Battle of Verona, amid military and political instability that he attributed to the neglect of traditional Roman religious practices.[18] To restore piety and unify the empire under ancestral cults, Decius issued an edict in early 250 AD—likely January—mandating that all inhabitants, regardless of status, publicly sacrifice to the Roman gods, pour libations, and obtain a libellus, a certificate attesting compliance, verified by local magistrates or commissioners.[18][19] This measure was not explicitly anti-Christian but enforced universal participation in pagan rites, placing Christians in direct conflict as their refusal constituted disobedience to imperial authority, punishable by imprisonment, torture, property confiscation, or execution.[20][21] The edict's implementation proceeded rapidly across provinces, with libelli certificates dated primarily from June 250 AD, indicating a structured rollout that allowed evasion through bribery or proxy sacrifices.[22] In Rome, the persecution intensified, claiming the life of Bishop Fabian on January 20, 250 AD, and decimating clergy and laity alike, as many faced immediate pressure to comply or flee.[23] While some Christians endured martyrdom—estimated in the low hundreds empire-wide—far greater numbers apostatized (lapsi), either by performing the required acts, procuring fraudulent certificates, or concealing their faith through temporary compliance, leading to widespread demoralization and division within urban churches like Rome's.[24][25] This mass lapse, unprecedented in scale as the first empire-wide enforcement against religious nonconformity, strained ecclesiastical structures, with reports of entire communities collapsing under the threat.[26] Decius' death in June 251 AD against the Goths at Abritus effectively halted the persecution, prompting a surge of repentant lapsi seeking reintegration into the Church.[18] The resulting apostasy crisis centered on reconciling forgiveness with ecclesiastical purity: whether post-baptismal sins of idolatry warranted permanent exclusion or permitted restoration via penance, igniting debates over Church authority, sacramental discipline, and the boundaries of communion.[23][24] In Rome, the prolonged episcopal vacancy exacerbated tensions, as returning lapsi pressured the faithful remnant, foreshadowing schisms between rigorist factions advocating unyielding exclusion and moderates favoring graduated reconciliation.[25][27] This crisis tested the early Church's resilience, revealing vulnerabilities in discipline amid existential threats.[28]Advocacy for Strict Penance Policies
Novatian insisted that Christians who apostatized during the Decian persecution—by sacrificing to Roman deities or securing libelli attesting compliance without actual sacrifice—should face perpetual exclusion from ecclesiastical communion, as their actions constituted irremediable idolatry post-baptism. He argued that the church, as the pure assembly of the faithful, possessed no ministerial authority to absolve such grave sins against the Holy Spirit, reserving forgiveness solely to divine judgment, potentially in the afterlife for the penitent. This stance, articulated amid the crisis following Emperor Decius's edict of January 250, prioritized doctrinal integrity over numerical restoration, viewing lax readmissions as a dilution of the church's sanctity.[3] In opposition to prevailing sentiments favoring structured penance, Novatian rejected any ecclesiastical mechanism for reintegration, even after prolonged repentance, deeming it an overreach of episcopal power that echoed simoniacal corruption. Contemporary accounts, including those from Eusebius, portray his advocacy as rooted in a scriptural interpretation emphasizing unforgivable post-initiatory lapses, akin to Hebrews 6:4-6, which he extended to deny sacramental reconciliation. This rigorist framework contrasted sharply with Cyprian of Carthage's graduated penance system, which allowed readmission to communion—often deferred until the deathbed—for repentant lapsi demonstrating contrition through public confession and ascetic discipline.[4] Novatian's policies extended beyond apostasy to other post-baptismal mortal sins like adultery and murder, mandating lifelong exclusion from the Eucharist while permitting attendance at services as hearers, a concession underscoring his distinction between divine mercy and institutional bounds. Reports from the Roman synod of 251, convened under Cornelius, condemned this absolutism as schismatic, yet Novatian's position garnered support among purist factions, reflecting broader tensions between maintaining ecclesiastical holiness and pastoral accommodation in persecution's aftermath. His advocacy, while preserving a confessional remnant, ultimately fractured unity, as evidenced by the Novatianist sect's persistence into the fourth century despite imperial condemnations.[29][30]The Schism and Leadership Challenge
Election as Antipope and Rivalry with Cornelius
Following the death of Bishop Fabian in January 250 during the Decian persecution, the Roman church remained without a leader for over a year amid ongoing turmoil over the treatment of lapsed Christians who had sacrificed to Roman gods to avoid martyrdom.[31] Cornelius, a Roman priest, was elected bishop of Rome on March 6 or 13, 251, with the support of a majority of the clergy and laity, including key figures like Cyprian of Carthage, who favored a policy allowing the lapsed to return after rigorous penance but without permanent exclusion from the church.[31] [32] Novatian, a prominent presbyter known for his rigorous stance that post-baptismal sins like apostasy were unforgivable by church authorities, rejected Cornelius's election and lenient approach as a compromise of ecclesiastical purity.[3] Shortly after Cornelius's installation, in 251, Novatian arranged his own consecration as bishop by three bishops from southern Italy, positioning himself as an alternative leader and effectively claiming the Roman see, thus becoming the first historical antipope.[3] This act drew support from a minority faction, including some confessors who had endured persecution without lapsing and viewed Cornelius's policy as unduly permissive, though Novatian's group lacked broader ecclesiastical recognition.[33] The rivalry centered on irreconcilable views of church discipline: Cornelius and his allies argued for pastoral mercy tempered by penance to preserve unity, as evidenced in synodal decisions permitting reconciliation for most lapsed cases, while Novatian insisted on permanent excommunication to maintain doctrinal rigor, denying bishops the power to absolve grave sins after baptism.[34] Cyprian's correspondence highlights the schism's intensity, with Novatian's supporters accusing Cornelius of invalidating the church's witness through leniency, though Cyprian upheld Cornelius as the legitimate bishop aligned with apostolic tradition.[34] [32] In response, Cornelius convened a synod of approximately 60 bishops, primarily from Italy, later in 251, which affirmed his election, formalized the penance policy for the lapsed, and excommunicated Novatian and his adherents as schismatics.[31] Eusebius preserves details from Cornelius's letters to Fabius of Antioch describing the synod's proceedings, underscoring Novatian's isolation despite his intellectual prominence.[35] This council marked the formal institutional rejection of Novatian's claim, though his faction persisted as a separatist group emphasizing purity over reconciliation.[3]Excommunication and Novatianist Separation
In early 251 AD, following the lawful election of Cornelius as Bishop of Rome by clergy and laity, Novatian—having been illicitly ordained as a rival bishop by three peripheral bishops during the vacancy caused by persecution—refused to submit and issued letters asserting his own authority over the Roman church. This act of usurpation, rooted in Novatian's insistence on excluding lapsed Christians from reconciliation, prompted Cornelius to convene a synod of sixty bishops in Rome later that year. The assembly, drawing from churches across Italy, confirmed Cornelius' election as valid under apostolic tradition—which prohibited presbyters like Novatian from ordaining bishops—and condemned Novatian's ordination as invalid due to its coercive circumstances and lack of communal consent. The synod formally excommunicated Novatian, declaring him separated from the catholic church for fomenting schism and undermining episcopal unity, while rejecting his rigorist barriers to penance as contrary to pastoral mercy evidenced in scriptural precedents like the restoration of Peter after denial. Accounts from Cornelius, preserved in Eusebius' Ecclesiastical History, portray Novatian's behavior as frenzied and demonically influenced, reflecting the orthodox faction's view of his actions as personal ambition masked as zeal; however, these reports originate from the prevailing church leadership, which favored moderated discipline and thus had incentive to delegitimize dissenters. Novatian, in response, dismissed the synod's authority, arguing it compromised the church's holiness by readmitting apostates without equivalent suffering to martyrdom. The excommunication solidified the Novatianist separation, as Novatian established a parallel hierarchy emphasizing ecclesiastical purity, attracting rigorists who viewed the mainstream church as defiled by leniency toward the lapsed.[36] Novatianist communities required rigorous penance—often lifelong exclusion for post-baptismal grave sins like idolatry—and administered a distinct baptism or reception rite for converts from the catholic church to cleanse prior "pollution," thereby institutionalizing their withdrawal into a self-identified remnant of the undefiled faithful.[36] This schism, while numerically limited, persisted in Rome and spread to cities like Constantinople, maintaining doctrinal separation until the fifth century despite repeated condemnations at councils like Arles (314 AD).Writings and Intellectual Legacy
Major Treatises and Their Content
Novatian's principal surviving treatise, De Trinitate (On the Trinity), was composed around 250 CE, prior to the schism, as a defense of orthodox Trinitarian doctrine against modalistic Monarchianism and Sabellianism, which blurred distinctions among the divine persons.[3] The work, structured in 31 chapters, opens with an exposition of God's unity derived from Old Testament monotheism, then delineates the Father as the unbegotten origin, the Son as eternally begotten and fully divine yet economically subordinate in role, and the Holy Spirit as proceeding from the Father and Son in a manner preserving co-eternity and consubstantiality.[37] Novatian relies heavily on scriptural exegesis, citing passages like John 1:1–14 and Philippians 2:6–11 to affirm the Son's pre-existence and equality with the Father in essence while rejecting patripassianism—the notion that the Father suffered in the Incarnation.[38] This treatise advances beyond Tertullian's earlier formulations by integrating Roman baptismal creedal elements and emphasizing perichoresis-like mutual indwelling among the persons, prefiguring Nicene developments without subordinationist excesses.[39] It counters heresies by arguing that the Son's generation implies neither temporal origin nor modal confusion, but eternal distinction within unity, thus safeguarding monotheism against polytheistic misinterpretations.[40] Fragmentary or referenced writings on church discipline, including positions against lenient readmission of Christians who lapsed during the Decian persecution (e.g., advocating permanent exclusion for apostasy via idolatry or certificates of compliance), survive mainly through citations in Cyprian's epistles rather than complete treatises.[34] These reflect Novatian's rigorist ecclesiology but lack the systematic depth of De Trinitate, with authenticity debates persisting for some attributed texts like certain anti-heretical letters.[3]Influence on Subsequent Christian Thought
Novatian's De Trinitate, written circa 250 AD, advanced early Latin-language defenses of Trinitarian orthodoxy by affirming the coeternity and consubstantiality of the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit while rejecting both modalism and subordinationism. Drawing extensively from Scripture, Novatian argued for the Son's divine attributes—such as omnipotence, eternity, and creative power—as inherent rather than derived secondarily, providing a framework that later Western theologians adapted to counter Arian challenges. This treatise's emphasis on the Son's nativitas (eternal generation) from the Father influenced figures like Hilary of Poitiers, whose own De Trinitate (c. 356–360 AD) echoes Novatian's scriptural exegesis and anti-Monarchian polemic, including parallels in describing the Son's relation to the Father (e.g., Hilary De Trinitate 4.23 cf. Novatian De Trinitate 18).[41][42] Despite the schismatic context, Novatian's Trinitarian contributions were sufficiently robust to be occasionally misattributed to Tertullian until the 16th century, underscoring their perceived doctrinal value amid the Novatianist controversy. Hilary, while critiquing Novatian's stylistic rigor, incorporated elements of his ontology in constructing image Christology and refuting Homoian compromises at councils like Rimini (359 AD). Novatian's articulation of Trinitarian circumincessio (mutual indwelling) also anticipated later developments in perichoretic theology, bridging ante-Nicene thought to post-Nicene refinements by Ambrose and Augustine.[43][44] Novatian's ecclesiological writings, particularly on church discipline, exerted indirect influence through their rigorist insistence that grave sins like apostasy rendered the church's purity non-negotiable, rejecting indefinite penance for the lapsi. This stance prefigured 4th-century Donatist debates over traditores (those who handed over scriptures under persecution), where Donatists echoed Novatianist demands for a "church of saints" excluding compromised ministers, viewing sacraments by impure clergy as invalid. Scholarly analyses identify Novatianism as a theological precursor to Donatism, sharing Tertullian-influenced emphases on moral absolutism and separation from a tainted hierarchy, though Donatists adapted it to North African contexts of Diocletianic persecution.[45][46] Such views perpetuated tensions in penance theology, informing Augustine's anti-Donatist tracts (e.g., Contra Epistolam Parmeniani, c. 400 AD) and broader Catholic-Montanist rigorist divides.[47]The Novatianist Movement and Long-Term Impact
Organizational Structure and Spread
The Novatianist church maintained an episcopal polity akin to that of the contemporaneous Catholic Church, featuring bishops as local leaders who oversaw communities and enforced the sect's rigorous standards against absolving post-baptismal mortal sins.[48] Novatian, consecrated as bishop of Rome in 251 CE amid the schism, initiated a continuous succession of Novatianist bishops in the city, regarded for their exemplary piety even by imperial authorities.[36][48] This parallel hierarchy extended to other sees, where bishops coordinated governance independently of mainstream ecclesiastical oversight, self-identifying as the pure church (Katharoi).[48] Following the schism's outbreak in Rome in 251 CE, Novatianism disseminated swiftly through pre-existing Christian communication networks across the Mediterranean.[49] In Africa, communities formed in numerous cities, including Carthage, within approximately two years.[36] Expansion reached Gaul, Spain, Egypt (with influence in Alexandria), Syria (notably Antioch), and Asia Minor, particularly Phrygia, where some Novatianists integrated with Montanist groups.[49][48] The movement proved more enduring in the East than the West, sustaining organized presence with autonomous bishops into the fifth century despite condemnations at councils like Nicaea in 325 CE, which acknowledged the validity of Novatianist ordinations but rejected reconciliation.[48][49]Doctrinal Persistence and Eventual Decline
The Novatianists, self-designating as katharoi (the pure), adhered rigorously to the doctrine that the Church possessed no authority to grant absolution for grave post-baptismal sins such as idolatry, murder, and adultery, mandating instead perpetual penance without restoration to communion.[8] This stance, rooted in Novatian's writings, emphasized ecclesiastical purity and rejected the mainstream practice of moderated penance, influencing their opposition to second marriages and alignment with certain Montanist ascetic elements in regions like Phrygia.[8] Their theological orthodoxy on core issues, such as Christ's consubstantiality with the Father, earned partial recognition at the Council of Nicaea in 325, where a Novatian bishop participated, though the schism persisted.[50] The movement organized independently with bishops in key cities including Rome, Constantinople, Alexandria, and Phrygia, conducting separate liturgies and ordaining clergy while generally rebaptizing or receiving via chrism those defecting from the main Church.[8] It endured severe trials, surviving the Diocletianic Persecution (303–313) and the post-Constantinian church-state integration, with communities reported as numerous in some provinces by the 4th century.[51] Historians like Socrates Scholasticus documented their presence into the 5th century, and the sect maintained synods and doctrinal consistency against mainstream concessions on lapsed Christians.[8] Decline accelerated under imperial hostility, as emperors including Constantius II, Valens, and Theodosius I enacted measures against schismatics, culminating in Honorius's 412 law prohibiting heretical assemblies.[8] Public worship rights were revoked, their texts ordered destroyed, and expulsions from basilicas—such as St. Celestine's actions in Rome—further marginalized them.[50] [8] Internal schisms, like the Quartodeciman controversy in 374, and the broader appeal of the Catholic Church's penance system eroded membership, with most adherents reconciling over time.[8] By the 6th century, figures like Eulogius of Alexandria noted their diminished state, and the sect effectively dissolved by the 7th century amid sustained suppression.[8] [50]Evaluations of Rigorism Versus Compromise
Contemporary evaluations of Novatian's rigorism, which permanently barred lapsed Christians who had committed idolatry during the Decian persecution (249–251 CE) from ecclesial communion, contrasted sharply with the compromise advocated by figures like Cyprian of Carthage, who permitted readmission after rigorous penance. Critics, including an anonymous treatise from the mid-third century, condemned Novatian's stance as unmerciful and schismatic, arguing it denied God's paternal mercy and fraternal repentance extended to sinners, as evidenced by scriptural calls to "turn and live" (Ezekiel 18:32) and examples of forgiveness for grave sins.[52] This view framed rigorism as a rejection of the church's healing role for the spiritually wounded, prioritizing exclusion over restoration.[52] A synod of approximately 60 bishops convened in Rome around 251 CE explicitly rejected Novatian's position, deeming it "brother-hating and inhuman" and excommunicating him and his adherents, while endorsing moderated penance for the lapsed to balance discipline with mercy.[9] Proponents of rigorism, aligned with Novatian's formation of the "Pure" (Katharoi), defended it as essential for preserving the church's moral integrity against the laxity introduced by mass apostasy, where many obtained fraudulent libelli (certificates of sacrifice) to evade persecution.[29] They contended that post-baptismal forgiveness for such idolatry undermined the gravity of Christian commitment, potentially encouraging future compromises under duress.[29] In comparison, the compromise approach, as articulated by Cyprian, allowed immediate reconciliation for those with libelli upon repentance but imposed lifelong penance for actual sacrificati, pragmatically addressing the crisis of depleted congregations while upholding accountability.[29] This moderation, influenced by synodal deliberations in Africa and the East by 253 CE, facilitated church reintegration and unity, enabling survival and expansion amid subsequent Valerian persecutions (257–260 CE).[9][29] Long-term assessments highlight rigorism's role in spotlighting purity debates but note its practical drawbacks: the Novatianist sect, though persistent into the fifth century, marginalized itself through inflexibility, whereas compromise contributed to the Catholic church's broader resilience and doctrinal development on penance.[29][9]References
- https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Nicene_and_Post-Nicene_Fathers:_Series_II/Volume_I/Church_History_of_Eusebius/Book_VI/Chapter_43
