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First Battle of Bull Run
First Battle of Bull Run
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First Battle of Bull Run
Battle of First Manassas[1]
Part of the American Civil War

Struggle on a Manassas, Virginia bridge during the Union army's retreat in 1861 depicted in an engraving by William Ridgway based on a drawing by F. O. C. Darley
DateJuly 21, 1861 (1861-07-21)
Location38°48′54″N 77°31′21″W / 38.8150°N 77.5225°W / 38.8150; -77.5225
Result Confederate victory[2]
Belligerents
United States (Union) Confederate States
Commanders and leaders
Irvin McDowell Joseph E. Johnston
P. G. T. Beauregard
Units involved

Department of Northeastern Virginia:

Department of Pennsylvania:

  • Patterson's Command (not engaged)

Army of the Potomac[4]

Army of the Shenandoah[4]
Strength

Army of Northeastern Virginia:

  • 35,732[5]
    (c. 18,000 engaged)[6]

Patterson's Command:

  • 14,000–18,000 (not engaged)
32,000–34,000[7]
(c. 18,000 engaged)[6]
Casualties and losses
2,708
481 killed
1,011 wounded
1,216 missing[8][9]
1,982
387 killed
1,582 wounded
13 missing[10][11]
Map
Virginia (1861)
Northeastern Virginia (1861)

The First Battle of Bull Run, called the Battle of First Manassas[1] by Confederate forces, was the first major battle of the American Civil War. The battle was fought on July 21, 1861, in Prince William County, Virginia, just north of what is now the city of Manassas and about thirty miles west-southwest of Washington, D.C. The Union army was slow in positioning themselves, allowing Confederate reinforcements time to arrive by rail. Each side had about 18,000 poorly trained and poorly led troops. The battle was a Confederate victory and was followed by a disorganized post-battle retreat of the Union forces.

Just months after the start of the war at Fort Sumter, the northern public clamored for a march against the Confederate capital of Richmond, Virginia, which was expected to bring an early end to the Confederacy. Yielding to political pressure, Brigadier General Irvin McDowell led his unseasoned Union army across Bull Run against the equally inexperienced Confederate Army of Brigadier General P. G. T. Beauregard, whose forces were camped near Manassas Junction. McDowell's ambitious plan for a surprise flank attack on the Confederate left was poorly executed although the Confederates, who had been planning to attack the Union left flank, found themselves at an initial disadvantage.

Confederate reinforcements under Brigadier General Joseph E. Johnston arrived from the Shenandoah Valley by railroad, and the course of the battle quickly changed. A brigade of Virginians under a relatively unknown brigadier general from the Virginia Military Institute, Thomas J. Jackson, stood its ground, which resulted in Jackson receiving his famous nickname, "Stonewall". The Confederates launched a strong counterattack, and as the Union troops began withdrawing under fire, many panicked and the retreat turned into a rout. McDowell's men frantically ran without order in the direction of Washington, D.C.

Both armies were sobered by the fierce fighting and the many casualties and realized that the war was going to be much longer and bloodier than either had anticipated. The First Battle of Bull Run highlighted many of the problems and deficiencies that were typical of the first year of the war. Units were committed piecemeal, attacks were frontal, infantry failed to protect exposed artillery, tactical intelligence was minimal, and neither commander was able to employ his whole force effectively. McDowell, with 35,000 men, could commit only about 18,000, and the combined Confederate forces, with about 32,000 men, also committed 18,000.[12]

Background

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Military and political situation

[edit]
Opposing political leaders

On December 20, 1860, South Carolina was the first of seven Southern States to declare secession from the Union of the United States.[13] By February 1, 1861, Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, and Texas passed ordinances of secession,[14] The Constitution of the Confederate States of America was adopted in Montgomery, Alabama on February 8, 1861.[15] On March 1, 1861, Confederate States Army forces assumed control of the military situation at Charleston, South Carolina from state forces.[16] On April 12, 1861, open warfare between the Confederate States and the United States began when Confederate forces barraged Fort Sumter in Charleston Harbor, which had been occupied by the United States Army since December 26, 1860.[17] On April 15, 1861 (two days after the Federal Army forces surrendered at Fort Sumter, one day after the formal surrender), President Abraham Lincoln issued a proclamation declaring an insurrection against the laws of the United States had taken place.[18]

Lt. Gen. Winfield Scott, General in Chief, USA
Cartoon map illustrating Gen. Winfield Scott's plan to crush the Confederacy economically. It is often called the "Anaconda Plan".

To suppress the insurrection of the Confederate States and restore federal law in the Southern States, Lincoln called for 75,000 volunteers with ninety-day enlistments to augment the existing U.S. Army of about 15,000 present for duty.[19][20] He later accepted an additional 40,000 volunteers with three-year enlistments and increased the strength of the U.S. Army to 156,861, further enlarged to 183,588 present for duty on July 1.[21] Lincoln's actions caused four more Southern states, including Virginia, Arkansas, North Carolina and Tennessee, to adopt ordinances of secession and join the Confederate States of America.[22] On May 29, 1861, with the arrival in Richmond, Virginia of Confederate President Jefferson Davis, the Confederate States capital had been moved from Montgomery to Richmond.[23]

In Washington, D.C., many of the regiments of volunteers raised by States under Lincoln's call rushed to defend the capital. General in Chief Lt. Gen. Winfield Scott laid out his strategy to subdue the Confederate States on May 3, 1861.[24] He proposed that an army of 80,000 men be organized to sail down the Mississippi River and capture New Orleans. While the Army "strangled" the Confederacy in the west, the U.S. Navy would blockade Southern ports along the eastern and Gulf coasts. The press ridiculed what they dubbed as Scott's "Anaconda Plan". Instead, many believed the capture of the Confederate capital at Richmond, only 100 miles (160 km) south of Washington, would quickly end the war.[25][26] By July 1861 many of the thousands of Union volunteers were camped in and around Washington. Since General Scott was seventy-five years old and physically unable to lead this force against the Confederates, the administration searched for a more suitable field commander.[27]

Irvin McDowell

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Secretary of the Treasury Salmon P. Chase championed fellow Ohioan, 42-year-old Maj. Irvin McDowell. Although McDowell was a West Point graduate, his command experience was limited. In fact, he had spent most of his career engaged in various staff duties in the Adjutant General's Office. While stationed in Washington he had become acquainted with Chase, a former Ohio governor and senator. Now, through Chase's influence, McDowell was promoted three grades to brigadier general in the Regular Army and on 27 May was assigned command (by President Abraham Lincoln) of the Department of Northeastern Virginia, which included the military forces in and around Washington.[27] McDowell immediately began organizing what became known as the Army of Northeastern Virginia, 35,000 men arranged in five divisions. Under public and political pressure to begin offensive operations, McDowell was given very little time to train the newly inducted troops. Units were instructed in the maneuvering of regiments, but they received little or no training at the brigade or division level. He was reassured by President Lincoln, "You are green, it is true, but they are green also; you are all green alike."[28] Against his better judgment, McDowell commenced campaigning.

Intelligence

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During the previous year, U.S. Army captain Thomas Jordan set up a pro-Southern spy network in Washington, D.C., recruiting Rose O'Neal Greenhow, a prominent socialite with a wide range of contacts.[29] He provided her with a code for messages.[30] After he left to join the Confederate Army, he gave her control of his network but continued to receive reports from her.[29] On July 9 and 16, Greenhow passed secret messages to Confederate General P.G.T. Beauregard containing critical information regarding military movements for what would be the First Battle of Bull Run, including the plans of Union general McDowell.[30][31]

McDowell's plan and initial movements in the Manassas campaign

[edit]

On July 16, McDowell departed Washington with the largest field army yet gathered on the North American continent, about 35,000 men (28,452 effectives).[6] McDowell's plan was to move westward in three columns and make a diversionary attack on the Confederate line at Bull Run with two columns, while the third column moved around the Confederates' right flank to the south, cutting the railroad to Richmond and threatening the rear of the Confederate army. He assumed that the Confederates would be forced to abandon Manassas Junction and fall back to the Rappahannock River, the next defensible line in Virginia, which would relieve some of the pressure on the U.S. capital.[32] McDowell had hoped to have his army at Centreville by 17 July, but the troops, unaccustomed to marching, moved in starts and stops. Along the route soldiers often broke ranks to wander off to pick apples or blackberries or to get water, regardless of the orders of their officers to remain in ranks.[33]

The Confederate Army of the Potomac (21,883 effectives)[34] under Beauregard was encamped near Manassas Junction where he prepared a defensive position along the south bank of the Bull Run river with his left guarding a stone bridge, approximately 25 miles (40 km) from the United States capital.[35] McDowell planned to attack this numerically inferior enemy army. Union Maj. Gen. Robert Patterson's 18,000 men engaged Johnston's force (the Army of the Shenandoah at 8,884 effectives, augmented by Maj. Gen. Theophilus H. Holmes's brigade of 1,465[34]) in the Shenandoah Valley, preventing them from reinforcing Beauregard.

Movements July 16–21, 1861
Situation July 18
Battlefield of Manassas

After two days of marching slowly in the sweltering heat, the Union army was allowed to rest in Centreville. McDowell reduced the size of his army to approximately 31,000 by dispatching Brig. Gen. Theodore Runyon with 5,000 troops to protect the army's rear. In the meantime, McDowell searched for a way to outflank Beauregard, who had drawn up his lines along Bull Run. On July 18, the Union commander sent a division under Brig. Gen. Daniel Tyler to pass on the Confederate right (southeast) flank. Tyler was drawn into a skirmish at Blackburn's Ford over Bull Run and made no headway. Also on the morning of 18 July Johnston had received a telegram suggesting he go to Beauregard's assistance if possible. Johnston marched out of Winchester about noon, while Stuart's cavalry screened the movement from Patterson. Patterson was completely deceived. One hour after Johnston's departure Patterson telegraphed Washington, "I have succeeded, in accordance with the wishes of the General-in-Chief, in keeping General Johnston's force at Winchester."[36]

For the maneuver to be successful McDowell felt he needed to act quickly. He had already begun to hear rumors that Johnston had slipped out of the valley and was headed for Manassas Junction. If the rumors were true, McDowell might soon be facing 34,000 Confederates instead of 22,000. Another reason for quick action was McDowell's concern that the ninety-day enlistments of many of his regiments were about to expire. "In a few days I will lose many thousands of the best of this force", he wrote Washington on the eve of battle. In fact, the next morning two units of McDowell's command, their enlistments expiring that day, would turn a deaf ear to McDowell's appeal to stay a few days longer. Instead, to the sounds of battle, they would march back to Washington to be mustered out of service.[37]

Becoming more frustrated, McDowell resolved to attack the Confederate left (northwest) flank instead. He planned to attack with Brig. Gen. Daniel Tyler's division at the Stone Bridge on the Warrenton Turnpike and send the divisions of Brig. Gens. David Hunter and Samuel P. Heintzelman over Sudley Springs Ford. From here, these divisions could outflank the Confederate line and march into the Confederate rear. The brigade of Col. Israel B. Richardson (Tyler's Division) would harass the enemy at Blackburn's Ford, preventing them from thwarting the main attack. Patterson would tie down Johnston in the Shenandoah Valley so that reinforcements could not reach the area. Although McDowell had arrived at a theoretically sound plan, it had a number of flaws: it was one that required synchronized execution of troop movements and attacks, skills that had not been developed in the nascent army; it relied on actions by Patterson that he had already failed to take; finally, McDowell had delayed long enough that Johnston's Valley force, which had trained under Stonewall Jackson, was able to board trains at Piedmont Station and rush to Manassas Junction to reinforce Beauregard's men.[38]

Prelude to battle

[edit]

On July 19–20, significant reinforcements bolstered the Confederate lines behind Bull Run. Johnston arrived with all of his army except for the troops of Brig. Gen. Kirby Smith, who were still in transit. Most of the new arrivals were posted in the vicinity of Blackburn's Ford, and Beauregard's plan was to attack from there to the north toward Centreville. Johnston, the senior officer, approved the plan. If both of the armies had been able to execute their plans simultaneously, it would have resulted in a mutual counterclockwise movement as they attacked each other's left flank.[39]

McDowell was getting contradictory information from his intelligence agents, so he called for the balloon Enterprise, which was being demonstrated by Prof. Thaddeus S. C. Lowe in Washington, to perform aerial reconnaissance.

Opposing forces

[edit]

Union

[edit]
Key Union Generals

McDowell's Army of Northeastern Virginia was organized into five infantry divisions of three to five brigades each. Each brigade contained three to five infantry regiments. An artillery battery was generally assigned to each brigade. The total number of Union troops present at the First Battle of Bull Run was about 35,000 although only about 18,000 were actually engaged. The Union army was organized as follows:

While McDowell organized the Army of Northeastern Virginia, a smaller Union command was organized and stationed northwest of Washington, near Harper's Ferry. Commanded by Maj. Gen. Robert Patterson, 18,000 men of the Department of Pennsylvania protected against a Confederate incursion from the Shenandoah Valley.

Abstract from the returns of the Department of Northeastern Virginia, commanded by Brigadier-General McDowell, U.S.A., for July 16 and 17, 1861.[5]

ARMY OF NORTHEASTERN VIRGINIA
Commands Present
For duty Total Aggregate
Officers Men
General staff 19 21
First (Tyler's) Division 569 12,226 9,494 9,936
Second (Hunter's) Division 121 2,364 2,525 2,648
Third (Heintzelman's) Division 382 8,680 9,385 9,777
Fourth (Runyon's) Division 247 5,201 5,502 5,752
Fifth (Miles') Division 289 5,884 5,917 6,207
Twenty-first New York Volunteers 37 684 707 745
Twenty-fifth New York Militia 39 519 534 573
Second United States Cavalry, Company E 4 56 63 73
Total 1,707 35,614 34,127 35,732

Abstract from return of the Department of Pennsylvania, commanded by Major-General Patterson, June 28, 1861.[40]

PATTERSON'S COMMAND
Commanding officer Troops Present for duty
Infantry Cavalry Artillery
Officers Men Officers Men Officers Men
Bvt. Maj. Gen. George Cadwalader First division 322 6,637 11 307 7 251
Maj. Gen. William H. Keim Second division 322 6,410 3 74
Total 644 13,047 14 381 7 251
Aggregate present for duty
Infantry 13,691
Cavalry 395
Artillery 258
Total 14,344

Confederate

[edit]
Key Confederate Generals
  • The Army of the Potomac (Brig. Gen. P. G. T. Beauregard, commanding) was organized into six infantry brigades, with each brigade containing three to six infantry regiments. Artillery batteries were assigned to various infantry brigades. The total number of troops in the Confederate Army of the Potomac was approximately 22,000. Beauregard's army also contained thirty-nine pieces of field artillery and a regiment of Virginia cavalry. The Army of the Potomac was organized into seven infantry brigades. These were:
  • The Army of the Shenandoah (Brig. Gen. Joseph E. Johnston, commanding) was also organized into brigades. It consisted of four brigades of three to five infantry regiments each, which totaled approximately 12,000 men. Each brigade was assigned one artillery battery. In addition to the infantry, there were twenty pieces of artillery and about 300 Virginia cavalrymen under Col. J. E. B. Stuart. Although the combined strength of both Confederate armies was about 34,000, only about 18,000 were actually engaged at the First Battle of Bull Run. The Army of the Shenandoah consisted of four infantry brigades:

Abstract front field return, First Corps (Army of the Potomac), July 21, 1861.[7]

[Dated September 25, 1861.]

ARMY OF THE POTOMAC
Commands General and Staff Officers Infantry Cavalry Artillery
Officers Men Officers Men Officers Men
First Brigade 4 211 4,070
Second Brigade 4 133 2,307
Third Brigade 4 128 1,989
Fourth Brigade 4 160 2,364
Fifth Brigade 3 208 3,065
Sixth Brigade 3 261 2,356
Seventh Louisiana 44 773
Eighth Louisiana 43 803
Hampton's Legion 27 627
Thirteenth Virginia 34 642
Harrison's Battalion (three companies) 13 196
Troops (ten) of cavalry 38 545
Washington (Louisiana) Artillery 19 201
Kemper's battery 4 76
Latham's battery 4 86
Loudoun Battery 3 55
Shield's battery 3 82
Camp Pickens (heavy artillery) 18 275
Total 22 1,215 18,354 85 1,383 51 775
Aggregates:
Infantry 19,569
Cavalry 1,468
Artillery 826
21,863

Abstract from monthly report of Brig. Gen. Joseph E. Johnston's division, or Army of the Shenandoah (C.S.A.), for June 30, 1861.[7]

ARMY OF THE SHENANDOAH
Commanding officer Troops PRESENT FOR DUTY
Infantry Cavalry Artillery
Officers Men Officers Men Officers Men
Colonel Jackson First brigade 128 2,043 4 81
Col. F. S. Bartow Second brigade 155 2,391 3 59
Brigadier-General Bee Third brigade 161 2,629 4 78
Col. A. Elzey Fourth brigade 156 2,106 4 45
Col. J. E. B. Stuart First Virginia Cavalry 21 313
Col. A. C. Cummings Virginia Volunteers 14 227
Total 614 9,396 21 313 15 263

Aggregate present for duty.

General staff 32
Infantry 10,010
Cavalry 334
Artillery 278
10,654

Battle

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Morning phase

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Matthews Hill

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Situation at 05:30–06:00 (July 21, 1861)
Situation morning, July 21

On the morning of July 21, McDowell sent the divisions of Hunter and Heintzelman (about 12,000 men) from Centreville at 2:30 a.m., marching southwest on the Warrenton Turnpike and then turning northwest toward Sudley Springs to get around the Confederates' left. Tyler's division (about 8,000) marched directly toward the Stone Bridge. The inexperienced units immediately developed logistical problems. Tyler's division blocked the advance of the main flanking column on the turnpike. The later units found the approach roads to Sudley Springs were inadequate, little more than a cart path in some places, and did not begin fording Bull Run until 9:30 a.m. Tyler's men reached the Stone Bridge around 6 a.m.[41]

Ruins of the Stone Bridge, photographed by George N. Barnard c. 1865

At 5:15 a.m., Richardson's brigade fired a few artillery rounds across Mitchell's Ford on the Confederate right, some of which hit Beauregard's headquarters in the Wilmer McLean house as he was eating breakfast, alerting him to the fact that his offensive battle plan had been preempted. Nevertheless, he ordered demonstration attacks north toward the Union left at Centreville. Bungled orders and poor communications prevented their execution. Although he intended for Brig. Gen. Richard S. Ewell to lead the attack, Ewell, at Union Mills Ford, was simply ordered to "hold ... in readiness to advance at a moment's notice". Brig. Gen. D.R. Jones was supposed to attack in support of Ewell, but found himself moving forward alone. Holmes was also supposed to support, but received no orders at all.[42]

U.S. cavalry at Sudley Spring Ford
An 1862 illustration of a Confederate officer forcing slaves at gunpoint to load a cannon directed at U.S. forces. According to John Parker, a former slave, he was forced by his Confederate captors to fire a cannon at U.S. soldiers at the Battle of Bull Run.[43][44]

All that stood in the path of the 20,000 Union soldiers converging on the Confederate left flank were Col. Nathan "Shanks" Evans and his reduced brigade of 1,100 men.[45] Evans had moved some of his men to intercept the direct threat from Tyler at the bridge, but he began to suspect that the weak attacks from the Union brigade of Brig. Gen. Robert C. Schenck were merely feints. He was informed of the main Union flanking movement through Sudley Springs by Captain Edward Porter Alexander, Beauregard's signal officer, observing from 8 miles (13 km) southwest on Signal Hill. In the first use of wig-wag semaphore signaling in combat, Alexander sent the message "Look out for your left, your position is turned."[46] Evans hastily led 900 of his men from their position fronting the Stone Bridge to a new location on the slopes of Matthews Hill, a low rise to the northwest of his previous position.[45]

The Confederate delaying action on Matthews Hill included a spoiling attack launched by Major Roberdeau Wheat's 1st Louisiana Special Battalion, "Wheat's Tigers". After Wheat's command was thrown back, and Wheat seriously wounded, Evans received reinforcement from two other brigades under Brig. Gen. Barnard Bee and Col. Francis S. Bartow, bringing the force on the flank to 2,800 men.[45] They successfully slowed Hunter's lead brigade (Brig. Gen. Ambrose Burnside) in its attempts to ford Bull Run and advance across Young's Branch, at the northern end of Henry House Hill. One of Tyler's brigade commanders, Col. William Tecumseh Sherman, moved forward from the stone bridge around 10:00 a.m.,[47] and crossed at an unguarded ford and struck the right flank of the Confederate defenders. This surprise attack, coupled with pressure from Burnside and Maj. George Sykes, collapsed the Confederate line shortly after 11:30 a.m., sending them in a disorderly retreat to Henry House Hill.[48]

(Further map details, see: Additional Map 4, Additional Map 5, Additional Map 6 and Additional Map 7.)

Noon phase

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Henry House Hill

[edit]

As they retreated from their Matthews Hill position, the remainder of Evans's, Bee's, and Bartow's commands received some cover from Capt. John D. Imboden and his battery of four 6-pounder guns, who held off the Union advance while the Confederates attempted to regroup on Henry House Hill. They were met by generals Johnston and Beauregard, who had just arrived from Johnston's headquarters at the M. Lewis Farm, "Portici".[49] Fortunately for the Confederates, McDowell did not press his advantage and attempt to seize the strategic ground immediately, choosing to bombard the hill with the batteries of Capts. James B. Ricketts (Battery I, 1st U.S. Artillery) and Charles Griffin (Battery D, 5th U.S.) from Dogan's Ridge.[50]

Attacks on Henry House Hill, 1–3 p.m
Union retreat, after 4 p.m.

Brig. Gen Thomas J. Jackson's Virginia Brigade came up in support of the disorganized Confederates around noon, accompanied by Col. Wade Hampton and his Hampton's Legion, and Col. J.E.B. Stuart's cavalry along with a contingent of 6-pounder guns. The Hampton Legion, some 600 men strong, managed to buy Jackson time to construct a defensive line on Henry House Hill by firing repeated volleys at Sherman's advancing brigade. Hampton had purchased approximately 400 Pattern 1853 Enfield rifles to equip the men with; however, it is not clear if his troops had them at Bull Run or if the weapons arrived after the battle. If so, they would have been the only foreign-made weapons on the field. The 79th New York was thoroughly decimated by Hampton's musket fire and began to disintegrate. Wade Hampton gestured towards their colonel, James Cameron, and remarked "Look at that brave officer trying to lead his men and they won't follow him." Shortly afterwards, Cameron, the brother of US Secretary of War Simon Cameron, was fatally wounded. It has been claimed that Hampton deliberately targeted officers of the 79th New York in revenge for the death of his nephew earlier in the day, although he had in fact been killed by soldiers of the 69th New York.[citation needed]

The stampede from Bull Run by Frank Vizetelly, Illustrated London News

Jackson posted his five regiments on the reverse slope of the hill, where they were shielded from direct fire, and was able to assemble 13 guns for the defensive line, which he posted on the crest of the hill; as the guns fired, their recoil moved them down the reverse slope, where they could be safely reloaded.[51] Meanwhile, McDowell ordered the batteries of Ricketts and Griffin to move from Dogan's Ridge to the hill for close infantry support. Their 11 guns engaged in a fierce artillery duel across 300 yards (270 m) against Jackson's 13. Unlike many engagements in the Civil War, here the Confederate artillery had an advantage. The Union pieces were now within range of the Confederate smoothbores and the predominantly rifled pieces on the Union side were not effective weapons at such close ranges, with many shots fired over the head of their targets.[52]

Ruins of Judith Henry's house, "Spring Hill", after the battle
Postwar house on site of Judith Henry house in Manassas
Judith Henry grave

One of the casualties of the artillery fire was Judith Carter Henry, an 85-year-old widow and invalid, who was unable to leave her bedroom in the Henry House. As Ricketts began receiving rifle fire, he concluded that it was coming from the Henry House and turned his guns on the building. A shell that crashed through the bedroom wall tore off one of the widow's feet and inflicted multiple injuries, from which she died later that day.[53]

As his men were pushed back towards Henry House Hill, Bee exclaimed to Jackson, "The Enemy are driving us." Jackson, a former U.S. Army officer and professor at the Virginia Military Institute, is said to have replied, "Then, Sir, we will give them the bayonet."[54] Bee is then said to have exhorted his own troops to re-form by shouting, "There is Jackson standing like a stone wall. Let us determine to die here, and we will conquer. Rally behind the Virginians."[55] This exclamation is often held to be the source for Jackson's (and his brigade's) nickname, "Stonewall". Bee was shot through the stomach shortly afterwards and died the next day, thus it is unclear exactly what he said or meant. Moreover, none of his subordinates wrote reports of the battle, so there is no first-hand account of the exchange. Major Burnett Rhett, chief of staff to General Johnston, claimed that Bee was angry at Jackson's failure to come immediately to the relief of Bee's and Bartow's brigades while they were under heavy pressure. Those who subscribe to this opinion believe that Bee's statement was meant to be pejorative: "Look at Jackson standing there like a stone wall!"[56] After Bee's wounding, Col. States Rights Gist, serving as Bee's aide-de-camp, took command of the brigade.

Artillery commander Griffin decided to move two of his guns to the southern end of his line, hoping to provide enfilade fire against the Confederates. At approximately 3 p.m., these guns were overrun by the 33rd Virginia, whose men were outfitted in blue uniforms, causing Griffin's commander, Maj. William F. Barry, to mistake them for Union troops and to order Griffin not to fire on them.[57] Close range volleys from the 33rd Virginia followed by Stuart's cavalry attack against the flank of the 11th New York Volunteer Infantry Regiment (Ellsworth's Fire Zouaves), which was supporting the battery, killed many of the gunners and scattered the infantry. Capitalizing on this success, Jackson ordered two regiments to charge Ricketts's guns and they were captured as well. As additional Federal infantry engaged, the Confederates were pushed back and they reformed and the guns changed hands several times.[58]

Capture of Ricketts' Battery, painting by Sidney E. King, National Park Service

The capture of the Union guns turned the tide of battle. Although McDowell had brought 15 regiments into the fight on the hill, outnumbering the Confederates two to one, no more than two were ever engaged simultaneously. Jackson continued to press his attacks, telling soldiers of the 4th Virginia Infantry, "Reserve your fire until they come within 50 yards! Then fire and give them the bayonet! And when you charge, yell like furies!" For the first time, Union troops heard the disturbing sound of the Rebel yell. At about 4 p.m., the last Union troops were pushed off Henry House Hill by a charge of two regiments from Col. Philip St. George Cocke's brigade.[59]

To the west, Chinn Ridge had been occupied by Col. Oliver Otis Howard's brigade from Heintzelman's division. But at 4 p.m., two Confederate brigades-Col. Jubal Early's, which had moved from the Confederate right, and Brig. Gen. Edmund Kirby Smith's (commanded by Col. Arnold Elzey after Smith was wounded), which had just arrived from the Shenandoah Valley, moved forward and crushed Howard's brigade. Beauregard ordered his entire line forward, and the Union troops began to panic in retreat. At 5 p.m. everywhere McDowell's army was disintegrating. Thousands, in large and small groups or as individuals, began to leave the battlefield and head for Centreville in a rout. McDowell rode around the field trying to rally regiments and groups of soldiers, but most had had enough. Unable to stop the mass exodus, McDowell gave orders for Porter's regular infantry battalion, near the intersection of the turnpike and Manassas-Sudley Road, to act as a rear guard as his army withdrew. The unit briefly held the crossroads, then retreated eastward with the rest of the army.[60] McDowell's force crumbled and began to retreat.[61]

(Further map details, see: Additional Map 8, Additional Map 9, Additional Map 10, Additional Map 11 and Additional Map 12.)

Union retreat

[edit]

The retreat was relatively orderly up to the Bull Run crossings, but was poorly managed by the Union officers. A Union wagon was overturned by artillery fire on a bridge spanning Cub Run Creek, inciting panic in McDowell's force. As the soldiers streamed uncontrollably toward Centreville, discarding their arms and equipment, McDowell ordered Col. Dixon S. Miles's division to act as a rear guard, but it was impossible to rally the army short of Washington. In the disorder that followed, hundreds of Union troops were taken prisoner. Wagons and artillery were abandoned, including the 30-pounder Parrott rifle, which had opened the battle with such fanfare. Expecting an easy Union victory, the wealthy elite of nearby Washington, including congressmen and their families, had come to picnic and watch the battle. When the Union army was driven back in a running disorder, the roads back to Washington were blocked by panicked civilians attempting to flee in their carriages.[62] The pell-mell retreat became known in the Southern press as "The Great Skedaddle".[63][64]

Return of the 69th (Irish) Regiment after the First Battle of Bull Run, July 27, 1861, painting by Louis Lang

Since their combined army had been left highly disorganized as well, Beauregard and Johnston did not fully press their advantage, despite urging from Confederate President Jefferson Davis, who had arrived on the battlefield to see the Union soldiers retreating. An attempt by Johnston to intercept the Union troops from his right flank, using the brigades of Brig. Gens. Milledge L. Bonham and James Longstreet, was a failure. The two commanders squabbled with each other and when Bonham's men received some artillery fire from the Union rear guard, and found that Richardson's brigade blocked the road to Centreville, he called off the pursuit.[65]

In Washington, President Lincoln and members of the cabinet waited for news of a Union victory. Instead, a telegram arrived stating "General McDowell's army in full retreat through Centreville. The day is lost. Save Washington and the remnants of this army." The tidings were happier in the Confederate capital. From the battlefield President Davis telegraphed Richmond, "We have won a glorious but dear-bought victory. Night closed on the enemy in full flight and closely pursued."[66]

Aftermath

[edit]

Brief observations

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The battle was a clash between relatively large, ill-trained bodies of recruits, led by inexperienced officers. Neither army commander was able to deploy his forces effectively; although nearly 60,000 men were present at the battle, only 36,000 had actually been engaged. Although McDowell had been active on the battlefield, he had expended most of his energy maneuvering nearby regiments and brigades, instead of controlling and coordinating the movements of his army as a whole. Other factors contributed to McDowell's defeat: Patterson's failure to hold Johnston in the valley; McDowell's two-day delay at Centreville; allowing Tyler's division to lead the march on 21 July, thus delaying the flanking divisions of Hunter and Heintzelman; and the 2+12-hour delay after the Union victory on Matthews' Hill, which allowed the Confederates to bring up reinforcements and establish a defensive position on Henry Hill. On Henry Hill, Beauregard had also limited his control to the regimental level, generally allowing the battle to continue on its own and only reacting to Union moves. Johnston's decision to transport his infantry to the battlefield by rail played a major role in the Confederate victory. Although the trains were slow and a lack of sufficient cars did not allow the transport of large numbers of troops at one time, almost all of his army arrived in time to participate in the battle. After reaching Manassas Junction, Johnston had relinquished command of the battlefield to Beauregard, but his forwarding of reinforcements to the scene of fighting was decisive.[67] Jackson and Bee's brigades had done the largest share of fighting in the battle; Jackson's brigade had fought almost alone for four hours and sustained over 50% casualties.

Detailed casualties

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Bull Run was the largest and bloodiest battle in United States history up until that point. Union casualties were 460 killed, 1,124 wounded, and 1,312 missing or captured; Confederate casualties were 387 killed, 1,582 wounded, and 13 missing (a very high 10% casualty rate of the troops engaged in battle, excluding missing or captured).[11] Among the Union dead was Col. James Cameron, the brother of President Lincoln's first Secretary of War, Simon Cameron.[68] Among the Confederate casualties was Col. Francis S. Bartow, the first Confederate brigade commander to be killed in the Civil War. General Bee was mortally wounded and died the following day.[69]

Compared to later battles, casualties at First Bull Run had not been especially heavy. Both Union and Confederate killed, wounded, and missing were a little over 1700 each.[70] Two Confederate brigade commanders, Jackson, and Edmund Kirby-Smith were wounded in the battle. Jackson was shot in the hand and so he remained on the battlefield. No Union officers above the regimental level were killed; two division commanders (Samuel Heintzelman and David Hunter) and one brigade commander (Orlando Willcox) were wounded.

Union

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Union casualties at the battle of Bull Run, July 21, 1861.[8]

Army of Northeastern Virginia
Troops Killed Wounded Missing Total Remarks
Officers Enlisted Men Officers Enlisted Men Officers Enlisted Men
General staff 1 1
First Division, General Tyler:
First Brigade, Colonel Keyes 19 4 46 5 149 223 Eighteen others slightly wounded.
Second Brigade, General Schenck 3 16 15 1 15 50
Third Brigade, Colonel Sherman 3 117 15 193 13 240 581
Fourth Brigade, Colonel Richardson Not engaged. Guarding Blackburn's Ford.
Total, First Division 6 152 19 254 19 404 854
Second Division, Colonel Hunter:
First Brigade, Colonel Porter 1 83 9 139 9 236 477 Four surgeons missing.
Second Brigade, Colonel Burnside 5 35 3 85 2 59 189 Five surgeons missing.
Total Second Division 6 118 12 224 11 295 666
Third Division, Colonel Heintzelman:
Division headquarters. 1 1
First Brigade, Colonel Franklin 3 68 13 183 4 22 293
Second Brigade, Colonel Willcox 1 70 11 161 186 429
Third Brigade, Colonel Howard 2 48 7 108 6 174 345
Total, Third Division 6 186 32 452 10 382 1,068
Fourth Division, General Runyon In reserve on the Potomac.
Fifth Division, Colonel Miles
First Brigade Colonel Blenker 6 16 94 116
Second Brigade, Colonel Davies 1 1 1 3
Total, Fifth Division 6 1 17 95 119
Grand total 19 462 64 947 40 1,176 2,708

Union artillery lost in the battle of Bull Run, July 21, 1861.[71]

Batteries Commanders Guns lost Remarks
Rifled Smooth Total
First U. S. Artillery, Company G
(two 20-pounder Parrotts,
one 30-pounder Parrott).
Lieutenant Edwards 1 1 20-pounders saved
First U. S. Artillery, Company I
(six 10-pounder Parrots)
Captain Ricketts 6 6 None saved
Second U. S. Artillery, Company D Captain Arnold 2 2 4 None saved
Second U. S. Artillery, Company E
(two 13-pounder James, two 6-pounders (old), two 12-pounder howitzers).
Captain Carlisle 2 2 4 Two 6-pounders saved
Fifth S. Artillery [Company D],
(two 10-pounder Parrotts,
two 6-pounders (old),
two 12-pounder howitzers).
Captain Griffin 1 4 5 One 10-pounder saved
Rhode Island Battery
(six 13-pounder James)
5 5 One saved
Total lost 17 8 25

Confederate

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Confederate casualties at the battle of Bull Run, July 21, 1861.[10]

Command Killed Wounded Missing Aggregate
Officers Enlisted Men Officers Enlisted Men Officers Enlisted Men
ARMY OF THE POTOMAC
INFANTRY
First Louisiana (battalion) 8 5 33 2 48
Seventh Louisiana 3 23 26
Thirteenth Mississippi 6 6
Seventeenth Mississippi 2 9 11
Eighteenth Mississippi 2 6 2 28 38
Fifth North Carolina 1 3 4
Second South Carolina 5 6 37 48
Fourth South Carolina 1 10 9 70 6 96
Fifth South Carolina 3 23 26
Eighth South Carolina 5 3 20 28
Hampton Legion 19 100 2 121
First Virginia 6 6
Seventh Virginia 9 1 37 47
Eighth Virginia 6 23 1 30
Seventeenth Virginia 1 3 4
Eighteenth Virginia 6 1 12 19
Nineteenth Virginia 1 4 1 6
Twenty-eighth Virginia 9 9
Forty-ninth Virginia 1 9 1 29 40
ARTILLERY
Alexandria Light Artillery 1 2 3
Latham's 1 1
Loudoun 3 3
Washington (La.) 1 2 3
CAVALRY
Thirtieth Virginia 2 3 4 9
Hanover 1 3 4
ARMY OF THE SHENANDOAH
INFANTRY
Fourth Alabama 4 36 6 151
Seventh Georgia 1 18 12 122
Eighth Georgia 3 38 6 153
First Maryland 1 5
Second Mississippi 4 21 3 79 1
Eleventh Mississippi 7 21
Sixth North Carolina 1 22 4 46
Third Tennessee 1 3
Second Virginia 3 15 3 69
Fourth Virginia 1 30 100
Fifth Virginia 6 47
Tenth Virginia 6 10
Twenty-seventh Virginia 1 18 122
Thirty-third Virginia 1 44 101
Total First Corps 6 99 29 490 12 632
Total Second Corps 19 263 34 1,029 1
Grand total 25 362 63 1,519 1 12 632

Today will be known as BLACK MONDAY. We are utterly and disgracefully routed, beaten, whipped by secessionists.

— Union diarist George Templeton Strong[72]

If the war had turned out to be of short duration, Bull Run would have been a disaster for the Union. But if, as now seemed more plausible, a long and nasty war was inevitable, that battle had a curiously salutary effect for the Union side. It provided a wake-up call for those optimists—like Seward or even Lincoln—who had hoped for or counted on a quick result.

— David Detzer, Donnybrook[73]

Bull Run was a turning point in the American Civil War... in the sense that the battle struck with impelling force upon public opinion at home and abroad, upon Congress, and upon the Commander-in-chief. It framed new patterns of thought and led to far-reaching changes in the conduct of the war. The failure at Bull Run inspired a second Northern rising. Volunteering accelerated, 90-day men reenlisted, states rushed fresh regiments forward in plenitude.... As they realized victory would not come readily, a new mood fastened upon Northerners. An iron resolve entered the Northern soul ...

— James A. Rawley, Turning Points of the Civil War[74]

Effect on Union and subsequent events

[edit]

Union forces and civilians alike feared that Confederate forces, 14,000 not engaged in the battle and thus rested, would advance on Washington, DC, only 27 miles away [2], with very little standing in their way. On July 24, Prof. Thaddeus S. C. Lowe ascended in the balloon Enterprise to observe the Confederates moving in and about Manassas Junction and Fairfax. He saw no evidence of massing Confederate forces but was forced to land in Confederate territory. It was overnight before he was rescued and could report to headquarters. He reported that his observations "restored confidence" to the Union commanders.[75]

The Northern public was shocked at the unexpected defeat of their army when an easy victory had been widely anticipated. Some Northerners visited to overlook the battlefield and picnic since they expected the battle would be won easily.[76] Both sides quickly came to realize that the war would be longer and more brutal than they had imagined. On July 22, President Lincoln signed a bill that provided for the enlistment of another 500,000 men for up to three years of service.[77] On July 25, 11,000 Pennsylvanians who had earlier been rejected by the U.S. Secretary of War, Simon Cameron, for federal service in either Patterson's or McDowell's command arrived in Washington, DC, and were finally accepted.[78]

Three months after the First Battle of Bull Run, Union forces suffered another, smaller defeat at the Battle of Ball's Bluff, near Leesburg, Virginia. The perceived military incompetence at both battles led to the establishment of the Joint Committee on the Conduct of the War, a congressional body created to investigate Northern military affairs. Concerning the Battle of First Bull Run, the committee listened to testimony from a variety of witnesses connected with McDowell's army. Although the committee's report concluded that the principal cause of defeat was Patterson's failure to prevent Johnston from reinforcing Beauregard, Patterson's enlistment had expired a few days after the battle, and he was no longer in the service. The Northern public clamored for another scapegoat, and McDowell bore the chief blame. On July 25, he was relieved of army command and replaced by Maj. Gen. George B. McClellan, who would soon be named general-in-chief of all the Union armies. McDowell was also present to bear significant blame for the defeat of Maj. Gen. John Pope's Army of Virginia by Gen. Robert E. Lee's Army of Northern Virginia thirteen months later, at the Second Battle of Bull Run.[70][79]

Effect on Confederacy

[edit]

The reaction in the Confederacy was more muted. There was little public celebration, as the Southerners realized that despite their victory, the greater battles that would inevitably come would mean greater losses for their side as well.[80] Once the euphoria of victory had worn off, Jefferson Davis called for 400,000 additional volunteers.[70]

Beauregard was considered the Confederate hero of the battle and was promoted that day by President Davis to full general in the Confederate army.[81] Stonewall Jackson, arguably the most important tactical contributor to the victory, received no special recognition but would later achieve glory for his 1862 Valley campaign. Privately, Davis credited Greenhow with ensuring Confederate victory.[30] Jordan sent a telegram to Greenhow: "Our President and our General direct me to thank you. We rely upon you for further information. The Confederacy owes you a debt. (Signed) JORDAN, Adjutant-General."[82]

The battle also had long-term psychological consequences. The decisive victory led to a degree of overconfidence on the part of Confederate forces and prompted a determined organizational effort on the part of the Union. In hindsight, commentators on both sides agreed that the one-sided outcome "proved the greatest misfortune that would have befallen the Confederacy." Although modern historians generally agree with that interpretation, James M. McPherson has argued that the esprit de corps attained by Confederate troops on the heels of their victory, together with a new sense of insecurity felt by northern commanders, also gave the Confederacy a military edge in the following months.[83]

Confederate victory: turning point of the American Civil War

[edit]

"Bull Run" vs. "Manassas"

[edit]

The name of the battle has caused controversy since 1861. The Union army frequently named battles after significant rivers and creeks that played a role in the fighting; the Confederates generally used the names of nearby towns or farms. The U.S. National Park Service uses the Confederate name for its national battlefield park, but the Union name (Bull Run) also has widespread currency in popular literature.[84]

Confusion between battle flags

[edit]

Battlefield confusion between the battle flags, especially the similarity of the Confederacy's "Stars and Bars" and the Union's "Stars and Stripes" when it was fluttering, led to the adoption of the Confederate Battle Flag, which eventually became the most popular symbol of the Confederacy and the South in general.[85]

Conclusions

[edit]

The First Battle of Bull Run demonstrated that the war would not be won by one grand battle, and both sides began preparing for a long and bloody conflict. The battle also showed the need for adequately trained and experienced officers and men. One year later, many of the same soldiers who had fought at First Bull Run, now combat veterans, would have an opportunity to test their skills on the same battlefield at the Second Battle of Bull Run/Manassas.[70]

Additional battle maps

[edit]

Gallery: the First Bull Run hour by hour

[edit]
[edit]

The First Battle of Bull Run is mentioned in the novel Gods and Generals, but is depicted more fully in its film adaptation. The battle forms the climax of the film Class of '61. It also appears in the first episode of the second season of the mini-series North and South, in the second episode of the first season of the mini-series How the West Was Won and in the first episode of the mini-series The Blue and the Gray. Manassas (1999) is the first volume in the James Reasoner Civil War Series of historical novels. The battle is described in Rebel (1993), the first volume of Bernard Cornwell's The Starbuck Chronicles series of historical novels. The battle is described from the viewpoint of a Union infantryman in Upton Sinclair's novella Manassas, which also depicts the political turmoil leading up to the Civil War. The battle is also depicted in John Jakes's The Titans, the fifth novel in The Kent Family Chronicles, a series that explores the fictional Confederate cavalry officer Gideon Kent. The battle is the subject of the Johnny Horton song, "Battle of Bull Run". Shaman, second in the Cole family trilogy by Noah Gordon, includes an account of the battle. The battle is also depicted in the song "Yankee Bayonet" by indie-folk band The Decemberists. In Murder at 1600, Detective Harlan Regis (Wesley Snipes) has built a plan-relief of the battle which plays a certain role in the plot.

Sesquicentennial

[edit]
The National Jubilee of Peace building at Grant and Lee avenues in Manassas, Virginia, is draped with the U.S. flag for the 150th anniversary commemoration, held on July 21, 2011, of the First Battle of Bull Run.

Prince William County staged special events commemorating the 150th anniversary of the Civil War through 2011. Manassas was named the No. 1 tourist destination in the United States for 2011 by the American Bus Association for its efforts in highlighting the historical impact of the Civil War. The cornerstone of the commemoration event featured a reenactment of the battle on July 23–24, 2011. Throughout the year, there were tours of the Manassas battlefield and other battlefields in the county and a number of related events and activities.[86]

The City of Manassas commemorated the 150th anniversary of the battle July 21–24, 2011.[87]

Battlefield preservation

[edit]

Part of the site of the battle is now Manassas National Battlefield Park, which is designated as a National Battlefield Park. More than 900,000 people visit the battlefield each year. As a historic area under the National Park Service, the park was administratively listed on the National Register of Historic Places on October 15, 1966.[88] The American Battlefield Trust and its partners have preserved more than 385 acres of the battlefields at Manassas in 15 transactions since 2010, mostly on the Second Manassas Battlefield.[89]

See also

[edit]

Notes

[edit]

References

[edit]

Further reading

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
The First Battle of Bull Run, known to Confederates as the First Battle of Manassas, was the initial major engagement of the American Civil War, occurring on July 21, 1861, along Bull Run creek near Manassas Junction, Virginia. Union Brigadier General Irvin McDowell commanded approximately 28,000–35,000 troops in an advance aimed at defeating Confederate forces and capturing Richmond, while Confederate Brigadier General P.G.T. Beauregard led about 22,000 men along the creek, soon reinforced by 10,000 under General Joseph E. Johnston arriving via rail from the Shenandoah Valley. The battle commenced with Union flanking maneuvers that initially succeeded, but Confederate counterattacks, bolstered by Johnston's reinforcements and the stand of Brigadier General Thomas J. Jackson's brigade—earning him the nickname "Stonewall"—repelled the assault and triggered a disorganized Union retreat toward Washington, D.C. Casualties totaled around 4,878, with the Union suffering 2,896 (including 460 killed and over 1,300 missing or captured) and the Confederacy 1,982 (387 killed). This Confederate victory shattered Northern expectations of a swift war, prompting President Abraham Lincoln to reorganize Union forces under Major General George B. McClellan and highlighting the conflict's prolonged and bloody nature.

Historical Context

Political Pressures and Secession Dynamics

The Southern states' secession was driven by longstanding economic divergences and assertions of states' rights against perceived federal overreach, rather than isolated moral debates over abolition. The agrarian South relied heavily on cotton exports, which comprised over half of U.S. exports by 1860, favoring low tariffs and free trade to maximize foreign markets, while Northern industrial interests supported protective tariffs like the 1828 "Tariff of Abominations" that burdened Southern consumers and exporters. Declarations from seceding states, such as South Carolina's, emphasized the federal government's failure to enforce fugitive slave laws and the election of Abraham Lincoln—who received no electoral votes from the Deep South—as a threat to state sovereignty over property rights, including slavery as a legal institution protected by the Constitution. Virginia's leaders, initially divided, cited the voluntary compact theory of the Union, rooted in the 1787 Constitutional Convention debates where states delegated powers but retained inherent rights to withdraw if oppressed. The bombardment of on April 12–13, 1861, escalated tensions, as Confederate forces viewed Lincoln's resupply mission as an aggressive federal intrusion into sovereign territory after South Carolina's December 1860 . In response, Lincoln issued a on April 15, 1861, calling for 75,000 state volunteers for three months' service to "suppress said combinations" in the seceded states, framing it as enforcement of federal laws but interpreted by Southerners as coercive invasion violating the Union's consensual nature. This call directly catalyzed in upper South states like , where a convention had convened in April but initially rejected withdrawal by a 2–1 margin; the perceived threat of Northern arms shifted sentiment, leading to an 88–55 vote for on April 17, 1861, formalized in an ordinance asserting the state's "absolute sovereignty" and right to resume delegated powers. Ratification followed on May 23, 1861, by popular vote, aligning with the Confederacy and providing industrial resources, ports, and militias exceeding 50,000 men. Virginia's defection amplified Confederate strategic advantages, particularly through Manassas Junction, a critical rail nexus where the Orange and Alexandria Railroad intersected the Manassas Gap Railroad, facilitating rapid troop movements from the Shenandoah Valley to Richmond and enabling supply lines vital for a defensive posture against Washington, D.C., just 30 miles away. Northern political pressures, fueled by Republican majorities and public fervor, anticipated a swift campaign to crush the "rebellion" and restore the Union, with volunteers enlisting under illusions of a 90-day war, underestimating Southern militias' local knowledge and resolve to repel invasion as defense of hearth and sovereignty. In contrast, Southern dynamics emphasized decentralized forces rooted in state militias, embodying the principle that the Union derived from sovereign states' consent, not perpetual subjugation, a view echoed in Confederate Vice President Alexander Stephens' Cornerstone Speech framing the conflict as resistance to centralized tyranny. This divergence set the stage for confrontation in Northern Virginia, where federal overreach met entrenched regional autonomy.

Early Military Mobilizations

The Union response to the Confederate attack on Fort Sumter on April 12, 1861, involved rapid mobilization under intense political pressure for swift action to restore federal authority, with President Lincoln issuing a on calling for 75,000 state volunteers to serve three months. This short-term enlistment structure, rooted in existing militia laws limiting compulsory service to 90 days, reflected widespread Northern expectation of a brief conflict but resulted in forces composed largely of civilians with minimal training, equipping, or discipline. By early summer, these green troops—many mustered in haste amid enthusiastic but naive public fervor—faced logistical strains including inadequate supply chains, poor organization, and reliance on inexperienced officers, conditions that empirically undermined combat readiness as evidenced by high rates of straggling and confusion in initial drills. Confederate mobilization similarly prioritized speed over preparation, drawing on state-organized volunteer companies and militia units rallied after secession ordinances, with President Jefferson Davis requesting 100,000 troops from governors following Sumter to defend Southern territory. These forces, often locally recruited and minimally drilled, focused early efforts on fortifying key positions such as those along Bull Run creek near Manassas Junction to block Union advances on Richmond, utilizing earthworks and obstructed bridges despite shortages in and unified command. The decentralized reliance on state volunteers led to uneven training and armament, with many units arriving piecemeal and untested, amplifying vulnerabilities in a defensive posture that causal analysis of hasty assembly would foresee as prone to coordination failures under pressure. Compounding these issues, Union Major General Robert Patterson's Department of , tasked with containing Confederate Joseph E. Johnston's forces in the to prevent reinforcement of Manassas, suffered from logistical missteps and overly cautious operations, allowing Johnston's approximately 11,000 men to slip away undetected between July 17 and 19 via rail transport. Patterson's failure stemmed from faulty intelligence, delayed advances, and supply delays that left his 18,000 troops immobile, enabling Johnston's timely junction with the Manassas army and tipping the balance despite numerical parity; this lapse highlighted broader Northern mobilization deficiencies in and sustainment, as Patterson's command dissolved without but amid widespread criticism for enabling the Confederate success.

Strategic Objectives in Northern Virginia

The Bull Run stream served as a critical natural barrier in Northern Virginia, approximately 25 miles southwest of Washington, D.C., providing the Confederates with defensible terrain featuring precipitous hills and limited fords that restricted Union advances and artillery movement. This positioning allowed Confederate forces under Brig. Gen. P. G. T. Beauregard to anchor their lines north of Manassas Junction, a vital rail hub where the Orange & Alexandria and Manassas Gap Railroads converged, facilitating supply lines from the Shenandoah Valley and the Virginia interior to sustain Confederate operations. Union strategic imperatives centered on defeating Beauregard's army to relieve the direct threat to the national capital and enable a swift push toward Richmond, the Confederate capital, in line with President Abraham Lincoln's directives for an early victory amid mounting political pressures. Brig. Gen. , commanding Union forces, aimed to shatter the Confederate position at Manassas to demoralize the secessionist effort and conclude the war before the terms of 90-day volunteers expired. Confederate objectives focused on stalling the Union invasion along the Bull Run line to buy crucial time for reinforcements from Brig. Gen. Joseph E. Johnston's Army of the Shenandoah, while leveraging the defensive terrain advantages to preserve forces for broader mobilization, recruitment, and potential from European powers. By holding Manassas Junction, the Confederates sought to protect rail infrastructure essential for sustaining their defensive posture in against further northern incursions.

Commanders and Forces

Union Leadership and Army Composition


Brigadier General Irvin McDowell commanded the Union Army of Northeastern Virginia, which comprised approximately 35,000 men as it advanced toward Manassas Junction in July 1861. This force consisted primarily of volunteer infantry regiments enlisted for 90-day terms under emergency legislation passed after Fort Sumter, reflecting the North's hasty mobilization amid expectations of a short war. McDowell, a career officer with staff experience but no field command, repeatedly cautioned President Lincoln and General-in-Chief Winfield Scott that his troops lacked sufficient training and discipline for offensive operations, estimating three months were needed for preparation. Despite these warnings, political pressure from Congress and the administration compelled McDowell to launch the campaign prematurely, prioritizing public demand for swift action over methodical readiness.
The army's structure included three field divisions and reserve elements, underscoring organizational improvisation. The First Division fell under Daniel Tyler, a West Point graduate turned politician who had served in the militia but held no recent role; his appointment highlighted the influence of political connections in early Union command selections. The Second Division was led by Colonel David , acting as brigadier general, while the Third Division was commanded by Samuel P. , both West Point alumni with pre-war service but facing troops untested in maneuver or . Reserves under Brigadier General Theodore Runyon and Colonel Dixon S. Miles provided additional but were positioned to guard supply lines rather than engage directly, limiting their tactical flexibility. Compositionally, the army emphasized over specialized arms, with limited to a single understrength regiment ill-equipped for or screening, and batteries—though numerous—hampered by gunners' inexperience in rapid deployment and sustained . This imbalance stemmed from the rushed recruitment of civilians into short-term units, where drill time yielded minimal proficiency in operations, favoring quantity and political expediency over .

Confederate Leadership and Army Composition



Brigadier General commanded the Confederate , positioned defensively along Bull Run creek near Manassas Junction to protect the vital railroad hub. His forces numbered approximately 20,000 to 22,000 troops, drawn predominantly from Southern state militias and organized into brigades under subordinates such as Colonel Nathan "Shanks" Evans, who held the left flank at Stone Bridge. These units adopted entrenched positions leveraging the stream's natural barrier and local terrain for defense, reflecting an early emphasis on prepared lines over aggressive maneuvers.
The Confederate comprised mostly short-term volunteers motivated by regional loyalty and the defense of home territories, fostering high and individual initiative within a relatively decentralized command . This enthusiasm, rooted in state-based enlistments, enabled flexible responses from leaders amid fluid battlefield conditions, with troops often exhibiting greater resolve in holding ground compared to their Union counterparts. (Note: using army history as proxy for volunteer composition.) Brigadier General , leading the Army of the Shenandoah from Winchester, reinforced Beauregard with roughly 10,000 men transported undetected by rail via the Manassas Gap Railroad, arriving on July 20, 1861. This timely augmentation swelled total Confederate strength to about 32,000, allowing Johnston to assume overall field command while Beauregard coordinated tactical dispositions. The integration of these forces underscored the Confederacy's effective use of and rail logistics, bolstering defensive cohesion through motivated personnel attuned to terrain advantages.

Prelude to Engagement

McDowell's Campaign Plan and Advance

, commanding approximately 35,000 Union troops, formulated a campaign plan to outflank Confederate forces under positioned along Bull Run by executing a feint at Stone Bridge while the main force crossed at the unguarded Sudley Springs Ford to strike the enemy's left flank and rear. This maneuver aimed to avoid costly frontal assaults on fortified fords, but its complexity demanded precise timing and coordination among inexperienced divisions, risking exposure if the flanking column was delayed or detected. assumed Robert Patterson's 18,000-man force in the would neutralize Joseph E. Johnston's army, securing the Union left flank and preventing reinforcements from reaching Manassas Junction; however, inadequate intelligence and Patterson's subsequent inaction undermined this premise, leaving 's advance vulnerable to convergence from the west. The Union Army departed , on July 16, 1861, advancing southward through Fairfax Court House amid sweltering heat that exhausted troops unaccustomed to prolonged marches, compounded by logistical strains from overloaded wagons and poor road conditions. By July 18, elements reached Centreville, but Daniel Tyler's division, tasked with rather than , exceeded orders by probing Blackburn's Ford aggressively, resulting in a skirmish that inflicted about 80 Union casualties against fewer Confederate losses and compelled a withdrawal after duels revealed entrenched positions. This unauthorized engagement, which McDowell criticized as premature and alerting the enemy, alongside supply shortages and further heat-related delays, postponed the main advance until July 20, when the army concentrated at Centreville without confirming Patterson's engagement of Johnston or adjusting for the revealed Confederate strength. ![ATLAS_OR_NORTHEASTERN_VIRGINIA_MAP_1.jpg)[center]

Beauregard's Defensive Positions and Intelligence

positioned approximately 20,000 Confederate troops along the southern banks of Bull Run, establishing partially entrenched lines extending from Union Mills Ford in the east to the Stone Bridge in the west, thereby covering multiple key fords that offered potential crossing points for a Union advance toward Manassas Junction. These defenses leveraged the creek's natural barriers and adjacent terrain features, including wooded ridges and ravines, to create a formidable obstacle requiring any attacker to expose flanks during fording attempts. Beauregard's intelligence operations relied on scouts, picket lines, and patrols, which provided early warnings of Union troop concentrations near Centreville by July 20, allowing him to reinforce vulnerable sectors and shift from an offensive plan to a defensive posture. Reports from these sources accurately identified the scale of Irvin McDowell's army, estimated at over 30,000 men, and its march from Washington, enabling Beauregard to concentrate and at critical points like Blackburn's Ford and the Stone Bridge without overextending his lines. To augment his forces, Beauregard coordinated with Joseph E. Johnston's Army of the Shenandoah, approximately 11,000 strong, which had successfully contained Union forces in the valley under ; prearranged signals, including visual flags and potential rocket flares managed by signal officer , facilitated the timely arrival and concealed deployment of Johnston's reinforcements by rail to Manassas Junction on the morning of July 21, holding them in reserve behind Henry House Hill until midday to maintain tactical surprise. This integration masked the full Confederate strength, estimated at around 32,000 after reinforcements, from Union observers until the battle's critical phases unfolded.

Initial Skirmishes and July 21 Movements

Union forces under Daniel Tyler's division approached Bull Run near the Stone Bridge around 5:00 a.m. on , 1861, with batteries commanded by Captains James B. Ricketts and opening fire shortly thereafter on Confederate pickets and positions atop Matthews Hill approximately one mile to the north. This initial bombardment, commencing near 5:30 a.m., targeted the advanced Confederate line held by a small detachment under Nathan G. "Shanks" Evans, whose totaled about 1,100 men primarily responsible for guarding the Stone Bridge ford. Evans' skirmishers returned fire sporadically, buying time while the main Confederate army under remained positioned along the Bull Run line, but the limited engagement highlighted the inexperience of both sides, with Union troops firing prematurely and Confederates struggling to maintain formation amid the chaos. Concurrently, the primary Union flanking maneuver unfolded as Brigadier Generals and directed approximately 13,000 men in two divisions northward along obscure farm roads toward the unforded Sudley Springs crossing, intended to envelop the Confederate left; the column departed Centreville around 2:30 a.m. but lagged due to navigational errors, dust-obscured trails, and undisciplined halts for water and straggling, delaying the head of Ambrose Burnside's from reaching the ford until about 9:00 a.m., over two hours behind . This breakdown in Union chain of command stemmed from inadequate , reliance on volunteer officers unaccustomed to enforcing march order, and the physical exhaustion of troops untested in sustained movement, contrasting with Confederate picket reports that promptly alerted Evans to the threat by 7:00 a.m. Detecting the Union column emerging from woods northwest of his position, Evans executed a rapid counter-maneuver around 9:00 a.m., repositioning most of his from the Stone Bridge to Matthews Hill to intercept the flankers, thereby delaying their linkup with Tyler's frontal demonstration and allowing Beauregard time to redirect reinforcements southward. These preliminary contacts underscored escalating disorder on the Union side from poor discipline and coordination failures, while Evans' cohesive response with inferior numbers preserved Confederate options, though both armies exhibited the raw edges of militia-like organization in their first major clash.

Course of the Battle

Fighting on Matthews Hill

At approximately 10:00 a.m. on July 21, 1861, the first significant engagement of the battle erupted on Matthews Hill when Colonel Ambrose Burnside's Union brigade, spearheading Brigadier General David Hunter's flanking division that had crossed Bull Run at Sudley Springs, collided with Confederate outposts commanded by Colonel Nathan G. Evans. Evans, with roughly 1,100 men from four regiments, had positioned his force on the hill's southern slope to screen the Confederate left flank after detecting the Union maneuver. Burnside's approximately 2,800 troops, supported by artillery, quickly gained the upper hand through superior numbers and coordinated volleys, forcing Evans to yield ground after thirty minutes of intense fighting. Reinforcements arrived on both sides, escalating the contest. Brigadier General Barnard Bee and Colonel Francis Bartow brought additional Confederate brigades totaling about 2,800 men from General P.G.T. Beauregard's army, launching counterattacks that temporarily stabilized the line but suffered heavy casualties from Union artillery fire and musketry. Meanwhile, Hunter's division pressed forward with disorganized charges reflective of the Union army's militia-like training; many 90-day enlistees lacked disciplined drill, leading to ragged advances that exposed flanks and depleted ammunition without fully exploiting breakthroughs. By 11:00 a.m., Union forces under Hunter and elements of Brigadier General Samuel P. Heintzelman's division, numbering over 6,000 engaged, overwhelmed the Confederate position through sheer weight, inflicting losses estimated at 200 killed and wounded on the defenders. The Confederate brigades, outmatched in a fluid defense, conducted a fighting withdrawal southward, absorbing punishing and shelling that fragmented their formations and revealed command cohesion gaps under pressure. Evans, Bee, and Bartow's combined force retreated toward Henry House Hill around 11:30 a.m., having delayed the Union advance for nearly two hours but unable to hold against the numerical disparity. Union success stemmed primarily from local superiority—outnumbering Confederates by at least three-to-one on the hill—yet faltered as Hunter's troops exhausted reserves, with no immediate follow-on divisions to press the advantage decisively. This phase highlighted causal realities of volunteer armies: from after-action reports showed Union charges devolving into uncoordinated rushes, underscoring training deficiencies that prevented consolidation of gains despite initial tactical triumphs.

Contest for Henry House Hill

As Confederate forces withdrew from Matthews Hill around midday on July 21, 1861, Brig. Gen. Barnard Bee directed remnants of his and Col. Francis S. Bartow's brigades, along with Col. Nathan G. Evans's command, to rally behind the position held by Brig. Gen. Thomas J. Jackson's brigade on Henry House Hill. Jackson's approximately 2,500 men had arrived by noon and deployed on the hill's reverse slope, using the terrain to shield from enfilading fire while massing 13 guns—drawn from scattered batteries—along the crest for enfilade support. This formation enabled steady, disciplined volleys that contrasted with the disorganized Union advances, providing the causal anchor for the Confederate line amid the midday chaos. Union assaults commenced around 1:00 p.m., led by Brig. Gen. David Hunter's division crossing Young's Branch, followed by Brig. Gen. Samuel P. Heintzelman's troops, targeting the hill's plateau in piecemeal fashion. Keyes's spearheaded the initial push with the 2nd Maine and 3rd Connecticut Infantry, but exposed Union lines faltered under converging Confederate fire from concealed positions, repelling the attack with heavy losses. Artillery duels intensified as Capt. Charles Griffin's and Capt. James B. Ricketts's batteries advanced to the crest, their guns initially dominating but soon silenced by point-blank Confederate exploiting the Union's forward exposure; several pieces were captured after hand-to-hand fighting. Repeated Union probes, including from the 69th New York and 2nd Rhode Island, met similar repulses through Jackson's brigade's unflinching fire discipline, which held the center despite mounting pressure from flanking maneuvers by Bee and Evans threatening the Union left. Amid the contest, Bee sustained a mortal wound near 3:00 p.m., and Bartow fell leading a charge, yet these losses did not break the line, as Jackson's troops—firing methodically from cover—inflicted disproportionate casualties on attackers advancing over open ground. Bee's reported exclamation, "There is Jackson, standing like a stone wall," encapsulated the stand's resolve just before his death, originating from primary battlefield accounts and marking the motivational pivot that stabilized Confederate defenses. This hold on Henry House Hill, leveraging terrain for defensive advantage over offensive exposure, decisively blunted the Union momentum, enabling subsequent reinforcements to consolidate.

Union Rout and Confederate Counterattack

By approximately 3:00 p.m. on July 21, 1861, after Confederate forces under Brig. Gen. Thomas J. Jackson recaptured Henry House Hill, Union Maj. Gen. Irvin McDowell issued orders for a tactical withdrawal to consolidate his lines and reposition artillery. However, the maneuver quickly devolved into panic among fatigued Union troops, who had endured grueling marches from Washington since July 16 and continuous combat since early morning, as rumors of overwhelming Confederate reinforcements spread through the ranks. The rout intensified due to logistical snarls on the narrow roads leading to Centreville, where supply wagons, abandoned equipment, and carriages carrying spectators from Washington—many of whom had picnicked near the —created impassable blockages, sowing further disorder and impeding organized retreat. Fog-of-war confusions exacerbated the breakdown, including incidents from misidentifications of gray-uniformed Union units as Confederates and similarities between the U.S. Stars and Stripes and the Confederate Stars and Bars flags, leading to erroneous volleys that heightened fear and disintegration of cohesion. Concurrently, the timely arrival of Brig. Gen. Edmund Kirby Smith's brigade from Gen. Joseph E. Johnston's Army of the Shenandoah struck the exposed Union left flank near Chinn Ridge, with Smith's troops—taking over after he was wounded—coordinating with Col. Jubal A. Early's division to shatter remaining resistance and capture artillery positions. This reinforcement shifted momentum, enabling a broader Confederate counteroffensive where Jackson's men pressed forward from Henry House Hill and Col. J.E.B. Stuart's charged into the fleeing Union masses, seizing guns and accelerating the collapse. Confederate pursuit, though aggressive in intent under Gens. P.G.T. Beauregard and Johnston, faltered due to their forces' parallel exhaustion, fragmented command structure, and absence of prepared logistics, confining advances to a few miles beyond Bull Run before halting at dusk, well short of threatening .

Immediate Consequences

Casualty Assessments and Battlefield Conditions

Union forces incurred approximately 2,896 at the First Battle of Bull Run on July 21, 1861, comprising 460 killed, 1,124 wounded, and 1,312 missing or captured, according to post-battle compilations from official reports. Confederate losses totaled 1,982, including 387 killed, 1,582 wounded, and 13 missing or captured. These figures, aggregated from regimental returns and division commanders' tallies, superseded inflated contemporary newspaper estimates that reached several thousand per side, which lacked verification against field counts. The elevated wounded-to-killed ratios—roughly 2.4:1 for Union troops and 4:1 for Confederates—arose primarily from the prevalence of rifled muskets, such as the and imported Enfields, which delivered Minié balls with greater accuracy and velocity at ranges up to 500 yards, often producing deep tissue damage without immediate lethality. Battlefield terrain amplified this effect: open meadows and slopes around Matthews and Henry House Hills permitted sustained fire from concealed positions amid scattered woods and ravines, minimizing or close-range encounters that historically yielded higher fatality rates with smoothbores. Quantifying the rout's disorder, Union troops discarded vast materiel, including over 30 artillery pieces, thousands of rifled muskets, caissons, and supply wagons laden with provisions, much of which Confederates scavenged to bolster their shortages in , uniforms, and ordnance. Such abandonments underscored Northern logistical overextension relative to Southern improvisation. Hasty post-battle burials, often by victorious Confederates or local civilians in unmarked pits along Bull Run's banks, exposed the era's rudimentary amid heat, dehydration, and uncleared dead amid tangled underbrush.

Union Retreat and Civilian Involvement

As Confederate forces pressed their counterattack on Henry House Hill late in the afternoon of July 21, 1861, Union troops under initiated a withdrawal across Bull Run toward Centreville, which rapidly escalated into a disorderly . Exhausted and demoralized soldiers abandoned equipment and fled en masse along narrow roads, intermingling with caissons, ammunition wagons, and supply trains, creating severe congestion that prevented organized actions. By dusk, the bulk of the army reached Centreville, but stragglers continued arriving through the night amid reports of imagined pursuit. Compounding the military disarray were thousands of civilian spectators from , who had ventured to the battlefield in private carriages, buggies, and on horseback, anticipating a swift Union triumph akin to a public spectacle. These onlookers, including members of , society figures, and their families—many attired in finery and equipped with picnic provisions—initially positioned themselves along ridges to view the engagement, but as the tide turned, their vehicles clogged key escape routes, hindering troop movements and amplifying panic. Eyewitness soldier accounts describe the roads jammed with "carriages of members of and other civilians," where fleeing civilians in crinolines and top hats mingled chaotically with routed infantrymen, exacerbating the stampede and symbolizing the North's naive overconfidence in the war's brevity. The contagion of fear propagated to the nation's capital by July 22, 1861, as refugees—military and alike—streamed across the Long Bridge into Washington, prompting frantic fortifications and volunteer militias to man defenses against nonexistent Confederate advances. While McDowell bore immediate criticism for failing to impose during the withdrawal, the episode underscored systemic deficiencies, including the brevity of 90-day enlistments that yielded undertrained volunteers prone to collapse under stress, rather than isolated command lapses. This civilian entanglement highlighted a broader societal underestimation of warfare's demands, transforming a tactical reversal into a national shock.

Logistical and Medical Failures

The Union Army's medical infrastructure proved woefully inadequate for the scale of at the First Battle of Bull Run on , 1861, with no organized ambulance system or sufficient field hospitals available to evacuate the wounded promptly. Approximately 1,000 of the roughly 2,600 Union wounded were stranded on the battlefield overnight, left without shelter, water, or medical attention amid summer heat and without adequate bandages or surgical teams, exacerbating shock, , and rates. This failure stemmed from the pre-war U.S. Army Medical Department's underfunding and lack of preparation for industrialized warfare, where volunteer surgeons overwhelmed improvised aid stations, resulting in many preventable deaths from treatable wounds like ball injuries that could have been addressed with timely or ligation. Logistical breakdowns compounded these issues during the Union retreat, as disorganized abandoned 28 pieces—primarily from Ricketts' and Griffin's batteries—to Confederate forces, reflecting poor coordination between commands and failure to prioritize equipment withdrawal amid panic. Supply wagons, intended for ammunition and rations, were clogged with civilians and fleeing troops on the route back to , leaving crews unable to limber and retreat their 49 guns effectively before Confederate counterattacks overran positions on Henry House Hill. The aftermath exposed sanitary vulnerabilities, with hundreds of unburied dead and decaying horses littering the field for days, heightening risks of disease outbreaks like typhoid and among survivors and burial parties due to contaminated water sources and fly proliferation—precursors to the Civil War's broader epidemiological toll, where poor field foreshadowed two-thirds of total Union fatalities from non-combat causes. These lapses prompted initial reforms, including Clara Barton's ad hoc relief efforts and calls for dedicated corps, underscoring the transition from ad-hoc volunteerism to systematic .

Broader Impacts

Effects on Northern Morale and Policy Shifts

The Union defeat at Bull Run on July 21, 1861, shattered prevalent Northern expectations of a rapid resolution to the conflict, as many had anticipated victory within the ninety-day enlistment terms of the initial volunteer regiments raised following . Eyewitness accounts from congressmen and journalists, who had flocked to the battlefield anticipating a quick triumph, described chaotic retreats involving civilians in carriages, amplifying the sense of humiliation and exposing the inexperience of both armies. This disillusionment causally shifted public perception from overconfidence to sobering realism, prompting recognition that suppressing the rebellion would demand extended mobilization rather than a short campaign. Newspaper coverage intensified the morale blow, with headlines decrying the and criticizing unpreparedness, yet this publicity paradoxically spurred by underscoring the stakes. On , 1861, responded by authorizing President Lincoln to raise 500,000 additional volunteers for three-year terms, replacing the expiring ninety-day units and marking a pivot to sustained warfare. Enlistments surged in the ensuing weeks, as states and localities organized new regiments, with empirical data showing Union volunteer numbers climbing from approximately 186,000 in July to over 600,000 by October 1861, reflecting heightened commitment amid the defeat's wake. Policy adjustments followed swiftly to address leadership and organization. Lincoln summoned from western Virginia on July 22, appointing him commander of the on July 26, 1861, which consolidated scattered forces into a more professional structure capable of prolonged operations. , blamed for the tactical errors despite his prior warnings about troop readiness, was shifted to defensive commands around Washington, effectively relieving him of offensive responsibilities. These changes, driven by the battle's exposure of command flaws, laid groundwork for a defensive posture emphasizing training and logistics over hasty advances.

Confederate Morale Boost and Strategic Positioning

The Confederate victory at First Manassas on July 21, 1861, was proclaimed by President as a divine endorsement of , confirming the justice of their defensive stand against Northern aggression and invigorating national resolve. Davis arrived at the battlefield that evening, personally congratulating troops and urging pursuit of the retreating Union forces, framing the triumph as evidence of superior morale and spirit among Southern volunteers. This narrative resonated widely, portraying the battle as validation of Confederate rather than mere tactical success, which bolstered public and military confidence in sustaining the . The outcome enhanced Confederate diplomatic overtures abroad, with Davis and envoys citing the rout of Irvin McDowell's army—inflicting approximately 2,708 Union casualties against 1,982 Confederate—as proof of viability as a sovereign power capable of repelling invasion. European observers, including British and French diplomats, noted the victory's momentum, prompting renewed Confederate appeals for recognition and cotton trade access, though neutrality prevailed due to Union naval blockades and internal divisions. Domestically, soldier correspondence reflected hardened determination; accounts described the win as a moral imperative to defend homes, with many expressing renewed commitment to resist subjugation, countering pre-battle doubts about untrained levies facing professional foes. Strategically, the success under Generals and allowed consolidation of forces totaling around 35,000, enabling an advance from Manassas Junction to Centreville and subsequently to the Fairfax Court House line by late summer 1861. This positioning secured critical rail junctions and river fords protecting Richmond and , deterring immediate Union offensives and buying time to organize defenses without exposing Confederate heartland to invasion. Johnston's Army of the Shenandoah, integrated with Beauregard's , now held a forward line threatening Washington, D.C., while avoiding overextension, thus stabilizing the eastern theater front through 1861.

Revelations on Warfare Realities

The widespread adoption of rifled muskets, such as the with an effective range of 200 to 400 yards, dramatically extended the lethality of fire beyond the 50-yard limits of smoothbore muskets used in Napoleonic-era tactics, exposing the vulnerability of massed formations and close-order advances assumed viable by both Union and Confederate commanders entering the war. At Bull Run on July 21, 1861, this disparity manifested in high casualties during open-field engagements, where troops advancing in dense lines suffered devastating losses from volleys delivered at distances that rendered traditional volley-fire drills obsolete, compelling a reevaluation of offensive maneuvers reliant on shock and charges. Civilian volunteers on both sides, largely untrained 90-day enlistees lacking professional discipline, demonstrated acute fragility under prolonged fire, with Union regiments like the 69th New York breaking after initial successes due to exhaustion and psychological strain, debunking pre-war romantic notions of chivalric endurance drawn from militia traditions or European parade-ground ideals. Confederate forces, similarly composed of enthusiastic but unseasoned recruits, faltered in cohesion during counterattacks, revealing that sustained combat eroded morale faster than anticipated, as soldiers unaccustomed to the din of rifled fire and —firing at rates up to 2-3 rounds per minute—succumbed to rather than sustaining the mythic resolve of sectional fervor. The presence of Washington spectators, who arrived with picnic baskets and opera glasses anticipating a swift Union triumph akin to a public spectacle, underscored a broader societal delusion shattered by the rout, as these onlookers fled alongside retreating troops amid abandoned wagons and civilian carriages clogging roads back to the capital, imprinting on Northern consciousness the unromantic brutality of modern warfare and hastening recognition of the conflict's demands for total mobilization over leisurely volunteerism. This visceral shift, documented in eyewitness accounts of chaos extending into the night of July 21, dismantled illusions of war as gentlemanly contest, foreshadowing the endurance limits of amateur armies in an era of industrialized killing.

Analytical Perspectives

Tactical and Leadership Critiques

Union Brigadier General commanded approximately 35,000 troops in the Army of Northeastern Virginia, advancing across Bull Run on July 21, 1861, with a plan to turn the Confederate left flank at Sudley Ford. Despite initial successes in driving Confederate forces from Matthews Hill by around 11:30 a.m., McDowell failed to press the advantage aggressively, allowing the Confederates time to consolidate defenses on Henry House Hill. This hesitation stemmed partly from the inexperience of his volunteer-heavy force, which halted to rest and reorganize rather than pursue decisively, enabling Joseph E. Johnston's reinforcements to arrive and shift the battle's momentum. McDowell's tactical execution was further compromised by suboptimal artillery placement, positioning guns as close as 300 yards to Confederate batteries on , resulting in heavy Union losses during the afternoon counterattacks. Daniel Tyler's division contributed to delays through an unauthorized and premature engagement at Blackburn's Ford on July 18, which alerted Confederate forces to Union intentions and disrupted the element of surprise. Meanwhile, Major General , tasked with detaining Johnston's 18,000-man Army of the Shenandoah in the valley, neglected to advance aggressively, permitting approximately 11,000 Confederate reinforcements to transfer by rail to Manassas Junction between July 19 and 20, a lapse that directly undermined McDowell's numerical superiority. Political pressures exacerbated these command shortcomings, as President urged a rapid offensive to capture Richmond and boost Northern morale, overriding the counsel of elderly General-in-Chief for more deliberate training of the 90-day enlistees. This interference prioritized expediency over professional military judgment, compelling McDowell to engage with an army insufficiently drilled for sustained combat, leading to disorganized retreats after the Confederate rally. On the Confederate side, P. G. T. Beauregard commanded about 21,000 men at Manassas Junction but misjudged the Union at Sudley Ford as a mere , dispatching only three brigades initially to counter it rather than committing more substantial forces. His pre-battle offensive plans against Blackburn's Ford were abandoned upon Johnston's arrival, shifting to a defensive posture that, while adaptive, reflected initial overconfidence in detecting Union movements. Command disruptions arose from the death of Barnard Bee amid the chaos on Henry House Hill, creating momentary confusion in the Confederate center, yet subordinates like Thomas J. Jackson quickly rallied troops there, stabilizing the line and enabling a counteroffensive that routed the Union army by late afternoon.

Role of Reinforcements and Key Individuals

Brig. Gen. directed the arrival of approximately 10,000 troops from his Army of the Shenandoah via the Manassas Gap Railroad, with most reaching Manassas Junction on July 20 and early July 21, 1861, undetected by Union forces due to effective masking of movements. These reinforcements integrated into Gen. P.G.T. Beauregard's lines, providing the numerical edge needed to reinforce critical positions amid the Union's flanking push, directly contributing to the Confederate ability to hold and then counterattack by mid-afternoon. Col. Nathan G. Evans, commanding a of roughly 1,100 men detached to guard the Stone Bridge sector, improvised an initial defense upon detecting the Union's unobserved crossing at Sudley Ford around 9:30 a.m. on July 21. Outnumbered by advancing Union divisions exceeding 10,000, Evans repositioned his scattered regiments from the Confederate left flank, delaying the enemy advance for over two hours through skirmishing and fire at Matthews Hill. This holding action, though reliant on fragmented commands without coordinated support, created a window for subsequent Confederate brigades to consolidate, preventing an immediate Union breakthrough despite the improvised nature exposing vulnerabilities in Beauregard's dispositions. Brig. Gen. Thomas J. Jackson's brigade of regiments formed the core anchor on Henry House Hill after midday, absorbing and repelling multiple Union assaults from 2:00 p.m. onward through disciplined fire and positioning that inflicted heavy casualties on advancing Federal units. Jackson's troops maintained cohesion amid retreats of adjacent Confederate elements, enabling rallying points for incoming reinforcements and facilitating a stabilized defensive line that transitioned to offensive pressure. This steadfast positioning earned Jackson the moniker "Stonewall" from Brig. Gen. Bernard , who observed his brigade standing "like a stone wall" before Bee's death in action, underscoring the empirical role in preserving the hill's control against superior immediate numbers.

Debates on Battle Significance

Historians widely concur that the First Battle of Bull Run dispelled Northern expectations of a swift Union victory, compelling a reassessment of the conflict's duration and scale, as both sides had anticipated a rapid resolution akin to prewar militia skirmishes. This view, articulated by scholars such as , underscores how the engagement's inconclusive tactical nature—despite Confederate possession of the field—revealed the war's protracted demands, prompting President Lincoln to authorize enlistments for three years rather than ninety days. Debates persist, however, on whether the outcome causally delayed subsequent Union offensives; while some argue it directly fostered caution leading to the adoption of Winfield Scott's for blockade and attrition, others contend that pre-existing logistical constraints and leadership transitions, such as Irvin McDowell's replacement by , would have postponed major advances regardless. Contention also surrounds characterizations of the Confederate success as a fluke attributable to Union disorganization versus inherent structural advantages. Proponents of the former emphasize Northern command failures, including General Robert Patterson's inability to pin down E. Johnston's forces, which allowed reinforcements to tip the balance through sheer opportunism rather than design. In contrast, analyses highlighting Southern benefits point to defensive terrain familiarity, shorter interior supply lines, and efficient rail coordination—exemplified by Johnston's 12,000 troops arriving via the Manassas Gap Railroad just as flank attack faltered—as evidence of systemic edges that foreshadowed later campaigns. These structural factors, rooted in the Confederacy's geographic centrality early in the war, suggest the battle validated Southern defensive doctrines over any singular accident of timing. Southern contemporaries and later interpreters framed the as moral vindication of secessionist resolve, boosting and affirming the viability of volunteer armies against perceived Northern , whereas Northern accounts dismissed it as a temporary reversal insufficient to alter ultimate material superiority. Recent scholarship tempers both narratives by prioritizing mutual inexperience and battlefield chaos—manifest in routed retreats and ammunition shortages—over strategic mastery, arguing that the engagement exposed universal amateurism rather than presaging decisive Confederate dominance. Challenging the "picnic battle" trope, which evokes civilian spectatorship as emblematic of frivolity, historians note that while Washington elites did observe from afar with provisions, reflecting initial overconfidence, the clash entailed coordinated assaults and duels that underscored emerging professional exigencies, not leisure.

Enduring Legacy

Naming Disputes and Historical Interpretations

The nomenclature of the battle reflects entrenched sectional conventions in Civil War historiography: Union accounts designated it the First Battle of Bull Run, naming it after the creek that traversed the battlefield and served as a key terrain feature during the engagement on July 21, 1861. In contrast, Confederate records termed it the First Battle of Manassas, invoking the adjacent rail junction where strategic reinforcements converged and much of the decisive fighting unfolded, aligning with Southern preference for place names tied to towns or settlements. This duality perpetuated post-war memory contests, with Northern narratives emphasizing natural landmarks encountered during advances and Southern ones prioritizing local identifiers to commemorate defensive successes, though modern usage often privileges Manassas as the proximate and enduring local designation. Early interpretations, particularly in Union circles, portrayed the outcome as a profound , highlighting disorganized retreats and that shattered illusions of a swift , with over 3,000 Union casualties underscoring tactical and logistical shortcomings. Subsequent analyses, drawing on accounts and operational records, reframe it as a shared in the perils of inexperience, as both armies—comprising mostly raw recruits under inexperienced officers—exhibited erratic formations, delayed commands, and improvised assaults that prolonged the conflict beyond initial expectations of decisive resolution. This view posits the battle not as unilateral failure but as a mutual awakening to modern warfare's demands for disciplined and coordinated , evidenced by comparable casualty ratios (approximately 2,500 Confederate losses) despite the Union's numerical edge. A contributing causal element in the Union collapse, frequently underemphasized in standard accounts, stemmed from visual misidentifications due to the near-identical designs of the opposing national flags: the U.S. Stars and Stripes and Confederate Stars and Bars, both employing horizontal red-and-white stripes with a blue field of stars, which at distances of several hundred yards confounded spotters and infantry alike, fostering hesitation and erroneous fire. This ambiguity intensified during the afternoon counterattacks and evening rout, as retreating Federals mistook pursuing Confederates for friendlies or vice versa, accelerating the breakdown into wagon-clogged chaos along the Warrenton Turnpike. Post-battle reviews by Confederate commanders, including Beauregard, cited these flag-induced errors as prompting the rapid adoption of distinct unit banners to mitigate such risks in future engagements.

Preservation and Commemorative Efforts

, encompassing over 5,000 acres of the First Battle of Bull Run site, was established by Congress on May 10, 1940, to preserve the historic terrain and structures associated with the 1861 engagement. Managed by the , the park maintains trails, monuments, and interpretive facilities that allow visitors to study the battle's landscape, including key features like and the Stone Bridge. Private organizations, particularly the , have supplemented federal efforts through targeted land acquisitions and conservation easements, preventing fragmentation of the battlefield core. For instance, in 2021, the Trust facilitated the preservation of 3.5 acres near Sudley Church, a site of Union troop movements during the battle, via partnership with local entities. These non-governmental initiatives have conserved hundreds of acres since the park's founding, often leveraging donor funds where federal appropriations prove insufficient for rapid response to development pressures. Commemorative activities peaked during the 2011 sesquicentennial, featuring a July 21 ceremony at and a large-scale reenactment on July 23-24 that drew over 25,000 participants to recreate the battle's maneuvers. In the , efforts have emphasized maintenance over expansion, including a 2024 National Park Service project to clear overgrown vegetation on approximately 125 acres at Brawner Farm and Deep Cut, restoring sightlines for historical analysis; no significant new archaeological discoveries have been reported. However, suburban expansion and proposed developments adjacent to the park pose ongoing risks, as such projects would permanently alter , obstruct viewsheds, and eliminate potential for future subsurface artifact recovery, underscoring the irreplaceable value of intact terrain for evidentiary study of 19th-century combat tactics.

Cultural Depictions and Myth Debunking

The popular myth that the First Battle of Bull Run was observed by throngs of Washington civilians casually picnicking, as if attending a , exaggerates the event's frivolity and overlooks the battle's unanticipated ferocity. While accounts confirm that several hundred spectators, including congressmen, journalists, and society figures in carriages, traveled to vantage points near Centreville expecting a swift Union victory, primary reports describe more anticipation than leisure; the crowd dispersed amid panic during the Union retreat, but the notion of widespread blankets and baskets stems from postwar embellishments rather than contemporaneous evidence. Cultural representations in literature, such as Paul Fleischman's Bull Run (1993), portray the battle through fragmented soldier and civilian voices to underscore its chaos and human cost, shifting focus from mythic leisure to personal disillusionment. Documentaries and historical analyses often reinforce the opener-to-atrocity narrative, yet frequently underemphasize Confederate tactical resilience, such as J. Jackson's maintaining disciplined fire lines amid Union advances, which earned him the "Stonewall" moniker and stabilized the Southern flank on Henry House Hill. Overlooked in popularized accounts is the innovative Confederate employment of railroads, marking the first instance of troops transported en masse to a ; General Joseph E. Johnston's 12,000 reinforcements arrived via the Manassas Gap Railroad from , in time to counter Union flanking maneuvers and tip the scales on July 21, 1861. Similarly, civilian involvement exacted a grim toll beyond spectator flight, exemplified by the death of 85-year-old Judith Henry in her Bull Run farmhouse from Union artillery shells targeting Confederate positions nearby—the war's first documented noncombatant fatality—highlighting how combat intruded into private spaces without the buffer of detached observation. Interpretations diverge along ideological lines, with conservative-leaning histories accentuating Southern martial resolve and figures like Jackson as exemplars of resolve against numerical odds, countering narratives in progressive scholarship that frame the defeat as a mere prelude to Union's industrial superiority and moral inevitability. Such biases, evident in selective emphasis on Union disarray over Confederate coordination, distort the battle's lesson in mutual inexperience, where both armies suffered roughly 4,878 casualties total, compelling a reckoning with prolonged conflict's demands.

References

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