State terrorism
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State terrorism is terrorism conducted by a state against its own citizens or another state's citizens.[1][2][3][4] It contrasts with state-sponsored terrorism, in which a violent non-state actor conducts an act of terror under sponsorship of a state.
Governments accused of state terrorism may justify these actions as efforts to combat internal dissent, suppress insurgencies, or maintain national security, often framing their actions within the context of counterterrorism or counterinsurgency. Accused actions of state terrorism are normally also criticised as severe violations of human rights and international law.
Historically, governments have been accused of using state terrorism in various settings. The exact definition and scope of state terrorism remain controversial, as some scholars and governments argue that terrorism is a tool used exclusively by non-state actors, while others maintain that state-directed violence intended to terrorize civilian populations should also be classified as terrorism.[5][6]
Definition
[edit]There is neither an academic nor an international legal consensus regarding the proper definition of the word terrorism.[7][8] Some scholars believe the actions of governments can be labelled "terrorism".[9] Using the term 'terrorism' to mean violent action used with the predominant intention of causing terror, Paul James and Jonathan Friedman distinguish between state terrorism against non-combatants and state terrorism against combatants, including "shock and awe" tactics:
"Shock and Awe" as a subcategory of "rapid dominance" is the name given to massive intervention designed to strike terror into the minds of the enemy. It is a form of state-terrorism. The concept was however developed long before the Second Gulf War by Harlan Ullman as chair of a forum of retired military personnel.[10]
However, others, including governments, international organisations, private institutions and scholars, believe the term terrorism is applicable only to the actions of violent non-state actors. This approach is termed as an actor-centric definition which emphasizes the characteristics of the groups or individuals who use terrorism; whilst act-centric definitions emphasize the unique aspects of terrorism from other acts of violence.[5] Historically, the term terrorism was used to refer to actions taken by governments against their own citizens whereas now it is more often perceived as targeting of non-combatants as part of a strategy directed against governments.[6]
Historian Henry Commager wrote that "Even when definitions of terrorism allow for 'state terrorism', state actions in this area tend to be seen through the prism of war or national self-defense, not terror."[11] Most states use the term terrorism for non-state actors only.[12]
The Encyclopædia Britannica Online defines terrorism generally as "the systematic use of violence to create a general climate of fear in a population and thereby to bring about a particular political objective", and states that "terrorism is not legally defined in all jurisdictions". The encyclopedia adds that "[e]stablishment terrorism, often called state or state-sponsored terrorism, is employed by governments—or more often by factions within governments—against that government's citizens, against factions within the government, or against foreign governments or groups."[2]
While the most common modern usage of the word terrorism refers to political violence by insurgents or conspirators,[13] several scholars make a broader interpretation of the nature of terrorism that encompasses the concepts of state terrorism and state-sponsored terrorism.[14] Michael Stohl argues, "The use of terror tactics is common in international relations and the state has been and remains a more likely employer of terrorism within the international system than insurgents."[check quotation syntax][15] Stohl clarifies, however, that "[n]ot all acts of state violence are terrorism. It is important to understand that in terrorism the violence threatened or perpetrated, has purposes broader than simple physical harm to a victim. The audience of the act or threat of violence is more important than the immediate victim."[16]
Scholar Gus Martin describes state terrorism as terrorism "committed by governments and quasi-governmental agencies and personnel against perceived threats", which can be directed against both domestic and foreign targets.[4] Noam Chomsky defines state terrorism as "terrorism practised by states (or governments) and their agents and allies".[17]
Simon Taylor provides a definition of state terrorism as "state agents using threats or acts of violence against civilians, marked by a callous indifference to human life, to instill fear in a community beyond the initial victim for the purpose of preventing a change or challenge to the status quo."[18] These acts of violence can include both the types of state violence that some argue ought to be considered terrorism, such as: genocide, mass murders, ethnic cleansing, disappearances, detention without trial, and torture; and more widely accepted methods of terror including bombings and targeted killings.
Stohl and George A. Lopez have designated three categories of state terrorism, based on the openness or secrecy with which the acts are performed, and whether states directly perform the acts, support them, or acquiesce to them.[19]
History
[edit]
Aristotle wrote critically of terror employed by tyrants against their subjects.[20] The earliest use of the word terrorism identified by the Oxford English Dictionary is a 1795 reference to tyrannical state behavior, the "reign of terrorism" in France.[21][page needed] In that same year, Edmund Burke decried the "thousands of those hell-hounds called terrorists" who he believed threatened Europe.[22] During the Reign of Terror, the Jacobin government and other factions of the French Revolution used the apparatus of the state to kill and intimidate political opponents, and the Oxford English Dictionary includes as one definition of terrorism "Government by intimidation carried out by the party in power in France between 1789–1794".[23] The original general meaning of terrorism was of terrorism by the state, as reflected in the 1798 supplement of the Dictionnaire of the Académie française, which described terrorism as systeme, regime de la terreur.[22] Myra Williamson wrote:
The meaning of "terrorism" has undergone a transformation. During the Reign of Terror, a regime or system of terrorism was used as an instrument of governance, wielded by a recently established revolutionary state against the enemies of the people. Now the term "terrorism" is commonly used to describe terrorist acts committed by non-state or sub-national entities against a state. [italics in original][24]
Later examples of state terrorism include the police state measures employed by the Soviet Union beginning in the 1930s, and by Germany's Nazi regime in the 1930s and 1940s.[25] According to Igor Primoratz, "Both [the Nazis and the Soviets] sought to impose total political control on society. Such a radical aim could be pursued only by a similarly radical method: by terrorism directed by an extremely powerful political police at an atomized and defenseless population. Its success was due largely to its arbitrary character—to the unpredictability of its choice of victims. In both countries, the regime first suppressed all opposition; when it no longer had any opposition to speak of, political police took to persecuting 'potential' and 'objective opponents'. In the Soviet Union, it was eventually unleashed on victims chosen at random."[26]
Military actions primarily directed against non-combatant targets have also been referred to as state terrorism. For example, the bombing of Guernica has been called an act of terrorism.[27] Other examples of state terrorism may include the World War II bombings of Pearl Harbor, London, Dresden, Chongqing, and Hiroshima.[28]
An act of sabotage, sometimes regarded as an act of terrorism, was the peacetime sinking of the Rainbow Warrior, a ship owned by Greenpeace, which occurred while in port at Auckland, New Zealand on July 10, 1985. The bomb detonation killed Fernando Pereira, a Dutch photographer. The organisation who committed the attack, the Directorate-General for External Security (DSGE), is a branch of France's intelligence services. The agents responsible pleaded guilty to manslaughter as part of a plea deal and were sentenced to ten years in prison, but were secretly released early to France under an agreement between the two countries' governments.[29][volume & issue needed]

During the Troubles, an ethno-nationalist conflict in Northern Ireland from the 1960s to the 1990s, the Military Reaction Force (MRF), a counterinsurgency unit of the British Intelligence Corps, was tasked with tracking down members of the Irish Republican Army (IRA). During the period when it was active, the MRF was involved in the killings of Catholic civilians in Northern Ireland.[30][31]
In November 2013, a BBC Panorama documentary was aired about the MRF. It drew on information from seven former members, as well as a number of other sources. Soldier H said: "We operated initially with them thinking that we were the UVF." Soldier F added: "We wanted to cause confusion."[32] In June 1972, he[who?] was succeeded as commander by Captain James 'Hamish' McGregor.[33]
In June 2014, in the wake of the Panorama programme, the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) opened an investigation into the matter.[34] In an earlier review of the programme, the position of the PSNI was that none of the statements by soldiers in the programme could be taken as an admission of criminality.[35]
By country
[edit]Argentina
[edit]The Dirty War is the name used for the period of state terrorism in Argentina between 1974 and 1983.[36][37]
Belarus
[edit]Brazil
[edit]Chile
[edit]Chile during Augusto Pinochet's rule was accused of state terror against political opponents.[38][39]
China
[edit]The Uyghur American Association has claimed that Beijing's approach to terrorism in Xinjiang constitutes state terrorism.[40] In 2006, a Spanish court opened an investigation into claims that the Chinese state was committing acts of state terrorism in Tibet. However, the investigation was dropped in 2014.[41][42]
France
[edit]During the Ère des attentats ('Era of Attacks'), a period of conflict between anarchists and the French state, the latter committed false flags attacks to legitimize repression on anarchists; one of those attacks being probably the Foyot bombing.[43]
French DGSE agents Captain Dominique Prieur and Commander Alain Mafart sank the Rainbow Warrior, the flagship of the Greenpeace Organisation, in Auckland Harbour on July 10, 1985. The attack was aimed at stopping it from interfering in French nuclear testing in the South Pacific. The attack resulted in the death of Greenpeace photographer Fernando Pereira and led to a huge uproar over the first ever attack on New Zealand's sovereignty as a modern nation.[citation needed] In July 1986, a United Nations-sponsored mediation effort between New Zealand and France resulted in the transfer of the two prisoners to the French Polynesian island of Hao, so they could serve three years there, as well as an apology and an NZ$13 million payment from France to New Zealand.[44]
India
[edit]Iran
[edit]Israel
[edit]
In November 2023, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan accused Israel of being "a terrorist state" committing war crimes and violating international law in the Gaza Strip.[45] He said Israeli settlers in the occupied Palestinian territories should be recognized as "terrorists".[46]
In December 2023, Cuban President Miguel Díaz-Canel condemned the genocide of Palestinians in Gaza and called Israel a "terrorist state".[47]
The 2024 Lebanon pager explosions, which killed 39 people and wounded nearly 3,500, have been widely attributed to Israel. Iran referred to the attacks as "Israeli terrorism".[48] Leon Panetta, the former-CIA director, also termed the attack terrorism.[49][50]
Italy
[edit]Libya
[edit]In the 1980s, Libya under Muammar Gaddafi was accused of state terrorism following attacks abroad such as the Lockerbie bombing.[51] Between 9 July and 15 August 1984 seventeen merchant vessels were damaged in the Gulf of Suez and Bab al-Mandeb straits by underwater explosions. Terrorist group Al Jihad (thought to be a pro-Iranian Shiite group connected to the Palestine Liberation Organisation) issued a claim of responsibility for the mining, but circumstantial evidence indicated that Libya was responsible.[52]
Myanmar
[edit]Myanmar has been accused of state terrorism in the internal conflict.[53][54]
North Korea
[edit]North Korea has been accused of state terrorism on several occasions, such as in 1983 in the Rangoon bombing, the Gimpo International Airport bombing, and in 1987 when North Korean agents detonated a bomb on Korean Air Flight 858, killing everybody aboard.[55]
Pakistan
[edit]Qatar
[edit]Russia
[edit]During the Ère des attentats, a period of conflict between anarchists and the French state, the Foyot bombing was either done by the French police or by the Russian Empire's secret police, the Okhrana, which would have sought to provoke troubles in France.[43]


Following the February 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine and the initial investigations into war crimes committed by Russian soldiers, there were calls for Russia to be designated a terrorist state. On May 10, 2022, Lithuania's parliament designated Russia a terrorist state and its actions in Ukraine a genocide.[57] The US Senate unanimously passed a resolution to this effect on July 27, 2022,[58] and the US House of Representatives is to consider such legislation.[59] On August 11, Latvia's parliament designated Russia a state sponsor of terrorism.[60] Ukraine's Verkhovna Rada on 20 August 2022 also designated Russia as a terrorist state.[61] On October 17, the European Parliament approved a request to debate and vote on a resolution recognizing Russia as a terrorist state,[62] which it did on November 23.[63]
As of October 2023, the following states and organizations have designated Russia as terrorist or a sponsor of terrorism:
Czechia (16 November 2022)[64]
Estonia (18 October 2022)[65]
European Parliament (23 November 2022)[63]
Latvia (11 August 2022)[66]
Lithuania (10 May 2022)[57][67]
NATO Parliamentary Assembly (21 November 2022)[68][69]
Netherlands (24 November 2022)[70]
OSCE Parliamentary Assembly (4 July 2023)[71]
Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (13 October 2022)[72][73]
Poland (14 December 2022)[74]
Slovakia (16 February 2023)[75]
Ukraine (14 April 2022)[76]
United States Senate (27 July 2022)[58]
Saudi Arabia
[edit]South Africa
[edit]Between 1979 and 1990, the Apartheid government in South Africa operated a branch of the South African Police known as Vlakplaas who routinely used methods of terrorism to support the state in maintaining Apartheid.[18] These methods included the bombing of civilian buildings (COSATU House and Khotso House), and the targeted-killing and assassinations of anti-Apartheid activists.
In the Truth and Reconciliation Commission hearings, the former Major-General and Commander of Vlakplaas, Sarel “Sakkie” du Plessis Crafford gave the following three reasons for the Apartheid state's policy of extra-judicial killings:
- "It scared off other supporters and potential supporters; it made people reluctant to offer open support; it created distrust and demoralization amongst cadres.
- "It gave white voters confidence that the security forces were in control and winning the fight against Communism and terrorism.
- "The information gleaned during the interrogation needed to be protected against disclosure."[77]
The most notorious of the Vlakplaas operatives were Eugene de Kock and the askari Joe Mamasela, who were linked to several high-profile extra-judicial killings, including that of Griffiths Mxenge. Following South Africa's transition to democracy, de Kock was later tried and convicted on eighty-nine charges and sentenced to 212 years in prison.
Soviet Union
[edit]Spain
[edit]Sri Lanka
[edit]Syria
[edit]Turkey
[edit]United Kingdom
[edit]During World War II, the United Kingdom created the Special Operations Executive (SOE) which, in the words of Prime Minister Winston Churchill, was to "set Europe ablaze" with sabotage and subversion in countries occupied by the Axis powers, especially Nazi Germany.[78] The British military historian John Keegan later wrote, "We must recognise that our response to the scourge of terrorism is compromised by what we did through SOE. The justification ... That we had no other means of striking back at the enemy ... is exactly the argument used by the Red Brigades, the Baader-Meinhoff gang, the PFLP, the IRA and every other half-articulate terrorist organisation on Earth. Futile to argue that we were a democracy and Hitler a tyrant. Means besmirch ends. SOE besmirched Britain."[79]
British Foreign Office documents declassified in 2021 revealed that during the Indonesian mass killings of 1965–66, British propagandists secretly incited anti-communists including army generals to eliminate the PKI, and used black propaganda, due to Indonesian President Sukarno's hostility to the formation of former British colonies into the Malayan federation from 1963.[80][81] British Prime Minister Harold Wilson's government had instructed propaganda specialists from the Foreign Office to send hundreds of inflammatory pamphlets to leading anti-communists in Indonesia, inciting them to kill the foreign minister, Subandrio, and claiming that ethnic Chinese Indonesians deserved the violence meted out to them.[82]
Britain has been accused of involvement in state terrorism during the Troubles, an ethno-nationalist conflict in Northern Ireland from the 1960s to the 1990s by covertly assisting loyalist paramilitaries.[83][84][85][86]
United States
[edit]
Ruth J. Blakeley, Professor of Politics and International Relations at the University of Sheffield, accuses the United States of sponsoring and deploying state terrorism, which she defines as "the illegal targeting of individuals that the state has a duty to protect in order to instill fear in a target audience beyond the direct victim", on an "enormous scale" during the Cold War. The United States government justified this policy by saying it needed to contain the spread of Communism, but Blakeley says the United States government also used it as a means to buttress and promote the interests of U.S. elites and multinational corporations. The U.S. supported governments who employed death squads throughout Latin America and counterinsurgency training of right-wing military forces included advocating the interrogation and torture of suspected insurgents.[87] J. Patrice McSherry, a professor of political science at Long Island University, says "hundreds of thousands of Latin Americans were tortured, abducted or killed by right-wing military regimes as part of the U.S.-led anti-communist crusade", which included U.S. support for Operation Condor and the Guatemalan military during the Guatemalan Civil War.[88] John Henry Coatsworth, citing evidence provided by Freedom House, asserts that more people were repressed and killed throughout Latin America in the last three decades of the Cold War than in the Soviet Union and the Eastern Bloc.[89][90]

Declassified documents from the U.S. Embassy in Jakarta in 2017 confirm that U.S. officials directly facilitated and encouraged the mass murder of hundreds of thousands of suspected Communists in Indonesia during the mid-1960s.[91][92] Bradley Simpson, Director of the Indonesia/East Timor Documentation Project at the National Security Archive, says "Washington did everything in its power to encourage and facilitate the army-led massacre of alleged PKI members, and U.S. officials worried only that the killing of the party's unarmed supporters might not go far enough, permitting Sukarno to return to power and frustrate the [Johnson] Administration's emerging plans for a post-Sukarno Indonesia."[93] According to Simpson, the terror in Indonesia was an "essential building block of the quasi neo-liberal policies the West would attempt to impose on Indonesia in the years to come".[94] Historian John Roosa, who commented on documents which were released by the U.S. embassy in Jakarta in 2017, said they confirmed that "the U.S. was part and parcel of the operation, strategizing with the Indonesian army and encouraging them to go after the PKI."[95] Geoffrey B. Robinson, a historian at UCLA, argues that without the support of the U.S. and other powerful Western states, the Indonesian Army's program of mass killings would not have happened.[96]
Uzbekistan
[edit]Venezuela
[edit]An Organization of American States report on human rights violations in Venezuela stated that colectivos, armed groups that support Nicolás Maduro and the ruling United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV) party, murdered at least 131 individuals between 2014 and 2017 during anti-government protests.[97]
The National Assembly of Venezuela designated the colectivos as terrorist groups due to their "violence, paramilitary actions, intimidation, murders and other crimes", declaring their acts as state-sponsored terrorism.[98]
Casualties
[edit]State terrorism, with its institutionalized instrumentation of terrorist atrocities through massacres, genocides, forced disappearances, carpet bombings, torture and sponsorship of death squads, is a deadlier form of terrorism than non-state terrorism.[99][100][101][102] State terrorism has been far deadlier than non-state terrorism historically. According to R. J. Rummel, governments killed over 260 million people in the 20th century alone.[103] On the other hand, non-state terrorism caused fewer than 1 million deaths in the same period.[104] Studies show that state forces are 3–5 times more lethal against civilians than insurgents.[101]
Criticism of the concept
[edit]The chairman of the United Nations Counter-Terrorism Committee has said the twelve previous international conventions on terrorism had never referred to state terrorism, which was not an international legal concept, and when states abuse their powers they should be judged against international conventions which deal with war crimes, international human rights law, and international humanitarian law, rather than international anti-terrorism statutes.[105] In a similar vein, Kofi Annan, at the time the United Nations Secretary-General, said it is "time to set aside debates on so-called 'state terrorism'. The use of force by states is already regulated under international law".[106] Annan added, "regardless of the differences between governments on the question of the definition of terrorism, what is clear and what we can all agree on is any deliberate attack on innocent civilians [or non-combatants], regardless of one's cause, is unacceptable and fits into the definition of terrorism."[107]
Dr. Bruce Hoffman has argued that failing to differentiate between state and non-state violence ignores the fact that there is a "fundamental qualitative difference between the two types of violence". Hoffman argues that even in war, there are rules and accepted norms of behaviour that prohibit certain types of weapons and tactics and outlaw attacks on specific categories of targets. For instance, rules which are codified in the Geneva and Hague Conventions on warfare prohibit taking civilians as hostages, outlaw reprisals against either civilians or POWs, recognise neutral territory, etc. Hoffman says "even the most cursory review of terrorist tactics and targets over the past quarter century reveals that terrorists have violated all these rules." Hoffman also says that when states transgress these rules of war "the term 'war crime' is used to describe such acts".[108]
Walter Laqueur has said those who argue that state terrorism should be included in studies of terrorism ignore the fact that "The very existence of a state is based on its monopoly of power. If it were different, states would not have the right, nor would they be in a position, to maintain that minimum of order on which all civilized life rests."[109] Calling the concept a "red herring", he stated: "This argument has been used by the terrorists themselves, arguing that there is no difference between their activities and those by governments and states. It has also been employed by some sympathizers, and it rests on the deliberate obfuscation between all kinds of violence ..."[110]
See also
[edit]References
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- ^ "Further escalation in the Russian Federation's aggression against Ukraine (Resolution 2463)". Parliamentary Assembly (Council of Europe). 2022-10-13. Archived from the original on 2022-10-13. Retrieved 2022-10-13.
- ^ "Sejm uznał Rosję za państwo sponsorujące terroryzm" [The Sejm recognized Russia as a state sponsoring terrorism]. Onet Wiadomości (in Polish). 2022-12-14. Archived from the original on 2022-12-14. Retrieved 2022-12-15.
- ^ "Slovak parliament recognises Russian regime as terrorist and Russia as terrorism sponsor". Ukrainska Pravda. 2023-02-16. Archived from the original on 2023-02-16. Retrieved 2023-02-16.
- ^ "VR recognizes Russia as terrorist state, bans military symbols Z and V". Ukrinform. 2022-04-14. Archived from the original on 2022-04-18. Retrieved 2022-08-02.
- ^ Taylor, Simon (3 May 2021). "Status Quo Terrorism: State-Terrorism in South Africa during Apartheid". Terrorism and Political Violence. 35 (2): 4–5. doi:10.1080/09546553.2021.1916478. S2CID 235534871.
- ^ Cookridge, E. H. (1966). Set Europe Ablaze. New York: Thomas Y. Cromwell Company. pp. 1–6.
- ^ Geraghty, Tony (2000). The Irish War: The Hidden Conflict between the IRA and British Intelligence. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. p. 346. ISBN 9780801864568.
- ^ Lashmar, Paul; Gilby, Nicholas; Oliver, James (17 October 2021). "Revealed: how UK spies incited mass murder of Indonesia's communists". The Observer. Archived from the original on 22 November 2021. Retrieved 25 December 2022.
- ^ Lashmar, Paul; Gilby, Nicholas; Oliver, James (October 17, 2021). "Slaughter in Indonesia: Britain's secret propaganda war". The Observer. Archived from the original on December 27, 2021. Retrieved December 25, 2022.
- ^ Lashmar, Paul; Gilby, Nicholas; Oliver, James (23 January 2022). "UK's propaganda leaflets inspired 1960s massacre of Indonesian communists". The Observer. Archived from the original on 23 January 2022. Retrieved 23 January 2022.
- ^ "Issues: Collusion – Chronology of Events in the Stevens Inquiries". CAIN Archive. Ulster University. Archived from the original on 2008-04-11. Retrieved 2016-01-28.
- ^ Melaugh, Martin. "Issues: Violence: Stevens Enquiry (3) Overview and Recommendations, 17 April 2003". CAIN Archive. Ulster University. Archived from the original on 2019-01-02. Retrieved 2016-01-28.
- ^ "Report of the Independent International Panel on Alleged Collusion in Sectarian Killings in Northern Ireland" (PDF). Pat Finucane Centre. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2011-06-10. Retrieved 2016-01-28.
- ^ Connolly, Frank (16 November 2006). "'I'm lucky to be above the ground'". Village. Archived from the original on 2007-11-20. Retrieved 2016-01-28.
- ^ Blakeley, Ruth (2009). State Terrorism and Neoliberalism: The North in the South. Routledge. pp. 21–23, 85–96. ISBN 978-0415686174. Archived from the original on 2015-06-14.
- ^ McSherry, J. Patrice (2011). "Chapter 5: 'Industrial repression' and Operation Condor in Latin America". In Esparza, Marcia; Huttenbach, Henry R.; Feierstein, Daniel (eds.). State Violence and Genocide in Latin America: The Cold War Years. Critical Terrorism Studies. Routledge. p. 107. ISBN 978-0415664578. Archived from the original on 2018-07-19. Retrieved 2018-05-21.
- ^ Coatsworth, John Henry (2012). "The Cold War in Central America, 1975–1991". In Leffler, Melvyn P.; Westad, Odd Arne (eds.). The Cambridge History of the Cold War. Vol. 3. Cambridge University Press. p. 230. ISBN 978-1107602311.
- ^ Bevins, Vincent (2020). The Jakarta Method: Washington's Anticommunist Crusade and the Mass Murder Program that Shaped Our World. PublicAffairs. p. 228. ISBN 978-1541742406.
Using numbers compiled by the US-funded Freedom House Organization, historian John Coatsworth concluded that from 1960 to 1990, the number of victims of US-backed violence in Latin America "vastly exceeded" the number of people killed in the Soviet Union and the Eastern Bloc over the same period of time.
- ^ Melvin, Jess (20 October 2017). "Telegrams confirm scale of US complicity in 1965 genocide". Indonesia at Melbourne. University of Melbourne. Archived from the original on 8 December 2021. Retrieved May 21, 2018.
- ^ Scott, Margaret (October 26, 2017). "Uncovering Indonesia's Act of Killing". The New York Review of Books. Archived from the original on June 25, 2018. Retrieved May 21, 2018.
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- ^ Bevins, Vincent (20 October 2017). "What the United States Did in Indonesia". The Atlantic. Archived from the original on 28 April 2019. Retrieved May 21, 2018.
- ^ Robinson, Geoffrey B. (2018). The Killing Season: A History of the Indonesian Massacres, 1965–66. Princeton University Press. pp. 22–23, 177. ISBN 9781400888863. Archived from the original on 2019-04-19. Retrieved 2018-06-27.
- ^ "OAS says to present evidence of Venezuela rights violations to The Hague". Reuters. Archived from the original on 30 May 2018. Retrieved 30 May 2018.
- ^ "AN declaró como terroristas a los colectivos" [NA declares colectivos terrorists]. Prensa AN (Press release) (in Spanish). National Assembly of Venezuela. 2 April 2019. Archived from the original on April 4, 2019. Retrieved 9 April 2019.
- ^ Martin, Gus (2010). Understanding Terrorism (third ed.). SAGE Publications. pp. 98–139. ISBN 978-1-4129-7059-4.
- ^ Blakeley, R. (2009). State Terrorism and Neoliberalism: The North in the South. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-68617-4.
- ^ a b Eck, K.; Hultman, L. (2007). "One-Sided Violence Against Civilians in War". Journal of Peace Research. 44 (2): 233–246. doi:10.1177/0022343307075124.
- ^ White, M. (2013). Atrocities: The 100 Deadliest Episodes in Human History. W. W. Norton & Company. ISBN 9780393345230.
- ^ Rummel, R. J. (1994). Death by Government. Transaction Publishers. ISBN 978-1-56000-927-6.
- ^ "Global Terrorism Database". 2023.
- ^ "Addressing Security Council, Secretary-General Calls On Counter-Terrorism Committee To Develop Long-Term Strategy To Defeat Terror". United Nations. Archived from the original on 2009-03-05. Retrieved 2009-03-25.
- ^ Lind, Michael. "The Legal Debate is Over: Terrorism is a War Crime". New America Foundation. Archived from the original on 2009-02-21. Retrieved 2009-03-25.
- ^ "Press conference with Kofi Annan and Foreign Minister Kamal Kharrazi". United Nations. Archived from the original on 2009-03-21. Retrieved 2009-03-25.
- ^ Hoffman, Bruce (April 15, 1998). Inside Terrorism. Columbia University Press. pp. 34–35. ISBN 978-0-231-11468-4.
- ^ Blakeley, Ruth (2009). State terrorism and neoliberalism. Routledge. p. 27. ISBN 978-0-415-46240-2.
- ^ Laqueur, Walter (2003). No end to war: terrorism in the twenty-first century. Continuum. p. 237. ISBN 978-0-8264-1435-9.
Bibliography
[edit]- Barsamian, David (2001). "The United States is a Leading Terrorist State". Monthly Review.
- Kisangani, E. & Nafziger, E. Wayne (2007). "The Political Economy Of State Terror" (PDF). Defence and Peace Economics. 18 (5): 405–414. CiteSeerX 10.1.1.579.1472. doi:10.1080/10242690701455433. S2CID 155020309.
- Martin, Gus (2006). Understanding terrorism: challenges, perspectives, and issues. SAGE. ISBN 978-1-4129-2722-2.
- Nairn, Tom; James, Paul (2005). Global Matrix: Nationalism, Globalism and State-Terrorism. London and New York: Pluto Press.
- Primoratz, Igor (2004). "State Terrorism and Counter-Terrorism". In Primoratz, Igor (ed.). Terrorism: The Philosophical Issues. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-1-4039-1817-8.
- Selden, Mark; So, Alvin Y., eds. (2004). War and state terrorism: the United States, Japan, and the Asia–Pacific in the long twentieth century. Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 978-0-7425-2391-3.
- Sluka, Jeffrey A. (2000). Death Squad: The Anthropology of State Terror. University of Pennsylvania Press. ISBN 978-0-8122-1711-7.
- Stohl, Michael & Lopez, George A. (1988). Terrible beyond Endurance?: The Foreign Policy of State Terrorism. Greenwood Press. ISBN 978-0-313-25297-6.
- Taylor, Simon David (2021). "Status Quo Terrorism: State-Terrorism in South Africa during Apartheid". Terrorism & Political Violence.
Further reading
[edit]- Blakeley, Ruth (2009). State Terrorism and Neoliberalism: the North in the South. Routledge. ISBN 978-0415686174.
- Chomsky, Noam & Herman, Edward S. (1979). The Washington Connection and Third World Fascism: The Political Economy of Human Rights. Vol. 1. South End Press. ISBN 978-0-89608-090-4.
- Chomsky, Noam (1988). The Culture of Terrorism. South End Press. ISBN 978-0-89608-334-9.
- Curtis, Mark (2004). Unpeople: Britain's Secret Human Rights Abuses. Vintage. ISBN 978-0-09-946972-8.
- George, Alexander (1991). Western State Terrorism. Polity Press. ISBN 978-0-7456-0931-7.
- Glover, Jonathan (1991). "State terrorism". In Frey, Raymond Gillespie (ed.). Violence, terrorism, and Justice. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-40950-6.
- Hayner, Priscilla B. (2000). Unspeakable truths: confronting state terror and atrocities. Psychology Press. ISBN 978-0-415-92477-1.
- Herbst, Philip (2003). Talking terrorism: a dictionary of the loaded language of political violence. Greenwood. ISBN 978-0-313-32486-4.
- Herman, Edward S. (1982). The Real Terror Network: Terrorism in Fact and Propaganda. South End Press. ISBN 978-0896081345.
- Kushner, Harvey W. (2003). "State terrorism". Encyclopedia of Terrorism. SAGE. ISBN 978-0-7619-2408-1.
- Lerner, Brenda Wilmoth; Lerner, K. Lee, eds. (2006). Terrorism: essential primary sources. Thomson Gale. ISBN 978-1-4144-0621-3.
- Nairn, Tom; James, Paul (2005). Global Matrix: Nationalism, Globalism and State-Terrorism. London and New York: Pluto Press.
- Oliverio, Annamarie (1998). The state of terror. SUNY Press. ISBN 978-0-7914-3708-7.
- Oriol, Philippe (1993). À propos de l'attentat Foyot [à Paris] : quelques questions et quelques tentatives de réponse [About the Foyot bombing [in Paris]: some questions and some attempts at answers] (in French). Paris: Au Fourneau. ISBN 978-2-86288-400-4.
External links
[edit]Prevention of terrorism
State terrorism
View on GrokipediaConceptual Foundations
Definition and Core Criteria
State terrorism denotes the use of terroristic tactics by governmental actors or entities under state authority to pursue political, ideological, or religious aims, primarily through violence or threats directed at non-combatant populations outside formal armed conflicts.[1] This concept parallels non-state terrorism in its reliance on fear-inducing violence against civilians but differs fundamentally in its execution by state agents, often leveraging official resources and impunity.[1] Historical precedents, such as the French Reign of Terror (1793–1794), illustrate early instances where state-directed violence systematically intimidated perceived internal enemies to consolidate revolutionary power, marking a shift from conventional repression to calculated psychological coercion.[9] Core criteria for identifying state terrorism, as articulated in academic typologies, emphasize the following elements:- State perpetration: Acts must be conducted by government officials, security forces, or proxies directly controlled by the state, distinguishing it from private or insurgent violence.[9]
- Targeting non-combatants: Violence focuses on civilians rather than military adversaries, often indiscriminately or symbolically to maximize symbolic impact.[9]
- Intent to instill terror: The primary mechanism is psychological, aiming to propagate fear beyond immediate victims to coerce broader societal or political compliance, unbound by legal or moral constraints on proportionality.[9][1]
- Political coercion: Objectives involve maintaining regime control, suppressing dissent, or advancing ideological agendas through intimidation, rather than routine law enforcement or warfare under international norms.[9]
Distinctions from War, Repression, and State-Sponsored Terrorism
State terrorism is distinguished from conventional warfare primarily by its deliberate intent to generate psychological terror among civilian populations as a coercive tool, rather than pursuing military victory through engagements with combatants under regulated frameworks like international humanitarian law. Warfare, typically involving state armies in structured conflicts, permits civilian harm only as incidental to legitimate military objectives, as outlined in the Geneva Conventions of 1949, whereas state terrorism systematically targets non-combatants to intimidate and subjugate broader societal groups, often irrespective of ongoing hostilities.[10] This intent-driven focus on fear distinguishes it from war crimes, which may involve civilian casualties but lack the explicit aim of widespread terrorization.[11] Unlike state repression, which refers to institutionalized mechanisms of control such as legal arrests, surveillance, or policing to enforce domestic order and suppress dissent, state terrorism employs extrajudicial, disproportionate violence against unarmed civilians to propagate fear across unorganized populations for political ends. Repression operates within or adjacent to legal norms to maintain regime stability, as seen in routine counterinsurgency operations, but escalates to terrorism when it prioritizes intimidation over enforcement, targeting victims explicitly to signal threats to wider groups.[11] Scholarly analyses emphasize that while both involve state violence, terrorism's hallmark is the communicative aspect of terror to coerce compliance, transcending mere suppression.[3] State terrorism contrasts with state-sponsored terrorism in the mode of execution: the former entails direct perpetration by state agents or their immediate proxies, using official resources to conduct violent acts against targeted groups, as in systematic internal purges or external intimidation campaigns.[11] State-sponsored terrorism, by contrast, involves indirect facilitation where governments provide non-state actors with funding, training, safe havens, or materiel to execute attacks, enabling plausible deniability while advancing foreign policy goals, such as through support for proxy militias.[11] This proxy dynamic, as analyzed in strategic studies, allows states to externalize risk, differing from the overt accountability in direct state terrorism.[11]Scholarly Debates on Applicability and Bias
Scholars diverge on the applicability of the "state terrorism" label, primarily due to foundational disputes over terrorism's definition. Orthodox terrorism studies, exemplified by Boaz Ganor, posit that terrorism inherently involves sub-state actors employing unlawful violence against civilians to coerce political change, as states possess a legitimate monopoly on force; thus, state violence constitutes warfare, genocide, or repression rather than terrorism.[12] In contrast, critical scholars like Michael Stohl argue that terrorism is a tactic defined by the intentional creation of widespread fear through violence or threats to achieve political objectives, irrespective of the perpetrator's status, enabling states to qualify when they systematically target non-combatants to intimidate populations or opponents.[13] This definitional schism leads to debates over historical cases: for instance, the Soviet NKVD's mass executions in the 1930s, which killed over 680,000 in 1937–1938 alone, are deemed state terrorism by Stohl for their terror-inducing randomness, while others classify them as internal security measures or purges.[14] Applicability further hinges on criteria like intent, indiscriminacy, and political symbolism. Proponents of broad applicability, including Scott Englund and Stohl, emphasize empirical patterns where states use exemplary violence—such as Argentina's 1976–1983 "dirty war," involving 9,000–30,000 disappearances—to deter dissent through pervasive fear, mirroring non-state tactics.[13] Critics counter that states' institutional capacity for coercion blurs lines with lawful governance, rendering the label analytically imprecise unless tied to illegitimacy or human rights violations; for example, Ganor's framework excludes state acts unless they undermine the state's own monopoly, as in rogue operations.[15] Quantitative analyses reveal undercounting: terrorism databases like ITERATE, covering 1968 onward, prioritize non-state incidents, omitting state-perpetrated events despite their scale, such as the Khmer Rouge's 1.7–2 million deaths from 1975–1979 via terror tactics.[16] Debates on bias highlight ideological and structural asymmetries in scholarly application. Critical terrorism studies, as articulated by Richard Jackson, accuse orthodox approaches of state-centrism, systematically marginalizing state terrorism—evidenced by only marginal coverage in post-2001 research surges, where non-state threats dominate 90% of publications—due to alignment with Western security paradigms that exempt allied states.[17] Conversely, applications exhibit double standards: U.S.-backed actions in Latin America during the 1970s–1980s, linked to 75,000 deaths in El Salvador alone, are framed as counterinsurgency by mainstream sources but state terrorism by critics like Noam Chomsky, while similar Soviet interventions draw less scrutiny in left-leaning academia.[18] This selectivity stems partly from power dynamics, with hegemonic states influencing definitions—e.g., UN resolutions avoiding state inclusion—and academic incentives favoring policy-relevant non-state focus; studies confirm state terrorism receives disproportionately less attention despite empirical prevalence in regimes like Nazi Germany's 1933–1945 terror apparatus, which executed 16,000–20,000 in camps by 1939.[19][20] Such biases, amplified by institutional left-wing tilts in social sciences, risk politicizing analysis, privileging narrative over causal assessment of state violence's terror effects.[6]Historical Development
Pre-20th Century Origins
State use of terror tactics predates the modern era, with ancient empires employing deliberate violence against civilians to induce fear and ensure submission. In the Assyrian Empire (circa 911–609 BCE), rulers systematically broadcast atrocities such as flaying alive, impaling, and decapitation of rebels and their families to psychologically dominate conquered populations and deter uprisings.[21] These acts were not mere reprisals but strategic tools of empire-building, inscribed on palace reliefs and annals to amplify their deterrent effect across vast territories.[21] Similarly, the Mongol Empire under Genghis Khan (1162–1227) and his successors weaponized mass slaughter and destruction to compel surrender without prolonged sieges. Captured cities faced total annihilation if they resisted, with reports of pyramids built from severed heads and entire populations—estimated in the tens of thousands per campaign—exterminated to propagate terror as a force multiplier in conquest.[22] This approach facilitated rapid expansion across Eurasia, subjugating diverse peoples through the credible threat of indiscriminate violence against non-combatants.[23] The paradigmatic pre-20th century instance of state terrorism emerged during the French Revolution's Reign of Terror (September 5, 1793–July 27, 1794), where the Jacobin-led Committee of Public Safety institutionalized guillotinings, mass drownings (noyades), and summary executions to purge perceived enemies of the Republic. Approximately 16,600 individuals were legally executed nationwide, with additional thousands dying in prisons or extrajudicial killings, targeting aristocrats, clergy, and moderates alike to consolidate revolutionary power amid civil war and invasion threats.[4] The term "terrorism" originated here, derived from the Latin terrere (to frighten), reflecting the policy's explicit aim to govern through fear as articulated by Maximilien Robespierre: "Terror is nothing other than justice, prompt, severe, inflexible."[24] This period marked a shift toward ideologically driven state terror internal to a nation-state, distinguishing it from prior conquest-oriented brutality by framing violence as a purifying mechanism for societal regeneration.[25]Totalitarian Era (1917–1989)
The Bolshevik-led Soviet Union initiated state terrorism systematically with the Red Terror, decreed on September 5, 1918, by the Council of People's Commissars, which empowered the Cheka secret police to conduct mass arrests, summary executions, and hostage-taking against perceived class enemies, clergy, and counter-revolutionaries amid the civil war.[26] This policy, justified as a response to White Terror and assassination attempts on leaders like Vladimir Lenin, resulted in approximately 200,000 deaths from 1918 to 1922 through shootings, drownings, and concentration camps.[27] Under Joseph Stalin, terror intensified via the Great Purge of 1936–1938, a campaign of show trials, quotas for arrests, and executions targeting party officials, military leaders, intellectuals, and ordinary citizens accused of Trotskyism or sabotage, with archival evidence documenting over 680,000 executions and millions deported to the Gulag forced-labor system. The Holodomor famine of 1932–1933 in Ukraine, enforced by grain confiscations, blacklists of villages, and sealed borders amid collectivization resistance, killed 5–7 million through starvation, functioning as targeted terror to break peasant autonomy and Ukrainian national elements.[28] Nazi Germany, from 1933 onward, constructed a dual terror system combining the Gestapo secret state police for surveillance and arbitrary arrests with SS-run concentration camps like Dachau, initially for political opponents such as communists and trade unionists, fostering pervasive fear through denunciations, torture, and extrajudicial killings to consolidate Adolf Hitler's dictatorship.[29] The Night of the Long Knives purge from June 30 to July 2, 1934, exemplified this by liquidating over 150 perceived rivals within the SA paramilitary and other conservatives, signaling that no faction was immune and enabling SS dominance.[30] This apparatus extended to the euthanasia program (Aktion T4, 1939–1941), which murdered around 200,000 disabled Germans via gas chambers and lethal injection, normalizing state killing under pseudoscientific pretexts and preparing methods later scaled in the Holocaust, though the latter targeted externalized enemies during wartime.[31] Communist China under Mao Zedong amplified state terrorism during the Great Leap Forward (1958–1962), where cadres enforced unrealistic production quotas through beatings, public struggle sessions, and executions of resisters, contributing to a policy-induced famine that claimed 23–45 million lives from starvation and violence.[32] The Cultural Revolution (1966–1976) mobilized Red Guards for factional purges, resulting in 1–2 million deaths from mob violence, suicides, and massacres such as in Guangxi province, aimed at eradicating "old ideas" and bourgeois elements to reassert Mao's personal control.[33] In Cambodia, the Khmer Rouge regime from April 1975 to January 1979 under Pol Pot pursued Year Zero agrarian communism via forced evacuations, executions at sites like Tuol Sleng prison and the Killing Fields, and purges of urbanites, intellectuals, and ethnic minorities, killing 1.5–2 million—about one-quarter of the population—to eliminate class distinctions and perceived traitors.[34] These regimes deployed state terrorism not only to eliminate immediate threats but to psychologically dismantle social structures, atomizing individuals into isolated subjects loyal solely to the leader or ideology, with empirical patterns showing terror's role in sustaining power amid economic failures and internal dissent until the Soviet bloc's collapse in 1989.[35]Post-Cold War and Contemporary Cases
In the post-Cold War period, state terrorism has frequently been conducted under the pretext of countering separatism, extremism, or insurgency, with governments employing indiscriminate violence, mass detentions, and psychological intimidation against civilian populations to consolidate control. Cases include Russia's operations in Chechnya and Ukraine, China's policies toward Uyghurs in Xinjiang, and the Syrian regime's tactics during its civil war, where empirical evidence from human rights documentation reveals systematic targeting of non-combatants to instill fear and suppress dissent. These instances differ from Cold War-era ideological purges by integrating modern surveillance, media control, and international justifications tied to global counter-terrorism narratives.[36] Russia's Second Chechen War, launched on August 26, 1999, following apartment bombings in Moscow and other cities that killed 293 civilians, involved extensive aerial bombardment and ground assaults on civilian areas, destroying Grozny and resulting in an estimated 25,000 to 50,000 civilian deaths by 2009. Russian forces established filtration camps where detainees faced torture, extrajudicial killings, and forced disappearances, with Human Rights Watch documenting over 100 such cases in 2000 alone as part of a strategy to eradicate Chechen resistance through collective punishment. The campaign, rebranded as a "counter-terrorist operation" after 9/11, employed scorched-earth tactics, including the razing of villages like Alkhan-Yurt in December 1999, where 18 civilians were executed, to deter separatism and enforce loyalty to Moscow.[37][38] Contemporary Russian actions in Ukraine, escalating with the full-scale invasion on February 24, 2022, exhibit state terrorism through deliberate civilian targeting, including the Bucha massacre in March 2022, where Ukrainian authorities recovered over 400 bodies showing signs of execution and torture. The International Criminal Court has issued arrest warrants for Russian officials, citing evidence of systematic attacks on civilian infrastructure, such as the Mariupol theater bombing on March 16, 2022, killing at least 600, as part of a pattern to terrorize populations into submission and facilitate territorial annexation. Independent analyses describe these as state-orchestrated terror to undermine Ukrainian sovereignty, distinct from lawful warfare due to the intentional civilian focus.[36]  In China, the "Strike Hard Campaign Against Violent Terrorism" intensified after 2014, leading to the internment of an estimated 1 to 3 million Uyghurs and other Muslim minorities in Xinjiang camps by 2018, where detainees underwent forced ideological indoctrination, torture, and cultural erasure justified as preventing extremism. Amnesty International reports systematic rape, medical experimentation, and forced sterilizations, with leaked documents from 2019 revealing quotas for detentions targeting 10-20% of rural populations, transforming anti-terror rhetoric into mass state terror against ethnic groups perceived as disloyal. Peer-reviewed studies trace this to a shift where counter-terror measures evolved into pervasive surveillance and familial separation, affecting over 80% of Uyghur children through orphanage placements by 2020.[39][40] The Syrian regime under Bashar al-Assad, responding to the 2011 uprising, deployed barrel bombs—unexploded munitions dropped on opposition-held areas like Aleppo from 2012 to 2016, causing over 20,000 civilian deaths—and chemical weapons, including sarin in the Ghouta attack on August 21, 2013, which killed 1,429 people per UN investigations. These tactics, combined with starvation sieges of cities like Eastern Ghouta (2013-2018), aimed to terrorize civilian populations into capitulation, with Amnesty International estimating 11,000 deaths from such sieges alone. The regime's use of irregular militias for mass executions, documented in 53,000-case archives from 2011-2015, underscores a strategy of fear to preserve Ba'athist rule amid civil war.[41] North Korea maintains contemporary state terrorism through its political prison camp system, or kwanliso, holding approximately 80,000 to 120,000 inmates as of 2020, where public executions, forced labor, and familial punishment for perceived disloyalty enforce regime survival. Satellite imagery and defector testimonies confirm operations like Camp 16 near Hwasong, with annual death rates exceeding 25% from starvation and torture, as reported by the UN Commission of Inquiry in 2014, framing internal repression as an extension of state terror beyond external sponsorship activities.[42]Motivations and Strategic Logic
Ideological and Regime-Preservation Drivers
In totalitarian regimes, ideological drivers of state terrorism arise from doctrines positing an unending conflict against internal enemies—such as class adversaries, racial inferiors, or ideological heretics—requiring violent purification to realize utopian visions of societal remaking. These ideologies, often rooted in Marxism-Leninism, fascism, or radical agrarian communism, frame terror not as mere repression but as a logical necessity for historical progress, targeting civilians en masse to eradicate perceived threats to the revolutionary order.[43] For instance, in the Soviet Union under Joseph Stalin, the Great Purge of 1936–1938 was motivated by the need to eliminate "enemies of the people" who allegedly deviated from Bolshevik orthodoxy, including old Bolsheviks, Trotskyists, and kulaks, through show trials, executions, and forced labor; official Soviet archives later documented 681,692 executions during this period alone, with broader repression affecting millions via the Gulag system. This campaign exemplified how communist ideology's emphasis on class struggle justified preemptive terror against imagined conspiracies, extending to civilians suspected of ideological contamination to prevent counter-revolution.[44] Similarly, the Khmer Rouge regime in Democratic Kampuchea (1975–1979), led by Pol Pot, deployed state terrorism to enforce a radical Maoist ideology of "Year Zero," aiming to dismantle urban, intellectual, and capitalist elements for an agrarian communist utopia; this resulted in the deaths of 1.5 to 2 million Cambodians—about 25% of the population—through executions, forced labor, and starvation, targeting "new people" (urban evacuees) as toxified carriers of bourgeois corruption.[45] Scholarly analysis attributes this violence to ideology's role in dehumanizing victims as existential pollutants, with Khmer Rouge doctrine mandating terror to "purify" society and avert ideological relapse, as evidenced in internal party documents and survivor testimonies from the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia trials.[46] In Nazi Germany, Adolf Hitler's regime institutionalized terror through the Gestapo and SS from 1933 onward to impose National Socialist racial ideology, viewing Jews, Roma, and political dissidents as biological-ideological threats; the Night of the Long Knives in June 1934 eliminated SA rivals, while escalating civilian persecution via concentration camps laid groundwork for the Holocaust, with terror serving to enforce Volksgemeinschaft (racial community) by atomizing opposition and compelling conformity.[30][29] Regime-preservation drivers complement ideology by leveraging terror to deter elite defection, suppress potential coalitions, and foster a climate of mutual surveillance among the populace, ensuring loyalty through fear rather than consent. In these systems, leaders perceive survival as contingent on preempting conspiracies, using arbitrary violence to signal omnipotence and unpredictability, which erodes trust and isolates individuals. Stalin's purges, for example, decimated the Communist Party elite—over 1,000 of 1,966 delegates to the 1934 Congress executed or imprisoned—while encouraging denunciations to root out disloyalty, thereby centralizing power and preventing challenges to his cult of personality. The Khmer Rouge similarly purged its own cadres, executing thousands of Angkar (the "Organization") members suspected of ideological wavering, with Pol Pot's inner circle surviving by intensifying external terror to mask internal fractures.[46] Nazi terror evolved from selective intimidation—e.g., 1933 Enabling Act coercion—to pervasive Gestapo surveillance, where civilian informants sustained the system, preserving Hitler's regime by equating dissent with treasonous ideology and justifying mass violence as defensive necessity.[31] This dual function—ideology providing moral cover, terror ensuring structural dominance—distinguishes state terrorism in such regimes from routine authoritarian repression, as empirical patterns show higher civilian targeting when leaders face perceived existential threats tied to doctrinal purity.[43]Tactical Goals in Internal and External Contexts
In internal contexts, state terrorism serves tactical goals centered on regime preservation and domestic control, primarily by instilling fear to deter opposition and enforce compliance among the populace. Governments deploy terror tactics—such as targeted assassinations, mass arrests, or public executions—to isolate and demoralize dissident groups, rendering social movements impotent and preventing coordinated resistance.[47] This approach maintains power across economic, political, military, and ideological domains by signaling the high costs of defiance, thereby suppressing insurgency and ensuring resource extraction or policy adherence without reliance on broad legitimacy.[47] For instance, during the Soviet Great Purge from 1936 to 1938, Stalin's regime executed over 680,000 individuals and deported millions to gulags, aiming to eliminate perceived internal threats and consolidate centralized authority through pervasive intimidation. These internal tactics also foster atomization within society, breaking interpersonal trust and traditional structures to reduce the potential for collective action against the state. By targeting not only active opponents but also their families and communities, regimes achieve psychological dominance, coercing passive acceptance of authoritarian rule.[6] Scholarly analyses emphasize that such generalized terror, as opposed to limited operations, sustains long-term control by creating a climate of uncertainty and self-censorship, where citizens internalize fear as a mechanism for behavioral conformity.[47] In external contexts, tactical goals shift toward advancing foreign policy objectives through coercion and destabilization of adversaries, often without committing to full-scale conventional war. State terrorism here seeks psychological advantages in interstate rivalries, such as deterring aggression from rivals or influencing the internal politics of target states to align with the perpetrator's interests.[47] Tactics like cross-border raids, bombings of civilian infrastructure, or covert support for disruptive proxies aim to intimidate foreign populations, secure access to resources, or enforce compliance in disputes over territory or influence.[6] For example, Nazi Germany's aerial terror campaigns during the 1937 Guernica bombing and subsequent Blitz targeted civilian morale to break resistance and facilitate territorial expansion, aligning with broader strategic aims of subjugation. Externally, these goals extend to economic coercion, such as disrupting trade or labor flows in rival territories to weaken their capacity for resistance, or exporting ideological dominance by terrorizing aligned opposition abroad.[47] Unlike internal applications, external state terrorism often integrates with hybrid warfare, using deniable operations to achieve deterrence while minimizing diplomatic backlash, ultimately serving to project power and reshape regional dynamics in favor of the sponsoring regime.[6] This calculus prioritizes asymmetric leverage, where terror's shock value amplifies perceived threats, compelling concessions from targets unprepared for prolonged irregular pressure.[47]Methods and Implementation
Direct Terror Tactics Against Civilians
Direct terror tactics by states encompass deliberate acts of violence targeting civilian populations to instill pervasive fear, deter dissent, and enforce regime control, distinguishing them from targeted repression or wartime operations by their intent to terrorize broadly rather than merely eliminate specific threats. Such tactics often feature summary executions, mass shootings, drownings, or bombings designed for psychological impact, with perpetrators leveraging state resources for scale and impunity. Historical instances reveal patterns where governments mobilized security apparatus for rapid, visible atrocities, amplifying terror through rumors of arbitrary selection and inevitable punishment.[48] In Nazi Germany's occupation of the Soviet Union starting June 1941, Einsatzgruppen—SS mobile killing squads—conducted mass shootings of Jewish civilians and others deemed threats, murdering over 1 million people by late 1943 through operations like the Babi Yar ravine execution near Kyiv on September 29–30, 1941, where approximately 34,000 Jews were killed in two days. These actions aimed to eradicate perceived racial enemies while signaling total domination to local populations, with squads forcing victims to undress and lie in pits before shooting, creating spectacles of horror to break civilian morale. Reports from perpetrators, such as Jäger Reports detailing 137,346 killings in Lithuania by December 1941, underscore the systematic nature, though postwar trials revealed underreporting to mask the terror's extent.[49][50] The Soviet NKVD's Great Terror campaigns of 1937–1938 employed mass secret operations under Order No. 00447, authorizing regional quotas for executing "anti-Soviet elements" including kulaks, clergy, and ethnic minorities, resulting in roughly 387,000 executions by November 1938 alongside millions arrested. Tactics involved nighttime raids, torture-induced confessions, and hurried shootings in remote areas or prisons, with public announcements of sentences fostering an atmosphere of inescapable purge; for instance, the Polish Operation targeted over 140,000 for execution or gulag based on nationality alone. Declassified archives confirm the operations' design to paralyze society through unpredictability, as ordinary citizens witnessed neighbors vanish, equating any deviation with death.[51][52] Under the Khmer Rouge regime in Cambodia from 1975 to 1979, direct terror manifested in "smashing" campaigns at sites like the Killing Fields, where security prisons such as Tuol Sleng funneled victims—estimated at 1.5 to 3 million total deaths—for blunt-force executions using farm tools to conserve ammunition, followed by mass burials. Cadres targeted urban dwellers, intellectuals, and perceived class enemies in purges that included public confessions and village annihilations, with Pol Pot's forces relocating populations to rural labor sites while executing resisters en masse to eradicate "internal enemies" and remake society through fear. Survivor testimonies and exhumations, revealing skulls with cranial trauma, illustrate the tactic's brutality, intended to atomize communities and enforce ideological purity via constant mortal threat.[53][48] In Latin America during the 1970s–1980s, states like El Salvador under military rule used death squads for massacres such as El Mozote in December 1981, where Atlacatl Battalion troops killed 800–1,000 villagers, including children, by herding them into buildings, raping women, and executing with machine guns and grenades to quash guerrilla support. Forensic evidence from excavations confirmed over 900 bodies, many mutilated, with the operation's publicity—via army boasts—aimed at cowing rural populations into submission. Such tactics, often U.S.-trained, blended selective killings with communal slaughter to project state omnipotence.[54]Institutional and Psychological Mechanisms
States establish specialized institutions, such as secret police forces, to systematize terror against perceived internal threats, operating parallel to regular law enforcement with broad mandates for surveillance, detention, and elimination unconstrained by judicial oversight. In the Soviet Union, the NKVD exemplified this mechanism during the Great Purge of 1937–1938, arresting approximately 1.5 million individuals and resulting in about 750,000 executions or gulag sentences through fabricated charges and mass operations.[55] These agencies often build extensive informant networks and employ torture to extract confessions, embedding repression within the state's bureaucratic fabric to normalize extralegal violence.[56] Propaganda apparatuses complement institutional terror by framing victims as existential enemies, justifying brutality while indoctrinating the populace through controlled media, education, and public rituals. In Nazi Germany following the 1933 Reichstag fire, state propaganda blamed communists for the incident, enabling the suspension of civil liberties and the arrest of up to 100,000 opponents without trial, with terror tactics like public humiliations and concentration camps reinforcing the narrative of national unity under threat.[57] This integration dehumanizes targets and cultivates ideological conformity, as regimes portray terror as defensive necessity against fabricated conspiracies. Psychologically, state terror induces pervasive fear through arbitrariness and unpredictability, eroding social trust and prompting self-censorship to avoid denunciation or purge. Soviet citizens under NKVD dominance experienced this as a societal norm, where purges and family punishments created an atmosphere of mutual suspicion, compelling compliance without overt resistance.[55] Such mechanisms atomize individuals, severing communal bonds and fostering dependence on the regime for security, as random selections for repression signal universal vulnerability regardless of loyalty.[57] Regimes sustain these dynamics via incentives for participation, such as career advancement for informants or ideologues, embedding complicity in institutions like education and judiciary to perpetuate cycles of vigilance and denunciation. This psychological conditioning extends to perpetrators, rationalizing atrocities through groupthink and dehumanization protocols, ensuring the machinery of terror self-perpetuates across generations.[55]Evolution of Techniques in Modern States
In the post-Cold War era, state terrorism techniques have shifted toward greater deniability, technological integration, and psychological precision, enabling regimes to instill fear through targeted repression rather than solely mass violence. Authoritarian governments have pioneered digital surveillance infrastructures that preemptively identify and neutralize perceived threats, creating atmospheres of constant apprehension among populations. For instance, China's deployment of the Integrated Joint Operations Platform (IJOP) in Xinjiang since around 2016 aggregates biometric, behavioral, and location data from millions of cameras, apps, and checkpoints to predict "extremist" activities, facilitating arbitrary detentions of over one million Uyghurs and other Muslims by 2019.[58][59] This predictive policing evolves traditional secret police methods by automating mass profiling, reducing reliance on human informants while amplifying the chilling effect of ubiquitous monitoring.[58] Targeted operations against dissidents have incorporated advanced chemical and cyber tools for precision terror, minimizing collateral damage to maintain international plausibility. Russia's state-linked use of Novichok nerve agent in the 2018 Salisbury attack on Sergei Skripal and the 2020 poisoning of Alexei Navalny exemplifies this, employing undetectable toxins to signal lethal consequences for opposition without overt military action. Concurrently, cyber operations like the 2017 NotPetya malware, attributed to Russian military intelligence, disrupted global supply chains and caused billions in damages, eroding public confidence and instilling economic panic as a form of indirect terror.[60] These tactics mark an advancement from Cold War-era assassinations, leveraging forensic evasion and digital attribution challenges for sustained intimidation. In ongoing conflicts, hybrid warfare blends conventional and terror elements, with regimes adapting indiscriminate tactics for urban sieges. Syria's Assad government, from 2011 onward, employed barrel bombs—improvised explosives dropped on civilian areas—and chemical attacks, including sarin gas in Ghouta on August 21, 2013, killing at least 1,400, to demoralize rebel-held populations and force surrenders through starvation and bombardment.[61] This evolution from static repression to mobile, aerial terror reflects integration of low-cost drones and proxies, allowing sustained pressure while proxies absorb blame. Overall, modern techniques prioritize scalability and reversibility, using data analytics and non-kinetic tools to perpetuate control with reduced visibility, though empirical outcomes often include escalated resistance due to the cumulative psychological toll.[62]Empirical Scale and Impact
Estimated Casualties by Regime Type
Estimates of casualties attributable to state terrorism, often encompassing democide (government murder excluding war deaths), reveal stark disparities across regime types, with totalitarian systems responsible for the preponderance of fatalities in the 20th century. R.J. Rummel's systematic analysis of democide from 1900 to 1987 tallies approximately 169 million deaths worldwide, predominantly under totalitarian rule, where centralized power enabled systematic terror, purges, and engineered famines.[63] [64] Communist regimes alone accounted for an estimated 94 to 148 million such deaths, including 62 million under Stalin's Soviet Union through the Great Purge and Gulag system, and 35 million in Maoist China via the Great Leap Forward and Cultural Revolution, involving mass executions, forced labor, and starvation policies enforced by terror apparatuses.[63] The Black Book of Communism corroborates a figure of 85 to 100 million for communist states globally, attributing these to ideological purges, collectivization campaigns, and suppression of dissent via secret police and show trials.[65] Fascist and Nazi regimes, classified as totalitarian, inflicted around 21 million democide deaths, primarily through the Holocaust (6 million Jews and millions of others), euthanasia programs, and reprisal massacres against civilians.[63] Secular authoritarian regimes, such as those in pre-totalitarian phases or non-ideological dictatorships, produced lower but still significant tolls, with examples like Turkey's Ottoman-era Armenian Genocide (1.5 million) and various Latin American juntas in the 1970s-1980s causing tens of thousands via disappearances and death squads.[64] In contrast, liberal democracies exhibited near-zero democide rates during the same period, as institutional checks, rule of law, and electoral accountability deterred systematic state terror; Rummel identifies no full democracies engaging in megamurder-scale democide, though isolated incidents like colonial reprisals or wartime excesses (e.g., Allied strategic bombing) have been debated but lack the intentional, regime-preserving terror characteristic of totalitarian cases.[66] [67]| Regime Type | Estimated Democide Deaths (20th Century) | Key Examples and Mechanisms |
|---|---|---|
| Communist/Totalitarian | 94–148 million | Soviet purges, Chinese famines, Khmer Rouge extermination camps; terror via party enforcers and concentration systems.[63] [65] |
| Fascist/Nazi Totalitarian | ~21 million | Holocaust gassings, Einsatzgruppen shootings; ideological extermination and racial terror state policy.[63] |
| Authoritarian/Other | 10–20 million | Military dictatorships' death squads, one-party suppressions; sporadic but coercive violence without total societal remaking.[64] |
| Democratic | Negligible (<0.1 million) | Rare, prosecuted excesses; no systematic democide due to institutional restraints.[66] |
Comparative Metrics with Non-State Terrorism
State terrorism surpasses non-state terrorism in scale of casualties due to the state's control over military, police, and administrative apparatuses, enabling systematic campaigns of intimidation and elimination. Historical examples illustrate this disparity: the Soviet Great Terror (1937–1938) involved the execution of approximately 681,000 to 700,000 people by the NKVD through targeted arrests, show trials, and mass shootings designed to terrorize the population and consolidate power. Similarly, the Khmer Rouge regime in Cambodia (1975–1979) employed terror tactics—including public executions, forced confessions, and purges—to kill an estimated 1.7 million people, roughly 25% of the population, in a concerted effort to eradicate perceived class enemies and enforce ideological conformity.[69] These figures from single state-led episodes exceed the cumulative victim tolls of major non-state terrorist organizations over decades. In contrast, non-state terrorism, as tracked by the Global Terrorism Database (GTD)—which explicitly excludes state-perpetrated acts—has resulted in approximately 200,000 to 300,000 deaths worldwide from 1970 to 2020 across over 200,000 incidents.[70][71] Peak years, such as 2014, saw around 45,000 deaths, largely from groups like the Islamic State conducting bombings, shootings, and beheadings, but annual averages hover below 25,000 even in high-impact periods.[72] This database's focus on sub-state actors reflects a definitional bias in terrorism studies, where state violence is often reclassified as "repression" or "human rights abuses" rather than terrorism, despite similar intent to instill fear for political ends—a pattern attributable to institutional reluctance in academia and international bodies to equate state actions with those of non-state groups.[1] Beyond raw casualties, state terrorism demonstrates greater lethality per operation and broader societal penetration. Non-state attacks are typically episodic and localized, with groups constrained by limited resources, leading to lower per-incident fatalities (e.g., average GTD attack kills 1–2 people). States, however, institutionalize terror through networks like secret police or gulags, sustaining high death rates over extended periods; for instance, Soviet repression under Stalin is estimated to have claimed 20 million lives through executions, deportations, and labor camps aimed at population control.[73] Economic impacts also diverge: non-state terrorism disrupts via sporadic shocks (e.g., 9/11's $100 billion U.S. cost), while state terror hollows out economies through purges of professionals and forced relocations, as in Cambodia where agricultural output collapsed amid terror-induced famine.[72]| Metric | State Terrorism Example | Non-State Terrorism (GTD Data) |
|---|---|---|
| Peak Casualty Campaign | 1.7M (Khmer Rouge, 1975–1979) | ~45,000 (global, 2014) |
| Duration Capability | Sustained (years/decades, e.g., USSR 1930s) | Episodic (peaks last 1–5 years) |
| Geographical Scope | National/systemic (e.g., entire USSR) | Regional/transnational but fragmented |
| Resource Leverage | State monopoly (armies, prisons) | Limited (guerrilla tactics) |