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A blue khadi kurta.

Khadi (pronounced [kʰaːdiː], Khādī), derived from khaddar,[1][2][3] is a hand-spun and woven natural fibre cloth promoted by Gandhi as swadeshi (of homeland) for the freedom struggle of India and the term is used throughout the Indian subcontinent.[4][5] The first piece of the hand-woven cloth was made in the Sabarmati Ashram of Gandhi during 1917–18. The coarseness of the cloth led Gandhi to call it khadi.[6] The cloth is made from cotton, but it may also include silk or wool, which are all spun into yarn on a charkha. It is a versatile fabric that remains cool in summer and warm in winter. To improve its appearance, khadi is sometimes starched to give it a stiffer feel.[7]

Origin

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Greco-Roman merchants imported finer cotton in large quantities to the Roman Empire. In medieval times, cotton textiles were imported to Rome through the maritime Silk Road. Arabian-Surat merchants traded cotton textiles to Basra and Baghdad from three areas of Gujarat, the Coromandel Coast and the East Coast of India. To the east, trade reached China via Java. 14th-century Moroccan traveler Ibn Battuta mentioned Delhi sultan Muhammad bin Tughluq sending five varieties of cloth to the Yuan emperor in China.[8] Some of the textiles are stored in repositories of the Victoria and Albert Museum, London.[9]

Khadi is also known as khaddar
A signage kept at Kochi with an appeal to the citizens to use Khadi/handloom based wear.
Gandhi spinning
Gandhi spins by hand while addressing his followers
Mohandas Gandhi's bedroom, bed, desk, and spinning wheel in the Sabarmati Ashram

After the First Indian War of Independence in 1857, domestic textile production by mill or traditional methods declined to its lowest levels before khadi emerged as a "silent economic revolution" as an outcome of a long and laborious evolutionary process.[10]

The American Civil War (1861–1865) caused a raw cotton crisis in Cottonopolis Britain. Substitute Indian cotton at was sourced at cheap prices as the British sought to supplement raw materials to Manchester-Lancashire area textile mills. During Victorian era (1837–1901), 47 mills existed in the 1870s but Indians still bought clothes at an artificially inflated price, since the colonial government exported the raw materials for cloth to British fabric mills, then re-imported the finished cloth to India.[11][better source needed][12] In the Edwardian era (1901–1914) the Swadeshi movement of boycotting foreign cloth remained prominent.[13] During the first two decades of the 20th century it was backed by nationalist politicians and Indian mill owners.

In 1922, Mahatma Gandhi requested the Indian National Congress (INC) to start a khadi department. In 1924, due to a large amount of work, a semi-independent body All India Khadi Board (AIKB) was formed which liaisoned with the INC's khadi department at the provincial and district levels. During his tenure as President of the Indian National Congress from December 1924 to April 1925, Mahatma Gandhi organized the first Swadeshi Exhibition with Khadi and Village Industries (Gramodyog) exhibits at the Belgaum Congress Session from December 26 to 27, 1924. The exhibition featured khadi, spinning wheels, and village crafts, highlighting the vision of economic self-reliance. It formed a key part of Gandhi’s constructive programme against British colonial rule.[14] In 1925, the All India Spinner Association (AISA) was formed comprising the khadi department and AIKB. Mahatma Gandhi was the founder of AISA. He made it obligatory for all members of the INC to spin cotton themselves and pay their dues in yarn. Gandhi collected large sums of money to create grassroots-level khadi institutions to encourage spinning and weaving which were certified by AISA.[citation needed] Handspun yarn was expensive and of poor quality, and weavers preferred yarn produced by mills because it was more robust and consistent in quality. Gandhi argued that the mill owners would deny handloom weavers an opportunity to buy yarn because they would prefer to create a monopoly for their own cloth.[15] When some people complained about the costliness of khadi to Gandhi, he only wore dhoti, though he used wool shawls when it got cold. Some were able to make a reasonable living by using high-quality mill yarn and catering to the luxury market. Gandhi tried to put an end to this practice by threatening to give up khadi altogether, but since the weavers would have starved if they listened to him, they ignored the threat.[16] In 1919, Gandhi started spinning at Mani Bhawan Mumbai and encouraging others to do so. He invented Patti Charkha, using a double-wheel design to increase speed and control while reducing size. In 1946, when huge funds were being spent on development for more productive charkhas, he recommended takli over charkha.[17]

The khadi movement began in 1918 and was marked with its own changing dynamics. Initially, a clear emphasis could be seen on using khadi as an economic solution due to stagnation, from 1934 onwards the fabric became something that villagers could use for themselves.[18]

In 1921, Gandhi went to Chandina Upazila in Comilla, Bangladesh, to inspire local weavers and consequently in the greater Comilla region, weaving centers were developed in Mainamati, Muradnagar, Gauripur and Chandina.[19]

Khadi in post-independence India

[edit]

In 1948, India recognized the role of rural cottage industries in its Industrial Policy Resolution. In 1948, Shri Ekambernathan invented amber charkha. The All India Khadi & Village Industries Board (AIKVIB) was set up in January 1953 by the Government of India. In 1955 it was decided that a statutory body, the Khadi and Village Industries Commission (KVIC), should replace the Board and the KVIC Act was passed in 1956, which brought the KVIC into existence as a statutory organisation the following year.[20]
After Independence, the government reserved some types of textile production, such as towel manufacturing for the handloom sector, which resulted in a deskilling of traditional weavers and a boost for the power loom sector. Private sector enterprises have been able to make handloom weaving somewhat remunerative and the government also continues to promote the use of Khadi through various initiatives.[16][21]

Prime Minister Narendra Modi during Khadi Utsav (27 Aug 2022), said "Khadi was ignored after Independence due to which weavers in the country suffered"[22] and asserted that khadi is a movement to help the poor, and further claimed that the KVIC is a statutory organisation engaged in promoting and developing khadi and village industries.[23]

Muslin (khadi) in Bangladesh

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The Pakistan government saw khadi as emblematic of the ideology of Congress that had led the non-cooperation movement, so khadi organisations like the Noakhali Ambika Kalinganga Charitable (NAKC) Trust, started on Gandhi's visit in 1946, were discouraged. Pakistan prime minister Firoz Khan Noon (1957–58), who remained Governor of East Pakistan (1950-1953) was liberal towards khadi and established The Khadi and Cottage Industry Association in 1952. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's historic 7 March speech of Bangabandhu refueled the momentum to produce khadi. A sudden wave of demand persisted in Bangladesh for many years after the country's independence from Pakistan in 1971. In 1975, some years after the independence of Bangladesh, the NAKC trust was reformed and renamed the Gandhi Ashram Trust.[24]

Muslin was registered under Bangladesh as its geographical indication in 2020.[25]

The soft or refined khadi is known as muslin khadi. Researchers have tried to replicate muslin and identified phuti carpas as the variety from the DNA of cotton and from motifs used in making muslin sarees from Victoria & Albert Museum London of 1710 collection with 350 muslin sarees.[26]

Trademark

[edit]

The KVIC holds the exclusive rights to use the trademarks khadi and Khadi India. The National Internet Exchange of India Domain Dispute Policy Arbitration Tribunal in New Delhi rejected a private entity's claim that khadi is a generic word.[27][28][29] In 2017, KVIC and the government of India fought a case[30] at the EUIPO against a German company that had trademarked the word. While KVIC obtained the latest trademark registration in Bhutan on 9 July 2021; trademark registration was granted in UAE on 28 June 2021, and the organisation registered the trademark in Mexico in December 2020.[31]

Legacy

[edit]

The KVIC enrolled 2624 functional Khadi institutions[32] in India where decentralized units of Kshetriya Shri Gandhi Ashram in Uttar Pradesh and Uttarakhand, Zila Khadi Gramodyog Sangh[33] in Bihar and Jharkhand, Sarvodaya Sangh[34] in Tamilnadu have survived as the oldest operational Khadi organisations.[35]

See also

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References

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Khadi

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![Gandhi spinning wheel][float-right]
Khadi, also known as khaddar, is a hand-spun and hand-woven fabric made from natural fibers such as , , or , originating from the . The production process involves spinning yarn on a charkha () or takli (spindle) and weaving it by hand on traditional looms, resulting in a textured, breathable cloth that supports rural artisanal labor. Promoted by during the in the early 20th century, khadi symbolized economic and resistance to British colonial imports of machine-made textiles, aiming to revive indigenous industries and provide to millions in villages. This initiative not only fostered national unity through the act of spinning—embodied in Gandhi's advocacy of the charkha—but also laid the foundation for khadi as a tool for and rural empowerment post-independence. In contemporary contexts, khadi continues to represent eco-friendly practices due to its low mechanization and local sourcing, though it faces challenges in scaling production while maintaining artisanal quality.

Definition and Characteristics

Etymology and Basic Definition

Khadi is a hand-spun and hand-woven cloth produced from natural fibers, primarily , though variations include , , or mixtures of these materials. This artisanal is distinguished by its production method, requiring yarn to be spun on a charkha () and woven on a handloom, ensuring an irregular texture and inherent to manual processes. The fabric's coarseness arises from the uneven hand-spinning, contrasting with uniform mill-produced , and it typically features a structure. The term "khadi" originates from the word "khaddar," which refers to coarse, handspun and handwoven fabric traditionally used in , and . This reflects the cloth's historical association with vernacular handcraft traditions predating industrialized textile production. While ancient references to "khāḍi" denote cloth more broadly, the modern usage emphasizes the hand-labor-intensive process revived in the early .

Material Properties and Production Methods

Khadi consists of hand-spun and hand-woven fabric derived from natural fibers such as cotton, silk, or wool, with cotton being the predominant material. The yarns are exclusively produced by spinning on a traditional device called the charkha, a wooden spinning wheel operated manually. This handcrafting imparts a distinctive irregular weave and coarser texture compared to machine-made textiles. Key material properties include high , enabling the fabric to remain cool during summers and provide warmth in winters due to its composition. Khadi cotton exhibits strong absorption, retaining up to 20% of its weight in without becoming clammy, which enhances wearer comfort in humid conditions. The fabric is , resistant to causing skin irritations, and tends to soften and improve in appearance with successive washes, reflecting its durability and resilience. These attributes stem from the absence of synthetic additives and the retention of characteristics during minimal mechanical processing. Production commences with raw cotton processing: ginning separates fibers from seeds, followed by blowing to remove impurities, to align fibers, drawing to create slivers, and roving to prepare for spinning. Spinning occurs on the charkha, where fibers are twisted into by hand, ensuring variability in thickness and strength inherent to artisanal methods. The is then dyed, often with natural extracts, before on a handloom, where threads are interlaced at right angles to form the cloth. This labor-intensive process, reliant on manual tools without , results in a low environmental impact, consuming approximately 3 liters of water per meter of fabric produced.

Historical Development

Pre-Modern Origins in India

Hand-spun and hand-woven cloth, the precursor to modern khadi, originated in the during the Indus Valley Civilization (c. 3300–1300 BCE). Archaeological excavations at sites like and have uncovered terracotta spindle whorls, loom weights, and impressions of woven fabrics on pottery, indicating widespread use of drop spindles for spinning fibers into yarn and simple frame or pit s for weaving. These tools and artifacts demonstrate that processing was a sophisticated, labor-intensive craft integrated into urban economies, with evidence of both coarse and finer textiles produced locally from domesticated . Cotton domestication in the region traces to the site of in present-day , around 5000 BCE, where charred cotton seeds and early thread fragments provide the oldest archaeobotanical evidence of cultivation and rudimentary spinning in . By the mature Harappan phase (c. 2600–1900 BCE), had become a staple , supplemented occasionally by and , with production likely decentralized among households and specialized artisans. This hand-processing method persisted through the (c. 1500–500 BCE), as referenced in texts like the , where cotton fabrics (karpasa) are described as everyday wear for laborers and warriors, spun by women using takli spindles. In (c. 500–1500 CE), hand-spinning and weaving remained the dominant textile techniques, yielding coarse khaddar-like cloth for rural populations while finer variants supported extensive trade along the and maritime routes to and the . Economic treatises such as Kautilya's (c. 300 BCE) detail state oversight of cotton ginning, spinning guilds, and operations, underscoring the fabric's role in pre-modern agrarian economies where it was produced from locally grown short-staple without mechanical aids. This artisanal process, reliant on manual takli or early charkha precursors, characterized khadi's pre-industrial essence until the advent of powered machinery disrupted traditional methods.

Revival During the Swadeshi Movement (1905–1911)

The emerged in 1905 as a nationalist response to the British announcement of Bengal's partition on July 19, 1905, aimed at dividing the province along religious lines to weaken anti-colonial sentiment. On August 7, 1905, a large gathering at Calcutta's passed a resolution pledging boycott of British goods, marking the formal launch of the campaign for economic self-reliance. This initiative, led by figures such as among moderates and and Aurobindo Ghosh among extremists, extended beyond politics to revive indigenous industries devastated by British imports, which had reduced India's share of global exports from 25% in 1800 to under 2% by 1900. A core focus was the rejection of Manchester cloth, symbolizing colonial economic dominance, with organized bonfires of foreign textiles beginning on October 16, 1905—the effective partition date—and continuing in cities like Calcutta and . Participants pledged to wear only swadeshi cloth, initially prioritizing output from Indian mills in Bombay and , which saw production surges; for instance, Bombay mill cloth consumption in rose from 1905 levels amid the . However, the movement also spurred revival of traditional handloom to support rural artisans, as mill cloth alone could not meet demand, leading to campaigns encouraging home spinning and local cooperatives. Khadi, or hand-spun and hand-woven fabric, gained early prominence as an accessible alternative, promoted through swadeshi societies that trained women and villagers in spinning to counter the decline of household charkha (spinning wheels) use, which had dropped sharply under colonial competition. Leaders like Pal emphasized khadi's role in fostering self-sufficiency, with affluent donating funds and to establish khadi production units and gramodyog (village industry) initiatives, producing coarse but durable cloth for everyday wear like dhotis and saris. By 1906–1907, such efforts had disseminated spinning techniques in educational institutions and national schools set up during the movement, though output remained limited—estimated at thousands of yards annually in hubs—due to lack of widespread or . The movement's repressive suppression by British authorities from , including arrests of over 1,000 nationalists and bans on swadeshi associations, curtailed khadi's momentum by , when the partition was annulled on December 12 amid sustained protests. Nonetheless, this period laid groundwork for khadi's symbolic association with resistance, demonstrating causal links between economics and revival, as handloom employment in affected regions temporarily increased before reverting under mill competition.

Gandhi's Promotion and Institutionalization (1917–1947)

Mahatma Gandhi initiated the systematic promotion of khadi in 1917–1918 at his Sabarmati Ashram, where the first pieces of hand-woven cloth were produced, emphasizing its role in fostering self-reliance among villagers. By 1918, he integrated khadi into broader swadeshi efforts as a relief program for impoverished rural populations, advocating hand-spinning and weaving to counter economic dependence on British imports. Gandhi personally adopted khadi attire, reducing his clothing to a loincloth and shawl by 1921, symbolizing simplicity and commitment to the cause. Gandhi's advocacy gained momentum during the Non-Cooperation Movement (1920–1922), where he urged widespread adoption of the charkha spinning wheel, linking khadi production to moral and economic regeneration. In 1919, he specifically encouraged women to spin yarn, leading to the establishment of khadi-only shops and training centers in ashrams. This period saw khadi evolve from a practical fabric to a tool for mass mobilization, with Gandhi arguing that decentralized production could achieve by empowering millions through cottage industry. To institutionalize khadi production, Gandhi founded the All India Khadi Board in 1923, followed by the All India Spinners' Association (AISA) in 1925, headquartered initially in after his visit to local weavers. AISA focused on organizing decentralized spinning and weaving networks, propagating techniques in rural areas, standardizing production, and marketing khadi to ensure economic viability for artisans. The association emphasized village-level self-sufficiency, training spinners, and distributing charkhas, which by the 1930s supported thousands of rural workers and integrated khadi into party activities. Through the 1930s and into , Gandhi sustained khadi's prominence via campaigns like the 1930 , where participants wore khadi, and the 1942 , reinforcing its status as a nationalist . By 1947, AISA had established a nationwide for khadi, transitioning it from symbolic protest to a structured industry that employed over 100,000 spinners and weavers, laying groundwork for post-independence policies. Gandhi's insistence on khadi's purity—hand-spun and hand-woven without machinery—preserved its ideological core, though production challenges persisted due to quality inconsistencies and market competition.

Role in India's Independence Struggle

Symbolism of Self-Reliance and Boycott of British Goods

Khadi embodied by promoting the revival of hand-spinning and hand-weaving in Indian villages, enabling economic independence from British-manufactured textiles that dominated the market through colonial policies favoring imports. positioned khadi as the "fabric of Indian independence," arguing that widespread adoption of this cloth would dismantle the economic foundations of British rule by reducing demand for foreign . This symbolism extended beyond material use, representing a moral and constructive program where individuals contributed to national self-sufficiency through daily acts like spinning on the charkha. The of British goods, intensified through khadi's promotion, formed a core element of Gandhi's strategy during the Non-Cooperation Movement, launched on August 1, 1920, following the in Calcutta. Gandhi urged the rejection of imported cloth, including public bonfires of foreign textiles, to protest British economic exploitation and foster swadeshi production. By July 1921, the movement's focus sharpened on exclusive khadi use, with Gandhi declaring that mill cloth alone could not sustain the , necessitating hand-spun alternatives. This approach aimed to empower rural populations, as spinning provided accessible employment and symbolized decentralized economic control. Khadi's adoption as boycott attire unified diverse social classes, from peasants to nationalists, in visible defiance against colonial imports, which had previously captured over 60% of 's cloth market by the early . Gandhi's personal example—spinning daily and wearing only khadi—reinforced its status as a of resistance, linking individual austerity to collective political action. The initiative's success was evident in declining British exports to , with imports dropping significantly during the movement's peak, though exact figures varied by region due to uneven enforcement. Critics within the nationalist fold, including some favoring industrial mills, questioned khadi's scalability, yet Gandhi maintained its primacy for moral over mere economic substitution. By institutionalizing khadi through organizations like the All India Spinners' Association in 1925, the symbolism endured, embedding as a foundational ethic in the narrative.

Economic Mobilization Through Spinning and Weaving

promoted spinning and weaving as a decentralized economic activity to supplement agricultural income in rural , arguing that it would provide during idle periods and foster self-sufficiency by reducing reliance on imported mill cloth. He viewed hand-spinning as a industry capable of absorbing surplus rural labor, particularly among women and the landless, thereby addressing in villages where alone could not sustain populations. In September 1925, Gandhi established the All Spinners' Association (AISA) to systematize khadi production, standardize wages for spinners, and distribute charkhas (spinning wheels) to villages, transforming efforts into a coordinated economic network. By the mid-1930s, the AISA supported operations across over 53,000 villages, employing around 220,000 spinners and 20,000 weavers, which generated supplementary earnings and stimulated local markets for raw and finished cloth. This mobilization contributed to economic boycott of British goods, as increased khadi output—facilitated by widespread adoption of spinning—diminished demand for textiles and retained wealth within Indian villages through decentralized production. Spinners received fixed wages per of yarn, often yielding modest but steady income, with Gandhi emphasizing and efficiency to make khadi competitive, though production costs remained higher than machine-made alternatives. The program empowered rural artisans by integrating them into a national constructive effort, though its scale was limited by challenges like irregular supply chains and varying skill levels among participants.

Criticisms Within the Nationalist Movement

Within the Indian nationalist movement, prominent figures expressed reservations about khadi's centrality to the independence struggle, often prioritizing economic modernization, , or political over Gandhi's emphasis on decentralized hand-spinning and as a path to . , a key leader, articulated regarding khadi's efficacy in achieving broader freedom, stating in correspondence that he did not see how it would lead to political liberation, viewing Gandhi's approach as more critical of modern industry than constructive for national progress. Nehru supported khadi symbolically during campaigns like Non-Cooperation but advocated for large-scale industrialization to drive , contrasting Gandhi's village-centric model which he saw as insufficient for India's future needs. Sarojini Naidu, a leading activist and poet who participated in and , resisted adopting plain khadi, preferring richly woven Indian silks and saris to maintain feminine aesthetics and preserve the subcontinent's diverse textile heritage. Naidu argued that an exclusive focus on coarse khadi risked marginalizing generational handloom traditions beyond spinning, potentially impoverishing cultural expression within the movement; she viewed Gandhi's uniform khadi mandate as overly ascetic and unrepresentative of India's vibrant weaving practices. Her stance highlighted tensions between khadi's symbolic of British mill cloth and the nationalist imperative to celebrate indigenous variety, as evidenced by her continued use of luxurious handlooms during the and . Subhas Chandra Bose, who served as Congress president in 1938–1939, harbored doubts about khadi's practical utility despite initial involvement in swadeshi sales, favoring state-led heavy industry and urbanization over cottage-based production to build economic strength for confrontation with British rule. Bose's Forward Bloc and later Indian National Army emphasized mechanized self-sufficiency, critiquing khadi's labor-intensive methods as inadequate for rapid mobilization against imperialism. This divergence contributed to his 1939 resignation from Congress leadership, underscoring a factional split where pro-change elements prioritized legislative engagement over constructive programs like charkha spinning. Rabindranath Tagore, whose nationalist writings inspired early swadeshi sentiments, opposed the "cult of the charkha" in the early , decrying its economic as a distraction from scientific advancement and global integration. Tagore's critique, rooted in modernist ideals, warned that overemphasizing khadi could hinder India's technological progress, even as he endorsed principles during the 1905 Bengal partition protests. Similarly, the faction within , active post-1922 after Gandhi's Non-Cooperation suspension, largely ignored khadi mandates such as the 1924 spinning franchise requiring daily wheel use for party membership, tolerating it only to appease Gandhi rather than embracing its decentralized ethos. Gandhi himself lamented this reluctance in , noting the party's acceptance was grudging and personal rather than ideological. These internal critiques reflected broader debates in the 1920s–1930s over whether khadi's moral symbolism outweighed its inefficiencies compared to mill production, with detractors arguing it diverted resources from urban industrialization essential for military and economic sovereignty. , a former member until 1920, rejected khadi-wearing and non-cooperation tactics, appearing in Western attire and opposing the 1920–1922 movement's economic as futile against entrenched colonial structures. Despite such voices, khadi retained prominence in resolutions, though implementation often faltered amid these modernist and pragmatic challenges.

Post-Independence Evolution in India

Establishment of Khadi and Village Industries Commission (KVIC)

The (KVIC) was established as a through the Khadi and Village Industries Commission Act, 1956, enacted by the on September 25, 1956, to coordinate and promote the development of khadi and village industries nationwide. The legislation extended to the entirety of except Jammu and Kashmir at the time and empowered the to constitute the Commission with a chairman, vice-chairman, and members nominated for expertise in relevant fields, aiming to organize production, supply raw materials, and market khadi products while generating rural employment. KVIC became operational in April 1957, succeeding and absorbing the functions of the All-India Khadi and Village Industries Board, which had been formed earlier in the post-independence period to institutionalize khadi promotion beyond the freedom struggle. This merger centralized oversight under the Ministry of Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises (formerly Industry), with headquarters established in to facilitate planning, financing, and technical assistance for decentralized village-based industries like hand-spinning, hand-weaving, and allied crafts such as and . The Commission's foundational mandate emphasized non-mechanized production to preserve traditional skills and counterbalance urban industrialization, reflecting a commitment to equitable rural amid India's Five-Year Plans, though implementation faced challenges from limited initial and coordination with state-level boards. By its inception, KVIC inherited networks from pre-independence khadi organizations, enabling it to certify authentic khadi and regulate village industries through defined standards, such as manual processes using charkha wheels for yarn production.

Policy Shifts and Subsidies from 1950s to 2010s

Following the establishment of the (KVIC) in 1957 under the Khadi and Village Industries Commission Act of 1956, the Indian government prioritized Khadi as a tool for rural employment and self-reliance, aligning with the industrial policies of 1948 and 1956 that identified it as a key opportunity for decentralized production. During the initial Five-Year Plans from the 1950s onward, subsidies and grants supported KVIC's functions, including raw material supply, training, and marketing, with allocations integrated into broader outlays to generate non-farm jobs in villages. In the , policy emphasis shifted toward financial incentives with the introduction of the Interest Subsidy Eligibility Certification (ISEC) scheme in 1977, providing Khadi institutions with loans at a subsidized 4% to encourage expansion and access, marking a move from direct grants to indirect support mechanisms. The KVIC Act was amended in 1987 to strengthen regulatory oversight, expanding KVIC's role in certifying institutions and coordinating village industries, though this reinforced its monopoly on production and distribution standards. From the to the , government expenditures on Khadi rose significantly—plan outlays from ₹194.27 in 1994 to ₹1,962.97 by 2015, alongside non-plan funds and interest subsidies increasing from ₹9.63 to ₹31.45 —yet production, , and stagnated or declined due to over-regulation, entry barriers for new institutions, and inefficiencies like middlemen capturing subsidies. A key shift occurred in 2009–2010 when the traditional rebate scheme, offering direct price subsidies to consumers, was replaced by the Market Development Assistance (MDA) program to boost promotion, with MDA allocations jumping from ₹81.22 (1957–2010 cumulative) to higher levels post-2011. By 2011, market-linked pricing was introduced via KVIC circulars, allowing institutions flexibility beyond cost-plus models, though adoption remained limited amid persistent low wages (e.g., ₹100–125 per day for spinners and weavers) and fund misutilization highlighted in audits. These reforms aimed to address criticisms of KVIC's monopolistic control stifling , but the sector's growth lagged behind machine-made textiles, reflecting broader tensions between Gandhian ideals and modern .

Recent Growth and Modernization (2020–2025)

During the fiscal year 2020–21, the (KVIC) reported a turnover of Rs 95,741.74 , marking an increase from Rs 88,887 in the previous year, driven by heightened demand for indigenous products amid the . This growth continued, with KVIC achieving sales of Rs 1.55 in FY 2023–24, reflecting a 400% rise in sales and 314.79% increase in production compared to earlier benchmarks under government promotion of initiatives. By FY 2024–25, turnover reached a record Rs 1.7 , attributed to expanded rural and market outreach efforts. Product diversification contributed significantly to this expansion, particularly in ready-made Khadi garments, whose sales surged 561% from Rs 1,081.04 crore to Rs 7,145.61 crore between FYs 2020–21 and 2024–25, signaling a shift from traditional fabric sales to value-added apparel. Annual Khadi production stabilized at 125.22 million meters, supported by KVIC's allocation of funds for new looms and charkhas to enhance artisan output without mechanization. In FY 2024–25, KVIC disbursed Rs 215 crore under the Modified Market Development Assistance scheme to 1,110 Khadi institutions, aiding marketing and distribution improvements. Modernization efforts emphasized digital integration and branding to appeal to younger consumers and global markets. KVIC promoted e-marketing and campaigns, enhancing online visibility and sales through platforms tailored for Khadi products. The "Make the World Wear Khadi" initiative, launched in early , sought to position Khadi in international fashion by blending traditional with contemporary designs, targeting eco-conscious buyers. These steps, aligned with national campaigns like Vocal for Local, focused on sustainable branding rather than full , preserving Khadi's handcrafted ethos while boosting rural incomes.

Economic Analysis

Employment Generation and Rural Impact

Khadi and village industries, overseen by the (KVIC), primarily generate through decentralized, labor-intensive production processes that emphasize hand-spinning and hand-weaving in rural settings. In the financial year 2023-24, KVIC reported creating 10.17 new jobs, predominantly in rural areas, contributing to a cumulative base of 1.87 individuals across khadi and allied village industries. By FY 2024-25, this figure rose to 1.94 , reflecting a 49.23% increase from 1.30 in FY 2013-14, with the sector's structure favoring and artisanal work over urban factory models. The rural impact stems from KVIC's mandate to foster non-farm livelihoods in villages, reducing dependence on and curbing urban migration. Programs target sectors like , , and , where khadi production clusters provide year-round income opportunities, particularly for women and marginalized groups in underdeveloped regions. For instance, in districts like , , KVIC initiatives have improved income levels and socio-economic conditions by integrating local artisans into supply chains, though scalability remains constrained by market demand and skill levels. Official data indicate that over 80% of employment occurs in rural non-agricultural activities, supporting household economies without requiring large capital investments. Despite these gains, the employment model's effectiveness is debated due to reliance on subsidies and variable productivity; while it sustains millions in low-skill roles, per-worker output lags behind mechanized textiles, potentially limiting broader rural industrialization. KVIC's focus on has nonetheless stabilized village economies, with recent expansions tying job creation to sales growth exceeding 400% over the past decade.

Cost Efficiency Versus Machine-Produced Cloth

Khadi production incurs higher unit costs than machine-produced cloth due to its reliance on manual spinning and weaving processes, which demand significantly more labor time and skill per meter of fabric compared to automated spinning mills and power looms. Hand-spinning on a charkha, for instance, yields output rates of approximately 1-2 grams per minute, whereas ring spinning machines achieve rates exceeding 100 grams per minute, amplifying labor expenses that constitute the majority of khadi's production overhead. Empirical price data reflects this disparity: as of 2023, retail prices for plain khadi cotton fabric ranged from ₹140 to ₹260 per meter, while equivalent machine-made fabrics were available at ₹50 to ₹130 per meter, underscoring khadi's intrinsic cost inefficiency absent external support. Government interventions via the (KVIC) partially offset these costs through production rebates, subsidies, and marketing assistance, enabling khadi to achieve market viability despite lacking the inherent in mechanized mills. For example, KVIC's rebate schemes, which covered up to 20-30% of sales value in recent years, have sustained khadi's production volume at around 400-500 million square meters annually, but evaluations indicate that such supports elevate the effective delivery cost of the program relative to unsubsidized industrial alternatives. Without these measures, khadi's higher marginal costs—driven by lower and fragmented rural operations—would render it uncompetitive for mass consumption, as machine-produced cloth benefits from lines and bulk procurement that reduce per-unit expenses by 30-50% or more in composite mills. Proponents of khadi emphasize non-monetary efficiencies, such as lower (97.6 MJ/kg for khadi versus 170.5 MJ/kg for mill cloth), which could yield long-term savings in resource-intensive economies, though these do not translate to immediate cost advantages given labor's dominance in khadi's expense structure. Critics, including economic analysts, contend that prioritizing khadi over mechanized production perpetuates inefficiencies, as subsidies divert resources from scalable industries capable of lower-cost output without compromising through technological advancements like automated looms. This tension highlights khadi's role as a policy-driven initiative for decentralized rather than a purely efficient model.

Environmental and Sustainability Claims

Khadi production is frequently touted for its reduced environmental footprint relative to industrialized , primarily due to reliance on manual spinning and that eschews electricity-intensive machinery. A comprehensive (LCA) of khadi-handloom fabrics in rural , conducted using GaBi software, determined an of 97.6 MJ/kg for khadi, compared to 170.5 MJ/kg for mill-woven and 147 MJ/kg for conventional processing. This disparity arises from hand processes, which emit lower greenhouse gases during fabrication; the same study reported a of approximately 3.9 kg CO₂-equivalent per kg in the use phase for khadi, with manufacturing stages showing cleaner profiles than mechanized alternatives due to avoided dependency. Water consumption claims emphasize khadi's in , with proponents asserting that one meter of fabric requires just 3 liters versus 55 liters for mill-made equivalents, attributing this to minimal mechanical dyeing and finishing needs. However, full LCA data indicate that upstream cultivation dominates resource use at 750 L/kg across handloom and mill methods, while the garment's use phase—encompassing 40 washes—adds 3370 L/kg, underscoring that end-user habits, not production alone, drive total impacts. Decentralized, small-scale operations may further mitigate transport emissions, though some analyses question offsets from localized distribution and packaging. Sustainability advocates highlight khadi's avoidance of chemical-intensive industrialization, promoting it as biodegradable and supportive of integration, though empirical verification remains limited beyond the cited LCA. No large-scale peer-reviewed studies contradict these manufacturing-stage advantages, but broader LCAs note that cotton's inherent demands—pesticides, —persist regardless of method, tempering absolute eco-superiority claims.

KVIC's Monopoly and Certification Standards

The Khadi and Village Industries Commission (KVIC) holds statutory authority under the Khadi and Village Industries Commission Act, 1956, to exclusively khadi, creating a monopoly on authenticating products as genuine khadi for regulatory, , and labeling purposes. This framework empowers KVIC to regulate production, ensure compliance with traditional methods, and enforce the Khadi Mark Regulations, 2013, which authenticate cloth as khadi only if it meets the Act's criteria, thereby preventing unauthorized use of the term that could undermine rural employment objectives. Khadi is statutorily defined in Section 2(d) of the 1956 Act as any cloth woven on handlooms in from , , or woolen handspun in , or from a mixture of such yarns, with spinning and weaving performed manually without power-driven machinery for those stages. standards, outlined in KVIC's guidelines and aligned with (BIS), mandate verification of hand processes, including charkha spinning and non-powered loom , alongside quantitative metrics for and fabric quality.
Parameter CategoryKey StandardsMeasurement Details
Yarn QualityCount variability (CV%), CSP (Count Strength Product), unevenness (U%), imperfections (neps, thick/thin places)Per IS 1315:1977; e.g., CSP ≥ 2,000–2,500 depending on count
Fabric ConstructionThread (warp/weft per inch), mass (g/), breaking loadE.g., 40s count fabric: 60–80 threads/inch; mass 100–200 g/
ProcessingDefect limits, color fastness, fibre properties (fineness ±0.1 micronaire, maturity)No visible defects like stains or slubs; fastness grades 3–4 per BIS tests
Institutions seeking certification must apply via KVIC's portal, submit documents like Udyam/MSME registration and machinery lists (excluding power looms for core processes), and undergo inspection by state/divisional KVIC officers for process compliance and sample testing. Approved entities receive an initial one-year Khadi Certificate, renewable in five-year blocks, granting Khadi Mark tags for products; non-compliance leads to suspension or cancellation, restricting access to KVIC subsidies and sales channels. This system supports KVIC's mandate to protect khadi's handcrafted integrity but limits uncertified hand-spun cloth from official recognition.

Major Disputes and Court Cases (2018–2025)

In 2018, the (KVIC) initiated legal action against Overseas Pvt. Ltd. in the , alleging that the retailer was selling machine-produced garments labeled as "Khadi" without certification, thereby infringing KVIC's and causing revenue loss estimated at Rs 525 crore. The suit claimed violation of the Act, 2005, which mandates KVIC certification for authentic Khadi products, and sought damages for unauthorized use of the "Khadi" mark and charkha symbol. responded by filing a counter-affidavit denying the claims and arguing that "Khadi" is a generic term not exclusively owned by KVIC, but ultimately provided an undertaking in August 2018 to cease using "Khadi" in product descriptions, leading to the case's resolution without a full . In April 2023, the Delhi High Court issued an interim injunction restraining two private entities from using the "KHADI" mark in their business operations, following KVIC's suit under the Trademarks Act, 1999, for passing off and dilution of its well-known mark. The court found prima facie evidence of infringement, emphasizing KVIC's statutory monopoly on certified Khadi and the potential for consumer confusion with uncertified products. This ruling reinforced KVIC's position that unauthorized commercial use of "Khadi" undermines the handloom sector's authenticity and economic protections under Indian law. A related dispute arose in 2022 when KVIC sued Raman Gupta and others operating under "Khadi by Heritage," alleging through similar branding, including the charkha logo, on clothing and accessories. The , in June 2025, granted KVIC a permanent , declaring the marks well-known and prohibiting further use, while awarding costs for misleading representations that exploited KVIC's goodwill. In February 2024, KVIC filed suit against Girdhar Industries in the for using "Girdhar Khadi" and charkha motifs on soaps and detergents, claiming cultural symbol infringement beyond textiles. The court denied interim relief in March 2024, citing insufficient evidence of immediate irreparable harm and noting that KVIC's registrations were textile-specific, allowing the case to proceed to trial on merits. KVIC also pursued international enforcement, including a 2021 attempt to cancel the German firm Khadi Naturprodukte's "Khadi" for via opposition proceedings, arguing prior rights and generic dilution in , though the case highlighted tensions over extraterritorial application of KVIC's monopoly. In a WIPO domain dispute, KVIC successfully obtained transfer of <khadiindia.com> from a respondent registering it for resale, affirming under UDRP policies. These cases underscore KVIC's strategy to enforce certification exclusivity amid criticisms that aggressive litigation may overextend "Khadi" as a generic descriptor, with courts balancing statutory protections against free commercial speech.

Khadi in Bangladesh

Muslin as Traditional Khadi Variant

Muslin, a finely woven fabric originating from the region, constitutes a traditional variant of khadi characterized by its exceptional lightness and transparency, achieved through hand-spinning and hand-weaving processes. Known historically as muslin or Dhakai malmal, it was produced using yarn spun from the fine-stapled Phuti karpas cotton variety, which allowed for thread counts exceeding 200, resulting in fabrics so sheer that legends describe them as capable of passing through the when fully woven. This production method adhered strictly to khadi principles, emphasizing manual spinning on rudimentary wheels and weaving on pit looms by skilled artisans in areas around , now in , dating back to at least the BCE with peak refinement during the Mughal era in the 17th and 18th centuries. The distinction of muslin as a khadi variant lies in its refined texture compared to coarser khadi types; while standard khadi often employs yarns of 0-99 counts for durability, khadi utilizes higher counts (e.g., 100-400) for delicacy, yet retains the handcrafted essence central to khadi's swadeshi ethos. Artisans in pre-colonial cultivated along the Meghna and deltas, where the subtropical produced strains ideal for ultra-fine spinning, followed by bleaching in the river waters to enhance purity. Export records from the indicate annual shipments of up to 30 million yards by the early , underscoring its economic significance before industrial competition eroded traditional techniques. In the Bangladeshi context, khadi exemplified decentralized, village-based production, with weaving families passing skills generationally; a single might require 6-9 months of labor from one weaver, highlighting the labor-intensive nature akin to broader khadi practices. Its cultural role extended to elite garments for Mughal nobility and European , yet remained rooted in rural self-sufficiency, aligning with khadi's anti-colonial symbolism later amplified by figures like Gandhi, though predating his movement by centuries. The fabric's decline post-1820s stemmed from British import duties favoring machine-made textiles and deliberate suppression of local spinning, reducing active muslin looms from thousands to near extinction by the mid-20th century, though recent revivals seek to restore these hand-spun traditions.

Post-Partition Development and Distinctions from Indian Khadi

Following the 1947 partition of British India, khadi production in (present-day ) experienced a sharp decline, as the fabric became associated with the led by , rendering it politically suspect in the new Pakistani context. This shift, coupled with the influx of cheaper machine-made textiles from and global markets, pushed khadi toward near-extinction by the mid-20th century, particularly in centers like where it had earlier thrived under Gandhian influence since 1921. Local weaving communities, once vibrant, struggled amid changing social and economic priorities favoring industrialized imports over hand-spun alternatives. After 's independence from in 1971, khadi saw a resurgence driven by nationalistic sentiment and a push for , with a sudden surge in demand persisting for several years. In 1972, for instance, the newly formed commissioned khadi bed covers, signaling early institutional interest in reviving the craft. By 1975, the Bangladesh Small and Cottage Industries Corporation (BSCIC) launched targeted revival initiatives, establishing multiple production centers to train and scale output, focusing on rural and cultural preservation. Cumilla emerged as a key hub, where weavers adapted techniques to produce more refined varieties, incorporating finer yarns and dyes to compete with synthetic fabrics, though production remained decentralized and small-scale compared to pre-partition levels. Bangladeshi khadi differs from its Indian counterpart primarily in production scale, emphasis, and institutional framework. While Indian khadi is centralized under the (KVIC), which enforces certification standards, subsidies, and claims a near-monopoly on the term, lacks an equivalent national body, relying instead on local cooperatives and BSCIC oversight for sporadic support without exclusivity. Artisanal practices in prioritize finer weaves—often using higher yarn counts (up to 100s) influenced by historical traditions—to achieve lighter, more competitive textures, contrasting with the coarser, heavier khadi (typically 20-40 counts) dominant in via traditional charkha spinning. Culturally, Bangladeshi khadi embodies Bengali heritage and post-1971 economic revival, detached from ongoing Gandhian symbolism in , though both share hand-spun roots and swadeshi origins. These distinctions have allowed Bangladeshi variants to target niche markets for breathable, eco-friendly apparel, albeit with persistent challenges in mechanization and export scaling.

Criticisms and Controversies

Practical Limitations and Economic Inefficiencies

Khadi production is inherently labor-intensive, relying on manual spinning and processes that yield low productivity compared to mechanized . A single can produce only a fraction of the output achievable in mills, where high-speed machinery processes efficiently, resulting in khadi's limited for meeting large-scale demand. This inefficiency persists despite technological attempts to improve spinning wheels, as hand-operated methods cannot match the speed and consistency of power looms. Economically, khadi fabrics command prices 60% higher than equivalent mill-produced cloth, even after accounting for subsidies such as discounted raw supplies. The elevated costs stem from prolonged production times—hand-spinning alone requires hours per unit that machines complete in minutes—and higher labor wages relative to output, rendering khadi uncompetitive in open markets without ongoing fiscal support. Critics note that this subsidy dependence fosters inefficiency, as institutions like the (KVIC) impose restrictive certification and procurement rules that discourage innovation and cost reductions. Practically, khadi exhibits variability in due to inconsistent hand-spun , which often leads to uneven fabric texture, dimensional during , and reduced under abrasion compared to uniformly processed mill fabrics. The fabric's coarser weave and natural irregularities also contribute to higher needs, including greater susceptibility to wrinkling and shrinkage upon washing, limiting its suitability for everyday or high-volume apparel production. These factors, combined with a lack of design variety and prints inherent to manual processes, hinder widespread consumer adoption beyond niche or symbolic uses.

Allegations of Misuse and Quality Issues

In 2022, the (KVIC) revoked the certification of Mumbai's Khadi Emporium, its oldest registered institution established in 1918, after inspections revealed the sale of mill-made fabrics misrepresented as authentic Khadi. The outlet was found stocking non-hand-spun yarns and power-loom products, violating KVIC's standards that require exclusive use of hand-spun and hand-woven materials; this action barred the emporium from using the "Khadi India" and highlighted internal certification lapses even among long-standing affiliates. KVIC has pursued multiple legal actions against trademark infringements, issuing over 1,000 notices to private firms by 2020 for unauthorized use of the "Khadi" in , PPE kits, and apparel sold via platforms. For instance, in 2020, KVIC targeted companies like Khadi Essentials and Khadi Global for marketing non-textile beauty products under the brand, prompting the removal of more than 160 online listings and shutdowns of counterfeit outlets. Courts have supported these efforts, with the in 2021 restraining entities such as the Khadi Design Council of India from using "Khadi" in events like "Miss India Khadi," deeming it deceptive to consumers expecting genuine handloom products. Quality concerns have persisted, with reports citing inconsistent standards in KVIC-affiliated products, including uneven , shrinkage, and inferior compared to machine-made alternatives, contributing to high unsold levels. A 2019 KVIC inspection of the Khadi Association uncovered malpractices alongside unpaid loans exceeding Rs. 2 crore, further eroding trust in certified outlets' adherence to handcrafting protocols. These issues underscore broader challenges in verifying hand-spun authenticity amid widespread counterfeiting, where power-loom imitations flood markets at lower prices, often exploiting KVIC's for without meeting production criteria.

Ideological Debates on Decentralization Versus Industrialization

Mahatma Gandhi positioned khadi at the core of his economic philosophy, advocating for through village-based hand-spinning and to achieve self-sufficiency and regeneration. He viewed large-scale industrialization as a path to centralization of , exploitation of labor, and erosion of community bonds, proposing instead that khadi empowered individuals via the charkha, enabling every household to produce cloth and sustain local economies without reliance on urban mills or foreign imports. In contrast, and other modernizers critiqued Gandhian decentralization as impractical for 's post-independence challenges, arguing that khadi's labor-intensive methods could not generate sufficient employment or output to alleviate mass . Nehru favored state-led heavy industrialization, as outlined in his Discovery of India (1946), to harness , mechanization, and scientific planning for rapid growth, dismissing exclusive reliance on village industries like khadi as regressive and incapable of competing with efficient mill production. These debates influenced India's model, where khadi institutions persisted alongside industrial expansion, though empirical data highlights trade-offs: life-cycle assessments show khadi requiring 97.6 MJ/kg of energy versus 170.5 MJ/kg for mill-woven , underscoring its in use but underscoring limitations in and , with handloom output per worker far below mechanized mills. Ongoing discussions frame Gandhian as prescient for amid industrial environmental costs, yet industrialization's role in lifting GDP from $618 in 1950 to over $2,000 by 2020 substantiates critics' emphasis on growth for .

Legacy and Broader Impact

Cultural and Symbolic Persistence

Khadi endures as a potent symbol of and economic independence in modern , retaining its Gandhian association with the and resistance to foreign dominance. This symbolism persists through annual campaigns by institutions like the (KVIC), which in 2024 emphasized khadi's role in promoting indigenous production and artisan empowerment amid global supply chain disruptions. In political and national contexts, khadi garments are routinely donned by leaders during Day celebrations and parliamentary sessions, evoking unity and non-violent as envisioned by Gandhi. Union Minister highlighted khadi in October 2024 as emblematic of self-dependence, linking it to ongoing cleanliness and economic initiatives. Its adoption underscores a deliberate of historical continuity, with sales surging 20% year-over-year in 2023-2024, driven partly by such symbolic endorsements. Culturally, khadi has transcended its utilitarian origins to influence contemporary , where designers reframe it as sustainable luxury akin to , appealing to eco-conscious consumers. By April 2025, its integration into Gen Z wardrobes marked a revival, blending heritage motifs with modern silhouettes to symbolize mindful consumption and cultural pride. This evolution aligns khadi with global narratives, yet preserves its core as a marker of resilience, with KVIC reporting over 1.5 million artisans sustaining livelihoods through its production as of 2025.

Influence on Global Sustainability Movements

Khadi's promotion of decentralized, hand-powered textile production influenced mid-20th-century thinkers on , particularly , whose 1973 book incorporated Gandhian concepts of swadeshi (local self-sufficiency) and khadi to advocate for small-scale, resource-efficient economies over industrial gigantism. argued that such approaches, inspired by Gandhi's emphasis on manual labor and minimal mechanization, better align with human-scale development and environmental limits, shaping policies in agencies and influencing the intermediate technology movement in and . Gandhi's khadi philosophy, rooted in reducing material wants and fostering harmony with nature's , paralleled principles of emerging in the 1970s, which prioritize ecological wholeness and critique anthropocentric overconsumption. Proponents like drew implicit parallels to Gandhi's "more with less" ethic, where khadi spinning exemplified voluntary simplicity and bioregional , contributing to global discourses on non-violent environmentalism and sustainable livelihoods. This resonance extended to and rural economies, with khadi's model cited in analyses of peasant ecological practices as antidotes to industrial degradation. In modern sustainability movements, inspires and ethical textiles by demonstrating ultra-low environmental impacts: producing one meter requires no for spinning or , limited , and generates minimal compared to mechanized processing. Global initiatives, including collaborations blending khadi with for durable, low-water fabrics, promote it as a counter to fast fashion's carbon emissions, which account for 10% of global totals. By , khadi's adoption in international markets reflects growing demand for traceable, artisan-driven supply chains, with sales rising amid consumer shifts toward eco-friendly alternatives.

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