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Aromanians
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The Aromanians (Aromanian: Armãnji, Rrãmãnji)[11] are an ethnic group native to the southern Balkans who speak Aromanian, an Eastern Romance language.[12] They traditionally live in central and southern Albania, south-western Bulgaria, northern and central Greece, and North Macedonia, and can currently be found in central and southern Albania, south-western Bulgaria, south-western and eastern North Macedonia, northern and central Greece, southern Serbia, and south-eastern Romania (Northern Dobruja). An Aromanian diaspora living outside these places also exists. The Aromanians are known by several other names, such as "Vlachs" or "Macedo-Romanians"[13][14][15] (sometimes used to also refer to the Megleno-Romanians).[16]
The term "Vlachs" is used in Greece and in other countries to refer to the Aromanians, with this term having been more widespread in the past to refer to all Romance-speaking peoples of the Balkan Peninsula and Carpathian Mountains region (Southeast Europe).[17]
Their vernacular, Aromanian, is an Eastern Romance language very similar to Romanian, which has many slightly varying dialects of its own.[18] Aromanian is considered to have developed from Common Romanian, a common stage of all the Eastern Romance varieties[19] that evolved from the Vulgar Latin spoken by Paleo-Balkan peoples after the Romanization of the Balkan area that fell under the Latin sphere of influence.[20] The Aromanian language shares many common features with Albanian, Bulgarian and Greek; however, although it has many loanwords from Greek, Slavic, and Turkish, its lexicon remains majority Romance in origin.[21]
Names and classification
[edit]Ethnonyms
[edit]The term Aromanian derives directly from the Latin Romanus, meaning Roman citizen. The initial a- is a regular epenthetic vowel, occurring when certain consonant clusters are formed, and it is not, as folk etymology sometimes has it, related to the negative or privative a- of Greek (also occurring in Latin words of Greek origin). The term was coined by Gustav Weigand in his 1894 work Die Aromunen. The first book to which many scholars have referred to as the most valuable to translate their ethnic name is a grammar printed in 1813 in Vienna by Mihail G. Boiagi. It was titled Γραμματική Ρωμαϊκή ήτοι Μακεδονοβλαχική/Romanische oder Macedonowlachische Sprachlehre ("Romance or Macedono-Vlach Grammar").
The term Vlach is an exonym used since medieval times. Aromanians call themselves Rrãmãn or Armãn, depending on which of the two dialectal groups they belong, and identify as part of the Fara Armãneascã ("Aromanian tribe") or the Populu Armãnescu ("Aromanian people").[11] The endonym is rendered in English as Aromanian, in Romanian as Aromâni, in Greek as Armanoi (Αρμάνοι), in Albanian as Arumunët, in Bulgarian as Arumani (Арумъни), in Macedonian as Aromanci (Ароманци), in Serbo-Croatian as Armani and Aromuni.
The term "Vlach" was used in medieval Balkans as an exonym for all the Romance-speaking (Romanized) people of the region, as well as a general name for shepherds, but nowadays is commonly used for the Aromanians and Meglenites, Daco-Romanians[22] being named Vlachs only in Serbia, Bulgaria and North Macedonia. The term is noted in the following languages: Greek "Vlachoi" (Βλάχοι), Albanian "Vllehët", Bulgarian, Serbian and Macedonian "Vlasi" (Bласи), Turkish "Ulahlar", Hungarian[23] "Oláh". It is noteworthy that the term Vlach also meant "bandit" or "rebel" in Ottoman historiography, and that the term was also used as an exonym for mainly Orthodox Christians in Ottoman-ruled western Balkans (mainly denoting Serbs), as well as by the Venetians for the immigrant Slavophone population of the Dalmatian hinterland (also mainly denoting Serbs).
Groups
[edit]German academic Thede Kahl, expert on Aromanian studies, divides the Aromanians into two main groups, the "Rrãmãnji" and "Armãnji", which are further divided into sub-groups.[11]
Rrãmãnji
- Muzãchiars, from Muzachia situated in southwestern-central Albania.
- Fãrshãrots (or Fãrsherots), mostly concentrated in Epirus, from the Frashër (Aromanian Farshar) area in south-eastern Albania.
- Moscopolitans or Moscopoleans, from the city of Moscopole, once an important urban center of the Balkans, now a village in southeastern Albania.
Armãnji
- Pindeans, concentrated in and around the Pindus Mountains of Northern and Central Greece.
- Gramustians (or Gramosteans, gr. grammostianoi), from Gramos Mountains, an isolated area in south-eastern Albania, and north-west of Greece.
Nicknames
[edit]The Aromanian communities have several nicknames depending on the country where they are living.
- Gramustians and Pindians are nicknamed Koutsovlachs (Greek: Κουτσόβλαχοι). This term is sometimes taken as derogatory, as the first element of this term is from the Greek koutso- (κουτσό-) meaning "lame". Following a Turkish etymology where küçük means "little" they are the smaller group of Vlachs as opposed to the more numerous Vlachs (Daco-Romanians).
- Fãrsherots, from Frashër (Albania), Moscopole and Muzachia are nicknamed "Frasariotes" (Greek: Φρασαριώτες Βλάχοι) or Arvanitovlachs (Greek: Αρβανιτόβλαχοι), meaning "Albanian Vlachs" referring to their place of origin.[24]
In the South Slavic countries, such as Serbia, North Macedonia and Bulgaria, the nicknames used to refer to the Aromanians are usually Vlasi (South Slavic for Vlachs and Wallachians) and Tsintsari (also spelled Tzintzari, Cincari or similar), which is derived from the way the Aromanians pronounce the word meaning five, tsintsi. In Romania, the demonym Macedoni, Machedoni or Macedoromâni is also used. In Albania, the terms Vllah or Vlleh ("Vlach") and Çoban or Çobenj (from Turkish çoban, "shepherd") are used.[25]
Population
[edit]Settlements
[edit]
The Aromanian community in Albania is estimated up to 200,000 people, including those who no longer speak the language.[26] Tanner estimates that the community constitutes 2% of the population.[26] In Albania, Aromanian communities inhabit Moscopole, their most famous settlement, the Kolonjë District (where they are concentrated), a quarter of Fier (Aromanian Ferãcã), while Aromanian was taught, as recorded by Tom Winnifrith, at primary schools in Andon Poçi near Gjirokastër, Shkallë (Aromanian Scarã) near Sarandë, and Borovë near Korçë (Aromanian Curceau) (1987).[24]
A Romanian research team concluded in the 1960s that Albanian Aromanians migrated to Tirana, Stan Karbunarë, Skrapar, Pojan, Bilisht and Korçë, and that they inhabited Karaja, Lushnjë, Moscopole, Drenovë (Aromanian Dãrnova) and Boboshticë (Aromanian Bubushtitsa).[24]
Origins
[edit]

Language
[edit]The Aromanian language is related to the Vulgar Latin spoken in the Balkans during the Roman period.[27] It is hard to establish the history of the Vlachs in the Balkans, with a gap between the barbarian invasions and the first mentions of the Vlachs in the 11th and 12th centuries.[28] Byzantine chronicles are unhelpful, and only in the 13th, 14th and 15th centuries does the term Vlach become more frequent, although it proves problematic to distinguish sorts of Vlachs as it was used for various subjects, such as the empire of the Asen dynasty, Thessaly, and Romania across the Danube.[28] It has been assumed that Vlachs are descendants of Roman soldiers or Latinized original populations (Greeks, Illyrians, Thracians or Dacians), due to the historical Roman military presence in the territory inhabited by the community. According to David Binder, the Greek connection is the strongest.[27][29] Many Romanian scholars maintain that the Aromanians were part of a Daco-Romanian migration from the north of the Danube between the 6th[30] and 10th centuries, supporting the theory that the 'Great Romanian' population descend from the ancient Dacians and Romans.[31] Greek scholars view the Aromanians as descendants of Roman legionaries that married Greek women.[30] There is no evidence for either theory, and Winnifrith deems them improbable.[30] The little evidence that exists points that the Vlach (Aromanian) homeland was within the Latin sphere of influence in the Northern Balkans, north of the Jireček Line, which roughly demarcated the areas of influence of Latin and Greek.[20] With the Slavic breakthrough of the Danube frontier in the 7th century, Latin-speakers were pushed further southwards.[20] Based on linguistic considerations, Olga Tomic concludes that Aromanians moved from Thrace to their present locations after the Slavic invasion of Thrace, though before the Megleno-Romanians.[32]
Genetic studies
[edit]In 2006 Bosch et al. attempted to determine if the Aromanians are descendants of Latinised Dacians, Greeks, Illyrians, Thracians or a combination of these, but it was shown that they are genetically indistinguishable from the other Balkan populations. Linguistic and cultural differences between Balkan groups were deemed too weak to prevent gene flow among the groups.[33]
| Sample population | Sample size | R1b | R1a | I | E1b1b | E1b1a | J | G | N | T | L | Other (Y-DNA) |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Aromanians from Dukas, Albania[33] | 39 | 2.56% (1/39) | 2.56% (1/39) | 17.95% (7/39) | 17.95% (7/39) | 0.0 | 48.72% (19/39) | 10.26% (4/39) | 0.0 | 0.0 | 0.0 | |
| Aromanians from Andon Poçi, Albania[33] | 19 | 36.84% (7/19) | 0.0 | 42.11% (8/19) | 15.79% (3/19) | 0.0 | 5.26% (1/19) | 0.0 | 0.0 | 0.0 | 0.0 | |
| Aromanians from Kruševo, North Macedonia[33] | 43 | 27.91% (12/43) | 11.63% (5/43) | 20.93% (9/43) | 20.93% (9/43) | 0.0 | 11.63% (5/43) | 6.98% (3/43) | 0.0 | 0.0 | 0.0 | |
| Aromanians from Štip, North Macedonia[33] | 65 | 23.08% (15/65) | 21.54% (14/65) | 16.92% (11/65) | 18.46% (12/65) | 0.0 | 20.0% (13/65) | 0.0 | 0.0 | 0.0 | 0.0 | |
| Aromanians in Romania[33] | 42 | 23.81% (10/42) | 2.38% (1/42) | 19.05% (8/42) | 7.14% (3/42) | 0.0 | 33.33% (14/42) | 0.0 | — | — | — | – 14.29% (6/42) |
| Aromanians in Balkan Peninsula | 39+ 19+ 43+ 65+ 42= 208 |
21.63% (45/208) | 10.1% (21/208) | 20.67% (43/208) | 16.35% (34/208) | 0.0 | 25% (52/208) | 3.37% (7/208) | — | — | — | – 2.88% (6/208) |
Haplogroup R1b is the most common haplogroup among two or three of the five tested Aromanian populations, which is not shown as a leading mark of the Y-DNA locus in other regions or ethnic groups on the Balkan Peninsula. On the 16 Y-STR markers from the five Aromanian populations, Jim Cullen's predictor speculates that over half of the mean frequency of 22% R1b of the Aromanian populations is more likely to belong to the L11 branch.[33] L11 subclades form the majority of Haplogroup R1b in Italy and western Europe, while the eastern subclades of R1b are prevailing in populations of the eastern Balkans.[34]
History and self-identification
[edit]Middle Ages
[edit]
The Aromanians or Vlachs first appear in medieval Byzantine sources in the 11th century, in the Strategikon of Kekaumenos and Anna Komnene's Alexiad, in the area of Thessaly.[35] In the 12th century, the Jewish traveller Benjamin of Tudela records the existence of the district of "Vlachia" near Halmyros in eastern Thessaly, while the Byzantine historian Niketas Choniates places "Great Vlachia" near Meteora. Thessalian Vlachia was apparently also known as "Vlachia in Hellas".[36] Later medieval sources also speak of an "Upper Vlachia" in Epirus, and a "Little Vlachia" in Aetolia-Acarnania, but "Great Vlachia" is no longer mentioned after the late 13th century.[35]
Aromanians within the Balkan nationalisms of the 19th and 20th centuries
[edit]
A distinct Aromanian consciousness was not developed until the 19th century, and was influenced by the rise of other national movements in the Balkans.[37]
Until then, the Aromanians, as Eastern Orthodox Christians, were subsumed with other ethnic groups into the wider ethnoreligious group of the "Romans" (in Greek Rhomaioi, after the Eastern Roman or Byzantine Empire), which in Ottoman times formed the distinct Rum millet.[38] The Rum millet was headed by the Greek-dominated Patriarchate of Constantinople, and the Greek language was used as a lingua franca among Balkan Orthodox Christians throughout the 17th–19th centuries. As a result, wealthy, urbanized Aromanians were culturally Hellenized and played a major role in the dissemination of Greek language and culture; indeed, the first book written in Aromanian was written in the Greek alphabet and aimed at spreading Greek among Aromanian-speakers.[39]
By the early 19th century, however, the distinct Latin-derived nature of the Aromanian language began to be studied in a series of grammars and language booklets.[40] In 1815, the Aromanians of Budapest requested permission to use their language in liturgy, but it was turned down by the local metropolitan,[40] while representatives of the Transylvanian School, such as Petru Maior, Samuil Micu and Gheorghe Șincai, as well as the Romanian-language newspapers from Buda, Pest and Vienna, received funding from the important Aromanian–Greek banker Georgios Sinas.[41]
The establishment of a distinct Aromanian national consciousness, however, was hampered by the tendency of the Aromanian upper classes to be absorbed in the dominant surrounding ethnicities, and espouse their respective national causes as their own.[42] So much did they become identified with the host nations that Balkan national historiographies portray the Aromanians as the "best Albanians", "best Greeks" and "best Bulgarians", leading to researchers calling them the "chameleons of the Balkans".[43] Consequently, many Aromanians played a prominent role in the modern history of the Balkan nations: the revolutionary Pitu Guli, Greek Prime Minister Ioannis Kolettis, Greek magnate Georgios Averoff, Greek Defence Minister Evangelos Averoff, Serbian Prime Minister Vladan Đorđević, Patriarch Athenagoras I of Constantinople, Romanian metropolitan Andrei Şaguna etc.
Following the establishment of independent Romania and the autocephaly of the Romanian Orthodox Church in the 1860s, the Aromanians increasingly began to come under the influence of the Romanian national movement. Although vehemently opposed by the Greek church, the Romanians established an extensive state-sponsored cultural and educative network in the southern Balkans: the first Romanian school was established in 1864 by the Aromanian Dimitri Atanasescu, and by the early 20th century there were 100 Romanian churches and 106 schools with 4,000 pupils and 300 teachers.[44] As a result, Aromanians divided into two main factions, one pro-Greek, the other pro-Romanian, plus a smaller focusing exclusively on its Aromanian identity.[38]
With the support of the Great Powers, and especially Austria-Hungary, the "Aromanian-Romanian movement" culminated in the recognition of the Aromanians as a distinct millet (the Ullah millet) by the Ottoman Empire on 22 May 1905, with corresponding freedoms of worship and education in their own language.[45] Nevertheless, due to the advanced assimilation of the Aromanians, this came too late to lead to the creation of a distinct Aromanian national identity; indeed, as Gustav Weigand noted in 1897, most Aromanians were not only indifferent, but actively hostile to their own national movement.[46]
At the same time, the Greek–Romanian antagonism over Aromanian loyalties intensified with the armed Macedonian Struggle, leading to the rupture of diplomatic relations between the two countries in 1906. During the Macedonian Struggle, most Aromanians participated on the "patriarchist" (pro-Greek) side, but some sided with the "exarchists" (pro-Bulgarians).[45] However, following the Balkan Wars of 1912–13, Romanian interest waned, and when it revived in the 1920s it was designed more towards encouraging the Romanians' "Macedonian brothers" to emigrate to Southern Dobruja, where there were strong non-Romanian minorities.[46]
While Romanian activity declined, from World War I on and with its involvement in Albania, Italy made some efforts—not very successful—in converting pro-Romanian sympathies into pro-Italian ones.[46] In World War II, during the Axis occupation of Greece, Italy encouraged Aromanian nationalists to form an "Aromanian homeland", the so-called Principality of the Pindus. The project never gained much traction among the local population, however. On the contrary, many leading figures of the Greek Resistance against the Axis, like Andreas Tzimas, Stefanos Sarafis, and Alexandros Svolos, were Aromanians. The "principality" project collapsed with the Italian armistice in 1943.
Modern Aromanian identities
[edit]The date of the announcement of the Ottoman irade of 23 May 1905 has been adopted in recent times by Aromanians in Albania, Australia, Bulgaria and North Macedonia as the "Aromanian National Day" (Dzua Natsionalã a Armãnjilor), but notably not in Greece or among the Aromanians in the Greek diaspora.[47] In Romania, every 10 May, the Balkan Romanianness Day is celebrated instead for the same event. This observance is meant for the Aromanians but also for the Megleno-Romanians and the Istro-Romanians.[48]
In modern times, Aromanians generally have adopted the dominant national culture, often with a dual identity as both Aromanian and Greek/Albanian/Bulgarian/Macedonian/Serbian/etc.[49] Aromanians are also found outside the borders of Greece. There are many Aromanians in southern Albania and in towns all over the Balkans,[47] while Aromanians identifying as Romanians are still to be found in areas where Romanian schools were active.[49] There are also many Aromanians who identify themselves as solely Aromanian (even, as in the case of the "Cincars", when they no longer speak the language). Such groups are to be found in southwestern Albania, the eastern parts of North Macedonia, the Aromanians who immigrated to Romania in 1940, and in Greece in the Veria (Aromanian Veryia) and Grevena (Aromanian Grebini) areas and in Athens.[47]
Culture
[edit]Religion
[edit]
The Aromanians are predominantly Orthodox Christians, and follow the Eastern Orthodox liturgical calendar.[50]
Cuisine
[edit]
Aromanian cuisine is strongly influenced by Mediterranean and Middle Eastern cuisine.[51]
Music
[edit]Polyphonic music is common among the Aromanians, and follows a common set of rules.[52]
Literature
[edit]A literature in the Aromanian language exists.
Clothing
[edit]
In Aromanian rural areas, clothes differed from the dress of the city dwellers. The shape and the colour of a garment, the volume of the headgear, the shape of a jewel could indicate cultural affiliation and also could show the village people came from. Fustanella usage among Aromanians can be traced to at least the 15th century, with notable examples being seen in the Aromanian stećak of the Radimlja necropolis. Additionally Aromanians claim the fustanella as their ethnic costume.
Sports
[edit]There are some famous Aromanian sport personalities like tennis player Simona Halep and football player Gheorghe Hagi.[53] In Romania, they also have their own football team called Armãnamea, who have been representing them since 2008 in the European football tournament for minorities, Europeada.[54] There also exists the Cupa Armânamea, a futsal competition organized by Aromanians in Romania.[55]
Aromanians today
[edit]In Greece
[edit]

In Greece, Aromanians are not recognised as an ethnic but as a linguistic minority and, like the Arvanites, have been indistinguishable in many respects from other Greeks since the 19th century.[56][57] Although Greek Aromanians would differentiate themselves from native Greeks (Grets) when speaking in Aromanian, most still consider themselves part of the broader Greek nation (Elini, Hellenes), which also encompasses other linguistic minorities such as the Arvanites or the Slavic speakers of Greek Macedonia.[5] Greek Aromanians have long been associated with the Greek national state, actively participated in the Greek Struggle for Independence, and have obtained very important positions in government,[58] although there was an attempt to create an autonomous Aromanian canton under the protection of Italy at the end of World War I, called Principality of the Pindus. Aromanians have been very influential in Greek politics, business and the army. Revolutionaries Rigas Feraios and Giorgakis Olympios,[59] Prime Minister Ioannis Kolettis,[60] billionaires and benefactors Evangelos Zappas and Konstantinos Zappas, businessman and philanthropist George Averoff, Field Marshal and later Prime Minister Alexandros Papagos, and conservative politician Evangelos Averoff[61] were all either Aromanians or of partial Aromanian heritage. It is difficult to estimate the exact number of Aromanians in Greece today. The Treaty of Lausanne of 1923 estimated their number between 150,000 and 200,000, but the last two censuses to differentiate between Christian minority groups, in 1940 and 1951, showed 26,750 and 22,736 Vlachs respectively.[5] Estimates on the number of Aromanians in Greece range between 40,000[4] and 300,000. Kahl estimates the total number of people with Aromanian origin who still understand the language as no more than 300,000, with the number of fluent speakers under 100,000.[5]
The majority of the Aromanian population lives in northern and central Greece; Epirus, Macedonia and Thessaly. The main areas inhabited by these populations are the Pindus Mountains, around the mountains of Olympus and Vermion, and around the Prespa Lakes near the border with Albania and the Republic of North Macedonia. Some Aromanians can still be found in isolated rural settlements such as Samarina (Aromanian Samarina, Xamarina or San Marina), Perivoli (Aromanian Pirivoli) and Smixi (Aromanian Zmixi). There are also Aromanians (Vlachs) in towns and cities such as Ioannina (Aromanian Ianina, Enina or Enãna), Metsovo (Aromanian Aminciu), Veria (Aromanian Veryia) Katerini, Trikala (Aromanian Trikolj), Grevena (Aromanian Grebini) and Thessaloniki (Aromanian Sãruna)
Generally, the use of the minority languages has been discouraged in Greece,[62] although recently there have been efforts to preserve the endangered languages (including Aromanian) of Greece.
Since 1994, the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki offers beginner and advanced courses in "Koutsovlach", and cultural festivals with over 40,000 participants—the largest Aromanian cultural gatherings in the world—regularly take place in Metsovo.[63] Nevertheless, there are no exclusively Aromanian newspapers, and the Aromanian language is almost totally absent from television.[63] Indeed, although as of 2002 there were over 200 Vlach cultural associations in Greece, many did not even feature the term "Vlach" in their titles, and only a few are active in preserving the Aromanian language.[63]
In 1997, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe passed Recommendation 1333 (1997) encouraging the Balkan states to take steps to rectify the "critical situation" of Aromanian culture and language.[64] This was after pressure from the Union for Aromanian Language and Culture in Germany.[65] In response, the then President of Greece, Konstantinos Stefanopoulos, publicly urged Greek Aromanians to teach the language to their children.
In 2001, 31 Aromanian mayors and heads of villages signed a protest resolution against the U.S. State Department report on the human rights situation in Greece. They complained "against the direct or indirect characterisation of the Vlach-speaking Greeks as an ethnic, linguistic or other minority, stating that the Vlach-speaking Greeks never requested to be recognised by the Greek state as a minority, stressing that historically and culturally they were and still are an integral part of Hellenism, they would be bilingual and Aromanian would be secondary".[66]
Furthermore, the largest Aromanian group in Greece (and across the world), the Panhellenic Federation of Cultural Associations of Vlachs in Greece,[63] has repeatedly rejected the classification of Aromanian as a minority language or the Vlachs as a distinct ethnic group separate from the Greeks, considering the Aromanians as an "integral part of Hellenism".[67][68][69] The Aromanian (Vlach) Cultural Society, which is associated with Sotiris Bletsas, is represented on the Member State Committee of the European Bureau for Lesser Spoken Languages in Greece.[70]
In Albania
[edit]
The exact presence of the Aromanian community in Albania is unknown. They are mostly concentrated in parts of southern and western Albania. 8,266 people declared themselves to be Aromanians in the 2011 census.[71] On the quality of the specific data the Advisory Committee on the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities stated that "the results of the census should be viewed with the utmost caution and calls on the authorities not to rely exclusively on the data on nationality collected during the census in determining its policy on the protection of national minorities.".[72] According to Tom Winnifrith in 1995, that there were about 200,000 individuals who were of Aromanian descent in Albania, regardless of proficiency in Aromanian, or spoke Aromanian without necessarily considering themselves to have a separate identity.[26][73] According to Frank Kressing and Karl Kaser in 2002, there were between 30,000 and 50,000 Aromanians in Albania.[74] Tanner (2004) pointed out Albania as the only country where Aromanians make a relatively significant percentage of population, around 2%.[26]
For the last years there seems to be a renewal of the former policies of supporting and sponsoring of Romanian schools for Aromanians of Albania. As a recent article in the Romanian media points out, the kindergarten, primary and secondary schools in the Albanian town of Divjakë where the local Albanian Aromanians pupils are taught classes both in Aromanian and Romanian were granted substantial help directly from the Romanian government. One of the only churches serving the Aromanian minority in Albania is the St. Sotir Church (Ayiu Sutir) of Korçë, which was given 2 billion lei help from the Romanian government. They also have a political party named Party of the Vlachs of Albania (PVSH), which is the only in the world along with two in North Macedonia, and two social organisations named Shoqata Arumunët/Vllehtë e Shqiperisë (The Society of the Aromanians/Vlachs of Albania) and Unioni Kombëtar Arumun Shqiptar (The Aromanian Albanian National Union). Many of the Albanian Aromanians (Arvanito Vlachs) have immigrated to Greece, since they are considered in Greece part of the Greek minority in Albania.[75] There are attempts to establish education in their native language in the town of Divjakë.[76]
Notable Aromanians whose family background hailed from today's Albania include Bishop Andrei Şaguna, and Father Haralambie Balamaci, whereas notable Albanians with an Aromanian family background are actors Aleksandër (Sandër) Prosi, Margarita Xhepa, Albert Vërria, and Prokop Mima, as well as composer Nikolla Zoraqi[77] and singers Eli Fara and Parashqevi Simaku.
On 13 October 2017, Aromanians received the official status of ethnic minority, through voting of a bill by Albanian Parliament.
In North Macedonia
[edit]

According to official government figures (census 2002), there are 9,695 Aromanians or Vlachs, as they are officially called in North Macedonia. According to the census of 1953 there were 8,669 Vlachs, 6,392 in 1981 and 8,467 in 1994.[78] Aromanians are recognized as an ethnic minority, and are hence represented in Parliament and enjoy ethnic, cultural, linguistic and religious rights and the right to education in their language.
There are Aromanian cultural societies and associations such as the Union for Aromanian Culture from North Macedonia, The Aromanian League of North Macedonia, The International League of Aromanians and Comuna Armãneascã "Frats Manachi", (The Aromanian Community Manaki Brothers) in Bitola (Aromanian Bituli or Bitule). There also are two political parties representing the Aromanian minority of the country. These are the Democratic Union of the Vlachs of Macedonia (DSVM; Unia Democratã a Armãnjlor dit Machidunii, UDAM) and the Party of the Vlachs of Macedonia (PVM; Partia Armãnjilor ditu Machidunie, PAM). They are the only Aromanian parties in the world along with the PVSH in Albania.
Many forms of Aromanian-language media have been established since the 1990s. North Macedonia's Government provides financial assistance to Aromanian-language newspapers and radio stations. Aromanian-language newspapers such as Phoenix (Aromanian: Fenix) service the Aromanian community. The Aromanian television program Spark (Aromanian: Scanteao; Macedonian Искра (Iskra)) broadcasts on the second channel of the Macedonian Radio-Television.
There are Aromanian classes provided in primary schools and the state funds some Aromanian published works (magazines and books) as well as works that cover Aromanian culture, language and history. The latter is mostly done by the first Aromanian Scientific Society, "Constantin Belemace" in Skopje (Aromanian Scopia), which has organized symposiums on Aromanian history and has published papers from them. According to the last census, there were 9,596 Aromanians (0.48% of the total population). There are concentrations in Kruševo (Aromanian Crushuva) 1,020 (20%), Štip (Aromanian Shtip) 2,074 (4.3%), Bitola 1,270 (1.3%), Struga 656 (1%), Sveti Nikole (Aromanian San Nicole) 238 (1.4%), Kisela Voda 647 (1.1%) and Skopje 2,557 (0.5%).[7]
In Romania
[edit]Since the Middle Ages, due to the Turkish occupation and the destruction of their cities, such as Moscopole, Gramos, Linotopi (which never recovered) and later on Kruševo, many Aromanians fled their native homelands in the Balkans to settle the Romanian principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia, which had a similar language and a certain degree of autonomy from the Turks. These immigrant Aromanians were assimilated into the Romanian population.
In 1925, 47 years after Dobruja was incorporated into Romania, King Ferdinand gave the Aromanians land and privileges to settle in this region, which resulted in a significant migration of Aromanians into Romania. Today, 25% of the population of the region are descendants of Aromanian immigrants.[citation needed]
There are currently between 50,000 and 100,000 Aromanians in Romania, most of which are concentrated in Dobruja.[citation needed] According to some Aromanian cultural organizations in Romania, there are some 100,000 Aromanians in Romania, and they are often called macedoni ("Macedonians").[citation needed] Some Aromanian associations even place the total number of people of Aromanian descent in Romania as high as 250,000.[citation needed]
Recently,[when?] there has been a growing movement in Romania, both by Aromanians and by Romanian lawmakers, to recognize the Aromanians either as a separate cultural group or as a separate ethnic group, and extend to them the rights of other minorities in Romania, such as mother-tongue education and representatives in parliament.[citation needed]
In Romania exists the Macedo-Romanian Cultural Society.
In Bulgaria
[edit]Most of the Aromanians in the Sofia region are descendants of emigrants from the region of Macedonia and northern Greece who arrived between 1850 and 1914.[79]
In Bulgaria, most Aromanians were concentrated in the region south-west of Sofia, in the region called Pirin, formerly part of the Ottoman Empire until 1913. Due to this reason, a large number of these Aromanians moved to Southern Dobruja, part of the Kingdom of Romania after the Treaty of Bucharest of 1913. After the reinclusion of Southern Dobruja in Bulgaria with the Treaty of Craiova of 1940, most were moved to Northern Dobruja in a population exchange. Another group moved to northern Greece. Nowadays, the largest group of Aromanians in Bulgaria is found in the southern mountainous area, around Peshtera. Most Aromanians in Bulgaria originate from the Gramos Mountains, with some from North Macedonia, the Pindus Mountains in Greece and Moscopole in Albania.[80]
After the fall of communism in 1989, Aromanians and Romanians (known as "Vlachs" in Bulgaria) have started initiatives to organize themselves under one common association.[81][82][83]
According to the 1926 official census, there were 69,080 Romanians, 5,324 Aromanians, 3,777 Cutzovlachs, and 1,551 Tsintsars.[citation needed]
In Serbia
[edit]The Aromanians, known as Cincari (Цинцари), migrated to Serbia in the 18th and early 19th centuries. They most often were bilingual in Greek, and were often called "Greeks" (Grci). They were influential in the forming of Serbian statehood, having contributed with rebel fighters, merchants and intellectuals. Many Greek Aromanians (Грко Цинцари) came to Serbia with Alija Gušanac as krdžalije (mercenaries) and later joined the Serbian Revolution (1804–1817). Some of the notable rebels include Konda Bimbaša and Papazogli.[84] Among the notable people of Aromanian descent are playwright Jovan Sterija Popović (1806–1856), novelist Branislav Nušić (1864–1938), and politician Vladan Đorđević (1844–1930).
The majority of Serbian people of Aromanian descent do not speak Aromanian and espouse a Serb identity. They live in Niš, Belgrade and some smaller communities in Southern Serbia, such as Knjaževac. The Lunjina Serbian–Aromanian Association was founded in Belgrade in 1991. According to the 2022 census, there were 327 Serbian citizens that identified as ethnic Cincari.[10] However, unofficial estimates number the Aromanian population of Serbia at 5,000[85]–15,000.[86]
Diaspora
[edit]Aside from the Balkan countries, there are also communities of Aromanian emigrants living in Canada, the United States, France and Germany. Although the largest diaspora community is in select major Canadian cities, Freiburg, Germany has one of the most important Aromanian organisations, the Union for Aromanian Language and Culture. In the United States, the Society Farsharotu is the oldest and most well-known association of Aromanians, founded in 1903 by Nicolae Cican, an Aromanian native of Albania. In France, the Aromanians are grouped in the Trâ Armânami Association of French Aromanians.[87]
Notable people
[edit]This section may be too long and excessively detailed. (December 2020) |




The following is a list of notable people of full or partial Aromanian descent. Note that these claims are in many cases disputed or shared with ancestry from other ethnicities.
Art and literature
[edit]- Alexandru Arsinel—comedian and actor
- Constantin Belimace—poet
- Ion Luca Caragiale—playwright, short story writer, poet, theater manager, political commentator and journalist
- Toma Caragiu—theatre, television and film actor
- Elena Gheorghe—singer
- Jovan Četirević Grabovan—icon painter
- Stere Gulea—film director and screenwriter
- Dimitrios Lalas—composer and musician
- Taško Načić—actor
- Sergiu Nicolaescu—film director, actor and politician
- Constantin Noica—philosopher, essayist and poet
- Branislav Nušić—playwright, satirist, essayist, novelist
- Ștefan Octavian Iosif—poet and translator
- Dan Piţa—film director and screenwriter
- Aurel Plasari—writer
- Jovan Sterija Popović—playwright, poet, lawyer, philosopher and pedagogue
- Florica Prevenda—painter
- Toše Proeski—singer
- Sandër Prosi—actor
- Camil Ressu—painter and academic
- Konstantinos Tzechanis—philosopher, mathematician and poet
- Nuși Tulliu—poet and prose writer
- Albert Vërria—actor
- Lika Yanko—painter
- Jovan Jovanović Zmaj—poet[88]
- Manaki brothers—film makers
Law, philanthropy and commerce
[edit]- George Averoff—businessman and philanthropist
- Gigi Becali—businessman and politician
- Emanoil Gojdu—lawyer
- Petar Ičko—merchant
- Mocioni family—barons, philanthropists and bankers
- Theodoros Modis—lumber merchant and scholar
- Sterjo Nakov—businessman
- Simon Sinas—banker, aristocrat, benefactor and diplomat
- Georgios Sinas—entrepreneur, banker and national benefactor
- Michael Tositsas—benefactor
- Evangelis Zappas—philanthropist and businessman
- Konstantinos Zappas—entrepreneur and national benefactor
- Toma Fila—lawyer and politician
Military
[edit]- Pitu Guli—revolutionary
- Christodoulos Hatzipetros—military leader
- Anastasios Manakis—revolutionary
- Giorgakis Olympios—military commander
- Alexandros Papagos—army officer[89]
- Anastasios Pichion—educator and fighter
- Stefanos Sarafis—army officer
- Konstantinos Smolenskis—army officer
- Leonidas Smolents—army officer
- Mitre the Vlach—revolutionary
Politics
[edit]- Apostol Arsache—politician and philanthropist
- Evangelos Averoff—politician and writer
- Nicolae Constantin Batzaria—politician, activist and writer
- Marko Bello—politician, diplomat and lecturer
- Yannis Boutaris—politician and businessman
- Llazar Bozo—politician, militant and benefactor
- Costică Canacheu—politician and businessman
- Ion Caramitru—politician and actor
- Alcibiades Diamandi—politician
- Michael Dukakis—former Governor of Massachusetts and candidate in the 1988 United States presidential election
- Vladan Đorđević—Serbian physician and politician[90]
- Rigas Feraios—writer, political thinker and revolutionary
- Taki Fiti—politician
- Ioannis Kolettis—politician
- Helena Angelina Komnene
- Spyridon Lambros—politician and professor
- Apostol Mărgărit—writer
- Nicolaos Matussis—politician
- Filip Mișea—politician, Young Turks member, and physicist
- Georgios Modis—jurist, politician and writer
- Alexandros Papagos—politician and army officer
- Alexandros Svolos—politician
- Andreas Tzimas—politician
- Petros Zappas—entrepreneur and politician
Religion
[edit]- Cyril of Bulgaria—patriarch
- Joachim III of Constantinople—ecumenical patriarch
- Theodore Kavalliotis—priest and teacher
- Andrei Șaguna—metropolitan bishop
- Nektarios Terpos—scholar and monk
Sciences, academia and engineering
[edit]- Sotiris Bletsas
- Elie Carafoli
- Ioannis Chalkeus
- Sterie Diamandi
- Neagu Djuvara
- Jovan Karamata
- Mina Minovici
- Theodore Modis
- Yorgo Modis
- Daniel Moscopolites
- George Murnu
- Pericle Papahagi
- Nicolae Malaxa
Sports
[edit]- Stefan Colakovski—football player
- Gheorghe Hagi—football coach and former player
- Ianis Hagi—football player
- Simona Halep—tennis player
- Cristian Gaţu—handball player
- Rafail Dishnica Gërnjoti—boxer
- Theodhor Gërnjoti—boxer
- Dominique Moceanu—gymnast
Gallery
[edit]See also
[edit]References
[edit]- ^ Minahan, James B. (2016). Encyclopedia of stateless nations: ethnic and national groups around the world (2nd ed.). ABC-CLIO. p. 38. ISBN 9781610699549.
- ^ Ene, Maria Camelia (2016). "Paftaua, tipuri de decorații și simboluri. Accesorii din patrimoniul Muzeului Municipiului București" (PDF). Materiale de Istorie și Muzeografie (in Romanian). 30. Bucharest: Bucharest Municipality Museum: 136.
- ^ Puig, Lluis Maria de (17 January 1997). "Report: Aromanians". Council of Europe Parliamentary Assembly. Doc. 7728.
- ^ a b According to INTEREG – quoted by Eurominority Archived 3 July 2006 at the Wayback Machine: Aromanians in Greece Archived 19 May 2005 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ a b c d Kahl 2002, p. 153.
- ^ Gatej, Iuliana (8 December 2006). "Aromânii vor statut minoritar". Cotidianul (in Romanian). Archived from the original on 9 March 2012.
- ^ a b "Попис на населението, домаќинствата и становите во Република Северна Македонија, 2021 – прв сет на податоци" (PDF). p. 8. Retrieved 2 July 2022.
- ^ "Population and Housing Census 2023" (PDF). Instituti i Statistikës (INSTAT).
- ^ Constantin, Marin (2014). "The ethno-cultural belongingness of Aromanians, Vlachs, Catholics, and Lipovans/Old Believers in Romania and Bulgaria (1990–2012)" (PDF). Revista Română de Sociologie. 25 (3–4): 255–285.
- ^ a b "Становништво према националној припадности" (in Serbian). Statistical Office of the Republic of Serbia. Retrieved 9 May 2023.
- ^ a b c Kahl 2002, p. 145.
- ^ Across the Danube: Southeastern Europeans and Their Travelling Identities (17th–19th C.). Brill. 2016. p. 30. ISBN 978-90-04-33544-8.
The Aromanians (Vlachs) are a Latin-speaking ethnic group native to the southern Balkans.
- ^ Benevedes, Eli; Lally, Owen; Li, Hung-En; Perlee, Abigail; Piombino, Eileen (2021). Investigating the Impacts of Earthquakes on Ethnic and Religious Groups: Bucharest, Romania (PDF) (Thesis). Worcester Polytechnic Institute. pp. 1–63.
- ^ Tudorancea, Radu (2007). "An analysis of the Macedo-Romanian issue within the Romanian–Greek relations during the first decade of the twentieth century (1900–1926)" (PDF). Euro-Atlantic Studies (11): 91–97.
- ^ Vrabie, Emil (1993). "Aromanian etymologies". General Linguistics. 33 (4): 212–219. ProQuest 1301510711.
- ^ Țîrcomnicu, Emil (2009). "Some topics of the traditional wedding customs of the Macedo–Romanians (Aromanians and Megleno–Romanians)". Romanian Journal of Population Studies. 3 (3): 141–152.
- ^ "Vlach – European ethnic group". Britannica.com. Retrieved 9 January 2018.
- ^ "Romanian language". Archived from the original on 20 March 2006. Retrieved 16 May 2006.
- ^ Isac, Daniela (2024). Definiteness in Balkan Romance. Oxford Studies in Theoretical Linguistics. Oxford University Press. p. 1. ISBN 9780198865704.
The term 'Balkan Romance' is used to designate a group of languages including Romanian, Aromanian, Istro-Romanian and Megleno-Romanian.1 Even though the exact historical links between these languages are still unclear (...), it is commonly accepted that they have a common ancestor and hence form a coherent family. 1 Alternative names for Balkan Romance are Daco-Romance and Eastern Romance.
- ^ a b c Winnifrith 2002, p. 115.
- ^ James Minahan (2002). Encyclopedia of the Stateless Nations: A–C. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 175. ISBN 978-0-313-32109-2. Retrieved 18 April 2012.
Aromanian shares many common features with Bulgarian, Greek, and Albanian, but the lexical composition, though rich in Greek, Slavic, and Turkish borrowings, remains basically of the Romance type.
- ^ "What does Daco-Romanian mean?". www.definitions.net.
- ^ "Magyar Néprajzi Lexikon /". Mek.niif.hu. Retrieved 9 January 2018.
- ^ a b c Winnifrith 1987, p. 35.
- ^ Tanner 2004, pp. 203–.
- ^ a b c d Tanner 2004, p. 209.
- ^ a b Tanner 2004, p. 210.
- ^ a b Winnifrith 1987, p. 39.
- ^ Binder, David (2004). "Vlachs, A Peaceful Balkan People". Mediterranean Quarterly. 15 (4): 115–116. doi:10.1215/10474552-15-4-115. ISSN 1527-1935. S2CID 154461762.
The Roman Empire gradually expanded in what is now called the Balkan Peninsula from 146 BC, with the first colonies around Preveza in the Epirus region of Greece, to about 550 AD. Vlachs are sometimes assumed to be the Romanized descendants of autochthonous ethnic groups, the Illyrians, Thracians, Dacians and Greeks, though the Greek connection is undoubtedly the strongest.
- ^ a b c Winnifrith 2002, p. 114.
- ^ Tanner 2004, p. 205.
- ^ Tomic, O.M. (2006). Balkan Sprachbund Morpho-Syntactic Features. Springer. p. 39.
- ^ a b c d e f g h Bosch, E.; Calafell, F.; González-Neira, A.; Flaiz, C; Mateu, E; Scheil, HG; Huckenbeck, W; Efremovska, L; et al. (2006). "Paternal and maternal lineages in the Balkans show a homogeneous landscape over linguistic barriers, except for the isolated Aromuns". Annals of Human Genetics. 70 (Pt 4): 459–87. doi:10.1111/j.1469-1809.2005.00251.x. PMID 16759179. S2CID 23156886.
- ^ Myres, Natalie M. (2010). "A major Y-chromosome haplogroup R1b Holocene era founder effect in Central and Western Europe". European Journal of Human Genetics. 19 (1): 95–101. doi:10.1038/ejhg.2010.146. PMC 3039512. PMID 20736979.
- ^ a b ODB, "Vlachs" (A. Kazhdan), pp. 2183–2184.
- ^ ODB, "Vlachia" (A. Kazhdan), p. 2183.
- ^ "BJUNIORNEWBLOG: THE AROMANIAN REBIRTH". 11 September 2019.
- ^ a b Kahl 2002, p. 146.
- ^ Kahl 2002, pp. 146–147.
- ^ a b Kahl 2002, p. 147.
- ^ Berényi, Maria (20 November 2020). "Macedoromânul Gheorghe Simeon Sina". e-Bibliotheca septentrionalis (in Romanian).
- ^ Kahl 2002, pp. 149–150.
- ^ Kahl 2002, p. 150.
- ^ Kahl 2002, pp. 147–148.
- ^ a b Kahl 2002, p. 148.
- ^ a b c Kahl 2002, p. 149.
- ^ a b c Kahl 2002, p. 151.
- ^ Vușcan, Cătălin (13 May 2021). "Ziua Românității Balcanice a fost adoptată de Camera Deputaților. Frații noștri din sud vor fi sărbătoriți, anual, pe 10 mai. Bust la Corcea, Albania, pentru Părintele-martir Haralambie Balamace, ucis de greci cu baionetele pentru că a slujit în română". ActiveNews (in Romanian).
- ^ a b Kahl 2002, p. 152.
- ^ Kahl 2003.
- ^ Dărăbuș, Carmen (2013). "L'alimentazione come sistema alluvionale nella cultura degli aromeni" (PDF). Acta Iassyensia Comparationis (in Italian). 11 (1): 85–90.
- ^ Kahl, Thede (2008). "Multipart singing among the Aromanians (Vlachs)". In Ahmedaja, Ardian; Haid, Gerlinde (eds.). European Voices I: Multipart singing in the Balkans and the Mediterranean. Böhlau Verlag. pp. 267–280. ISBN 9783205780908.
- ^ Ghering, Silviu (23 May 2020). "23 mai este ziua Simonei Halep și a lui Gică Hagi. Și a tuturor aromânilor din lume. Ce machedoni mai avem în sportul românesc". Fanatik.ro (in Romanian).
- ^ "Armânamea". Europeada.
- ^ Bocai, Marian (17 December 2013). "Hagi, Simona Halep şi Eliza Samara, invitaţi la finalele "Cupei Armânamea" (galerie foto)". Ziua de Constanţa (in Romanian).
- ^ Elisabeth Kontogiorgi, Population exchange in Greek Macedonia the rural settlement of refugees 1922–1930, p. 22
- ^ Viktor Meier (1999). Yugoslavia: A History of Its Demise. Routledge. p. 184. ISBN 978-0-415-18596-7.
The problem of the linguistic minorities in Greece is a complex one ... They both consider themselves Greeks
- ^ John S. Koliopoulos, Plundered loyalties Axis occupation in Greek West Macedonia 1941–1949, pages 81–85
- ^ Leontis, Artemis (2009). Culture and customs of Greece. Greenwood Press. p. 13. ISBN 9780313342967.
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- ^ Brown, James F. (2001). The grooves of change: Eastern Europe at the turn of the millennium. Duke University Press. p. 261. ISBN 9780822326526.
- ^ Greek Monitor of Human and Minority Rights vol I. No 3 December 1995
- ^ a b c d Kahl 2002, p. 155.
- ^ "Recommendation 1333 (1997) on the Aromanian culture and language". 1997. Archived from the original on 18 November 2002. Retrieved 21 February 2015.
- ^ Baicu, Cornel (29 August 2003). ""Rumänien ist für uns eine zweite Heimat"" (in German). Deutsche Welle.
- ^ Kahl 2003, p. 217.
- ^ Έκδοση ψηφίσματος διαμαρτυρίας κατά του Στέτ Ντιπαρτμεντ (in Greek). 28 February 2001. Archived from the original on 15 September 2004. Retrieved 21 February 2015.
- ^ Έκδοση Δελτίου Τύπου για την διοργάνωση του Συνεδρίου του Ελληνικού παραρτήματος της μη κυβερνητικής οργάνωσης του Ε.Β.L.U.L., στη Θεσσαλονίκη (in Greek). 14 November 2002. Archived from the original on 10 September 2004. Retrieved 21 February 2015.
- ^ Έκδοση ψηφίσματος διαμαρτυρίας κατά της έκθεσης της Αμερικανικής οργάνωσης Freedom House (in Greek). 18 August 2003. Archived from the original on 15 September 2004. Retrieved 21 February 2015.
- ^ "Learn a Foreign Language". eblul.org. 29 March 2023.[dead link]
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- ^ Schwandner-Sievers, Stephanie (March 1999). "The Albanian Aromanians' Awakening: Identity Politics and Conflicts in Post-Communist Albania". www.ecmi.de. European Centre for Minority Issues. pp. 1–2. Archived from the original on 26 January 2020. Retrieved 17 August 2021.
Winnifrith increased these figures after repeated travels through Southern Albania. In his most recent estimate of 200,000 he includes all those who think of themselves as Vlachs / Aromanians in terms of descent with or without knowledge of the language as well as those who speak the language but do not refer to a distinct identity.
- ^ Kressing, Frank; Kaser, Karl (2002). Albania—a Country in Transition: Aspects of Changing Identities in a South-East European Country. Nomos. p. 12.
between 5,000 and 15,000 Macedonians and Montenegrins in the north and east; between 30,000 and 50,000 Vlahs or Aromanians
- ^ Stephanie Schwandner-Sievers. The Albanian Aromanians´ Awakening: Identity Politics and Conflicts in Post-Communist Albania Archived 18 February 2015 at the Wayback Machine, p. 12-13.
- ^ "Aromanians in Albania" (PDF). Ecmi.de. Archived from the original (PDF) on 18 February 2015. Retrieved 9 August 2014.
- ^ Çollaku, Robert (July–August 2011). Gusho, Jani (ed.). "Frația (Vëllazëria)". Calendaru 2011. Arumunët e Shqipërisë. p. 2.
- ^ The Vlachs of Macedonia Archived 27 October 2010 at the Wayback Machine, Tom J. Winnifrith.
- ^ Conseil de l'Europe. Assemblée parlementaire. Session ordinaire (1997). Documents de séance. Council of Europe. p. xxi. ISBN 978-92-871-3239-0.
- ^ Армъните в България ("The Aromanians in Bulgaria") (in Bulgarian). Архитектурно-етнографски комплекс "Етър" – Габрово. Archived from the original on 30 January 2009. Retrieved 15 January 2009.
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- ^ "Lumea Magazin". 5 September 2005. Archived from the original on 5 September 2005.
- ^ "Romanian Global News – singura agentie de presa a romanilor de pretutindeni". 7 October 2007. Archived from the original on 7 October 2007. Retrieved 9 January 2018.
- ^ Mitološki zbornik. Vol. 7–8. Centar za mitološki studije Srbije. 2002. p. 35.
Многи Грко-Цинцари су дошли у Србију са Гушанцем као крхалије, па су касније пришли устаницима. У ову групу спадају Конда и Папазоглија. У Гушанчевој војсци Конда је био буљубаша, све до 1806. године, када су устаници ...
- ^ Jokić Stamenković, Dragana (30 January 2017). "Цинцари – крвоток Балкана". Politika (in Serbian).
- ^ Ružica, Miroslav (2006). "The Balkan Vlachs/Aromanians awakening, national policies, assimilation". Proceedings of the Globalization, Nationalism and Ethnic Conflicts in the Balkans and Its Regional Context: 28–30. S2CID 52448884.
- ^ Kahl 2002, p. 163.
- ^ Aleksov, Bojan (23 January 2013). Jovan Jovanović Zmaj and the Serbian identity between poetry and history. CEUP collection. Central European University Press. pp. 273–305. ISBN 9786155211669.
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- Schwandner-Sievers, Stephanie (1999), The Albanian Aromanians' awakening: identity politics and conflicts in post-communist Albania, Flensburg: European Centre for Minority Issues
- Tanner, Arno (2004). "The Vlachs – A contested identity". The Forgotten Minorities of Eastern Europe: The History and Today of Selected Ethnic Groups in Five Countries. East-West Books. pp. 203–. ISBN 978-952-91-6808-8.
- Țîrcomnicu, Emil (2009). "Some Topics of the Traditional Wedding Customs of the Macedo–Romanians (Aromanians and Megleno–Romanians)". Romanian Journal of Population Studies Supplement. 3 (Supplement): 141–152.
- Winnifrith, Tom (1995). Shattered Eagles, Balkan Fragments. Duckworth. ISBN 978-0-7156-2635-1.
- Winnifrith, Tom (1987). The Vlachs: the history of a Balkan people. Duckworth. ISBN 978-0-7156-2135-6.
- Winnifrith, Tom (2002). "Vlachs". In Clogg, Richard (ed.). Minorities in Greece: Aspects of a Plural Society. C. Hurst & Co. Publishers. pp. 112–121. ISBN 978-1-85065-705-7.
Further reading
[edit]- "Report: The Vlachs". Greek Monitor of Human & Minority Rights. 1 (3). December 1995 [May–June 1994]. Archived from the original on 16 January 2015. Retrieved 27 May 2013.
- Gica, Alexandru (2009–2011). "The recent history of the Aromanians in Southeast Europe" (PDF). The Newsletter of the Society Farsharotu. 24–25 (1–2): 1–22.
External links
[edit]
Media related to Aromanians at Wikimedia Commons
Aromanians
View on GrokipediaThe Aromanians, self-designated as Armãnji, constitute a distinct ethnic group indigenous to the southern Balkan Peninsula, speaking Aromanian, an Eastern Romance language that evolved from Latin through the Romanization of pre-existing Balkan populations.[1][2] Primarily inhabiting mountainous areas conducive to their traditional transhumant pastoralism, they are distributed across Greece, Albania, North Macedonia, Bulgaria, Serbia, and diaspora communities in Romania and beyond.[1] Their historical migrations, notably southward around the 12th century, trace back to intermixtures of Thracian tribes with Roman settlers, preserving Latin linguistic continuity south of the Danube amid Slavic and Hellenic expansions.[1] Traditionally shepherds and traders who facilitated overland commerce in the Ottoman era, Aromanians developed urban centers like Moscopole, a 18th-century cultural hub destroyed during regional conflicts, underscoring their role in Balkan economic networks.[1] In modern times, assimilation pressures—particularly in Greece, where post-1970s nationalist policies prioritized monolingualism—have endangered the Aromanian language, with few fluent speakers under 40 in strongholds like Metsovo, leading to shifting identities toward dominant national groups.[3] Population estimates remain imprecise due to underreporting and integration; while censuses record thousands (e.g., 9,208 in North Macedonia in 2021, 2,459 in Albania in 2023), broader linguistic community figures suggest hundreds of thousands, reflecting causal factors like urbanization, intermarriage, and state non-recognition of minority status.[1] Debates persist on their precise ethnogenesis and relation to northern Romanians, with some viewing Aromanian as a dialect continuum and others as a separate branch, informed by archaic linguistic features and substrate influences from Albanian and Greek.[2][4]
Etymology and Classification
Ethnonyms and Exonyms
The Aromanians' primary self-designation is Armân (singular) or Armâni/Armãnji (plural), etymologically linked to the Latin Romanus, reflecting their perceived descent from Romanized populations.[5] An alternative endonym is Rrâmân or Rrãmãnji, similarly derived from Romanus, used interchangeably in various dialects and contexts to assert ethnic continuity with ancient Roman inhabitants of the Balkans.[6] In some regional variants, particularly among those in areas historically tied to Macedonian geography, the term Makedon or Makidonji appears as a supplementary self-identifier, though less universally adopted.[5] Exonyms for Aromanians originated from neighboring linguistic groups and often carried connotations of pastoralism or foreignness, stemming from their traditional transhumant lifestyle as shepherds. The term Vlach or Vlasi, of uncertain Germanic or Slavic roots possibly meaning "foreigner" or "wanderer," served as a broad medieval exonym across Slavic languages for all Romance-speaking Balkan populations, including Aromanians, but persisted into modern usage specifically for southern groups distinct from Daco-Romanians.[7] In Greek-speaking contexts, variants like Koutsovlachos (meaning "lame Vlach" or "crooked shepherd," implying nomadic irregularity) or simply Vlachos denote Aromanians, with the prefix Koutso- reflecting phonetic adaptations of their speech.[7] Albanian exonyms include Çoban, translating to "shepherd," highlighting occupational stereotypes rather than ethnic specificity.[7] Among South Slavic speakers, Tsintsar or Cincar emerged as a pejorative exonym, purportedly derived from the Aromanian word for "five" (tsintsi), mimicking perceived linguistic traits, and was commonly applied in Serbian, Bulgarian, and Macedonian contexts during the Ottoman era.[7] Turkish designations such as Karagouni (black wool, referencing clothing or trade) further emphasized economic roles over ethnic identity.[7] These exonyms, while widespread in historical records from the 14th to 19th centuries, often lacked the self-referential Romanic emphasis of endonyms, leading to debates over whether they accurately capture Aromanian self-perception or impose external categorizations. Modern scholarship notes that Aromanian itself functions as a semi-exonymic term in international discourse, adapted from the endonym Aromân but standardized in the 19th century through philological studies.[6]Linguistic Affiliation
The Aromanian language, designated by ISO 639-3 code rup, belongs to the Eastern Romance subgroup of the Romance languages within the Indo-European family.[8] This classification positions it alongside Daco-Romanian (the basis of standard Romanian), Megleno-Romanian, and Istro-Romanian, all deriving from Vulgar Latin varieties spoken in the Roman Balkans.[9] Unlike Western Romance languages such as Italian or French, Eastern Romance languages exhibit shared innovations, including the postposition of the definite article (derived from Latin ille) and specific phonological shifts, such as the palatalization of Latin initial cl- and pl- to ts or ʃ.[4] Aromanian is distinguished from Daco-Romanian by its geographic isolation south of the Danube, leading to greater lexical and phonological divergence, including heavier substrate influences from Greek and Albanian, though core grammar and vocabulary remain rooted in Latin.[10] Linguistic analyses confirm its status as a separate language rather than a dialect of Romanian, based on criteria like limited mutual intelligibility (estimated at 60-70% in some studies) and distinct isoglosses separating Balkan Romance varieties.[4] It also participates in the Balkan Sprachbund, adopting areal features like enclitic pronouns and future tense periphrases shared with non-Romance neighbors, without compromising its Romance affiliation.[11]Subgroups and Regional Variants
The Aromanians, also known as Vlachs in some contexts, exhibit regional subgroups primarily defined by historical settlement patterns, migratory histories, and corresponding linguistic dialects derived from their Eastern Romance vernacular. These subgroups emerged from pastoral transhumance practices and urban centers in the Balkan highlands, with distinctions rooted in geography rather than rigid ethnic boundaries. Principal groups include the Farsherots (or Farshërotë), centered historically around the Pindus Mountains and villages like Samarina and Avdella in Greece; the Gramustians (or Gramosteans), associated with the Grammos massif straddling Greece and Albania; the Pindeans, from the broader Pindus range; and the Graboveans, linked to areas near Mount Grabove in North Macedonia.[10][12] Each subgroup maintains subtle cultural variations, such as distinct folk costumes, toponyms, and economic specializations in sheepherding or trade, though intermarriage and mobility have blurred lines over time.[13] A notable urban-oriented subgroup comprises the Moscopolitans, originating from the 18th-century commercial hub of Moscopolis (modern Voskopojë in Albania), which served as a cultural and economic focal point for Aromanians until its destruction in 1788 by Ottoman-Albanian forces. Moscopolitans dispersed widely, influencing Aromanian intellectual life through Orthodox ecclesiastical networks and printing presses that produced texts in Aromanian script as early as 1705. Their dialect featured archaic elements and Hellenic loanwords reflective of trade ties, distinguishing it from the more pastoral variants of highland groups. Post-dispersal, remnants integrated into communities in Albania, Greece, and North Macedonia, preserving traditions like polyphonic singing and guild-based crafts.[12][14] Linguistically, these subgroups align with major Aromanian dialect clusters: the Pindean (prevalence in southern Greece), Farsherot (northern Pindus and Gramustian overlaps), and Gramustean (western highlands), characterized by phonetic shifts like intervocalic /r/ trilling or vowel reductions not uniform across regions. Dialect intelligibility remains high, enabling mutual comprehension, but regional variants incorporate substrate influences—Slavic in Macedonian areas, Albanian in border zones—shaping lexical differences in pastoral terminology or kinship terms. Scholarly classifications, such as those by Theodor Capidan in 1932, group dialects into northern (including Farsherot) and southern variants, underscoring continuity from Vulgar Latin bases with minimal Daco-Romanian divergence.[10][15] Contemporary regional variants reflect national borders post-Balkan Wars (1912–1913) and World War II displacements, with Greek Aromanians (e.g., in Epirus and Thessaly) often bilingual in Modern Greek and exhibiting sedentarized lifestyles; Albanian Aromanians (e.g., in Korçë) retaining stronger endogamy and transhumance; and those in North Macedonia (e.g., Kruševo) facing assimilation pressures amid Slavic-majority contexts. Population estimates vary, but subgroups like Farsherots number around 10,000–15,000 in Greece alone as of recent censuses, though self-identification is complicated by historical Ottoman millet systems and 20th-century nation-state policies favoring assimilation. These variants preserve shared Aromanian identity through festivals and folklore, yet face dialectal erosion from dominant languages.[13][4]Origins and Genetic Evidence
Linguistic Development from Vulgar Latin
The Aromanian language, a member of the Eastern Romance subgroup, traces its origins to dialects of Vulgar Latin introduced in the Balkan provinces during the Roman Empire's expansion, particularly through military colonization along routes like the Via Egnatia from the 2nd century BCE onward.[3] Roman settlers, legionaries, and administrators facilitated the Romanization of indigenous groups, including Thracians and Illyrians, leading to the gradual supplantation of local languages by colloquial Vulgar Latin by the 3rd–4th centuries CE.[3] This process continued under Byzantine rule, preserving Latin speech in southern Balkan regions for over a millennium despite migrations and invasions.[3] Following the Roman withdrawal from Dacia in 271 CE and subsequent Slavic incursions from the 6th century, Balkan Vulgar Latin diverged from Western Romance varieties, evolving into Proto-Eastern Romance by the 9th–10th centuries through isolation and substrate influences from pre-Roman Balkan languages.[16] Aromanian emerged as the southern branch of this continuum, spoken primarily south of the Danube, with innovations shared across Eastern Romance such as the postposed definite article from Latin ille (e.g., Aromanian omu-l 'the man', paralleling Vulgar Latin homo ille) and an analytic future tense using 'have' auxiliaries inherited from late Vulgar Latin periphrases.[17] These features reflect a shift from synthetic to analytic structures, with Vulgar Latin's case system simplifying to two-way genitive-dative versus in northern Daco-Romanian.[5] Phonologically, Aromanian conserves certain Vulgar Latin vowel qualities more faithfully than many Western Romance languages, including distinctions in mid-vowels and occasional diphthongization (e.g., Latin a yielding ea in stressed positions like nea from nox 'night'), while undergoing palatalizations typical of Eastern Romance, such as Latin /kt/ to /ht/ or /xt/ (e.g., neahte 'night').[5] Unlike Romanian's affricate /tʃ/ from Latin /k/ before front vowels, Aromanian often retains /ts/ or sibilants, indicating regional conservatism amid Greek and Albanian adstrata.[17] Morphologically, it preserves Vulgar Latin verbal periphrastics and some synthetic perfects longer than Western counterparts, but adopts Balkan Sprachbund traits like infinitive loss (replaced by subjunctive clauses) and evidential/admirative moods for reported events, diverging from Vulgar Latin's original indicative system under contact pressures.[17][5] Lexically, approximately 70–80% of Aromanian's core vocabulary derives directly from Vulgar Latin roots, with innovations including pastoral terms adapted from substrate languages and heavier Greek borrowings (e.g., haristo 'thanks' from Byzantine Greek) due to prolonged Hellenic dominance in the southern Balkans, exceeding those in Romanian.[3] This development underscores Aromanian's role as a conservative yet adaptive descendant, maintaining Vulgar Latin's colloquial essence while incorporating multilayered Balkan influences without supplanting its Romance foundation.[5][3]Genetic Studies and Population Genetics
A 2006 study analyzing Y-chromosome binary markers, short tandem repeats (STRs), and mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) control region sequences from Aromanian (Aromun) samples alongside other Balkan groups found that paternal and maternal lineages in the region exhibit a largely homogeneous genetic landscape, irrespective of linguistic affiliations such as Indo-European branches or Romance isolates. Aromanians, however, displayed notably reduced genetic variation in both uniparental systems compared to neighboring populations, including Albanians, Greeks, and Romanians, with patterns consistent with isolation, possible founder effects, or historical bottlenecks rather than recent large-scale admixture or migration. Y-chromosome data revealed no unique markers tying Aromanians exclusively to Latin-speaking Roman colonists or pre-Roman Illyrian/Thracian substrates beyond general Balkan frequencies, with haplogroups like E-V13, J2, and I2 predominant across samples, reflecting prehistoric Neolithic and Bronze Age dispersals rather than post-Roman Latinization. MtDNA haplogroups similarly showed continuity with regional West Eurasian lineages (e.g., H, U, J), but with lower diversity in Aromanians, underscoring endogamy and geographic fragmentation in highland or pastoral communities. Subsequent citations of this work in broader Balkan genomic surveys reinforce the absence of stratified genetic signals from Slavic migrations or Ottoman-era movements specifically differentiating Aromanians. Population genetic structure analyses indicated that Aromanian affinity correlates more strongly with geographic proximity—clustering nearer to southern Balkan groups like northern Greeks and central Macedonians—than with Romanian Daco-Romanian speakers to the north, challenging narratives of direct ethnic continuity solely via language and suggesting cultural-linguistic divergence from shared pre-medieval substrates. Limited autosomal data from later regional studies align with this, showing Aromanians as admixed Balkan natives without elevated Italic or Central European components attributable to Roman settlement.[18] These findings imply that the preservation of Eastern Romance speech among Aromanians stems from elite cultural dominance or substrate retention during Roman provincial administration, overlaid on autochthonous genetic pools, rather than demographic replacement.Theories of Ethnogenesis and Archaeological Correlates
Theories of Aromanian ethnogenesis center on the formation of Latin-speaking communities in the Roman Balkans south of the Danube, particularly in the provinces of Moesia, Thrace, Dacia, and Macedonia, following Roman conquests from 168 BC onward.[19] These groups are posited to have arisen from the interaction between Roman colonists, soldiers, and administrators with indigenous Thracians, Illyrians, and Dacians, leading to widespread Latinization by the 2nd-3rd centuries AD.[20] A key framework emphasizes the role of the Roman frontier army, including comitatenses mobile troops, which formed the ethnic core after the empire's 4th-century withdrawal, adapting to invasions by retreating to mountains and adopting transhumant pastoralism.[19] Three principal theories explain this process: direct descent from Roman settlers and military personnel who imposed Vulgar Latin; migrations of Latinized populations from Thraco-Illyrian zones carrying the language southward; and the in situ Latinization of native Balkan peoples through Roman cultural and administrative dominance.[20] The native Latinization model aligns with evidence of indigenous adoption of Latin in rural and military contexts, while migration theories account for dialectal variations among southern Romance groups.[19] Post-6th-century Slavic migrations disrupted lowland settlements, pushing surviving Latin speakers into isolated highlands, where ethnogenesis consolidated around pastoral mobility and autonomy by the 10th-11th centuries, as noted in Byzantine chronicles.[19] Archaeological correlates remain indirect due to limited excavations in Vlach-inhabited mountain regions, but Roman military forts, villas, and Latin epigraphy in Moesia and Thrace (e.g., 2nd-4th century inscriptions) attest to Latin-speaking presence and romanization depth.[20] Toponyms like Klisura (pass) and cetate (fortress) preserve Roman military terminology, suggesting continuity in fortified highland sites.[19] Thracian-Dacian religious artifacts, including over 200 Danubian Rider reliefs from the 2nd-3rd centuries, link to Vlach veneration of equestrian saints like St. Demetrius and St. George, indicating cultural substrata persistence amid Latin overlay.[19] Pastoral sites such as seasonal catuns in Kosovo and Albania correlate with transhumance patterns inferred from medieval records, though direct post-Roman Vlach artifacts are scarce, relying on toponymic and cultic proxies for ethnogenetic continuity.[19]Historical Trajectory
Roman and Byzantine Foundations
The Aromanians trace their linguistic and cultural foundations to the Latin-speaking populations that developed in the Roman provinces of the Balkan Peninsula, arising from a fusion of indigenous Thracian and Illyrian elements with Roman colonists, soldiers, and settlers. Roman conquests established control over key regions, including Macedonia after the Battle of Pydna in 168 BC, the organization of Moesia as a province in 12 AD, and the full incorporation of Thrace by 46 AD under Emperor Claudius. Latinization intensified during the 2nd and 3rd centuries AD through military garrisons, administrative use of Latin, ecclesiastical influence, and commercial networks, with evidence from inscriptions and settlements indicating widespread adoption among local populations.[21][22][23] Roman authorities particularly colonized mountainous areas like the Pindus range with Italian shepherds to exploit pastoral resources, laying the groundwork for the transhumant lifestyle later characteristic of Aromanian communities. Despite the shift to Greek as the dominant language in the Eastern Roman Empire by the 4th-5th centuries and fully under Emperor Phocas (602-610 AD), pockets of Latin-derived speech persisted, as evidenced by a 587 AD account in Theophylact Simocatta's history where a Byzantine soldier urged his brother with the phrase "torna, torna fratre" during conflict with the Avars, suggesting early Romance vernacular in the region.[21][21] These groups, known as Vlachs in Byzantine sources, first appear reliably in historical records in the late 10th century, reflecting their marginal, semi-nomadic existence in highlands amid Slavic migrations and imperial reconquests. The earliest mention occurs in 976 AD, when Byzantine chronicler Kedrenos recorded Vlachs slaying David, brother of Bulgarian tsar Samuel, near Castoria and Prespa. Subsequent attestations include Vlach communities under the Metropolitan of Ohrid in 1019 AD during Basil II's reign and a Pindus uprising led by Niculita in 1066 AD, as described by Kekaumenos, highlighting their role as pastoralists often in tension with central authority.[21][21][21]Medieval Migrations and Principalities
In the 11th century, Byzantine sources documented Vlach (Aromanian) communities as pastoralists in the Haemus Mountains and Thessaly, engaging in seasonal transhumance between highland summer pastures and lowland winter grazing areas, a practice that facilitated gradual population shifts southward into the Pindus range amid Slavic expansions and invasions.[24] These migrations intensified following nomadic incursions, such as the Pechenegs and Cumans in the 11th–12th centuries, prompting Vlach groups to retreat into rugged terrains for security while maintaining economic ties through sheep trading and mercenary service to Byzantine forces.[25] Vlach tribes played a role in regional upheavals, notably the 1185–1186 uprising led by Peter and Asen, which established the Second Bulgarian Empire; contemporary accounts attribute the Asenids partial Vlach ethnic ties, blending with Bulgar and Cuman elements to form a multi-ethnic state encompassing Vlach-inhabited districts in Macedonia.[24] By the early 13th century, after the Fourth Crusade disrupted Byzantine control, Vlach populations integrated into the Despotate of Epirus (founded 1205), serving as elite troops and settlers in Thessaly, where the region of Megalē Vlachia (Great Vlachia) emerged as a Vlach-dominated area under Epirote overlords, later contested by Serbian forces in the 1330s.[26] No independent Aromanian principalities formed in the strict medieval sense, but Vlach social organization featured semi-autonomous katuns (clans of 10–50 families) led by knez (chiefs) or vojvoda (warlords), enabling localized governance in mountainous enclaves across Epirus, Macedonia, and western areas; these structures persisted into the 14th–15th centuries under Serbian imperial expansion, with supra-tribal alliances numbering thousands documented in Venetian and Ottoman records by 1455.[27] Such entities emphasized pastoral rights and military obligations rather than territorial sovereignty, reflecting adaptation to Byzantine, Bulgarian, and Serbian overlordship amid ongoing migrations driven by warfare and economic pressures.[28]Ottoman Administration and Nomadism
Following the Ottoman conquest of the Balkans between the 14th and 15th centuries, Aromanians, referred to as Vlachs in Ottoman documents, were predominantly engaged in pastoral nomadism through transhumance, involving seasonal migrations of sheep flocks from winter lowlands to summer highlands across regions like the Pindus Mountains, Rhodope, and Balkan ranges.[29] This lifestyle positioned them as key suppliers of wool, dairy products, and pack-animal transport services within the empire's economy, leading Ottoman authorities to grant them distinct administrative privileges not extended to sedentary re'âyâ (taxpaying subjects).[30] These included exemptions from certain fixed land taxes, autonomy in communal governance under traditional laws, and the right to bear arms for flock protection, in exchange for specific levies such as the resm-i ağnam (sheep tax) paid in kind.[31][32] Aromanians fell under the Rum millet, the Orthodox Christian administrative unit, but their nomadic mobility often insulated them from intensive timar (fief) oversight, allowing self-organization into catuns (tribal groups) that negotiated collective tax obligations with local kadis or timar holders.[30] While most remained semi-nomadic herders traversing established routes—such as those radiating from Pindus valleys to Thessaly and Epirus plains—a minority transitioned to sedentary commerce and crafts, exemplified by the 18th-century flourishing of Moschopolis (modern Voskopoja, Albania). This settlement, peaking around 1760 with an estimated 20,000-30,000 inhabitants, served as a major Aromanian trade nexus linking Ottoman Europe and the Mediterranean, hosting the region's first printing press (operational from 1732) and an academy that promoted Aromanian-language scholarship.[33][34] The destruction of Moschopolis in 1788 by forces under Ali Pasha of Ioannina marked a setback for Aromanian urban development, dispersing merchants and reinforcing nomadism amid banditry and imperial centralization efforts like the 19th-century Tanzimat reforms, which pressured transhumants toward sedentarization through land registration and cash taxation.[34] In response to growing ethnic assertions, Sultan Abdul Hamid II formally recognized Aromanians as a distinct ullah (Vlach) millet on May 22, 1905, granting rights to ecclesiastical autonomy, schools in their language, and elected community leaders, amid pressures from Romanian state advocacy and internal Ottoman millet reforms.[35] This late acknowledgment, however, came as Balkan nationalisms intensified, challenging the viability of Ottoman-era nomadic privileges.[36]19th-Century Awakening and Balkan Wars
The 19th-century national awakening among Aromanians emerged in the context of broader Balkan national movements and the unification of the Romanian Principalities in 1859, which spurred interest in kindred Romance-speaking groups.[37] Aromanian intellectuals, many residing in Bucharest and other Romanian cities, began promoting cultural and linguistic ties to Romania through publications and organizations.[38] A pivotal institution was the Macedo-Romanian Cultural Society, founded on September 23, 1879, in Bucharest by Aromanian emigrants to foster education, literature, and awareness of shared Latin heritage.[39] Romania supported this revival by funding schools in Ottoman territories where Aromanians resided, aiming to counter Hellenization and Slavic influences. By 1886, dozens of such schools operated in regions like Macedonia and Epirus, teaching in the Aromanian language using Romanian orthography and curricula.[40] These efforts produced a generation of educated Aromanians, including figures who published grammars, dictionaries, and newspapers in Aromanian, though often framed within a Romanian national narrative.[37] However, Greek Orthodox clergy and merchants resisted these initiatives, viewing them as threats to ecclesiastical unity under the Ecumenical Patriarchate.[41] Tensions escalated into the early 20th century amid Ottoman decline, culminating in the Balkan Wars of 1912–1913, where the Balkan League (Serbia, Bulgaria, Greece, Montenegro) expelled Ottoman forces from Macedonia, Thrace, and Albania. Aromanians, caught between retreating Ottoman troops and advancing irregular bands, faced targeted violence from Greek and Bulgarian comitadjis seeking to enforce ethnic homogenization.[41] In Monastir (Bitola) and surrounding areas, Aromanian communities petitioned Romania for intervention, emphasizing their Latin origins to claim protection as co-nationals.[41] The wars displaced thousands of Aromanians, prompting migrations to Romania and urban centers in Greece, with estimates of 10,000–20,000 fleeing violence in Macedonia alone.[40] Romanian diplomatic pressure secured temporary safeguards for some communities, but post-war treaties like the Treaty of Bucharest (1913 partitioned Aromanian-inhabited lands among Greece, Serbia, and Bulgaria, accelerating assimilation pressures without formal minority recognition.[42] This period marked a shift from cultural revival to survival amid irredentist conflicts, with Aromanian elites divided between Romanian alignment and local accommodations.[41]World Wars and Post-War Realignments
During World War I, Aromanian communities in the Pindus Mountains and southern Albania experienced significant upheaval amid the Allied and Central Powers' campaigns in the Balkans. Italian occupation of parts of Epirus and Albania from 1914 onward encouraged Aromanian leaders to seek autonomy from Greek dominance, viewing Italy as a potential protector due to shared Latin linguistic ties. In June 1917, Aromanians in the Samarina region declared a short-lived autonomous republic under Italian sponsorship, which lasted only days before dissolution amid shifting military fronts.[41] This episode reflected broader Aromanian aspirations for self-rule, though it yielded no lasting territorial gains as the region reverted to Greek control post-armistice. The interwar period saw accelerated emigration of Aromanians to Romania, driven by economic pressures and nationalistic policies in successor states; estimates place the influx at 150,000 to 200,000 individuals fleeing Greece, Albania, and newly formed Yugoslavia between 1918 and 1940.[43] In Yugoslavia's Macedonia, Aromanian populations faced cultural assimilation efforts, with schools shifting to Serbo-Croatian instruction, eroding traditional Aromanian education.[44] In World War II, Axis occupations fragmented Aromanian loyalties across the Balkans. Under Italian control in occupied Greece and Albania, pro-autonomy factions emerged, culminating in the 1941 declaration of the Principality of Pindus by Alcibiades Diamandi, a self-proclaimed Aromanian state backed by fascist Italy as a buffer against Greek partisans. This puppet entity, spanning parts of Epirus, issued a manifesto on March 1, 1942, signed by prominent Aromanians advocating Latin-based revival, but collapsed by 1943 amid Italian defeats and German takeovers.[45] Aromanian perspectives varied, with some aligning against communist guerrillas, others enduring reprisals; the period exacerbated divisions between Romanian-oriented nationalists and those accommodating local regimes.[46] Post-war communist regimes imposed severe restrictions on Aromanian identity. In Albania, Enver Hoxha's government from 1945 onward rejected minority status for Aromanians, enforcing collectivization by May 1946 that dismantled nomadic pastoralism and banned non-Albanian languages in public life, leading to linguistic erosion.[40] Yugoslavia under Tito similarly suppressed ethnic distinctions, classifying Aromanians as "Serbian-speaking" and prohibiting cultural organizations until the 1980s. In Romania, where many refugees had settled, the 1947 communist takeover severed ties with Balkan kin through isolationist policies and internal purges, stalling pan-Aromanian networks. Greece, avoiding communist rule after its civil war (1946–1949), pursued Hellenization without formal repression, fostering assimilation via state education. These realignments accelerated demographic dispersal, with rural communities declining and urban integration prioritizing majority languages over Aromanian.[47]Identity Debates and Self-Conception
Historical Modes of Identification
Aromanians have historically self-identified using endonyms derived from Romanus, such as Armân (singular) or Armâni/Armãnji (plural) in their eastern dialects, and Rrâmân/Rrãmãn or Rrãmâni/Rrãmãnji in western dialects, emphasizing descent from Latin-speaking Romanized populations of the Balkans.[48] These terms reflect a persistent self-conception as heirs to the Roman legacy, distinct from surrounding Slavic, Greek, or Albanian groups, and appear in Aromanian folklore, oral traditions, and early modern texts as markers of cultural continuity from late antiquity onward.[49] Exonyms like Vlach (from Slavic vlahъ, possibly denoting "stranger," "shepherd," or Romance speaker) emerged in medieval Byzantine and Slavic sources from the 10th century, often applied broadly to nomadic pastoralists but increasingly specifying Aromanians by the 14th–15th centuries in documents such as Serbian charters and Venetian records.[50] In the Byzantine Empire (circa 6th–15th centuries), identification prioritized religious and imperial affiliation over linguistic or ethnic lines; Aromanians, as Orthodox Latin-speakers, aligned with the Romaioi (Greek for "Romans") self-designation shared by Greek-, Slavic-, and other Christian subjects, viewing the emperor in Constantinople as the continuation of Roman sovereignty.[51] This supra-ethnic Roman identity subordinated local distinctions, with Aromanians appearing in sources like the Typikon of Athanasius of Mount Athos (10th century) or imperial privileges for Vlach herders as mobile economic actors rather than a separate ethnos.[21] Transhumant lifestyle reinforced perceptions of them as Sklavinoi or Vlach nomads, but self-perception remained tied to Roman Christian heritage, evident in Aromanian participation in Byzantine military tagsmata and church hierarchies without explicit ethnic separatism until late medieval fragmentation. Under Ottoman administration (15th–19th centuries), Aromanians were initially categorized within the Rum millet (Orthodox Christian community), self-identifying as Rum or continuing Byzantine-era Roman connotations, with linguistic diversity tolerated under shared religious governance.[51] By the 17th–18th centuries, however, Ottoman firmans granted specific privileges to Vlachs as a semi-autonomous group, recognizing their role in transhumance taxation and trade, as in the 1633 charter for Moscopole merchants; this fostered proto-ethnic awareness, though many Aromanians in urban centers like Moscopole or Metsovo pragmatically adopted Greek ecclesiastical and commercial networks, blurring lines between Vlach and Hellenic identification.[52] Primary accounts, such as 18th-century traveler Evliya Çelebi's descriptions, portray them as distinct Eflak (Vlach) speakers with Roman-derived customs, yet integrated into Ottoman Orthodox structures until the 1905 irade establishing a separate Aromanian millet, which formalized emerging national self-conceptions amid Balkan nationalisms.[53]Romanianist vs. Distinct Aromanian Claims
The debate over Aromanian identity centers on whether Aromanians constitute a subgroup of the Romanian ethnos or a distinct ethnic group, with Romanianist perspectives emphasizing linguistic and historical continuity from a common Daco-Romanian substrate, while distinct Aromanian claims highlight cultural divergences and separate self-identification. Romanian nationalists and official Romanian policy have historically subsumed Aromanians under the broader Romanian category, treating their language as a southern dialect branch of Romanian that diverged around the 10th century from Proto-Romanian, retaining high mutual intelligibility and shared Romance vocabulary derived from Latin.[54] [55] This view supported 19th- and early 20th-century initiatives, such as Romanian-funded schools for Aromanians in Ottoman territories and Balkan states, aimed at fostering unity through standardized Romanian-language education and portraying Aromanians as "Transylvanian brothers" separated by geography.[56] In contrast, advocates for a distinct Aromanian identity, often emerging among diaspora intellectuals and communities in Greece and Albania, argue for recognition based on unique historical experiences, such as the flourishing of semi-autonomous centers like Moscopole in the 18th century, which fostered a proto-national Aromanian consciousness independent of northern Romanian principalities.[57] These claims emphasize Aromanian-specific cultural markers, including pastoral nomadism, Orthodox traditions with local schisms, and efforts to codify the language as "Aromanian" rather than a Romanian dialect, with limited standardization attempts in the 20th century producing vernacular literature and media. However, such movements remain marginal, with empirical surveys in regions like Metsovo, Greece, revealing dual identities where pride in Aromanian heritage coexists with assimilation into Greek or Romanian national frameworks, often prioritizing local linguistic shifts over separatist politics.[3] [58] Linguistic analysis supports Romanianist continuity, as Aromanian shares core grammatical structures and lexicon with Daco-Romanian, including innovations absent in other Balkan Romance varieties like Megleno-Romanian or Istro-Romanian, suggesting a unified ethnolinguistic origin disrupted by southward migrations rather than fundamental separation.[54] Distinct claims, while culturally grounded, lack broad institutional backing outside niche activism; in Romania, Aromanians are constitutionally integrated without separate minority status, reflecting assimilationist policies that view ethnic fragmentation as antithetical to national cohesion post-1989.[55] In non-Romanian states, geopolitical pressures—such as Greek denial of minority rights or Albanian irredentism—have diluted pure Aromanian assertions, leading to hybrid identifications where language preservation serves more as heritage marker than basis for sovereignty.[57] This tension underscores causal factors like geography-driven divergence versus empirical ties of descent, with Romanianist positions prevailing in scholarly consensus on shared origins.Hellenization and Other Assimilative Pressures
The Hellenization of Aromanians commenced well before the establishment of the modern Greek state, driven by the dominance of Greek as the ecclesiastical and commercial lingua franca among Orthodox Christians in the Ottoman Balkans from the 15th century onward. Aromanian merchants and clergy, operating in urban centers like Ioannina and Thessaloniki, adopted Greek for literacy and trade, fostering bilingualism that gradually supplanted Aromanian in elite circles. This linguistic convergence was reinforced by the Phanariote Greeks, who administered Danubian principalities and influenced Balkan Christian hierarchies, integrating Aromanian notables into Hellenic cultural networks.[3] In the 19th century, the Greek War of Independence (1821–1830) marked a pivotal alignment, with Aromanian figures such as Rigas Feraios—a revolutionary from Thessaly—articulating visions of a multi-ethnic "Hellenic Republic" that encompassed Romance-speaking groups, thereby channeling Aromanian aspirations toward Greek national formation. Post-independence, the Greek kingdom's centralizing policies, including mandatory Greek-language education under the 1834 Organic Statute of Education, systematically prioritized Hellenic identity, excluding Aromanian-medium instruction and compelling language shift for administrative and economic participation. Urban migration and intermarriage further eroded distinctiveness, as Aromanians integrated into Greek society, contributing disproportionately to early state elites—evidenced by Vlach-origin prime ministers like Ioannis Kolettis (serving 1845–1847).[59] Contemporary Greece maintains no formal recognition of Aromanians as a minority, framing them instead as "Vlach-speaking Greeks" whose cultural traits align with the national majority; this official stance, upheld since the 1923 Lausanne Treaty negotiations, discourages separate ethnic mobilization and limits public use of Aromanian. Self-identification surveys indicate most Greek Aromanians reject minority status, prioritizing Greek citizenship amid shared Orthodox heritage and historical contributions to Hellenism, though this has resulted in rapid language attrition— with fluent speakers estimated at under 100,000 among up to 300,000 of descent, concentrated in Pindus regions like Metsovo. Endangered language dynamics are pronounced in Metsovo, a historical Aromanian stronghold, where intergenerational transmission falters due to Greek dominance in schools, media, and employment, leading to cultural hybridization rather than outright resistance.[60][3][61] Beyond Hellenization, assimilative forces in other host states have compounded identity dilution. In Albania, Enver Hoxha's communist regime (1944–1985) denied Aromanian minority status, enforcing Albanian as the sole medium of instruction and suppressing cultural associations, which official propaganda deemed fully assimilated; post-1991 liberalization enabled partial revival, but urbanization and emigration have reduced native speakers to fewer than 10,000. Romanian irredentist efforts, peaking during the Balkan Wars (1912–1913) via schools and propaganda, aimed to subsum Aromanians under a pan-Latin umbrella but faltered against local nationalisms, yielding limited linguistic retention outside Romania. In Bulgaria and North Macedonia, 20th-century Slavicization campaigns— including name changes and Bulgarian-language mandates under Tsar Boris III (1930s)—exerted pressure on smaller Aromanian clusters, though nomadic traditions and cross-border ties mitigated total erosion compared to sedentary Hellenic integration. These pressures, rooted in state monolingualism and modernization, underscore causal dynamics of majority dominance over dispersed minorities lacking territorial autonomy.[6][62][63]Demographics and Geography
Population Estimates and Uncertainties
Estimates of the global Aromanian population range widely, from as low as 100,000 to over 500,000 individuals, reflecting challenges in self-identification, assimilation into majority ethnic groups, and inconsistent census methodologies across Balkan states. Official figures, derived from national censuses that require explicit ethnic declaration, typically capture only those who actively identify as Aromanian, often undercounting due to linguistic shift, intermarriage, and historical pressures to assimilate. Unofficial estimates, drawn from linguistic surveys, historical records, and community advocacy, suggest higher numbers but are prone to inflation for political or cultural preservation purposes.[6][64] In Albania, the 2011 census recorded 8,266 self-identified Aromanians, a figure that declined sharply to 2,459 by the 2023 census, attributed to declining use of the Aromanian language and integration into Albanian identity amid post-communist ethnic reconfigurations. Community organizations and scholars, however, posit figures up to 200,000, based on extrapolations from 19th-century Ottoman records and contemporary linguistic distributions in southern regions like Korçë and Permet, though these lack empirical verification through recent door-to-door surveys.[65][6][66] Greece hosts the largest concentration but provides no official ethnic breakdown, as Aromanians are not recognized as a distinct minority; the 1951 census tallied 39,855 speakers of Aromanian, but contemporary estimates vary from 40,000 to 300,000, concentrated in Epirus and Macedonia, with uncertainties amplified by state policies promoting Hellenic identity since the early 20th century. In North Macedonia, census data report around 8,000, though local activists in areas like Bitola claim 10,000–15,000 based on community networks. Bulgaria's official count stands at approximately 10,000, primarily in the Rhodope Mountains, while Serbia's Vlach population—often overlapping with Aromanians in the Timok Valley—numbered about 35,000–40,000 in recent censuses, excluding those identifying as Romanian. Romania reports smaller numbers, around 20,000–25,000 in Dobruja, per 1990s data.[7][52]| Country | Official/Recent Census | Unofficial Estimates | Key Uncertainties |
|---|---|---|---|
| Albania | 2,459 (2023); 8,266 (2011) | 100,000–200,000 | Language attrition; post-1990s identity shifts |
| Greece | No separate category; ~40,000 speakers (1951) | 40,000–300,000 | Assimilation policies; no mandatory ethnic declaration |
| North Macedonia | ~8,000 | 10,000–15,000 (local) | Urban migration; overlap with Macedonian identity |
| Bulgaria | ~10,000 | Limited higher claims | Rural depopulation; small absolute numbers |
| Serbia | 35,000–40,000 (Vlachs) | Up to 200,000 (regional) | Distinction from Daco-Romanians; border-area sensitivities |