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Group selection
Group selection
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image of lekking blackcock, an instance of social behaviour
Early explanations of social behaviour, such as the lekking of blackcock, spoke of "the good of the species".[1] Blackcocks at the Lek watercolour and bodycolour by Archibald Thorburn, 1901.

Group selection is a proposed mechanism of evolution in which natural selection acts at the level of the group, instead of at the level of the individual or gene.

Early authors such as V. C. Wynne-Edwards and Konrad Lorenz argued that the behaviour of animals could affect their survival and reproduction as groups, speaking for instance of actions for the good of the species. In the 1930s, Ronald Fisher and J. B. S. Haldane proposed the concept of kin selection, a form of biological altruism from the gene-centered view of evolution, arguing that animals should sacrifice for their relatives, and thereby implying that they should not sacrifice for non-relatives. From the mid-1960s, evolutionary biologists such as John Maynard Smith, W. D. Hamilton, George C. Williams, and Richard Dawkins argued that natural selection acts primarily at the level of the gene. They argued on the basis of mathematical models that individuals would not altruistically sacrifice fitness for the sake of a group unless it would ultimately increase the likelihood of an individual passing on their genes. A consensus emerged that group selection did not occur, including in special situations such as the haplodiploid social insects like honeybees (in the Hymenoptera), where kin selection explains the behaviour of non-reproductives equally well, since the only way for them to reproduce their genes is via kin.[2]

In 1994 David Sloan Wilson and Elliott Sober argued for multi-level selection, including group selection, on the grounds that groups, like individuals, could compete. In 2010 three authors including E. O. Wilson, known for his work on social insects especially ants, again revisited the arguments for group selection.[3] They argued that group selection can occur when competition between two or more groups, some containing altruistic individuals who act cooperatively together, is more important for survival than competition between individuals within each group.[3] A large group of ethologists conceded that while inclusive fitness may be debatable, it was still a useful theory in practice.[2] However, the vast majority of behavioural biologists have not been convinced by renewed attempts to revisit group selection as a plausible mechanism of evolution.[4]

Background

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Charles Darwin developed the theory of evolution in his book, Origin of Species. Darwin also made the first suggestion of group selection in The Descent of Man that the evolution of groups could affect the survival of individuals. He wrote, "If one man in a tribe... invented a new snare or weapon, the tribe would increase in number, spread, and supplant other tribes. In a tribe thus rendered more numerous there would always be a rather better chance of the birth of other superior and inventive members."[5][6]

Once Darwinism had been accepted in the modern synthesis of the mid-twentieth century, animal behaviour was glibly explained with unsubstantiated hypotheses about survival value, which was largely taken for granted. The naturalist Konrad Lorenz had argued loosely in books like On Aggression (1966) that animal behaviour patterns were "for the good of the species",[1][7] without actually studying survival value in the field.[7] The evolutionary biologist Richard Dawkins wrote that Lorenz was a "'good of the species' man",[8] so accustomed to group selection thinking that he did not realize his views "contravened orthodox Darwinian theory".[8] The ethologist Niko Tinbergen praised Lorenz for his interest in the survival value of behaviour, and naturalists enjoyed Lorenz's writings for the same reason.[7] In 1962, group selection was used as a popular explanation for adaptation by the zoologist V. C. Wynne-Edwards.[9][10] In 1976, Dawkins wrote a well-known book on the importance of evolution at the level of the gene or the individual, The Selfish Gene.[11]

From the mid-1960s, evolutionary biologists argued that natural selection acted primarily at the level of the individual. In 1964, John Maynard Smith,[12] C. M. Perrins (1964),[13] and George C. Williams in his 1966 book Adaptation and Natural Selection cast serious doubt on group selection as a major mechanism of evolution; Williams's 1971 book Group Selection assembled writings from many authors on the same theme.[14][15]

It was in the 1960s generally agreed that group selection also applied for eusocial insects such as honeybees.[2]

Kin selection and inclusive fitness theory

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Theory makes group selection difficult

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Altruistic group selection may seem to work well, but individual selection with cheating works better and replaces it.

Experiments from the late 1970s suggested that selection involving groups was possible.[16] Early group selection models assumed that genes acted independently, for example a gene that coded for cooperation or altruism. Genetically based reproduction of individuals implies that, in group formation, the altruistic genes would need a way to act for the benefit of members in the group to enhance the fitness of many individuals with the same gene.[17] But it is expected from this model that individuals of the same species would compete against each other for the same resources. This would put cooperating individuals at a disadvantage, making genes for cooperation likely to be eliminated.[11][18] Group selection on the level of the species is flawed because it is difficult to see how selective pressures would be applied to competing/non-cooperating individuals.[11]

Alternative explanation of altruism

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Unlike group selection, kin selection between related individuals is accepted by most biologists as an explanation of altruistic behaviour.[2] R.A. Fisher in 1930[19] and J.B.S. Haldane in 1932[20] set out the mathematics of kin selection, with Haldane famously joking that he would willingly die for two brothers or eight cousins.[21] In this model, genetically related individuals cooperate because survival advantages to one individual also benefit kin who share some fraction of the same genes, giving a mechanism for selection in favour of this much altruism, without involving group selection.[22]

Inclusive fitness theory, first proposed by W. D. Hamilton in the early 1960s, gives a selection criterion for evolution of social traits when social behaviour is costly to an individual organism's survival and reproduction. The criterion is that the reproductive benefit to relatives who carry the social trait, multiplied by their relatedness (the probability that they share the altruistic trait) exceeds the cost to the individual. Inclusive fitness theory is a general treatment of the statistical probabilities of social traits accruing to any other organisms likely to propagate a copy of the same social trait. Kin selection theory treats the narrower but simpler case of the benefits to close genetic relatives (or what biologists call 'kin') who may also carry and propagate the trait. The theory is widely accepted by biologists.[2]

Kin recognition

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One of the questions about kin selection is the requirement that individuals must know if other individuals are related to them, or kin recognition. Any altruistic act has to preserve similar genes. One argument given by Hamilton is that many individuals operate in "viscous" conditions, so that they live in physical proximity to relatives. Under these conditions, they can act altruistically to any other individual, and it is likely that the other individual will be related. This population structure builds a continuum between individual selection, kin selection, kin group selection and group selection without clear boundaries between these. However, early theoretical models by D. S. Wilson et al.[23] and P. D. Taylor[24] showed that pure population viscosity cannot lead to cooperation and altruism. This is because any benefit generated by kin cooperation is exactly cancelled out by kin competition; additional offspring from cooperation are eliminated by local competition. Mitteldorf and D. S. Wilson later showed that if the population is allowed to fluctuate, local populations can temporarily store the benefit of local cooperation and promote the evolution of cooperation and altruism.[25] By assuming individual differences in adaptations, Jiang-Nan Yang further showed that the benefit of local altruism can be stored in the form of offspring quality and thus promote the evolution of altruism even if the population does not fluctuate. This is because local competition among more individuals resulting from local altruism increases the average local fitness of the individuals that survive.[26]

Reciprocal altruism

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Another explanation for the recognition of genes for altruism is that a single trait, reciprocal altruism, is capable of explaining the vast majority of altruism that is generally accepted as "good" by modern societies. The phenotype of altruism relies on recognition of the altruistic behaviour by itself. The trait of kindness is recognized by sufficiently intelligent and undeceived organisms in other individuals with the same trait. Moreover, the existence of such a trait predicts a tendency for kindness to unrelated organisms that are apparently kind, even if the organisms are of another species. The gene need not be exactly the same, so long as the effect or phenotype is similar. Multiple versions of the gene—or even meme—would have virtually the same effect. This explanation was given by Richard Dawkins as an analogy of a man with a green beard. Green-bearded men are imagined as tending to cooperate with each other simply by seeing a green beard, where the green beard trait is incidentally linked to the reciprocal kindness trait.[11]

Multilevel selection theory

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Context

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Early group selection models were flawed because they assumed that genes acted independently; but genetically based interactions among individuals are ubiquitous in group formation because genes must cooperate for the benefit of association in groups to enhance the fitness of group members.[17] Additionally, group selection at the species level is flawed because it is difficult to see how selective pressures would be applied; selection in social species of groups against other groups, rather than the species entire, would be more plausible. In contrast, kin selection is accepted as an explanation of altruistic behaviour.[22][27] The biologist Charles Goodnight argues that kin selection and multilevel selection are both needed to "obtain a complete understanding of the evolution of a social behavior system".[28]

A revived group selection theory

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In 1994, the evolutionary biologist David Sloan Wilson and the philosopher of biology Elliott Sober argued that the case against group selection had been overstated. They considered whether groups can have functional organization in the same way as individuals, and consequently whether groups can be "vehicles" for selection. They do not posit evolution on the level of the species, but selective pressures that winnow out small groups within a species, e.g. groups of social insects or primates. Groups that cooperate better might survive and reproduce more than those that did not. Resurrected in this way, D. S. Wilson & Sober's new group selection is called multilevel selection theory.[29]

David Sloan Wilson compared multilevel selection to a nested set of Russian dolls
David Sloan Wilson and Elliott Sober's 1994 Multilevel Selection Model, illustrated by a nested set of Russian matryoshka dolls. Wilson himself compared his model to such a set.

D. S. Wilson compared the layers of competition and evolution to nested sets of Russian matryoshka dolls.[30] The lowest level is the genes, next come the cells, then the organism level and finally the groups. The different levels function cohesively to maximize fitness, or reproductive success. The theory asserts that selection for the group level, involving competition between groups, must outweigh the individual level, involving individuals competing within a group, for a group-benefiting trait to spread.[31]

Multilevel selection theory focuses on the phenotype because it looks at the levels that selection directly acts upon.[30] For humans, social norms can be argued to reduce individual level variation and competition, thus shifting selection to the group level. The assumption is that variation between different groups is larger than variation within groups. Competition and selection can operate at all levels regardless of scale. D. S. Wilson wrote, "At all scales, there must be mechanisms that coordinate the right kinds of action and prevent disruptive forms of self-serving behavior at lower levels of social organization."[32] E. O. Wilson summarized, "In a group, selfish individuals beat altruistic individuals. But, groups of altruistic individuals beat groups of selfish individuals."[33]

D. S. Wilson argues that while kin selection works well for the behaviour of many animals, human behaviour is difficult to explain using kin selection alone. In particular, he claims it does not explain the rapid rise of human civilization, and that other factors must be considered.[32] He and others have continued to develop group selection models.[26][34][28] He ties the multilevel selection theory regarding humans to another theory, gene–culture coevolution, by acknowledging that culture seems to characterize a group-level mechanism for human groups to adapt to environmental changes.[31]

D. S. Wilson and Sober's work revived interest in multilevel selection. In a 2005 article, E. O. Wilson argued that kin selection could no longer be thought of as underlying the evolution of extreme sociality, for two reasons. First, he suggested, the argument that haplodiploid inheritance (as in the Hymenoptera) creates a strong selection pressure towards nonreproductive castes is mathematically flawed.[35][36] Second, eusociality no longer seems to be confined to the hymenopterans; increasing numbers of highly social taxa have been found in the years since E. O. Wilson's foundational text Sociobiology: A New Synthesis was published in 1975.[37] These including a variety of insect species, as well as two rodent species (the naked mole-rat and the Damaraland mole rat). E. O. Wilson suggests that the equation for Hamilton's rule:[38]

rb > c

(where b represents the benefit to the recipient of altruism, c the cost to the altruist, and r their degree of relatedness) should be replaced by the more general equation

rbk + be > c

in which bk is the benefit to kin (b in the original equation) and be is the benefit accruing to the group as a whole. He then argues that, in the present state of the evidence in relation to social insects, it appears that be>rbk, so that altruism needs to be explained in terms of selection at the colony level rather than at the kin level. However, kin selection and group selection are not distinct processes, and the effects of multi-level selection are already accounted for in Hamilton's rule, rb>c,[39] provided that an expanded definition of r, not requiring Hamilton's original assumption of direct genealogical relatedness, is used, as proposed by E. O. Wilson himself.[40]

Debate in Nature

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In 2010, the mathematical biologists Martin Nowak and Corina Tarnita, with the entomologist E. O. Wilson, argued in Nature for multi-level selection, including group selection, to correct what they saw as deficits in the explanatory power of inclusive fitness.[3] 137 other evolutionary biologists, also in Nature, responded "that their arguments are based upon a misunderstanding of evolutionary theory and a misrepresentation of the empirical literature".[41]

Proposed applications

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Social behaviour in honeybees looked a good candidate for group selection, but is explained by kin selection: their haplodiploid inheritance system makes workers very closely related to their queen (centre).[2]

Multi-level selection theory is proposed as suitable for evaluating the balance between group selection and individual selection in specific cases.[31] An experiment by William Muir compared egg productivity in hens, showing that a hyper-aggressive strain had been produced through individual selection, leading to many fatal attacks after only six generations; by implication, it could be argued that group selection must have been acting to prevent this in real life.[42] Group selection has most often been postulated in humans[43] and in eusocial Hymenoptera such as honeybees that make cooperation a driving force of their adaptations over time, and therefore seemed likely candidates for group selection. However, eusocial insects have a unique system of inheritance involving haplodiploidy that allows the colony to function as an individual while only the queen reproduces.[2]

Evidence on both sides

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Spatial populations of predators and prey show restraint of reproduction at equilibrium, both individually and through social communication, as originally proposed by Wynne-Edwards. While these spatial populations do not have well-defined groups for group selection, the local spatial interactions of organisms in transient groups are sufficient to lead to a kind of multi-level selection. There is however as yet no evidence that these processes operate in the situations where Wynne-Edwards posited them.[44][45] Rauch et al.'s analysis of host-parasite evolution, on the other hand, is broadly hostile to group selection. Specifically, the parasites do not individually moderate their transmission; rather, more transmissible variants – which have a short-term but unsustainable advantage – arise, increase, and go extinct.[44]

Applications

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Differing evolutionarily stable strategies

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The problem with group selection is that for a whole group to get a single trait, it must spread through the whole group first by regular evolution. But, as J. L. Mackie suggested, when there are many different groups, each with a different evolutionarily stable strategy, there is selection between the different strategies, since some are worse than others.[46] For example, a group where altruism was universal would indeed outcompete a group where every creature acted in its own interest, so group selection might seem feasible; but a mixed group of altruists and non-altruists would be vulnerable to cheating by non-altruists within the group, so group selection would collapse.[47]

Implications in population biology

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Altruism and group relationships can impact many aspects of population dynamics, such as intraspecific competition and interspecific interactions. In 1871, Darwin argued that group selection occurs when the benefits of cooperation or altruism between subpopulations are greater than the individual benefits of egotism within a subpopulation.[5] This supports the idea of multilevel selection, but kinship also plays an integral role because many subpopulations are composed of closely related individuals. An example of this can be found in lions, which are simultaneously cooperative and territorial.[48] Within a pride, males protect the pride from outside males, and females, who are commonly sisters, communally raise cubs and hunt. However, this cooperation seems to be density dependent. When resources are limited, group selection favours prides that work together to hunt. When prey is abundant, cooperation is no longer beneficial enough to outweigh the disadvantages of altruism, and hunting is no longer cooperative.[48]

Interactions between different species, including predator-prey relationships, can be affected by multilevel selection. Individuals of certain monkey species howl to warn the group of the approach of a predator.[49] The evolution of this trait benefits the group by providing protection, but could be disadvantageous to the individual if the howling draws the predator's attention to them. By affecting these interspecific interactions, multilevel and kinship selection can change the population dynamics of an ecosystem.[49]

Multilevel selection attempts to explain the evolution of altruism in terms of quantitative genetics. Increased frequency or fixation of altruistic alleles can be accomplished through kin selection, in which individuals behave altruistically to promote the fitness of genetically similar individuals such as their siblings. This can lead to inbreeding depression,[50] which typically lowers the overall fitness of a population. However, if altruism were to be selected for through an emphasis on benefit to the group as opposed to relatedness and benefit to kin, both the altruistic trait and genetic diversity could be preserved. Relatedness should still remain a key consideration in studies of multilevel selection. Experimentally imposed multilevel selection on Japanese quail was some ten times more effective on closely related kin groups than on randomized groups of individuals.[51]

Gene-culture coevolution in humans

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Gene-culture coevolution allows humans to develop complex artefacts like elaborately decorated temples
Humanity has developed extremely rapidly, arguably through gene-culture coevolution, leading to complex cultural artefacts like the gopuram of the Sri Mariammam temple, Singapore.

Gene-culture coevolution (also called dual inheritance theory) is a modern hypothesis (applicable mostly to humans) that combines evolutionary biology and modern sociobiology to indicate group selection.[52] It is believed that this approach of combining genetic influence with cultural influence over several generations is not present in the other hypotheses such as reciprocal altruism and kin selection, making gene-culture evolution one of the strongest realistic hypotheses for group selection. Fehr provides evidence of group selection taking place in humans presently with experimentation through logic games such as prisoner's dilemma, the type of thinking that humans have developed many generations ago.[53]

Gene-culture coevolution allows humans to develop highly distinct adaptations to the local pressures and environments more quickly than with genetic evolution alone. Robert Boyd and Peter J. Richerson, two strong proponents of cultural evolution, postulate that the act of social learning, or learning in a group as done in group selection, allows human populations to accrue information over many generations.[54] This leads to cultural evolution of behaviours and technology alongside genetic evolution. Boyd and Richerson believe that the ability to collaborate evolved during the Middle Pleistocene, a million years ago, in response to a rapidly changing climate.[54]

In 2003, the ethologist Herbert Gintis examined cultural evolution statistically, offering evidence that societies that promote pro-social norms have higher survival rates than societies that do not.[55] Gintis wrote that genetic and cultural evolution can work together. Genes transfer information in DNA, and cultures transfer information encoded in brains, artifacts, or documents. Language, tools, lethal weapons, fire, cooking, etc., have a long-term effect on genetics. For example, cooking led to a reduction of size of the human gut, since less digestion is needed for cooked food. Language led to a change in the human larynx and an increase in brain size. Projectile weapons led to changes in human hands and shoulders, such that humans are much better at throwing objects than the closest human relative, the chimpanzee.[56]

In 2015, William Yaworsky and colleagues surveyed the opinions of anthropologists on group selection, finding that these varied with the gender and politics of the social scientists concerned.[57] In 2019, Howard Rachlin and colleagues proposed group selection of behavioural patterns, such as learned altruism, during ontogeny parallel to group selection during phylogeny.[58][59][60][61]

Rejection

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Selfish benefits of 'altruism'

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An impala stotting, signalling honestly to the predator that the chase will be unprofitable. Such a signal looks costly and altruistic, warning other prey animals that a predator is close, but can benefit the signaller by deterring pursuit.[62]
An alarm signal looks like costly altruism, making group selection plausible; but it may also deter the predator from pursuit and create confusion, helping the selfish prey individual to escape.

The historian of science Peter J. Bowler writes that G.C. Williams and other naturalists "became suspicious" of group selection as an explanation for animal behaviour. A major issue, Bowler writes, is in finding a definitely altruistic behaviour, because an action like giving an alarm signal does assist other animals nearby, but it also creates a chaotic event which could, interpreted selfishly, help the caller to escape.[63]

D.J. Woodland and colleagues have proposed, with evidence, that alarm signals have a pursuit deterrence function, rather than signalling altruistically to other members of their own species.[62] A pursuit deterrence signal can benefit both predator and prey: the prey signals that the predator has been detected, possibly saving its own life (as the predator may then decide to give up the pursuit), and saving it and the predator the effort of an unproductive chase.[64]

Mathematical issues

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Advocates of the gene-centered view of evolution such as Dawkins and Daniel Dennett remain unconvinced about group selection.[65][66][67][68]

The use of the Price equation to support group selection was challenged by Matthijs van Veelen and colleagues in 2012, arguing that it is based on invalid mathematical assumptions. They created a "simple model"[69] where the Price equation resulted in a wrong prediction, meaning that it only works in some cases.[69]

The evolutionary biologist Jerry Coyne summarizes the arguments against group selection in The New York Review of Books in non-technical terms as follows:[68]

Group selection isn't widely accepted by evolutionists for several reasons. First, it's not an efficient way to select for traits, like altruistic behavior, that are supposed to be detrimental to the individual but good for the group. Groups divide to form other groups much less often than organisms reproduce to form other organisms, so group selection for altruism would be unlikely to override the tendency of each group to quickly lose its altruists through natural selection favoring cheaters. Further, little evidence exists that selection on groups has promoted the evolution of any trait. Finally, other, more plausible evolutionary forces, like direct selection on individuals for reciprocal support, could have made humans prosocial. These reasons explain why only a few biologists, like [David Sloan] Wilson and E. O. Wilson (no relation), advocate group selection as the evolutionary source of cooperation.[68]

The psychologist Steven Pinker states that "group selection has no useful role to play in psychology or social science", since in these domains it "is not a precise implementation of the theory of natural selection, as it is, say, in genetic algorithms or artificial life simulations. Instead [in psychology] it is a loose metaphor, more like the struggle among kinds of tires or telephones."[70]

Replicator–vehicle problem

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In Richard Dawkins' view of evolution by natural selection, a vehicle, such as an organism, supports a replicator such as a gene, enabling it to act as a unit of evolution.

Dawkins argues that group selection fails to make an appropriate distinction between replicators (entities able to make copies of themselves) and vehicles (entities that contain replicators).[71] Entities can only qualify as replicators if their self-copies are made with high-fidelity, they copy themselves abundantly, and they survive long enough to allow evolution to work.[72][73] In support of this, the origin of life seems to have occurred at the same time as self-replicating molecules appeared, and which eventually formed into single-celled organisms.[74][75] While selection pressure is exerted through phenotypes,[76] Organisms do not qualify as replicators because acquired characteristics do not get inherited, while the genotype of a successful individual gets broken up and rearranged by meiosis and genetic recombination.[77] On the other hand, populations (groups of organisms) also frequently fragment into separate populations, interbreed, and are subject to rapid evolutionary change as individuals compete and reproduce.[73][78] As such, while genes serve as replicators,[72] organisms and populations do not.[79]

Randolph Nesse comments that, contrary to Wilson and Sober's view that biologists oppose group selection because they don't grasp the hierarchy of vehicles for selection, they do so because "we lack criteria to determine whether or not a trait arises from group selection". In Nesse's view, there is hardly any evidence for group selection, even though the question of whether it could theoretically serve as a vehicle is not disputed.[80]

Subsumed by inclusive fitness theory

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S.A. West, A.S. Griffin and A. Gardner write that kin selection theory works at all levels, and that the resulting inclusive fitness approach can be applied, with clearer predictions, wherever group selection can be applied. This treats the effect of group selection as a possible increment to individual selection, both going into the inclusive fitness calculation. Kin selection can, they write, get any result obtained by group selection theory, but more tractably, with testable predictions. Thus, even if a group selection effect exists, it does not negate inclusive fitness, but in their view is unnecessary and adds nothing except "confusing jargon".[39]

References

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Sources

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Group selection is a concept in that refers to the process by which acts on groups of organisms, favoring traits that increase the survival and of the group relative to other groups, even if those traits reduce the fitness of individuals within the group. This mechanism contrasts with individual selection, where traits evolve primarily based on their direct benefits to the organism's personal . Group selection has been invoked to explain the of and , where individuals perform behaviors that benefit others at a cost to themselves, provided such actions contribute to group-level advantages like resource conservation or collective defense. The idea traces back to , who in The Descent of Man (1871) suggested that could operate on communities to promote traits beneficial to the group, such as instincts in early human societies. It gained prominence in the mid-20th century through Vero Wynne-Edwards' work, particularly Animal Dispersion in Relation to Social Behaviour (1962), which argued that population-regulating behaviors, like reduced breeding rates to avoid of resources, evolve via group-level selection to ensure long-term group viability. However, this view faced sharp criticism in the 1960s and 1970s from evolutionary biologists like George C. Williams and , who contended that within-group individual selection overwhelmingly dominates, rendering true group selection rare and theoretically implausible without mechanisms like limited migration between groups. The controversy subsided with the rise of kin selection theory, proposed by in 1964, which explained through benefits to genetic relatives, often obviating the need for group-level explanations. Nonetheless, group selection was revitalized in the 1970s and 1980s through David Sloan Wilson's trait-group model (1975), which demonstrated mathematically how partitioned populations could sustain altruistic traits under certain conditions of group formation and dispersal. George Price's equation (1970, 1972) further formalized multilevel selection, partitioning evolutionary change into within- and between-group components, showing that group selection can occur alongside individual selection when between-group variance in fitness exceeds within-group variance. In contemporary evolutionary theory, group selection is often framed within the broader paradigm of multilevel selection (MLS), which recognizes selection acting simultaneously at multiple hierarchical levels, from genes to societies. Proponents like and Elliott Sober argue that MLS resolves historical debates by integrating group benefits with individual and , and empirical evidence supports its role in phenomena such as the in and cultural . Critics persist in viewing it as redundant or prone to misinterpretation, but among experts in social evolution, it is increasingly accepted as a valid process, particularly in structured populations with low . Applications extend to cultural group selection, where group-beneficial norms and practices spread through intergroup competition in societies.

Definitions and Concepts

Definition and Basic Principles

Group selection refers to a mode of in that operates at the level of groups of organisms, rather than solely on individuals, whereby traits that increase the fitness of the group as a whole can evolve and spread, even if those traits decrease the fitness of the individual bearer within the group. This process typically involves or , where individuals perform behaviors that benefit others at a personal cost, such as reduced survival or . In essence, groups containing higher proportions of such altruistic individuals gain a competitive edge over less groups, allowing the altruistic traits to proliferate in the broader population through the success of those groups. The core principles of group selection hinge on intergroup competition as the driving force for group-level adaptation. Groups vary in their composition of traits, and those with more individuals exhibiting group-beneficial behaviors—such as resource sharing or collective defense—tend to survive and reproduce more effectively than rival groups, thereby propagating those traits. However, this is often counteracted by within-group selection, where selfish individuals exploit altruists, gaining higher personal fitness and potentially eroding cooperative traits inside the group. For group selection to prevail, the between-group variance in fitness must outweigh the within-group variance, ensuring that group-level advantages dominate. A classic conceptual example of group-beneficial traits, often framed within multilevel selection theory, arises in social insects, such as ants and bees, where non-reproductive workers altruistically forage, defend the colony, and care for the queen's offspring, forgoing their own reproduction to enhance the colony's overall productivity and survival. This extreme form of altruism boosts group fitness by enabling larger, more efficient colonies that outcompete others, despite the individual workers' reproductive sacrifice, though kin selection also plays a key role. Charles Darwin initially proposed group selection in his 1871 work The Descent of Man to account for the evolution of moral instincts in humans, arguing that tribes with members prone to mutual aid and self-sacrifice for the common good would triumph over less cohesive groups in competition. Group selection forms the basis for broader frameworks like multilevel selection theory, which examines selection across hierarchical levels from genes to societies.

Types of Groups in Selection

In group selection models, trait groups refer to temporary assemblages of individuals that share similar phenotypic traits, such as cooperative behaviors, which influence group-level fitness through interactions like resource sharing or defense. These groups form due to assortment mechanisms, including spatial clustering or behavioral preferences, creating variance in trait composition across groups without requiring permanent isolation. This structure enables multilevel selection by allowing differential survival or reproduction of groups based on their overall composition, such as those with higher proportions of cooperators outperforming groups dominated by defectors. Demes, in contrast, are spatially structured subpopulations within a larger , characterized by limited migration and that maintain distinct genetic compositions over time. In these units, selection operates at the group level when differential or proliferation of demes occurs, driven by collective traits like reduced in populations. The restricted dispersal in demes amplifies between-group variance, facilitating to local environments while individual-level selection persists within them. The primary distinction between trait groups and demes lies in their formation and isolation: trait groups rely on transient, trait-based assortment that promotes multilevel processes without geographic barriers, whereas depend on spatial separation and limited migration to sustain group-level dynamics. For instance, in microbial populations, cells forming biofilms exemplify trait groups, where cooperative producers of public goods enhance matrix stability and group persistence against cheaters, independent of strict boundaries. In demic structures, such as host-associated bacterial communities, limited between spatially separated clusters allows selection on group productivity, as seen in gut microbiomes where deme favors efficient consortia. Trait groups can overlap with when assortment occurs among related individuals, but they broadly encompass non-kin interactions as well.

Historical Development

Early Ideas from Darwin to Mid-20th Century

Charles Darwin laid the foundational ideas for group selection in his 1871 book The Descent of Man, and Selection in Relation to Sex, where he applied natural selection to explain the origins of human altruism and morality at the tribal level. Darwin posited that natural selection could favor entire groups over individuals, particularly in scenarios of intertribal competition, such as warfare over resources or territory. He argued that traits promoting cooperation and self-sacrifice, which might disadvantage individuals within a tribe, could nonetheless spread if they enhanced the tribe's overall survival and reproductive success against rival groups. This group-level process, Darwin suggested, accounted for the evolution of social instincts that underpin moral behavior, allowing sympathetic and obedient tribes to outcompete more selfish ones. A key example Darwin provided involved the selective advantage of tribes in conflict: "A tribe including many members who, from possessing in a high degree the spirit of , , obedience, , and , were always ready to aid one another, and to sacrifice themselves for the , would be victorious over most other tribes; and this would be ." He emphasized that such victories would propagate the associated moral qualities across generations, raising the standard of ethics in advancing civilizations, even as within-group selection might favor less altruistic individuals. Darwin also noted that communities with the most sympathetic members would flourish best and produce more , linking group selection directly to the development of human sociality. In the early 20th century, built on these notions in his Principles of Sociology (1876–1896), conceptualizing as a "superorganic" entity subject to evolutionary forces beyond individual biology. Spencer described superorganic evolution as the adaptation of social aggregates—such as institutions, customs, and communities—through processes analogous to organic , where groups compete and adapt as integrated wholes. This framework implied selection at the societal level, with structures enabling groups to survive environmental and competitive pressures more effectively than disorganized ones. Spencer's ideas extended Darwin's tribal dynamics to larger social scales, influencing early sociological thought on collective . Before the mid-20th century, group selection concepts enjoyed broad acceptance in and , often invoked to explain adaptive traits in populations and communities without emphasizing conflicts over . This perspective prevailed in discussions of species interactions and , treating groups as primary units of . However, the emergence of modern in the 1930s and 1940s, spearheaded by , , and , redirected focus to individual-level mechanisms, highlighting how genic variation and selection within populations could account for most evolutionary change and marginalizing group-oriented views.

Wynne-Edwards and the Group Selection Controversy

In 1962, Vero Copner Wynne-Edwards published Animal Dispersion in Relation to Social Behaviour, a seminal work proposing that group selection plays a central role in the of social behaviors to maintain stability. He argued that mechanisms such as territorial displays and behaviors—social signals that convey —evolve to prevent and , prioritizing the welfare of the group over individual reproductive gains. Wynne-Edwards posited that these traits arise through selection among demes (local populations), where groups practicing restraint outlast those that do not, even if it imposes costs on individuals. A key aspect of his theory involved interpreting behaviors like territoriality in birds as adaptations for the good, where dominant individuals exclude subordinates from breeding to keep group numbers sustainable and avoid . Similarly, he viewed lekking systems in species such as , where males gather to display without providing or resources, as forms of group that signal and curb excessive , thereby benefiting the population's long-term . Wynne-Edwards claimed these examples demonstrated how group selection could override selfish individual advantages, challenging the dominance of genic or individual-level explanations in evolutionary theory. The book ignited a fierce , with critics contending that Wynne-Edwards' formulation of "naive" group selection lacked empirical support and theoretical rigor. David Lack, in Population Studies of Birds (1966), rebutted the idea by showing that population regulation in birds results from density-dependent mortality and competitive advantages, not group-level or ; he argued that Wynne-Edwards overestimated the role of social displays in controlling numbers, as cheater would undermine such systems. George C. Williams, in and (1966), delivered a more comprehensive critique, asserting that group selection requires implausibly strong between-group variation and while ignoring how within-group selection favors exploiters over altruists. Williams dismissed Wynne-Edwards' examples, including lekking and territoriality, as misinterpretations better explained by mating success or , concluding that "group-related adaptations do not, in fact, exist." This backlash marginalized group selection in mainstream for decades, shifting focus to individual and genic perspectives until later theoretical revivals.

Theoretical Foundations

Kin Selection and Inclusive Fitness

, proposed by in his seminal 1964 papers, provides a gene-centered for the of altruistic behaviors by emphasizing the role of genetic relatedness among individuals within groups. This theory posits that individuals can increase their genetic representation in future generations not only through direct but also by aiding relatives who share their genes, thereby serving as an alternative or complement to traditional group selection models that focus on benefits to the collective. Central to kin selection is the concept of inclusive fitness, which Hamilton defined as the total effect of an individual's actions on the propagation of genes identical by descent from common ancestors, encompassing both personal reproductive success and the reproductive success of relatives weighted by their genetic relatedness. Unlike classical fitness, which measures only an organism's own offspring production, inclusive fitness accounts for indirect contributions to gene transmission via kin, allowing selfish genes to favor altruism when it enhances overall genetic propagation. This framework resolves apparent paradoxes in social evolution, such as sterile castes in eusocial insects, by demonstrating that such sacrifices can yield net genetic benefits through elevated relatedness within the group. Hamilton formalized this idea in his rule for the of : rB>CrB > C, where rr is the genetic relatedness between and recipient, BB is the reproductive benefit to the recipient, and CC is the reproductive cost to the . The rule derives from a genetical model tracking changes in under , using Sewall Wright's to quantify rr as the probability that a in the is identical by descent to a in the recipient. Specifically, the change in frequency Δp\Delta p due to a social behavior is approximated as Δpp(1p)wˉ(rBC)\Delta p \approx \frac{p(1-p)}{ \bar{w} } (rB - C), where pp is the initial frequency, wˉ\bar{w} is mean fitness, and positive Δp\Delta p occurs when rB>CrB > C, indicating selection favors the behavior. This condition ensures that the gain from aiding kin outweighs the direct fitness loss, promoting the spread of even if it reduces the actor's personal reproduction. In haplodiploid species like social insects (Hymenoptera order, including bees), Hamilton's rule gains particular explanatory power through the haplodiploid sex-determination system, where females develop from fertilized diploid eggs and males from unfertilized haploid eggs. Under this system, full sisters share, on average, 75% of their genes identical by descent (r=0.75r = 0.75), higher than the 50% relatedness to their own offspring, because sisters inherit the father's entire genome and half from the mother. Workers (sterile females) thus gain greater inclusive fitness by raising sisters (BB to sisters at r=0.75r = 0.75) than by producing sons (r=0.5r = 0.5), satisfying rB>CrB > C for altruistic foraging and colony defense even at high personal costs. This asymmetry resolves the puzzle of eusociality in bees—such as honeybees (Apis mellifera), where workers forgo reproduction to support the queen—without relying solely on group-level benefits, as the high sister relatedness amplifies indirect fitness returns. Hamilton's 1964 publications marked a pivotal shift in , redirecting attention from group-centric to gene-level explanations of and diminishing the prominence of earlier group selection ideas. This gene-focused perspective profoundly influenced ' 1976 book , which popularized and by framing as among replicators, with emerging as a strategy to propagate shared genes.

Multilevel Selection Theory

Multilevel selection theory (MLS) posits that operates simultaneously across multiple hierarchical levels of biological organization, including genes, individuals, and groups, rather than solely at the individual level. This framework reconciles group-level adaptations with individual-level selection by emphasizing that evolutionary change can be partitioned into components attributable to different levels, allowing for the emergence of traits that benefit groups even if they impose costs on individuals within those groups. The theory gained prominence through the work of biologist , who introduced foundational ideas in his 1975 paper outlining conditions under which group selection could predominate. Philosopher Elliott Sober joined Wilson in the 1990s to formalize MLS as a compatible extension of standard evolutionary theory, arguing that group selection does not contradict individual selection but rather integrates it within a broader multilevel perspective. A central element of MLS is the partition of variance in fitness across levels, which quantifies how much of the total change in a trait's frequency is due to selection within groups versus between groups. This partitioning reveals when group-level selection can drive the evolution of or by favoring groups composed of cooperative individuals over less cooperative ones. The theory distinguishes between two primary approaches: MLS1, which focuses on contextual analysis by statistically decomposing fitness differences to assess the relative contributions of individual and group effects without invoking group-level causation, and MLS2, which emphasizes causal processes where groups themselves function as adaptive units with their own heritable properties and differential replication. MLS1 treats groups as contexts influencing individual fitness, while MLS2 posits that groups can evolve as entities akin to organisms, enabling explanations for phenomena like . This dual framework, often underpinned by the Price equation for variance partitioning, provides a unified lens for analyzing social behaviors. In their seminal 1998 book Unto Others: The Evolution and Psychology of Unselfish Behavior, Sober and Wilson demonstrated that MLS is fully compatible with gene-level and individual-level selection, countering earlier dismissals of group selection by showing how multilevel processes can explain unselfish behavior in both biological and psychological contexts. The book argues that traits like evolve when between-group selection outweighs within-group selection, using conceptual models to illustrate how group benefits can propagate despite individual costs. Following this revival in the , MLS has achieved broader acceptance in the study of social evolution by the 2020s, with applications extending to cultural and ecological systems. For instance, a 2025 study on wild animal populations provided evidence of multilevel selection shaping social structures, highlighting its relevance to ongoing research in .

Mathematical Models

Price Equation Applications

The Price equation, developed by George Price in the early 1970s, provides a general mathematical framework for describing evolutionary change in any trait under , including scenarios involving group-level processes. Price's initial formulation appeared in 1970, with an extension in 1972 that explicitly allowed for across hierarchical levels, such as individuals within groups. This work mathematically resolved longstanding controversies from the over group selection by demonstrating its compatibility with individual-level mechanisms, and it directly facilitated W.D. Hamilton's derivation of his rule in 1970 as well as David Sloan Wilson's subsequent trait-group models in the mid-1970s. The core Price equation states that the change in the average value of a trait GG across a population, denoted ΔGˉ\Delta \bar{G}, equals the covariance between relative fitness ww and the trait GG, divided by the mean fitness wˉ\bar{w}, plus the expected value of the fitness-weighted change in the trait within each reproductive unit: ΔGˉ=Cov(w,G)wˉ+E(wΔGiwi),\Delta \bar{G} = \frac{\text{Cov}(w, G)}{\bar{w}} + E\left( \frac{w \Delta G_i}{w_i} \right), where ΔGi\Delta G_i is the change in GG within the ii-th unit (e.g., individual or group), and the expectation is taken over all units. To derive this for multilevel selection, consider a population structured into groups, where GijG_{ij} is the trait value of individual jj in group ii, wijw_{ij} is its fitness, Gˉi=E[Giji]\bar{G}_i = E[G_{ij} \mid i] is the group mean trait, and Wi=E[wiji]W_i = E[w_{ij} \mid i] is the group mean fitness. The total change ΔGˉ\Delta \bar{G} can be partitioned by applying the Price equation first at the individual level and then aggregating across groups. Substituting the within-group Price equation into the overall form yields the multilevel version: ΔGˉ=Cov(Wi,Gˉi)Wˉ+E(WiWˉΔGˉi),\Delta \bar{G} = \frac{\text{Cov}(W_i, \bar{G}_i)}{\bar{W}} + E\left( \frac{W_i}{\bar{W}} \Delta \bar{G}_i \right), where the first term, Cov(Wi,Gˉi)Wˉ\frac{\text{Cov}(W_i, \bar{G}_i)}{\bar{W}}, captures between-group selection (the differential success of groups based on their trait composition), and the second term accounts for within-group processes (selection and transmission biases inside groups). This partition holds exactly under Price's assumptions of no assumptions about the form of fitness or trait transmission, making it a covariance-based identity rather than an approximation. In applications to group selection, the equation formalizes conditions under which group-level processes drive trait evolution: the between-group term must be positive and sufficiently large to outweigh any negative within-group term. For altruism—a trait where an individual's fitness decreases (c>0c > 0) but provides benefits (b>0b > 0) to others—the within-group covariance is typically negative, as altruists are outcompeted by selfish individuals inside groups. However, if population structure generates positive between-group variance in altruist frequency (e.g., via limited dispersal or assortment), the between-group term can favor altruism overall when Cov(Wi,Gˉi)Wˉ>E(WiWˉΔGˉi)\frac{\text{Cov}(W_i, \bar{G}_i)}{\bar{W}} > -E\left( \frac{W_i}{\bar{W}} \Delta \bar{G}_i \right). A representative example involves a structured population of haploid organisms with two types: altruists (trait G=1G = 1, paying cost cc to benefit groupmates by b/mb/m, where mm is group size) and selfish individuals (G=0G = 0). Assume groups form randomly with mean altruist proportion pp, and group fitness Wi=1+pibpicW_i = 1 + p_i b - p_i c (additive effects). The within-group term is E(WiWˉΔGˉi)p(1p)c/WˉE\left( \frac{W_i}{\bar{W}} \Delta \bar{G}_i \right) \approx -p(1-p)c / \bar{W} (negative due to individual selection against altruists). The between-group term is Cov(Wi,pi)Wˉ=Var(pi)bWˉ\frac{\text{Cov}(W_i, p_i)}{\bar{W}} = \frac{\text{Var}(p_i) b}{\bar{W}}, where Var(pi)\text{Var}(p_i) depends on assortment (e.g., relatedness rVar(pi)/[p(1p)]r \approx \text{Var}(p_i)/[p(1-p)]). Altruism increases if rb>cr b > c, mirroring Hamilton's rule; here, group structure amplifies between-group variance to enable evolution despite within-group costs. This framework has been pivotal in modeling altruism in viscous populations, such as microbial biofilms or animal societies, where spatial structure enhances group-level covariances.

Trait Group and Haystack Models

The haystack model, introduced by in 1964 and revised in 1976, illustrates group selection dynamics in a structured with discrete generations and periodic mixing. In this model, the is conceptualized as mice colonizing isolated "haystacks" (groups), each founded by a single mated female carrying alleles for (A, which benefits the group at individual cost) or selfishness (S, which exploits others). During a growth phase lasting G non-overlapping generations within each haystack, the relative fitness of altruists is reduced by a cost factor c (e.g., lower individual ), while selfish individuals have fitness 1; however, groups with higher proportions of altruists exhibit greater overall productivity, measured by the benefit parameter b representing increased disperser output from cooperative groups. At the end of the growth phase, all survivors disperse and randomly recolonize new haystacks, with migration effectively resetting group composition unless mating occurs primarily within groups (probability m close to 1). The model's key insight emerges from analyzing allele frequency changes across cycles: within haystacks, the selfish allele S increases rapidly due to individual selection, but between haystacks, groups founded with more altruists produce more dispersers, favoring A at the group level if the inter-group differential outweighs intra-group losses. Maynard Smith derived the condition for the altruist allele to spread as bR > c, where R is the average relatedness within groups, which rises with larger G (more generations per group) and higher m (limited dispersal and within-group mating). In numerical examples, if G = 10 and the within-group fitness advantage of S is modest (e.g., 1.1 relative to A), group selection can maintain A only if m approaches 1 and b is sufficiently large (e.g., group productivity 2-3 times higher for pure A groups than pure S); otherwise, complete mixing (m = 0) leads to rapid fixation of S. The 1976 revision emphasized that realistic migration rates (m < 0.5) render group selection negligible, as random reassortment dilutes group-level benefits. David S. Wilson's trait group model, developed in 1975 and expanded in 1980, shifts focus to stochastically formed assemblages in a single randomly mating , where "trait groups" arise temporarily during interactions affecting fitness, such as mating, competition, or predation. Unlike fixed , trait groups form via binomial sampling of individuals into subgroups of size N, with composition varying due to assortment (random or patchy distribution of A and non- B genotypes); incur a donor cost f_d < 0 but provide recipient benefit f_r > 0, enhancing average group fitness. The model quantifies multilevel selection through the change in A frequency in the . For to evolve, between-group genetic variance (V_g) must exceed random levels, such as through kin clustering or patchiness; under random assortment, individual selection requires f_d > 0, but with positive assortment, can spread if the group selection term outweighs the negative individual term (e.g., f_d > -(N-1)f_r at the group level, adjusted for variation). Weak evolves with modest assortment, while strong requires high structure. The 1980 extension formalized trait groups as any fitness-relevant interaction unit, showing their equivalence to structured under limited dispersal. Both models demonstrate group selection's viability under conditions of limited dispersal and positive assortment, contrasting with panmictic populations where individual selection dominates. In the haystack model, low migration (high m) allows group-level advantages to persist across G generations, enabling altruist dominance if b > c / R (e.g., migration below 10% sustains A at 20% frequency in simulations with G = 5). Wilson's approach generalizes this by showing trait group formation suffices for weak even in large demes, with group selection strength proportional to V_g / V_t. These simulations highlight that group selection prevails when within-group exploitation is offset by between-group , such as in metapopulations with 5-20% migration rates, but collapses with free mixing. The Price equation underpins both as a foundational decomposition of variance, though here applied to specific scenarios of patchiness and stochasticity.

Applications

In Non-Human Populations

Group selection has been invoked to explain cooperative behaviors in non-human animal populations, particularly where individual actions benefit the collective survival of flocks or groups. In bird species such as the (Aphelocoma coerulescens), 1980s studies on and sentinel behaviors, including alarm calls, demonstrated how helpers at the nest contribute to group defense against predators, potentially evolving through group-level advantages alongside . These alarm calls in family groups alert members to threats, reducing overall predation risk and enhancing group persistence, as observed in long-term field observations where group cohesion correlated with higher . In microbial populations, in bacteria exemplifies a group adaptation where cells coordinate based on to produce public goods like virulence factors or biofilms. This mechanism allows bacterial groups to collectively respond to environmental challenges, such as exposure, favoring the of cooperative traits at the group level over individual cheaters. Among plants, in Arabidopsis thaliana leads to competitive restraint, where individuals grown with siblings exhibit reduced root proliferation compared to those with non-kin, allocating fewer resources to aggressive foraging and more to overall growth. This behavior, mediated by root exudates, enhances by minimizing resource depletion within family groups, supporting multilevel selection dynamics in dense populations.

In Human Evolution and Culture

Gene-culture refers to the reciprocal influence between genetic and , where cultural practices shape selective pressures on genes, and genetically influenced cognitive biases affect cultural transmission. In humans, this process has been pivotal in the evolution of cooperative behaviors through cultural group selection, as modeled by Boyd and Richerson starting in their 1985 work. Their posits that cultural variants, such as norms favoring group-beneficial actions, can spread rapidly via and conformist bias, leading to between-group differences that acts upon at multiple levels. For instance, cultural norms promoting fairness and have selected for genetic predispositions toward prosociality, as evidenced by correlations between cultural practices and genetic markers like those for oxytocin receptors influencing social bonding. A key application is parochial altruism, where individuals exhibit costly within their group while showing hostility toward out-groups, facilitating success in intergroup conflicts such as warfare. Boyd and Richerson's models demonstrate that cultural transmission allows parochial altruism to evolve even when individual-level selection opposes it, as groups with strong norms of outcompete others through coordinated and defense. Empirical support comes from simulations and historical cases, like the expansion of pastoralist societies via raiding, where cultural enforcement of sustains large-scale efforts beyond kin ties. This coevolutionary dynamic explains how human warfare has driven the spread of cooperative cultural traits, with genetic adaptations reinforcing them over millennia. In , traits like and have emerged as adaptations enhancing group cohesion and competitiveness. Language facilitates precise cultural transmission and coordination in collective tasks, evolving under group selection pressures to enable larger, more effective social units, as seen in models where linguistic complexity correlates with societal scale. , encompassing norms of reciprocity and , likely coevolved similarly, with cultural group selection favoring groups whose moral systems promote internal harmony and external vigilance, as Darwin first suggested and later reinforced by multilevel models integrating kin and group benefits. Recent 2020s research on small-scale societies, such as pastoralist groups in northern (Borana, Rendille, Samburu, and Turkana), provides empirical validation, showing that intergroup competition selects for cooperative cultural variants, leading to higher within-group prosociality even among non-kin. Field experiments in these societies reveal that readiness to cooperate scales with cultural similarity between groups, supporting cultural group selection as a mechanism for human ultrasociality. The implications extend to large-scale human cooperation, explaining phenomena like religious and national institutions that bind millions beyond genetic relatedness. Cultural group selection via "big gods" and moralizing religions has amplified by enforcing norms across vast groups, as evidenced by historical correlations between religious adherence and stability. In modern nations, similar dynamics persist through shared ideologies and institutions, where group competition—economic, military, or ideological—selects for cultures fostering , underscoring how gene-culture has enabled humanity's unique societal complexity.

Criticisms and Debates

Challenges from Individual Selection

One of the most influential critiques of group selection emerged from George C. Williams' 1966 book Adaptation and Natural Selection, where he argued that apparent group-level traits and adaptations are illusory, representing mere statistical byproducts of individual-level adaptations rather than genuine evolutionary designs for group benefit. Williams contended that natural selection primarily operates to maximize individual reproductive success, rendering group-related adaptations nonexistent, as they lack the functional organization required for true evolutionary purpose. He emphasized that population survival is incidental to individual fitness, with no empirical evidence supporting adaptive mechanisms at the group level, such as in behaviors like schooling in fish, which serve individual predator avoidance rather than collective welfare. Building on this foundation, reinforced the individualist perspective in his 1976 book , promoting a that portrays genes as "selfish" replicators whose propagation undermines group-level . Dawkins criticized naive or parochial forms of group selection—those assuming unstructured mixing within groups without mechanisms for assortment—as inherently unstable, because selfish "free-riders" (individuals who benefit from group efforts without contributing) rapidly proliferate, outcompeting altruists and causing altruistic groups to collapse. Without strong mechanisms like genetic relatedness to prevent exploitation, individual selection invariably dominates, making group selection ineffective or redundant in explaining adaptive traits. Philosophically, these challenges highlight a tension between , which reduces evolutionary explanations to the lowest level (genes or individuals), and , where higher-level (group) properties might arise independently but are dismissed as non-causal illusions by critics like Williams and Dawkins. Multilevel selection theory is often viewed by individualists as merely in disguise, repackaging group benefits through relatedness without introducing novel emergent dynamics beyond gene-level selfishness. Proponents of multilevel approaches have responded by formalizing assortment mechanisms to counter free-rider dominance, though debates persist on whether this truly elevates group selection beyond reductionist critiques.

Empirical Evidence and Recent Advances

Experimental evolution in microorganisms has provided strong empirical support for group selection, particularly through studies demonstrating the emergence of multicellular traits under group-level pressures. In a landmark experiment, Ratcliff et al. selected for rapid sedimentation in populations (), leading to the of multicellular "" clusters within approximately 60 generations. This process favored groups that stayed intact longer, enhancing survival against predation and demonstrating multilevel selection type 2 (MLS2), where group-level fitness directly influences independent of individual-level effects. Subsequent work by the same group showed that these multicellular forms evolved coordinated and increased size by over 20,000 times compared to ancestors, with group selection stabilizing the trait against individual cheaters. Field studies in natural populations have also uncovered evidence of group selection, particularly in social behaviors. In rock hyraxes (Procavia capensis), a wild , multilevel selection acts on both individual traits and group social structures, with groups exhibiting higher connectivity and showing greater and . Analysis of long-term data revealed that selection at the group level, quantified via social network metrics, explained variance in fitness beyond individual behaviors, providing causal MLS2 evidence through differential group persistence in varying environments. Similarly, in cooperatively breeding birds like white-browed sparrow-weavers, group augmentation—where group size directly boosts individual fitness—supports multilevel selection, as larger groups with altruistic members outcompete smaller ones in resource defense. Recent advances in the have integrated genomic tools to detect group-level signatures, countering earlier by identifying heritable variation at higher levels. A 2023 study on mitochondrial genomes demonstrated multilevel selection through varying levels of selection operating on the mitochondrial genome and the consequences they have on biological hierarchies, revealing forces shaping mitochondrial . In cancer , multiomics analyses have uncovered selection signatures at tissue and organismal levels, with altruistic cell behaviors persisting due to group-level benefits, as evidenced by allele frequency shifts in tumors. A bibliometric review of 280 studies up to 2025 confirmed abundant empirical support for MLS across taxa, including artificial and natural systems, with growing consensus on its role in . Shifts in scientific opinion underscore these advances, with a 2014 survey of evolutionary anthropologists showing 55% endorsement of multilevel selection over strict individual selection, and 80.7% rejecting its outright dismissal. This paradigm change, highlighted by the Multilevel Selection Initiative, emphasizes causal MLS2 evidence from experiments and field data, fostering applications in prosocial .

References

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