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Spanish profanity
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The Spanish language employs a wide range of swear words that vary between Spanish speaking nations and in regions and subcultures of each nation. Idiomatic expressions, particularly profanity, are not always directly translatable into other languages, and so most of the English translations offered in this article are very rough and most likely do not reflect the full meaning of the expression they intend to translate.[c]
Overview
[edit]In Spanish, as in most languages, swear words tend to come from semantic domains considered taboo, such as human excretions, sexuality, and religion,[1] and swearing serves several functions in discourse.[2][3][4][5][6][7][c] Spanish insults are often of a sexual nature, taking the form of implying a lack of sexual decency if the insulted person is a woman (e.g. puta, "whore", perra "bitch") or implying a supposed lack of masculinity if the insulted person is male (e.g. maricón "faggot", puto "male prostitute").[8] A particularly forceful Spanish insult is any mention of someone else's mother, including also in its strongest form (e.g. ¡me cago en tu puta madre! "fuck your whore of a mother!",[9][10][11][12][13] in which "me cago" out of context means "I shit", but in this sentence it expresses disregard). Emphatic exclamations, not aimed to insult but to express strong emotion, often include words for sexual relations (e.g. ¡joder! "fuck!", ¡chingados! "fuckers!") or to excretions or sexual organs (¡mierda! "shit!", ¡coño! "cunt!"). Sexual taboo words that describe a masculine sexuality may be used in a positive sense (e.g. cabrón "billy goat", gallo "rooster", cerdo "pig").[8]
References to sexual acts
[edit]The following words are indicative of a variety of sexual acts, especially sexual intercourse, masturbation, and oral sex, though mostly limited to specific geographic regions.
Chingar
[edit]chingar — originating from the Basque verb txingartu, meaning "to burn with coal" or from Caló (Spanish Romani) word čingarár, meaning "to fight".[14] In the work La Chingada, it was famously applied to La Malinche, the mistress of Hernán Cortés.[a]
Chingado/da
[edit]The word is derived from "chingar" which means "to fuck." This word has many meanings in the Spanish language, most limited to Mexico:[a]
- Adjective[15] for damage (e.g. "Este niño se subió a la bicicleta y ahora su rodilla está chingada" – "This kid rode his bike and now his knee is fucked up/fucking damaged.")
- Noun[15] for a bad place to go (e.g. "¡Ya me tienes harto! ¡Vete a la chingada!" – "I'm done with you! Go fuck yourself!/Get the fuck out of here!")
- Interjection[15] (e.g. "¿Se sacó todas bien el tonto? ¡Ah, chingado!" – "Did the dumb guy get all the questions right? Oh, fuck!")
- Adjective[15] for awful (e.g. "Este restaurante está de la chingada" – "This restaurant is fucking awful.")
These words are often used in the following contexts:
- ¡Hijo/a de la chingada! (idiom, adjective) "Son/daughter of a fucker!"
- ¡Chingada madre! (interjection) = "Damn it!"
- ¡Vete a la chingada! (noun) = "Go fuck yourself!" or "Get the fuck out of here!"
Chingón/a
[edit]Like chingado, the word comes from chingar.[16] When used to describe a person, it describes someone who can "chingar" others; in other words, "better", "the best" or even "badass".[a]
Follar
[edit]follar (used particularly in Spain and to a lesser extent in Cuba, but rarely found elsewhere) literally means "to blow air with the bellows"[17] and probably refers to panting during sex.[a]
Joder
[edit]The verb joder/joderse (from older hoder, from Old Spanish foder, fuder, from Latin futuo) is a harsh way of saying "to bother" and its English equivalent is "fuck". It can literally mean "to fuck somebody" e.g. anoche, Juan y su novia jodieron ("last night Juan and his girlfriend fucked"), or it can mean "to annoy", "to ruin", etc. no me jodas (don't annoy/bother me), or lo has jodido (you've fucked it up). It can be used as an adjective, like the English "fucking" (jodido) and is often used as a light interjection: ¡Joder! Olvidé mi abrigo ("Fuck! I've forgotten my coat").[a] Alternative ways of referring to sexual intercourse include: follar, echar un polvo (Argentina, Spain), coger (Argentina, Mexico), chimar, pisar (Central America), culear (Argentina, Chile and Colombia), singar (Cuba), garchar, mojar la chaucha, ponerla (Argentina), cachar (Peru) and enterrar el boñato (Uruguay).[a]
Remojar el cochayuyo
[edit]Remojar el cochayuyo (lit.to soak the cochayuyo) — used in Chile[18] The expression alludes to the cochayuyo algae that is harvested on Chile's coast. The algae is preserved by sun-drying. To be used for cooking, it then needs to be softened by soaking in water.[a]
Coger
[edit]"Coger" can be confused with the verb "to take" but in the majority of Latin America is used to talk about taking someone sexually.[19]
Mamada
[edit]"Mamada" refers to a blowjob, which originates from the word "mamar", meaning "to suck", but it's also an alternative for the word "fuck" when using it as an intensive form of any interrogative: Qué mamada? (What the fuck?)[citation needed] In Mexico, this word means "bullshit", an intentional, mean, or stupid action and statement, or a practical joke: No digas mamadas. (Don't talk rubbish.)[citation needed]
References to the male genitalia
[edit]Cojón
[edit]Cojón (plural cojones) is slang for "testicle" and may be used as a synonym for "guts" or "[having] what it takes", hence making it equivalent to English balls or bollocks.[a] A common expression in Spain is anything to the effect of hace lo que le sale de los cojones ("does whatever comes out of their balls"), meaning "does whatever the fuck they want". Variations are sale de los huevos, sale de las pelotas, etc. A common Basque aphorism is los de Bilbao nacemos donde nos sale de los cojones ("we Bilbao natives are born wherever the fuck we want"). Sometimes, to denote obnoxious or overbearing behavior from someone else, idiom tocar los cojones/huevos/pelotas ("to touch someone else's balls") comes to play. For instance: Venga, dame eso y para ya de tocarme los cojones ("Come on, give me that and stop bothering me.") It can sometimes be an understatement: A principios de los treinta, los nazis ya empezaban a tocar los cojones (meaning, roughly, "At the beginning of the 1930s, the Nazis were already being an annoyance."). It is also frequent to derive other words, such as adjectival form cojonudo (lit. 'ballsy'), indicating admiration. A famous Navarran brand of asparagus has this name.[20]
Cojones can also denotes courageous behavior or character. Acts of courage or bravery are expressed by using the word cojones. For example, "Hay que tener cojones para hacer eso" ("it takes cojones to do that"). It is sometimes used, at least in Spain, as a suffix, complement or termination to a word or name in order to confer it a derisive or overbearing quality. For instance: el Marcos de los cojones ("That fucking guy Marcos"), ¡Dame ya la maleta de los cojones! ("Give me the fucking suitcase why don't you!") However, it is more common to use "de cojones" as a superlative, as in Es bajo de cojones ("He's short as hell" or "He's short as fuck"). The phrases me importa un cojón or me importa un huevo mean "I don't give a fuck about". In alternative variations one would raise the number, usually to three: me importa tres cojones. Cojones alone can be used much like the four-word exclamations, though less usually; it is frequently a giveaway for native Catalan speakers when they speak Spanish, as collons is used much more profusely in situations akin to those for "fuck" or "shit". Tocarse los cojones/los huevos/las pelotas/las peras (lit. 'to touch one's own balls') refers to idleness or laziness; in Chile, the preferred variant is rascarse las huevas (lit. 'to scratch one's own balls'). Unfamiliarity with this expression in the United States may have been a factor in the dismissal and suicide of Antonio Calvo, a senior lecturer at Princeton University, in April 2011.[21]
| Derivative of cojón | English equivalent | English literal translation |
|---|---|---|
| Un cojón | A lot | A ball |
| ¡Los cojones! | No way! | The balls! |
| Costar un cojón | Cost a fortune | Cost a ball |
| Importar tres cojones | Not mind at all | To mind three balls |
| Mil pares de cojones | Very difficult | A thousand pairs of balls |
| Tener cojones | To be brave | To have balls |
| ¡Tiene cojones (la cosa)! | To be upset about something | (The thing) has balls! |
| Cortarle los cojones | To threaten | To cut (his) balls |
| Tocarle los cojones a | To annoy somebody | Touch (his) balls |
| Acojonado,-a | Scared | N/A |
| Descojonarse de la risa | To piss oneself laughing | De-ball yourself with laughter |
| Acojonante | Very funny / scary | N/A |
| ¡Tócate los cojones! | What a surprise! | Touch your balls! |
| Cojonudo,-a | Perfection | Ballsy |
| De cojones | Perfectly | Of balls |
| Por cojones | With no other choice | By balls |
| Hasta los cojones | Up to the brink/Fed up | Up to the balls |
| Me toca los cojones | It annoys me | It touches my balls |
| Con dos cojones | Bravely, courageously | With two balls |
| Lo que me sale de los cojones | Whatever I want | What comes out of my balls |
| No tener cojones | To be a coward | Have no balls |
| Pasárselo por los cojones | Don't give a shit | Pass it by the balls |
| Echarle cojones a algo | To brave something out | Throw balls on something |
| ¡Olé tus cojones! | Good for you! | Hurray your balls! |
| Los cojones morados | Cold as hell | Purple balls |
| Mis cojones treinta y tres | I don't believe you, liar | My balls thirty three |
| Me repatea los cojones | It infuriates me | It kicks my balls |
| Por mis santos cojones | I promise | By my holy balls |
| A cojones | By doing whatever it takes | By balls |
| ¿Qué cojones? | What the hell/fuck? | What the balls? |
Carajo
[edit]Carajo (lit. 'crow's nest') is used in Spain in reference to the penis.[citation needed] In Latin America (except Chile), it is a commonly used generic interjection similar to "fuck!" "shit!" or "damn it!" in English. For example: Nos vamos a morir, ¡carajo! ("We're gonna die, fuck!") or a far away place, likened to hell: ¡Vete al carajo!.[a] In Argentina, the term "Vamos Carajo" was used in Quilmes advertising in advance of the 2014 FIFA World Cup[22] as a statement or cheer that an Argentine supporter would use to urge their team to victory. The diminutive carajito is used in Colombia, the Dominican Republic and Venezuela to refer to (usually annoying) children, or to scold someone for acting immaturely, e.g., No actúes como un carajito ("Don't act like a little dick!").[citation needed]
Caray is a mild minced oath for this word. Ay caray could be translated "Dang it" or "Darn it!" The word caracho is also considered mild like caray.[citation needed] The connotation of "far away place" is supposedly based on the name of the Cargados Carajos, which belong to Mauritius. Nationalistic chants commonly use the phrase: ¡Viva Cuba, carajo!, ¡Viva el Ecuador, carajo!, and ¡Viva el Perú, carajo![a]
Bicho
[edit]Bicho (lit. 'bug' or 'baitworm') is one of the most commonly used references to the penis in Puerto Rico. It is similar to the much less commonly used word pinga. In most other regions it is a non-vulgar reference to an insect or several species of small animals.[a] In the Caribbean coast of Colombia bicho is used to reference the anus or the bottom. In Venezuela, it can be used as an interjection. In El Salvador, it is commonly used as the slang equivalent of "kids". In Nicaragua, and some parts of Costa Rica, bicho is used to reference the vagina. In Spain, Dominican Republic, Mexico and many other Spanish speaking countries it refers to people (both male and female) who are a negative influence on others, often used as mal bicho ("bad bug"). When applied to children, it can mean one who is misbehaving.
Huevos/pelotas/bolas/albóndigas/peras
[edit]
Huevos (lit. 'eggs'), pelotas and bolas (both literally meaning 'balls'), peras (lit. 'pears'), and albóndigas (lit. 'meatballs') all refer to testicles in a profane manner. They are equivalent to cojones in many situations. In Mexico, the word is not used in a potentially ambiguous situation; instead, one may use the inoffensive blanquillos (lit. 'little white ones').[a] Sometimes the words lavahuevos ('egg-washer') or lamehuevos ('egg-licker') are used in the same context as 'brown-noser' (meaning ambitious and self-effacing) in English. Highly offensive Dominican insults involving this term are mamagüevo(s) ('egg-sucker') and mamagüevazo ('huge egg-sucker'). Mamagüevo is also used in Venezuela where it is considered less offensive.
Huevada and huevá (lit. 'covered in egg') is used in Chile, Ecuador, and Peru in reference to objects ("¡Qué huevá más grande!" may translate to "What an annoyance!"). Shortened forms huevá or even weá and wa are usually intended to be less offensive. Many expressions using cojones in other countries are used in Chile with huevas replacing the former word. There's also a local expression: "¿Me hai visto las weas?" (lit. '"Have you taken a look at my testicles?"'), meaning "How much of a fool do you think I am?" Ñema a corruption of yema, meaning 'yolk', refers to the glans. The word mamañema is functionally similar to mamagüevo. Pelotas can have another meaning when it comes to nudity. Andar en pelotas means 'to walk about stark naked'.
Oversized testicles as a marker of complacency
[edit]- Bolsón (lit. 'big bag'): One whose testicles are so large, they have a large scrotum which prevents them from working.
- Huevón (lit. 'big egg')/Ahueonao/Ahuevoneado/Ahuevado (lit. 'one who has large eggs'/Boludo (lit. 'one who has large balls') is a strong personal reference[clarification needed] in many Latin American countries. At times it can be used as an ironic term of endearment, especially in Argentina, the same way as dude or "dawg" in North America (much like güey in Mexico), comparably with Greek malaka. For example, in Chile one would understand a sentence like "Puta el huevón huevón, huevón." as "Fuck! That guy is an asshole, dude."[a]
In Mexico, huevón is a pejorative term usually translated as 'slacker'. In Mexico, Panama and El Salvador, it can be loosely translated as 'couch potato'. One may also say tengo hueva, meaning "I'm feeling lazy." In Colombia, the Dominican Republic and Venezuela, güevón/güebón is the preferred form. In Venezuela, it is pronounced more like güevón or often ueón. In Chile and Peru, the preferred form to use is huevón (often shortened to hueón or weón) and ahuevonado/aweonao. In Panama, awebao is the popular form, and a good example of the clipping of consonants (and sometimes vowels) in informal Spanish.
In Argentina, boludo can be used by young people as a culturally appropriated term of endearment (¿cómo andás, boludo? = how are you doing, pal?), but it can also mean 'slacker', 'idiot', 'ignorant', etc. In Chile, Peru and the Quito region of Ecuador, Ni cagando, huevón is a phrase commonly used among youth meaning "Don't even think about it" or "Not a chance". In Mexico, Tenga huevos (lit. 'Have eggs') translates as "Have some balls". For example, one can hear a Mexican say No corras, ten huevos which means "Don't run away, have some balls".
Verga
[edit]
Verga (lit. 'a yardarm'—a part of a ship's mast that holds the sails) occurs in a number of Romance languages, including Portuguese and Italian.[a] In Colombia, Panama and Venezuela it can be used as a vulgar generic filler, as well as a boastful self-reference (similar to the English "That shit" or "I'm the shit"). For example, ¡Soy bien verga! (lit. '"I'm very dick!"') means "I'm very good at it!", and ¡Soy la verga andando! (lit. '"I'm the walking dick!"') means "I'm the best that there is!"[a] However, in the Venezuelan state of Zulia, the word is commonly used instead of vaina.
In Mexico it refers to the penis; "Te voy a meter la verga" means "I'm going to insert my penis in you"; referring to somebody else, "Le metió la verga" or "se la metió" means "he fucked her/him" which may be the literal meaning, or more likely, it means that in a business, he got away with what he wanted for little money. It also have another meanings and derivative terms, for example: "Soy la verga" ("I am the best one"); "Me fué de la verga" (roughly "something bad happened to me"); "Me vale verga" ("I don't care"); "Vergueé" ("I ruined it", "I failed"); "Me verguearon" ("They defeated me"); "Me pusieron una verguiza" ("They scolded me", "They beat me"); "Vergón" ("cocky", "cool", "sexy"); "Está de la verga" ("That's ugly/bad" but also "That's very cool", "That's awesome") etc.
A common expression in Mexico is ¡Vete a la verga!, meaning "Get the fuck out of here!" In Mexico this can be used to mean difficult or impossible: ¡Está de la verga!, "This is very difficult!" In Guatemala, it also refers to a state of drunkenness as in ¡Está bien a verga!, meaning "He's drunk as Hell!" or "He's shit-faced!". In El Salvador it can also be used with an ironically positive connotation as in ¡Se ve bien vergón! or ¡Está bien vergón!, which means "It looks great!" In Colombia, Honduras and Panama the expression no vale (ni) verga is used as a vulgar form of no vale la pena, meaning "it's not worth it". In Nicaragua, the expression "¡A la verga!" means "Screw it!" which is used in Honduras also. In the United States, the variant "a la verga" or "a la vé" for short, is very common in northern New Mexico, and is used frequently as an exclamatory expletive.[a]
Other terms denoting male genitalia
[edit]
Chilean Spanish has a variety of alternative names and euphemisms for the penis. These range from inoffensive, such as pito (lit. 'whistle'), diuca (after a small bird), through vulgar (pichula, pico) and euphemistic (cabeza de bombero (lit. 'firefighters head'), dedo sin uña ("nail-less finger")) to markedly euphemistic and humorous ("taladro de carne" (lit. 'meat drill'), "cíclope llorón" (lit. 'crying cyclops'), "chacal de las zorras" (lit. 'cunt jackal in the sense of the jackal being a relentless predator'), et cetera).[23]
Something similar happens in Argentina. From the classic "pito" or "pirulín" (a cone-shaped lollipop), which are innocent and even used by children, you can go all the way to the most vulgar ways as "pija", "verga" (lit. 'yardarm'), "choto/chota" (after "chotar" which means "to suck"), "porongo/poronga" (a "gourd", which is also used to craft "mates"), "banana", "salchicha/chorizo" (two kind of sausages), "pedazo" (lit. 'piece'), "garcha" (also used as the verb garchar, which means "to fuck" or something of extremely bad quality), "palanca de cambios" (gear stick), "joystick", "bombilla de cuero" (lit. 'leathery bombilla; bombillas are used for drinking mate by sucking into them'), etc.[24] Among young people, almost every word can be turned into the meaning "dick" if said effusively and with connotation[citation needed]: -"¿Me pasás el encendedor?" -"¡Acá tengo un encendedor para vos!" (-"Can you give me the lighter?" -"I have a lighter for you right here!"). In the Caribbean coast of Colombia, "mondá" (from mondada, the peeled one) is used as a variant for verga. Other words include picha, pinga, yarda, yaya, cañafístula, guasamayeta, animaleja, copa, cotopla, gamba, palo, trola, tubo and pipí, the latter being innocent and mostly used to refer to a child's penis.
References to the female genitalia
[edit]Concha / chucha / chocha
[edit]
Concha (lit. ' mollusk shell' or 'inner ear') is an offensive word for a woman's vulva or vagina (i.e. something akin to English cunt) in Argentina, Colombia, Chile, Ecuador, Paraguay, Peru, Uruguay and Mexico. In the rest of Latin America and Spain however, the word is only used with its literal meaning. In such regions, it is commonly heard in the phrase ¡(La) concha (de) tu madre! ("The cunt of your mother"), which may be used as an expression of surprise or grief, or as a highly disrespectful insult. The contracted term conchatumadre/conchetumadre is common and extremely offensive in Chile, Bolivia and Peru as well.
In Mexico, concha, which is used in its literal meaning, is also a type of sweet bread, round conch-shaped and covered in sugar, as well as having the aforementioned meaning and is offensive when used in said context. In Spain, Puerto Rico, Cuba and Mexico, "Concha" is a common name for females (corruption of Concepción). Also in Puerto Rico there is a popular hotel called La Concha Resort (The Seashell). Key West, Florida also has a famous hotel named La Concha. Concha can also mean a seashell-a conch. Chucha[25]/¡Chuchamadre! and ¡Chucha de tu madre! are Panamanian, Chilean, Ecuadorian, Peruvian or southern Colombian equivalents. Random examples and expressions: Vení, oleme la chucha ("Come and sniff my pussy"), ¡Ándate a la chucha! (roughly "Fuck off").[a]
Chocha (or chocho, usually used in Spain) employed term for "pussy" predominantly in Cuba, Puerto Rico, Colombia (chocho), Spain, Mexico, Venezuela, and Dominican Republic. In the Spanish province of Albacete is also used choto (var. chotera, chotaco) in the same sense. The word is a homonym as it is also synonymous with "senile" when used as "He/she is chocho/chocha". In Chile, the word is used to mean "happy", and is used for old people; for example, the sentence "La abuelita quedó chocha con el regalo que le dí" means "Granny was happy with the gift I gave her".[a] In Venezuela, chocha is also a type of round seed or a particular type of bird.[26] The name of the Latin American restaurant Chimi-Changa originated as a minced oath of chocha.
Coño
[edit]Coño (from the Latin cunnus) is a vulgar word for a woman's vulva or vagina. It is frequently translated as "cunt" but is considered much less offensive (it is much more common to hear the word coño on Spanish television than the word cunt on British television, for example).[a] In Puerto Rico, Spain, Venezuela, Cuba, the Dominican Republic and Panama it is amongst the most popular of curse words. The word is frequently used as an interjection, expressing surprise, anger or frustration. It is also common to use the expression ¿Pero qué coño? to mean "What the fuck?" Its usage was so common among Spaniards and Spanish-Filipino mestizos living in the Philippines that konyo became a Tagalog word for upper-class people. In Ecuador and Chile, it means stingy, tight-fisted, although in the latter country the variation coñete is becoming more common.
Panocha
[edit]In Colombia, Mexico and the Philippines, panocha (or panoche) refers generally to sweet breads or cakes, or, more specifically, to a raw, coarse form of sugar produced there. It is also a fudge made with brown sugar, butter, cream or milk, and nuts (penuche). In New Mexico it means a sprouted-wheat pudding. In the southwestern United States outside of Northern New Mexico (and in northern Mexico and some places in Cuba), however, it often refers to the female genitalia. Use of this word has been known to cause embarrassment among Hispanos of New Mexico when speaking with Mexicans from Mexico. The word is a combination of penuche and panoja meaning "ear of corn", from the Latin panicula (from whence comes the English word "panicle"—pyramidal, loosely branched flower cluster).[a]
Cuca
[edit]Cuca (short for cucaracha, lit.: "cockroach") is used in Honduras, Guatemala, Panama, Venezuela, southeastern México and Colombia. It is slightly milder than coño, and almost inoffensive in the Dominican Republic.[a] In the Dominican Republic it is a common term for a parrot, whereas in Chile it is criminal slang for police van. In general, it is used to refer to something considered scary. It is also an inoffensive word for penis that many children use in Spain. It also has a slightly archaic use in Spain. In Nicaragua and in the Canary Islands, it is also used as slang for "penis."[a] In Latin America, it may describe a congenial, outgoing person with a gift for flattery ("Julia is very cuca") or ("Eddie is so cuco; look at all the friends he has."), and is occasionally used as a shortened nickname for those named Refugia (The male equivalent for Refugio being Cuco). It is often the diminutive of the name María del Refugio. In Cuba, it is also used as a term for a charley horse.
Polla
[edit]Polla (lit. ' female pollo ie chicken' or 'hen') is used in Spain, Nicaragua, El Salvador and to a lesser extent in Puerto Rico. It is also used to mean a (young) female (similar to "chick"). Some years ago, in Costa Rica, the term jupa de pollo ("head of a chicken") was popular slang for "penis". The term todo el jupa de pollo was a popular way to say "the whole shebang", "the full Monty" or "it's complete now".[a] In Spain, to say that something, especially a situation or an arrangement, is la polla is to have a high opinion of it. Esto es la polla. El hotel está al lado de la playa y además es muy barato means "This is fucking great. The hotel is close to the beach and it's cheap, too."[citation needed] In Spain, it also means penis or cock. Common expression in Spain is anything to the effect of hace lo que le sale de la polla ("does whatever comes out of his penis"), meaning "does whatever the fuck he/she wants". It can be used as a vulgar generic filler, as well as a boastful self-reference (similar to the English "That shit" or "I'm the shit"). For example, ¡Soy la polla! (lit. ' I'm the hen!') means "I'm very good at it!"[citation needed]
References to the female breasts
[edit]Although less used as profanity, some words for the bust can also be used derogatorily or humorously. Among them, some noteworthy are peras (i.e. pears), perolas (i.e. pearls),[27] mingas, tatas, tetas,[28] tetamen, tetitas, tetazas, tetorras, tetotas, tetarracas, tetuzas, tetacas, teturras, tetungas, tetillas, bufas, bufarras, bufarracas, bufoncias, mamelungas, mamelones, domingas, bubalongas, babungas, pechugas, peritas, mamellas, tetolas, gemelas, pechamen, melones, lolas, or chichis.[29]
References to the buttocks
[edit]Culo
[edit]Culo (from Latin culus) is the most commonly used Spanish word for "ass." In Spain, it is mild to inoffensive, and usually the only common way to talk about the buttocks and anus area in a colloquial context. It is also used, even formally, for the bottom part of many things (e.g. el culo del vaso = the bottom of the (drinking) glass, etc.) There's an even milder diminutive, culete, that is only used with little children or for humoristic effect, if ever. Another diminutive, culín, can also be used with very little children but is more often heard to refer to a small amount of a drink served in a glass or cup (ponme un culín de whisky, por favor = please serve me a little bit of whiskey). In El Salvador and Honduras, culero ("one who uses the culo") refers to a gay man, while in Mexico it refers to an unjust, unkind, aggressive or insensitive person likened to the connotation provided by the word asshole or something of bad quality but usually more offensive. Vete a tomar por el culo ("Go and take it in the ass") is an expression used in Spain, it is like Vete a la mierda but more offensive.[a] Me parto el culo ("I break my ass") is used to express laughter. It can also mean to do excessive work, usually accompanied by a verb that indicates the work, e.g. Me parto el culo barriendo ("I work my ass off brooming").[citation needed]
In Chile and Peru, culo is considered offensive (as it sounds very much like culear); poto is used instead. In Argentina culo or culito are almost innocent words, though they can also be considered vulgar depending on the context. Expressions like en el culo del mundo (lit. 'in the ass of the world'), en la loma del culo (lit. 'In the ass hill'), which mean "too far away" or cara de culo (lit. 'ass face used to describe an unpleasant face expression') are regularly used. In Panama culo is used to construct slang terms and phrases which range from slightly inappropriate to offensive but commonly used regardless. Cara de culo (ass face) refers to an unattractive person especially when the person in question has a round face with protruding cheeks. Culo del mundo (asshole of the world) and casa del culo (ass house) mean far away e.g. Vivo por casa del culo/en el culo del mundo (lit. 'I live by ass house/in the asshole of the world'). Culear means to have sexual intercourse—the same as fuck in its literal meaning— but does not imply anal sex.[citation needed]
Culito (little ass) is used by a penetrative partner to refer to a receptive partner in a sexual context; it is also used to refer to the buttocks in an inappropriate but affectionate way. Culo de botella (bottle ass) refers to thick eyeglasses. ¡Ponte placa en el culo! (put a license plate on your ass!) is a phrase yelled by motorists at pedestrians who are standing or walking in the middle of the road, particularly in heavy traffic. Recular means to go on reverse while estacionarse/parquearse de recula means to reverse park. Culillo means fear while culilloso/a refers to someone who gets scared easily. Hablar hasta por el culo (To talk out of the ass)—a local, impolite variant of the well-known phrase Hablar hasta por los codos (to talk through the elbows)—refers to someone who talks a lot; this variant is used to refer to a person in a negative way (as in "He/she won't shut up") while Hablar hasta por los codos does not necessarily imply annoyance.[citation needed]
Fundillo/fundío
[edit]Fundillo/fundío—heard in Mexico and the southwestern United States as an obscene term specifically for the human anus. It carries about the same weight as the American usages of the words "(someone's) asshole" or "the crack of (someone's) ass." Fundío refers literally to the anus and is not used as a personal insult. For example, ¡Métetelo en fundío! (or in Mexico, Métetelo por el fundillo) is an expression of reproach. ("Shove it up your ass!") The variant fondillo is also found in Puerto Rico and Cuba. In the Dominican Republic, the milder term fullín and the very offensive cieso may also be used.[a]
Ojete
[edit]Ojete (lit. ' eyelet')—refers to the anus in some countries, and also is used to mean "asshole": Se portó para el ojete conmigo ("He was a really bad person with me", or "He was an asshole to me").[a] A popular obscene graffito in Mexico among schoolchildren is OGT; when the letters are pronounced in Spanish, they sound like ojete. In Argentina and Uruguay, "ojete" and also its synonyms culo and orto can all be used to mean "good luck": "¡Qué ojete tiene ese tipo!" (He's such a lucky guy!), "Ganó de puro ojete!" (He won just because he was so terribly lucky).
Orto
[edit]Orto (a euphemism for "recto", that is rectum, from Greek ortho-, as both rectum and ortho- mean "straight".[30] Although due to its lower class origin it is also believed (and more likely) to be the vesre form of roto, which means "broken", for "culo roto".[31])—in Argentina, Uruguay, and Chile, refers to buttocks (as either an object of appreciation or disgust): "Qué tremendo orto tiene esa mina" (in praise of a woman's buttocks), "Qué cara de orto" ("What an ugly/bitter/moody face"); or luck—either good or bad. "Me fue para el orto" and "Me fue como el orto." mean "I had an awfully bad luck on that". "Tiene un orto que no se puede creer" may mean "He/She is incredibly lucky" but can also be an appraisal of a someone's derrier, depending on context.[a]
Other references to one's backside
[edit]- cola
- de pedo ("by farting")—another Argentinean expression meaning "fortunate." For example: Lo adiviné de pedo ("I was lucky enough to guess it").
- al pedo ("in a farty fashion")—used in Argentina for "wasting time." E.G.: Estás muy al pedo ("You are doing absolutely nothing").
- qué pedo — Informal greeting among youngsters in Mexico: "¡qué pedo!". It is also used as an interjection to express a spontaneous reaction to something, E.G: "Qué pedo contigo", "Qué pedo con la vida". "Qué pex" is a common variation of this phrase.
- en pedo ("in a fart")—which means "drunk" in Argentina.
- en una nube de pedos ("inside a fart cloud")—also in Argentina, meaning not concerned about whatever happens around you, outside your cloud.
- a los (santos) pedos (like (holy) farts)—means "extremely fast" in Argentina. It came into being due to a mispronunciation of Emil Zátopek's surname as "Satospé". Corre a lo Satospé ("He runs like Zátopek"). "A lo Satospé" then turned in "a los santos pé...", and finally in "a los (santos) pedos").
- al peo ("in a farty fashion")—used in Chile to express something done poorly or in a careless manner.
- nalga (butt cheek).
- poto – used in Chile and Peru for buttocks.
- roto/rota (lit. ' broken')—specifically refers to the anus.
References to scatological acts
[edit]This section needs additional citations for verification. (January 2020) |
Cagar
[edit]Cagar, just as in Portuguese, Catalan, or Occitan, is a verb meaning "to shit." It also means to screw (something) up, e.g. ¡Te cagaste los pantalones! ("You shit your pants!").
Particularly in Spain and Cuba, there are a number of commonly used interjections incorporating this verb, many of which refer to defecating on something sacred, e.g. Me cago en Dios ("I shit on God"), Me cago en la Virgen ("I shit on the Virgin"), Me cago en la hostia ("I shit on the communion host")... Me cago en el coño de tu madre (Lit: I shit in your mother's cunt) is the strongest offense among Cubans. In Cuba, to soften the word in social gatherings, the "g" is substituted by the "s", resulting in casar (lit. 'to marry') instead of cagar.[a]. In Spain, one of the harshest insults—especially among the Romani community—is Me cago en tus muertos (lit. 'I shit on your dead [relatives]'). This expression is particularly common in southern areas of the Iberian Peninsula, such as Andalusia. It is also common all across the country to curse someone's relatives with expressions like Me cago en tu madre (lit. 'I shit on your mother'), sometimes intensifying it with the adjective puto/a ('whore'), as in Me cago en tu puta madre. Other frequently used expressions to convey anger in Spain include Me cago en la puta (lit. 'I shit on the bitch') or Me cago en todo (lit. 'I shit on everything'). Euphemistic alternatives are also widespread, like Me cago en la mar (lit. 'I shit on the sea') or Me cago en la leche (lit. 'I shit on the milk'). In order to avoid blasphemy, Spaniards may as well replace Dios ('God') with phonetically similar words, as in Me cago en diez (lit. 'I shit on ten').
In several countries, including Colombia, Venezuela, Costa Rica, Mexico, Peru, Argentina, Cuba, Chile, Panama and Spain, it also means to make a big mistake or damage something i.e. fuck something up, e.g.: La cagaste (lit. ' you shat on it') or "Nos van a cagar." ("They're going to fuck us"). In Argentina and Chile, it can also mean "you screwed" or "scolded" somebody (e.g.: Te cagaste a ese cabrón, "You took a shit on that guy"). In Colombia and Panama "la cagada" ("the shit") refers to something or someone that makes everything else go wrong or the one detail that is wrong about something (and is thus the complete opposite of the American slang the shit); e.g., Ese man es la cagada ("That dude is the shit" i.e. a fuck up/fucks everything up), La cagada aqui es el tranque ("The traffic jams are shit here" i.e. are fucked up, fuck this place/everything up).
In Mexico City, it may be used ironically to refer to a fortunate outcome: Te cagaste ("You really shat on yourself") or an unfortunate outcome such as Estás cagado meaning "you're fucked". In Chile and Cuba, cagado ("full of shit") means "stingy" or "miserly". It can also mean "depressed" in some contexts ("Está cagado porque la polola lo pateó." translates as "He's depressed because his girlfriend dumped him."). Also, in Chile it can also have a more neutral connotation. La cagó ("shat it") can be used to agree on a previous statement ("Chilean Spanish makes no sense", "Sí, la cagó")
Mierda
[edit]Mierda is a noun meaning "shit." However, phrases such as Vete a la mierda (literally: "Go to (the) shit") would translate as "Go fuck yourself."[a] In Cuba, comemierda (shit-eater) refers to a clueless idiot, someone absurdly pretentious, or someone out of touch with his or her surroundings. Ex. "que comemierderia" (how stupid), "¿comerán mierda?" (are they stupid or what?) or "vamos a prestar atención y dejar de comer mierda" (Let's pay attention and stop goofing off). It is also used in both countries to describe someone who is "stuffy" and unnecessarily formal. In Puerto Rico and the Dominican Republic comemierda refers solely to a snobbish person, while in Panama it refers to someone who is both snobbish and mean and/or hypocritical. In Peru, irse a la mierda means "to be drunk as Hell." In Mexico, Cuba, Chile and also in Peru estar hecho mierda means to be very exhausted.
In northern Mexico and the southwestern United States (particularly California), the phrase mierda de toro(s) (literally "shit from bull(s)") is used often as a Spanish translation of bullshit in response to what is seen by the Spanish speaker as perceived nonsense.[a] It is also used generally to describe anything that is vexing or unpleasant, such as tiempo de mierda ("shitty weather") or auto de mierda ("piece-of-shit car"). A less common use is as a translation of the British profanity "bugger". The euphemisms miércoles (Wednesday) and eme (the letter m) are sometimes used as minced oaths. Caca is a mild word used mostly by children, loosely comparable to the English "poop" or "doo-doo." Comecaca is functionally similar to comemierdas.[a]
Pedorrez (bullshit) is slang to characterize a stupid, stupid action or idea, especially lacking in energy, relevance, and depth.[32] Mojón A term originally meaning a little marker of the name of the street or a particular place in a road, it later went into general use to refer to a turd and thus became a synonym for shit; it is used freely as a substitute. In Cuba, the term "comemojones" is frequently used instead of "comemierda"; "Es un mojón." ("He's a piece of shit.") is also commonly used in said country.[a]
Homosexual slurs
[edit]Maricón
[edit]Maricón (lit. 'big Mary') and its derivative words marica and marico are words used for referring to a man as gay, or for criticizing someone for doing something that, according to stereotypes, only a gay person would do (marica was originally the diminutive of the very common female name María del Carmen, a usage that has been lost). The suffix -ón is often added to nouns to intensify their meaning.[a] In Spain, the Dominican Republic, Puerto Rico, and Cuba, the word has a stronger meaning with a very negative emphasis; akin to "faggot" or "poof" in the English language. In Argentina, Peru, Chile, and Mexico maricón or marica is especially used to denote a "chicken" (coward). In Chile, maricón also means "irrationally sadistic".[a] Some examples of the uses of this word are:
- Eres una marica. ("You are a faggot.")
- Mano, eres tremendamente maricón. ("Bro, you are so gay!"; here maricón is used as an adjective)
- Yo sí soy maricón, ¿y qué? ("I am certainly gay—so what?")
- No seas maricón. ("Don't chicken out", "Don't be a pussy.", "Don't be an asshole.")
- ¡Qué maricón de mierda, ¿eh?! ("He's such a damn faggot, right?!")
- Devuelve la mamadera al bebé, que lo haces llorar. ¡No seas maricón! ("Give the baby back his bottle, because now you've made him cry. Don't be cruel!")
Two important exceptions are Colombia and Venezuela; [citation needed] in Colombia, marica is used as a slang term of affection among male friends or as a general exclamation (¡Ay, marica! being equivalent to "Aw, man!" or "Dude!" in English), whereas in Venezuela marico is used as the masculine form with marica being feminine. [citation needed] In Colombia marica can also mean 'naive' or 'dull'; sentences like "No, marica, ese marica si es mucho marica tan marica, marica" (Hey dude, that guy is such a fool faggot, boy) can be heard. This often causes confusion or unintended offense among Spanish-speaking first-time visitors to Colombia. Maricón, however, remains an insulting and profane term for homosexuals in Colombia as well. A similar case is seen in Venezuela, where the word marico is an insult; however, the word is widely used among Venezuelans as "dude" or "man." For example, "¿qué pasó, marico?" would mean "what's up, dude?" The word carries at least a third meaning in Venezuela because it is often used to show that someone is being very funny. For instance, after hearing a joke or funny comment from a friend, someone might laugh and say "haha sí eres marico haha" which would be equivalent to "haha, you crack me up man."[a] Derivatives of marica/maricón:
- maricona—used in southern Spain to refer to a drag queen, in an often humorous manner. Elsewhere, maricona refers to a lesbian. In Cuba it is used in a friendly manner among gays.
- mariquita (diminiuitive of marica)—means a wimp or sissy in Spain. For example, ¡Eres una mariquita!, means "You're a pussy!" It also means ladybug. In Cuba, however, the term refers both to a dish of fried plantains and to being gay.
- marimacha (combination of maricon and macha)—an insult common in Peru, Chile and Cuba, usually referring to lesbians or to women trying to do something seen as a males-only activity. It is considered offensive as mari prolongs the original insult macha. In Colombia, Macha is the feminine form of macho and thus refers to a tomboy (it is not really an insult, but more of a derogatory way to describe a masculine/unlady-like girl).
- maricueca (combination of maricon and cueca (female cueco, see below))—used in Chile
- mariconzón (combination of maricón and colizón) In Cuba, a slang term of affection among gays.
- mariposa (lit. ' butterfly')—used as a minced oath. The word mariposón ("big ol' butterfly") may also be used.
Manflor
[edit]Manflor (combination of the English loanword "man" and the word flor meaning "flower") and its variant manflora (a play on manflor using the word flora) are used in Mexico and in the US to refer, usually pejoratively, to a lesbian. (In Eastern Guatemala, the variation mamplor is used.) It is used in very much the same way as the English word "dyke." For example: Oye, güey, no toques a esa chica; todos ya saben que es manflora. ("Hey, dude, don't hit on that girl; everyone knows she's a dyke."). It can be used as an ironic term of endearment between friends, especially within the gay and lesbian communities.[a]
Other homosexual expressions
[edit]Many terms offensive to homosexuals imply spreading, e.g.: the use of wings to fly.
- bámbaro—used in the south of Colombia
- bugarrón/bufarrón/bujarrón/bujarra—used in the Dominican Republic, Puerto Rico and Spain. In Cuba, the expression "bugarrón y bugarra" refers to a "macho" man having sex with men. It is originated from French bougre and it is also cognate to "bugger" in English.[33]
- bollera-used to refer to lesbians
- cabro—used in Peru
- cacorro—used in Colombia for denoting the active partner (the "top" during anal intercourse) in a gay relationship.[33]
- culero used in El Salvador
- cueco—used in Panama
- cundango—used in the Dominican Republic and Cuba. In Cuba, cundango refers specifically to a male sex partner ("Tommy has been Robert's cundango for years"). It may mean "effeminate" or "sensitive" with a negative connotation
- cochón—used in Nicaragua
- cola (lit. ' tail')
- desviado (lit. ' deviant')
- fresa (lit. ' strawberry')—used in Mexico to mean "fag" and can also refer to people who are preppy or yuppy. For example, pinche fresa means "fucking fag."
- fran (lit. 'fran')-used to mean "gay".[citation needed]
- hueco (lit. ' hole hollow')—used in Guatemala. In Chile, depending on context, it can mean either "homosexual" or "vapid."
- invertido (lit. ' inverted'). A term ubiquitously used in old times to avoid the strong word "maricón". It was the official word used by the regime of Spanish dictator Francisco Franco in Spain, and sometimes still used in Cuba.
- joto (see below)
- loca (lit. ' crazy woman')—used in Puerto Rico and Cuba (where "loquita" and "loquísima" are commonly used as well). Although normally derogatory, this term is also used as a culturally appropriated term of endearment among male and female homosexuals. In Chile is used to refer to a flamboyant or very feminine gay man.
- macha (feminine form of macho)—refers to a "dyke". In Costa Rica, however, macho or macha is not derogatory but common slang for caucasoid, or similar to "blondie."
- mamapinga (lit. 'cock-sucker'). Extensively used in Cuba.
- mamaverga/mamavergas (lit. ' cock-sucker').
- maraco—used in Chile, only against male homosexuals; see maraca below.
- maraca—used in Chile, only against female homosexuals; see maraco above.
- mayate-used in Mexico to denote someone who is gay, or overtly flamboyant (lit. 'an iridescent beetle').[b]
- mostacero (lit: "mustardman")—used derogatively in Peru, referring to the active partner in a gay relationship, as he covers his penis in feces (mostaza or "mustard") when sexually-penetrating his passive partner.
- muerdealmohadas (lit. ' pillow-biter')—used in Peru. In Spain, it denotes the passive partner of a gay relationship.
- pargo (lit. ' porgiesporgy' or 'Red snapper fish')|red snapper]]")—used in Venezuela and Cuba, to mean "gay" or "flamboyant". This, as well as other fish in the grouper genera ("cherna" in Spanish) are used in Cuba as well.
- pájaro (lit. ' bird')—used in the Dominican Republic and Cuba; in the latter country, the feminine forms "pájara" and "pajaruca" are also used. In each case, the use is either affectionate or derogatory, depending on context.
- parchita (lit. 'passion fruit')-used derogatively in Venezuela, for someone who is gay.
- partido (or partí'o (lit:"broken one"; also "political party")—used derogatively in Cuba.
- pato (lit. ' duck')—used in Puerto Rico, Panama, Cuba and Venezuela. This word is probably related to the Latin pathus meaning "sexually receptive". In Cuba, by extension, other palmipedes's names are used to denote gayness: "oca" (greylag goose), "cisne" (swan), "ganso" (goose) and even "gaviota" (seagull). Also used in Colombia.
- pirobo/a—used in Colombia for denoting the passive partner in a gay relationship. However, much as 'marica', is often used to refer to someone. As in 'Vea ese pirobo' ('Look at that dude')
- playo ("flat")—used in Costa Rica.
- plumífero (lit. 'feathered bird')"). Common derogative use in Cuba.
- puto (see "puta" below) — a term that has caused controversy in fan chants during Mexican national team soccer matches.[34][35][36][37]
- raro/rarito (lit. ' weird').
- soplanucas (lit. ' nape-blower')—used in Spain for denoting the active partner in a gay relationship.
- tortillera (lit. ' a female who makes tortillas')—one of the most common insults to lesbians. Lesbian sex is often referred to as tortillear or hacer tortilla ("to make a tortilla").[38]
- parcha/parchita (corruption of "parga", a female pargo)
- sucia (lit. ' dirty woman')—used as an ironic term of endearment among male homosexuals.
- traba—short of trabuco used in Argentina.
- trolo—used in Argentina.
- trucha (lit. ' trout')
- trabuco—used in Peru and Argentina, referring to a transgender woman.
- tragaleche (lit. ' milk-swallower with milk as a metaphor for semen').
- tragasables (lit. ' sword-swallower').
- Other terms: afeminado, chivo, colizón, comilón, fleto, homo, homogay (combination of the English loanwords "homo" and "gay"), julandrón, julai (shortened form of julandrón), plon, plumón, puñal, rosquete, sarasa, roscón, et cetera.
- In Cuba, bombero (firefighter), capitán (captain), general (general) and other military (male) grades showing masculinity are used as slurs against lesbians, painting them with an un-feminine, dykelike appearance.
With Spanish being a grammatically gendered language, one's sexuality can be challenged with a gender-inappropriate adjective, much as in English one might refer to a flamboyant man or a transgender man as her. Some words referring to a male homosexual end in an "a" but have the masculine article "el"—a deliberate grammatical violation. For example, although maricona refers to females, it may also be used as a compounded offensive remark towards a homosexual male, and vice versa.[33]
Attacks against one's character
[edit]Chocho
[edit]Chocho means literally a senile person, from the verb chochear.[39]
Pendejo
[edit]Pendejo (according to the Diccionario de la lengua española de la Real Academia Española, lit. 'a pubic hair'[c]), according to the Chicano poet José Antonio Burciaga, "basically describes someone who is stupid or does something stupid."[c] Burciaga said that the word is often used while not in polite conversation.[c] It may be translated as "dumbass" or "asshole" in many situations, though it carries an extra implication of willful incompetence or innocent gullibility that is ripe for others to exploit. The less extreme meaning, which is used in most Spanish-speaking countries, translates more or less as "jackass". The term, however, has highly offensive connotations in Puerto Rico. An older usage was in reference to a man who is in denial about being cheated (for example, by his wife).[a] Burciaga said that pendejo "is probably the least offensive" of the various Spanish profanity words beginning with "p" but that calling someone a pendejo is "stronger" than calling someone estúpido.[c] Burciaga said, "Among friends it can be taken lightly, but for others it is better to be angry enough to back it up."[c]
In Mexico, pendejo most commonly refers to a "fool", "idiot", or "asshole". In Mexico, there are many proverbs that refer to pendejos.[c] In Peru, it means a person who is opportunistic in an immoral or deceptively persuasive manner (usually involving sexual gain and promiscuity but not limited to it), and if used referring to a female (ella es pendeja), it means she is promiscuous (or perhaps a swindler). There the word pendejada and a whole family of related words have meanings that stem from these.[a] In South America, pendejo is also a vulgar, yet inoffensive, word for children. It also signifies a person with a disorderly or irregular life.[citation needed] In Argentina, pendejo (or pendeja for females) is a pejorative way of saying pibe. The word, in Chile, Colombia, and El Salvador, can refer to a cocaine dealer, or it can refer to a "fool".[c]
In Puerto Rico and the Dominican Republic, it has different meanings depending on the situation. It can range from ¡Te cogieron de pendejo! ("You were swindled!") to ¡Qué tipa pendeja! ("What a dumbass!" as when a strange woman behaves offensively and then suddenly leaves). In Mexico and some countries in Central America, especially El Salvador, una pendejada/pendeja is used to describe something incredibly stupid that someone has done.[a] In many regions, especially in Cuba, pendejo also means "coward" (with a stronger connotation), as in ¡No huyas, pendejo! ("Don't run away, chicken-shit!") or No seas pendejo! ("Don't be such a coward!").[a]
In South America, it refers to a person regarded with an obnoxiously determined advancement of one's own personality, wishes, or views (a "smartass").[a] In Argentina, Chile, and Uruguay, pendejo or pendeja refers to a child, usually with a negative connotation, like that of immaturity or a "brat".[citation needed] Also in Argentina, since pendejo literally means "pubic hair", it usually refers to someone of little to no social value.[a] In Peru, however, it does not necessarily have a negative connotation and can just refer to someone who is clever and street-smart.[a] In the Philippines, it is usually used to refer to a man whose wife or partner is cheating on him (i.e. a cuckold). In North Sulawesi, Indonesia, pendo (a derivative of pendejo) is used as profanity but with the majority of the population not knowing its meaning. The word was adopted during the colonial era when Spanish and Portuguese merchants sailed to this northern tip of Indonesia for spices.[a] In the American film Idiocracy, Joe Bauers's idiot lawyer is named Frito Pendejo. Burciaga says that the Yiddish word putz "means the same thing" as pendejo.[c]
Cabrón
[edit]Cabrón (lit. ' big goat' or 'stubborn goat'), in the primitive sense of the word, is an adult male goat (cabra for an adult female goat) and is not offensive in Spain. It is also used as an insult, based on an old usage similar to that of pendejo, namely, to imply that the subject is stubborn or in denial about being cheated on, hence the man has "horns" like a goat (extremely insulting).[a] The word is offensive in Mexico, Cuba, and Puerto Rico, as it means "asshole" and other insults in English. In Mexico, "cabrón" refers to a man whose wife cheats on him without protest from him, or even with his encouragement.

The seven-note musical flourish known as "Shave and a Haircut (Two Bits)", commonly played on car horns, is associated with the seven-syllable phrase ¡Chinga tu madre, cabrón! (Go fuck your mother, asshole!). Playing the jingle on a car horn can result in a hefty fine for traffic violation if done in the presence of police or road rage if aimed at another driver or a pedestrian.[40]
The expression ¡Ah cabrón! is used sometimes when one is shocked/surprised by something. Among close friends, the term is often inoffensive; however, it is not a word to be used casually with strangers. As an adjective, it is equivalent to "tough" as in "It is tough" (Está cabrón). To some extent, it can also be used with an ironically positive connotation meaning "great", "amazing", "phenomenal", or "badass". Such expressions would be said as ¡Estás cabrón! or ¡Yo soy cabrón!. The word is quite flexibly used in Puerto Rico, and it can even have completely opposite meanings depending on the context. Best friends call each other cabrón in a friendly manner, while it may also be used in an offensive manner. One might say Está cabrón to describe something as very good or very bad depending on the circumstance.
In Panama, it is used as an adjective to mean something/someone very annoying (who pisses you off). The verb cabrear can mean "to piss off (someone)". This verb form is also used in Chile. In Peru, cabro is a reference to a homosexual, hence cabrón is a superlative form ("big faggot"/"flaming faggot"). The term cabrón also means a handler of prostitutes, comparable to "pimp" in English.
Chulo
[edit]The most common way to refer to a pimp in Spanish is by using the term chulo as a noun. In some countries, chulo can be used as an adjective somewhat equivalent to "cool" (Ese hombre es un chulo = "That man is a pimp" versus Ese libro es chulo = "That book is cool"). The word chula is a completely benign reference to an adorable female or feminine object, as in "¡Ay, que chula!". In Chile, however, "chulo" and "chula" always mean "vulgar".
Gilipollas
[edit]Gilipollas (and rarely gilipolla) is a term used mostly in Spain and lacking an exact translation to English; the most frequent equivalents when translated in books, films, and other media are "jerk", "jackass", "douchebag", "asshole", or "buffoon" (in English), con (in French), and boludo or pendejo.[a] The canonical definition of a gilipollas is a person whose behavior, speech, outlook or general demeanor is inconsistent with the actual or potential consequences of their own intellectual inadequacy. Paragons of this taxon include stupid people unaware of their own stupidity or unwilling to accept the consequences thereof, people with an ostensible lack of self-criticism, people unable to realize their own limitations, people who engage in repeated self-defeating behavior, and even a category which is seldom captured in languages other than European Spanish—to wit, people characterized by self-aware idiocy or incompetence, with this self-awareness occasionally stressed to the point of (presumably futile) complacency.[a] By extension, its use in daily life is dedicated to any of the following types of people:
- stupidity in its own right, to the point of eliciting animosity, whether faked or real, in whoever uses the word;
- any character flaw (e.g., obnoxiousness, impertinence, general unpleasantness, blatantly unjustified arrogance or obliqueness and even neurotic or passive-aggressive behavior) deemed irritating and even a catalyst for potentially detrimental situations; or
- a person displaying any combination of the two above qualities.
Occasionally it may be used for people who appear to be unpleasant or stupid (without necessarily being either) out of extreme social ineptitude.[a] When selecting a word denoting low intelligence, most Spanish speakers have three options:
- using a merely descriptive term, or one which, although insulting, can be used as a mild or at times even affectionate form of teasing: tonto ("silly"), burro (lit. ' donkey'), etc.
- using a more explicitly insulting expression, although one which still does not qualify as a real profanity: imbécil, idiota, estúpido.
- one which delves into profanity. Gilipollas and capullo would correspond to such case.
The etymology of the word itself immediately confirms its genuinely Peninsular Spanish origins and preponderance, as opposed to other profanities perhaps more linked to Latin America: it is the combination of the Caló jili, usually translated as "candid", "silly" or "idiot", and a word which according to different sources is either polla (listed above) or a colloquial evolution thereto of the Latin pulla (bladder). Perhaps due to the alternative origins of the latter part of the word, there has been some controversy concerning its status as a real profanity, although its clear phonetic evocation of the word polla leaves little room for doubt, at least in its common daily use. It is due to this that attempts at a euphemism have at times become popular, as is the case with gilipuertas (puerta standing for door). Recently, similar phrases have appeared, especially in Spain, although most of them (such as soplapollas, "cock-blower") delve much further into plain profanity.
A usual derivation of the word gilipollas into an adjective form (or a false adjectival participle) is agilipollado/agilipollada. For example: … está agilipollado/a would mean "… is behaving like a gilipollas." Regardless of whether or not such condition or irreversible, the verb estar is always used, as opposed to ser. Another Spanish construction with similar rationale is atontado, derived from tonto ("silly"). A noun form of the word is gilipollez, meaning "stupidity" or "nonsense."
Capullo
[edit]Capullo (lit: "cocoon" or "flower bud", also slang for glans penis) is nearly always interchangeable with that of gilipollas.[a] The main difference between the two of them is that while a gilipollas normally behaves as he does out of sheer stupidity, a capullo normally acts like one by applying certain amount of evil intentions to his acts. While one can act like a gilipollas without being one, in the capullo instance that is not possible. A near-exact English translation is wanker. In English to be means at the same time both the permanent/ fundamental characteristics and the non-permanent/ circumstantial ones of anything, in Spanish to be separates into two distinct verbs: ser and estar which respectively reflect the aforementioned characteristics. So, to say about anyone that es un gilipollas means that he is stupid/ annoying permanently, while to say está agilipollado reflects both his present state and the fact that it could change at any time to a non agilipollado one. This is not true for a capullo: if someone thinks about someone else that he is a capullo, he thinks so permanently, because the degree of evil he sees in the capullo's actions tends to be thought of as a permanent characteristic, inherent to the capullo's personality. So the correspondent verb ser would be used: es un capullo, and the estar verb would never be used.
Whenever used as an affectionate or heavily informal form of teasing rather than as an insult, though, capullo is used a bit more often. This may be because someone who does not have an intention to offend will resort to a lower amount of syllables, hence rendering the expression less coarse and ill-sounding. Therefore, expressions such as venga ya, no seas ___ ("come on, don't be silly") would use capullo more frequently than gilipollas.[a]
Buey/huey/güey/wey/we/way
[edit]Buey/Huey/Güey/Wey/We is a common term in Mexico, coming from the word buey that literally means "ox" or "steer". It means "stupid" or a "cheated husband/boyfriend/cuckold".[a] It can be used as a less offensive substitute for cabrón when used among close friends. Mexican teenagers and young Chicano men use this word routinely in referring to one another, similar to "dude" in English. Vato is the older Mexican word for this.
Joto
[edit]Joto (lit. 'jay, as the letter J' or 'jack, from playing cards') is a slang term in Mexican Spanish and other Latin American varieties of Spanish. It is primarily used as a derogatory word for gay men, though its meanings and cultural significance have varied over time. The term has been documented since the late 19th century and remains widely recognized in colloquial usage.[41]
The origin of the word is uncertain. One proposed etymology links it to the Nahuatl word xôtoj, meaning homosexual.[42][43] Another explanation suggests a connection to the Spanish word jota ("J"), possibly through its association with the jack and wildcard in card games. A widely circulated account attributes it to Mexico City's Lecumberri prison (1900–1976), where inmates in cellblock J (jota) were allegedly homosexual men.[44] This theory is disputed, as the term appears in written sources as early as 1885, predating the prison.[42]
The term emerged in Mexican Spanish during the late 19th century, reflecting prevailing social stigmas toward homosexuality, particularly during the Porfirio Díaz era (1876–1911), when same-sex relations were criminalized and socially condemned.[45] Its association with prisons further underscored the marginalization of queer individuals in institutional and cultural contexts.[46] Over time, joto became embedded in literature, media, and everyday speech, often reinforcing stereotypes linked to machismo in Latin American societies.[47] Since the late 20th century, joto and the derived noun term jotería have been reappropriated within Mexican LGBTQ+ community.[48]
Madre
[edit]Madre, (mother) depending on its usage (for example: madrear—"to beat" or hasta la madre—"full"), is an insult to one's mother. This dishonors her, and the reputation of the family. It can be profane in Mexico. Chinga tu madre ("Fuck your mother") is considered to be extremely offensive.[a] Tu madre culo ("Your mother's ass") combines two Spanish profanity words, madre and culo (see above), to create an offensive jab at one's mother or mother-in-law. Madre could be used to reference objects, like ¡Qué poca madre! ("That's terrible!") and Este madre no funciona ("This shit doesn't work"). It can also be used with an ironically positive connotation, as in ¡Está de poca/puta madre! ("It's fucking awesome!"). Madrazo, in Colombia, refers to insults in general, and "echar madrazos" means "to insult/curse somebody out." Puta madre can also be used to insult someone ("motherfucker"), as well as to describe something of great excitement ("the shit", "awesome") as mentioned before.[49]
Pinche
[edit]Pinche has different meanings, depending on geographic location. The word is not offensive in Spain and it mostly refers to a kitchen scullion,[2] who acts as an assistant to chefs and is assigned to menial kitchen tasks such as preparing ingredients and utensils, though it may also extend to bussing staff and dishwashers. It is seldom used as an insult, as in pinche güey ("loser"), or to describe an object of poor quality, está muy pinche ("It really sucks"), but only to a lesser extent.[citation needed] Many restaurants in Spain have the name "El Pinche", to the great amusement of Mexican and Chicano tourists.[2]
In Mexico, the saying can range anywhere from semi-inappropriate to very offensive depending on tone and context. Furthermore, it is often equivalent to the English terms "damn", "freakin'", "bloody" or "fuckin'", as in estos pinches aguacates están podridos… ("These damn avocados are rotten…"); Pinche Mario ya no ha venido… ("Freakin' Mario hasn't come yet"); or ¿¡Quieres callarte la pinche boca!? ("Would you like to shut your fuckin' mouth?"), but most likely should be translated to the euphemism "frickin'" in most situations. Therefore, it can be said in front of adults, but possibly not children, depending on one's moral compass. Sometimes pinchudo(a) is said instead.[citation needed] It also refers to a mean-spirited person or someone who is stingy: "Él es muy pinche." ("He is very stingy.").[citation needed].[2]
In Chile, the noun pinche is not vulgar, and it refers to the people involved in an informal romantic relationship with each other. The verbal form pinchar can be translated as "kissing" or "make out".[citation needed] Pinchar also means "to ping" (the act of calling someone and then hanging up with the intent of having them call back). The adjective pinche has seen a rise in usage, as a "lightly vulgar" form of the "puta" adjective: "La pinche inspectora." instead of "La puta inspectora." ("That darn inspector." instead of "That fucking inspector."). In Puerto Rico, pinche simply refers to a hairpin, while pincho has the same meaning in Dominican Spanish.
Puta
[edit]Puta literally means whore, and can be extended to any woman who is sexually promiscuous. This word is common to all other Romance languages (it is puta also in Portuguese and Catalan, pute/putain in French, puttana in Italian, and so on) and almost certainly comes from the Vulgar Latin putta (from puttus, alteration of putus "boy"), although the Royal Spanish Academy lists its origins as "uncertain" (unlike other dictionaries, such as the María Moliner, which state putta as its origin).[citation needed] It is a derogatory way to refer to a prostitute, while the formal Spanish word for a prostitute is prostituta. It is used similarly to the English word bitch.[2]
Racial and ethnic derogatives
[edit]- Word endings such as aco, arro, azo, ito or (in Spain) ata are used to confer a falsely augmentative or diminutive, usually derogative quality to different racial and cultural denominations: e.g. negrata or negraco (and, with a more condescending and less aggressive demeanor, negrito) are the usual Spanish translations for a black person. Moraco would be the translation for "raghead" or "camel jockey".[a] [b]
- Sudaca, in spite of its etymology (sudamericano, "South American"), is a derogative term used in Spain for all Latin Americans, South American or Central American in origin. In Mexico, the term is solely used to refer to people from South America.[b]
- Frijolero is the most commonly used Spanish word for beaner and is particularly offensive when used by a non-Mexican person towards a Mexican in the southwestern United States.[b]
- Gabacho, in Spain, is used as a derisive term for French people—and, by extension, any French-speaking individual. Among Latin American speakers, however, it is meant as a usually offensive term for white people or people born in the United States, no matter their race.[b]
- Similarly, musiu—A (somewhat outdated) word used in parts of Colombia and Venezuela, used to denote a white foreigner. Stems from the contemporary pronunciation of the French word "Monsieur". Now generally superseded among younger Venezuelans by the term below.[b]
- Argentuzo, argentucho an offensive term used in Chile and some Latin American countries to refer to an Argentine.[b]
- Brazuca, used in Argentina to refer to Brazilians.
- Bolita, an offensive term used in Argentina to refer to Bolivians.
- Cabecita negra (lit. ' little black head'), used before as a very offensive and racist insult against Peronists, but it is used in Argentina to refer their border country, like Paraguay, Peru and Bolivia; since they were mainly workers during Peronism's rise.
- Chilote – this is actually the demonym for the people of the Chiloé archipelago in Chile. However, in Argentina it is used as a synecdoche, referring to all Chileans.[b]
- Cholo, was used in reference to people of actual or perceived mestizo or indigenous background. Not always offensive. In Chile it is used to refer to a Peruvian. In Peru it is used to refer to someone from the more purely indigenous population or someone who looks very indigenous. When used in the more mixed coastal areas to describe someone, it can be slightly more offensive depending on the way it is said or the context. In Mexico and the United States the term is usually used to refer to a Chicano gang member.
- Coño, offensive word used to denote a Spaniard or the Castillan dialect in Chile.[b]
- Ignorante outdated offense used by Chileans, Colombians, Mexicans and Paraguayans to describe Argentines. The word "argentino" (Argentine) is an anagram for "ignorante" (ignorant) in Spanish.[b]
- Kurepí used by Paraguayans to describe Argentines. Literally translated from Guarani, meaning pig skin.[b]
- Mayate (lit: June bug) is a very offensive term used in Mexico and primarily by Mexican-Americans to describe a black person or an African-American.[b]
- Mono (lit:monkey) used in reference to Ecuadorians in Peru[b]
- Gallina (lit:chicken; coward) used in Ecuador to describe Peruvians.
- Pachuco refers to a subculture of Chicanos and Mexican-Americans, associated with zoot suits, street gangs, nightlife, and flamboyant public behavior.
- Paragua (lit. ' umbrella'), used in Argentina to refer to Paraguayans.[b]
- Pinacate (lit. ' dung beetle')-mostly used by Mexicans or Mexican-Americans referring to dark-skinned or black individuals, similar to English "blackie".[b]
- Gachupín is used in Mexico and Central American countries for Spaniards established in those countries.[b]
- Gringo – generally used in most Spanish-speaking (and Portuguese-speaking) countries in Latin America. It denotes a person from the United States, or, by extension, from any English-speaking country or even anyone with a Northern European phenotype.[b]
- Gaucho - term used in Mexico as a demonym to refer to Argentines and Uruguayans.
- Panchito is used in Spain for Latin Americans with an Amerindian appearance. It is used mostly as a derogatory term.[b]
- Payoponi is a Caló word widely used in Spain referring to native looking Central and South Americans. It is composed by payo (lit. 'non-Romani person') and poni (lit. 'pony due to their average height').[b]
- llanta (lit. 'tire') general prison slang used by Mexicans or Mexican-Americans referring to very dark-skinned individuals.[b]
- Prieto Used to describe dark people.[b]
- Roto, used in Peru, Bolivia and Argentina to refer to Chileans.[b]
- Yorugua, mild word used in Argentina to refer to Uruguayans. (Uruguayo in vesre).[b]
- Japo used in reference to people of Japanese ancestry, similar to Jap; used mostly in Spain. In Rioplatense Spanish slang, the word used is Ponja, which is vesre for Japón (Japan).[b]
- Moro (lit. 'Moor') used in Spain in reference to people of Maghrebi, Arab or Middle Eastern ancestry; also used to describe Muslims in general.[b]
- Mexinarco used in the rest of Latin American countries to refer to Mexicans, a portmanteau of the demonym mexicano (Mexican) narcotraficante (drug trafficker), in reference to the fairly recent phenomenon of the Mexican drug war.
- Polaco (lit. ' Polish person') used in Spain in reference to Catalan people. Its origin is unclear.[b]
- Maqueto (Basque: Maketo), used in the Basque Country in reference to Spanish immigrants and descendants of Spanish immigrants with origins outside the Basque Country.[b]
- Charnego (Catalan: Xarnego), used in Catalonia in reference to Spanish immigrants and descendants of Spanish immigrants with origins outside Catalonia.[b]
- Tano (from Napolitano: Neapolitan). Used in Argentina, Uruguay and Paraguay as a synecdoche, to refer to an Italian. Not offensive in the present-day context.[b]
- Turco (lit. 'Turkish') used in Chile and Argentina for people of Arab ancestry. Originated due to the Ottoman nationality that early Palestinian, Lebanese and Syrian immigrants had on their passports.[50]
- Pirata (lit. 'Pirate'). Used in Argentina to refer to English people.[b]
- Paqui (lit. 'Paki'), Used to describe people of Subcontinental Asian heritage. Supposedly inoffensive, but not used by native Spaniards in front of people they are slurring. Therefore, used as a racist epithet.
- Yanacona a term used by modern Mapuche as an insult for Mapuches considered to be subservient to non-indigenous Chileans, 'sellout'.[51]
- Yanqui (lit. ' Yankee'), Used in Argentina and other places in Latin America to refer to a US American. Sometimes, but not always, derogatory. Usually used to distinguish a US American from a foreigner of a culturally similar country such as Canada or the UK.
- Saltamuros (lit. ' wall jumper'), joking insult used in the USA and some Latin American countries, like Guatemala and Chile to refer to Mexicans who enter the US illegally, making allusions to the border wall.
- Surumato Used in New Mexico to refer to Mexicans, particularly immigrants.
- Veneco Used in all Latin American countries to refer to Venezuelans.
Other terms
[edit]- chucha—used in parts of Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru in reference to offensive body odor.
- so—used to imply "such a …" but not always capable of direct translation in English. For example: "¡Cállate, so puta!" ("Shut up, you bitch!")
- vaina (lit. ' sheath' or 'pod of Lat vagina')—in Colombia, the Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Panama, Peru, Puerto Rico and Venezuela it is a commonly used generic filler. For example: Esta vaina se dañó ("This thing broke down").
- It can also be used in phrases to denote any strong emotion. For example: ¡Vea la vaina!, can mean "Isn't that something!" (expressing discontent or surprise). Esa vaina quedó muy bien (lit. ' That vaina came up really well') would translate to "It turned out really well" (expressing rejoice or happiness) and … y toda esa vaina would translate to "… and all that crap".
- In the Dominican Republic it is commonly used in combination with other profanities to express anger or discontent. For example: "¡Qué maldita vaina, coñazo!" meaning "Fuck, that's bullshit!" or "¡Vaina'el diablo coño!" which translates as "Damn, (this) thing (is) of the devil!" but would be used to refer to a situation as "fucking shit".
In the Spanish region of La Mancha, the formation of neologisms is very common to refer with humoristic sense to a certain way of being some people, by the union of two terms, usually a verb and a noun. E.g., capaliendres (lit. 'person who geld nits', "miser", "niggard"), (d)esgarracolchas (lit. 'person who rends quilts', "awkward", "untrustworthy"), pisacristos (lit. 'person who tramples Christs'—"blasphemous person"), and much more.
See also
[edit]Notes
[edit]- Hamer, Eleanor; Diez de Urdanivia, Fernando (2008). The Street-Wise Spanish Survival Guide: A Dictionary of Over 3,000 Slang Expressions, Proverbs, Idioms, and Other Tricky English and Spanish Words and Phrases Translated and Explained. Skyhorse Publishing. ISBN 978-1-60239-250-2.
- Fitch, Roxana (2006). Diccionario de coloquialismos y términos dialectales del español. Arco Libros. ISBN 978-84-7635-817-7.
- Gladstein, Mimi R.; Chacón, Daniel (2008). The Last Supper of Chicano Heroes: Selected Works of José Antonio Burciaga. University of Arizona Press. p. 40. ISBN 978-0-8165-2662-8.
References
[edit]- ^ Espinosa, M. "Algo sobre la historia de las palabrotas". Razón y palabra. Primera revista digital en Iberoamérica especializada en comunicología 23 (2001).
- ^ a b c d e Gladstein & Chacón 2008, p. 39.
- ^ de Marlangeon, Silvia Beatriz Kaul, and Laura Alba Juez. "A typology of verbal impoliteness behaviour for the English and Spanish cultures". Revista española de lingüística aplicada 25 (2012): 69–92.
- ^ Martínez, R. A., & Morales, P. Z. (2014). "¿Puras Groserías?: Rethinking the Role of Profanity and Graphic Humor in Latin@ Students' Bilingual Wordplay". Anthropology & Education Quarterly, 45(4), 337–354.
- ^ Durán, Marco Antonio Pérez, and Oscar Arriaga Olguín. "Inventario fraseológico de las groserías en estudiantes de San Luis Potosí". Revista de Lingüística y Lenguas Aplicadas 9.1 (2014): 79–87.
- ^ Sacher, Jason, and Toby Triumph. How to Swear Around the World. Chronicle Books, 2012.
- ^ Mateo, J., & Yus, F. (2013). "Towards a cross-cultural pragmatic taxonomy of insults". Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict, 1(1), 87–114.
- ^ a b Grimes, L.M. (1978). El tabú lingüístico en México: el lenguaje erótico de los mexicanos. Bilingual Review Pr.
- ^ Bakewell, Liza. Madre: Perilous Journeys with a Spanish Noun. WW Norton & Company, 2010.
- ^ Ilarregui, G. M. (1997). "Es sexista la lengua espanola? Una investigacion sobre el genero gramatical" [Is the Spanish language sexist? An Investigation of Grammatical Gender]. Women and Language, 20(2), 64–66.
- ^ González Zúñiga, J., & Hernández Arias, L. (2015). "Análisis semántico y sintáctico de las frases idiomáticas compuestas con las palabras 'padre' y 'madre' en el español de México" (Doctoral dissertation).
- ^ Gregersen, E. A. (1979). "Sexual linguistics". Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, 327(1), 3–18.
- ^ Santaemilia, J., 2008. "Gender, sex, and language in Valencia: attitudes toward sex-related language among Spanish and Catalan speakers". International Journal of the Sociology of Language, 2008(190), pp.5–26.
- ^ "Chingar". Diccionario de la lengua española (in Spanish). Real Academia Española.
- ^ a b c d "chingado, da". Real Academia Española. Retrieved 13 August 2018.
- ^ "chingon,a". Real Academia Española. Retrieved 13 August 2018.
- ^ "follar1, Der. del lat. follis, fuelle, Soplar con el fuelle". Diccionario de la lengua española (in Spanish). Real Academia Española.
- ^ "La Ficha Pop". La Cuarta. Archived from the original on 4 February 2016. Retrieved 31 October 2006.
- ^ Arteaga, Deborah; Llorente, Lucía (27 July 2009). Spanish as an International Language: Implications for Teachers and Learners. Multilingual Matters. p. 92. ISBN 978-1-78892-078-0.
- ^ Alvarez Catalunya Alimentos Selectos & Ylos Diseño páginas web Tiendas Virtuales. "Esparrago Cojonudo 8–12 frutos—Lata 850 Grs—Tienda Gourmet Delicatessen". Llantarbien.com. Archived from the original on 30 March 2010. Retrieved 2 March 2010.
- ^ Foderaro, Lisa W. (1 May 2011). "Princeton Suspended Instructor Four Days Before He Killed Himself". The New York Times.
- ^ "YouTube". www.youtube.com. Archived from the original on 14 June 2014.
- ^ "Diccionario de Modismos Chilenos". mainframe.cl.
- ^ XD, MaXpLaTe RITALIN (1 February 2012). "50 diferentes formas de decir la palabra PENE". Taringa!.
- ^ "CHUCHA". etimologias.dechile.net.
- ^ María Josefina Tejera et al., Diccionario de venezolanismos, Tomo I (A-I), Universidad Central de Venezuela / Academia de la Lengua. Caracas. 1983. p.360.
- ^ "pérola - Wiktionary". en.wiktionary.org.
- ^ "teta - Wiktionary". en.wiktionary.org. 14 October 2021.
- ^ "Chi-Chi's Means WHAT in Spanish?". 24 January 2008.
- ^ "Orto". Diccionario de la lengua española. Real Academia Española. Retrieved 11 October 2020.
- ^ Vesre, Formación de las palabras
- ^ "Pedorrez - Related Chorrada Chuminada Pollada Gilipollez". www.coloquialmente.com. Retrieved 7 November 2020.
Estupidez, acción o idea estúpida, especialmente por carecer de energía, relevancia y profundidad.
[permanent dead link] - ^ a b c Peter Aggleton; E. Antonio de Moya; Rafael García (1999). "Chapter 7: Three Decades of Male Sex Work in Santo Domingo". Men Who Sell Sex: International Perspectives on Male Prostitution and HIV/AIDS. London, U.K.: UCL Press Ltd. p. 128. ISBN 978-1-85728-862-9. Retrieved 14 June 2014.
- ^ "Soccer fans' chant earns more sanctions: 2 games with empty stadiums". Mexico News Daily. 2 November 2021. Retrieved 16 June 2023.
- ^ Zeigler, Cyd (9 November 2021). "Mexico loses appeal, fans banned 2 matches for anti-gay chant". Outsports. Retrieved 16 June 2023.
- ^ "Explaining the homophobic chant that has Mexico's soccer federation in hot water with FIFA". www.sportingnews.com. 16 June 2023. Retrieved 16 June 2023.
- ^ Carrillo, Carlos (31 August 2022). "Mexican soccer must kick homophobic slur out of stadiums, say activists". Reuters. Retrieved 16 June 2023.
- ^ Aman, Reinhold (1977). Maledicta. Maledicta Press. p. 21.
- ^ "chochear".
- ^ Gerrard, Arthur Bryson, ed. (1980). Cassell's Colloquial Spanish (3rd revised ed.). London: Cassell Ltd. ISBN 978-0-02-079430-1.
- ^ "joto", Wikcionario, el diccionario libre (in Spanish), 29 April 2025, retrieved 13 September 2025
- ^ a b Cornelio Aguilar, Federico, ed. (14 January 2008). Ultimo año de residencia en México (in Spanish) (Revised ed.). I. Borda (published 1885). p. 110. ISBN 978-1145134768.
- ^ "xoto - Gran Diccionario Náhuatl". gdn.iib.unam.mx. Retrieved 13 September 2025.
- ^ "El palacio negro que inventó a los "jotos"". El Universal (in Spanish). Retrieved 13 September 2025.
- ^ Morgan, Thaddeus (27 June 2018). "41 Has a Secret Meaning in Mexico, Thanks to a Queer Underground Ball". HISTORY. Retrieved 13 September 2025.
- ^ O’Boyle, Brendan (23 June 2020). ""Los 41": The Queer Dance Party That Changed Mexico". Americas Quarterly. Retrieved 13 September 2025.
- ^ Heib, Lauren (6 December 2023). "El Baile de Los 41: Sexuality in 1900's Mexico". The Toro Historical Review. 14 (2): 55–62. doi:10.46787/tthr.v14i2.3867. ISSN 2833-4345.
- ^ "Jotear". PBS SoCal. 26 April 2011. Retrieved 13 September 2025.
- ^ Warner, Leah (23 October 2024). "10 Awesome Spanish Curse Words That will Make you Sound Like a Local". Citylife Madrid. Retrieved 23 January 2025.
- ^ Rebolledo Hernández, Antonia (1994). "La "Turcofobia". Discriminación anti-Árabe en Chile" (PDF). Historia (in Spanish). 28: 249–272.[permanent dead link]
- ^ "Audiencia en caso Mapuexpress: Querellante pidió censurar al medio a cambio de retirar la demanda". El Desconcierto (in Spanish). 27 July 2017. Retrieved 4 September 2019.
Further reading
[edit]- Cabellero, Juan (2008). Dirty Spanish: Everyday Slang from "What's Up?" to "F*%# Off!. Ulysses Press. ISBN 978-1-56975-659-1.
- Munier, Alexis; Martinez, Laura (2008). Talk Dirty Spanish. Adams Media; Newton Abbot. ISBN 978-1-59869-768-1.
- Wegmann, Brenda; Gill, Mary McVey (2008). Streetwise Spanish: Speak and Understand Everyday Spanish. McGraw-Hill. ISBN 978-0-07-146086-6.
External links
[edit]
Media related to Spanish-language profanity at Wikimedia Commons- "Details pendejo and other slang in its dictionary". Real Academia Española.
- Germán, Daniel M. "La página de la chingada". Archived from the original on 15 April 2005. Retrieved 15 April 2005.
Different variations of "chingar"
Spanish profanity
View on GrokipediaHistorical Development
Origins in Vulgar Latin and Early Romance
Spanish profanity originated in the colloquial register of Vulgar Latin spoken across the Iberian Peninsula from the 3rd century BCE onward, as Roman legions, settlers, and administrators disseminated everyday speech that included obscene terms for sexual acts and body parts. This spoken variety, distinct from literary Classical Latin, featured words like futuēre ("to copulate" or "to fuck"), which evolved phonetically and semantically into early Romance forms, reflecting the unfiltered expressions of soldiers, laborers, and rural populations rather than elite rhetoric.[6][7] Comparative linguistics confirms that such vulgarisms persisted in oral transmission, bypassing the formalized Latin of inscriptions and texts, which rarely preserved obscenities due to cultural taboos on writing them.[8] A prime example is the verb joder, attested in Old Spanish as foder or fuder by the early 13th century in documents like legal glosses and vernacular adaptations, deriving directly from Vulgar Latin futere (a form of futuēre). This term retained its copulatory sense while extending metaphorically to "annoy" or "ruin," illustrating semantic broadening common in profane lexicon as communities adapted Latin roots to new social contexts in post-Roman Hispania.[9][7] Similarly, coño, denoting the vulva, traces to Latin cunnus, an inherently vulgar noun for female genitalia avoided in polite literature but embedded in spoken idioms; its survival into medieval Spanish, evident in scattered references in satirical or anonymous verses around the 12th-14th centuries, underscores continuity from Iberian Vulgar Latin dialects.[10] Early medieval layers added substrate influences without supplanting Latin cores: Visigothic rule (418-711 CE) introduced Germanic elements to the lexicon, potentially tinting expressions of contempt, though profane basics remained Romance-derived, as seen in bilingual legal codes where Latin obscenities hybridize minimally.[6] The Arabic domination (711-1492 CE) contributed loanwords like alcahueta (pimp, from ḵawāt, adapted via Mozarabic), which gained vulgar undertones, but empirical reconstruction from toponyms and agricultural terms shows limited penetration into core sexual profanity, preserving Vulgar Latin derivations amid substrate shifts.[11] Historical corpora, such as the 10th-century Glosas Emilianenses and 12th-century Auto de los Reyes Magos, indirectly attest to this by standardizing Romance while implying robust oral vulgar traditions through phonetic irregularities and glossed idioms that align with profane evolutions elsewhere in Western Romance.[12]Catholic Influence and Rise of Blasphemy
Spain's Catholic monarchy, solidified after the Reconquista's completion in 1492, fostered a society where religious devotion was not merely cultural but enforced through state and ecclesiastical mechanisms, rendering blasphemy the most potent form of verbal rebellion. This era's intense piety, marked by mandatory attendance at Mass, confessional obligations, and public displays of faith, suppressed profane outlets for human emotions like anger or futility, redirecting them toward sacrilegious invectives that targeted the divine as symbols of oppressive restraint. Causal pressures from this religious hegemony—where the Church controlled education, censorship, and social norms—amplified the taboo's power, making blasphemous speech a direct defiance of the institutional faith that demanded unquestioning submission. Phrases such as me cago en Dios ("I shit on God"), me cago en la Virgen ("I shit on the Virgin"), and me cago en la hostia ("I shit on the host") crystallized in this context, combining fecal imagery with assaults on core Catholic tenets to express contempt for enforced sanctity. These constructions, attested in 16th-century Spanish literature and trial testimonies, arose amid the Inquisition's peak (1480–1530), when clerical corruption and economic hardships fueled anti-clerical outbursts disguised as curses against God or saints, proxies for resentment toward priestly authority.[13] Unlike mere vulgarity, their sacrilegious core stemmed from the Church's sacralization of bodily functions' opposites—purity and transcendence—turning excremental defilement into a primal inversion of doctrinal reverence.[14] Inquisitorial tribunals, operational from 1478 onward, treated blasphemy as a cardinal sin eroding communal piety, prosecuting it more frequently than Judaizing or Protestantism in early modern Spain. Records from the Toledo tribunal in the 16th century show blasphemy accounting for roughly 50% of cases, often involving repetitive, anger-driven exclamations by otherwise orthodox Catholics, such as artisans or laborers venting workplace frustrations. Penalties escalated with repetition: first offenses drew admonitions or light floggings (100 lashes), while habitual blasphemers faced abjuration, exile, or galley service, reflecting the offense's status as a threat to the social fabric woven from religious uniformity.[15] This prosecutorial emphasis highlights blasphemy's role as a safety valve for suppressed impulses, persisting despite suppression because it channeled innate human irreverence against the very institutions claiming monopoly on the sacred.[13]Colonial Era and Indigenous Syncretism
Following Christopher Columbus's arrival in the Americas in 1492, Spanish colonizers introduced Castilian profanity, primarily blasphemous expressions rooted in Catholic religious taboos such as "hostia" (host) and "cojones" (testicles, from Latin "colones"), which served to reinforce linguistic and cultural dominance over indigenous populations. These terms, drawn from medieval Iberian vulgarity, were disseminated through military conquests, missionary work, and administrative imposition, with empirical evidence from 16th-century linguistic contacts showing their rapid adoption among mestizo and creole elites as markers of authority. Colonial records indicate that such profanity underscored power imbalances, as Spaniards used coarse language to demean native leaders during negotiations and interrogations, though explicit examples are often veiled in formal chronicles due to scribal censorship. Syncretism between European profanity and indigenous elements proved limited, with core Spanish terms retaining their form amid the suppression of native languages under policies like the 1550 New Laws of the Indies, which prioritized Castilian. Direct borrowings from Amerindian tongues into profane vocabulary were rare, as indigenous insults—often tied to local cosmologies, such as Nahuatl terms for bodily shame or Quechua epithets invoking animalistic degradation—were marginalized rather than integrated into Spanish slang. However, contact zones fostered adaptive usages; for example, the Mexican verb "chingar" (to fuck, annoy, or violate), central to regional profanity, derives from Caló "cingarár" (to fight or solicit), the Romani-influenced argot of Spanish gypsies transported to the colonies, where it vulgarized in mestizo speech by the 17th century to evoke colonial-era rape and subjugation metaphors.[16][17] Inquisition tribunals, active from 1571 in Mexico and Peru, documented blasphemy's prevalence among settlers, with over 1,200 cases in Lima alone by 1650 involving sacrilegious oaths like "me cago en la Virgen" (I shit on the Virgin), imposed as cultural norms on converts and punished to enforce orthodoxy. This contrasted with nascent regional divergences: in central Mexico, Nahuatl-Spanish bilingualism led to intensified sexual profanities for expressing frustration in labor contexts, while Andean variants blended Catholic curses with subtle Quechua grammatical intensifiers, prefiguring dialectal splits without significant Protestant dilution, as Spanish domains remained uniformly Catholic. Such dynamics reveal profanity's evolution as a tool of assimilation, where indigenous speakers appropriated terms to navigate or subvert colonial hierarchies, though without substantial lexical fusion.20th-Century Evolution and Globalization
During the Franco dictatorship (1939–1975), stringent censorship suppressed profane language in Spanish media, literature, and public discourse, aligning with the regime's Catholic moralism that equated obscenity with moral decay and political subversion.[18] Publications and films faced rigorous review, with obscene terms excised or softened to avoid penalties, resulting in sanitized representations of everyday speech. This era's controls, enforced by bodies like the Ministry of Information and Tourism, limited profanity's visibility, though it persisted in private or underground contexts.[19] The death of Francisco Franco in 1975 and Spain's transition to democracy triggered a cultural "destape" (uncovering), unleashing profanity in mass media as censorship lifted. Satirical magazines like Humor exemplified this shift: analysis of issues from 1974–1989 reveals a marked rise in malas palabras (bad words) post-1975, peaking around 1984 with frequencies up to several dozen per issue before declining amid commercialization.[20] The movida madrileña counterculture of the late 1970s–1980s further normalized vulgarity in urban youth slang, literature, and films by directors like Pedro Almodóvar, where terms like joder and blasphemies integrated into expressive, irreverent narratives reflecting newfound freedoms. Sociolinguistic shifts correlated with rapid secularization; church attendance fell from over 40% weekly in the 1960s to under 20% by the 1990s, diminishing the taboo of religious profanities like hostia or me cago en Dios.[21][22] Globalization amplified these trends via U.S. Hollywood exports, dubbed into Spanish, which exposed audiences to casual English swearing equivalents, influencing hybrid urban slang in Spain and Latin America—e.g., calques reinforcing follar as a direct analogue to "fuck" in youth dialects. Migration waves, including Spanish labor flows to Europe and reverse Latin American influxes, facilitated cross-dialectal profanity exchanges, evident in Spanglish variants among diaspora communities by the late 20th century. Corpora analyses, though limited for profanity due to historical self-censorship, indicate post-1975 surges in informal swearing frequency in spoken and written Spanish, tied to eroding religious adherence and media liberalization rather than invention of new terms.[23] Decriminalization of blasphemy in 1988 further entrenched this casualization, prioritizing expressive freedom over traditional sensitivities.Linguistic Features
Morphological Derivations and Intensifiers
Spanish profanity demonstrates morphological productivity through the application of standard derivational suffixes to vulgar base forms, enabling the creation of adjectives, nouns, and adverbs that amplify emotional intensity or pejorative connotations. The past participle suffix -ido, typically forming adjectives from verbs, is frequently attached to copulative roots like joder (to fuck) to yield jodido, denoting a state of being ruined, frustrated, or damned, as in expressions of personal misfortune. Similarly, in Mexican varieties, chingar (to fuck or bother) produces chingado via the same suffix, intensifying senses of violation or defeat. These derivations parallel non-profane morphology but leverage the base's semantic charge for heightened expressivity in colloquial speech.[24] Augmentative and pejorative suffixes further extend profane bases, with -ón converting nouns or verbs into forms implying exaggeration or disdain; for example, chingar derives chingón, shifting from copulation to denote prowess, skill, or dominance in Mexican slang. This suffix, common in standard Spanish for augmentation (e.g., gran to grandón), adapts to vulgar contexts to emphasize superlative qualities, either positively or mockingly.[25] Other instances include cabrón from cabra (goat), augmented to imply cunning or betrayal), illustrating how animalistic roots gain profane potency through suffixation. Intensifiers in Spanish profanity often operate morphologically or adverbially to escalate vulgarity without altering core semantics, such as pinche, a Mexican adjective derived from pincho (thorn or sting), which prepends to nouns for emphatic disdain, roughly meaning "damn," "fucking," or "lousy," akin to English "fucking" (e.g., pinche calor for "damn heat" or pinche mierda, fucking shit).[26] While pinche softens relative to stronger bases, it amplifies via syntactic positioning rather than strict affixation. Puta (whore) similarly functions as a non-literal intensifier in phrases like de puta madre (literally "of whore mother," idiomatically "awesome"), detaching from its nominal origin to convey extreme approval or emphasis across dialects. These patterns underscore profanity's integration with Spanish's affixal system, facilitating adaptive variants for affective communication.[27]Grammatical Roles in Sentences
Spanish profanity demonstrates syntactic versatility, enabling individual terms or compounds to adapt across grammatical categories, thereby integrating into broader discourse structures for emphasis, description, or insult. Verbs like joder ('to fuck' or 'to ruin') exemplify this flexibility, functioning transitively in constructions such as joder a alguien ('to fuck someone') or intransitively in expressions like se jodió ('it got fucked up'), allowing speakers to convey causation or misfortune with varying degrees of directness.[28][29] Nouns rooted in taboo referents, such as coño ('cunt'), primarily denote genitalia but shift to interjective roles for exclamatory effect, as in ¡Coño, qué sorpresa! ('Damn, what a surprise!'), decoupling the lexical item from its nominal predicate function to serve illocutionary force in spontaneous speech.[30] Adjectival derivations amplify this adaptability; for example, pendejo ('dickhead' or 'stupid') extends to superlatives like pendejísimo ('extremely stupid'), modifying nouns in descriptive clauses such as es un tipo pendejísimo ('he's an extremely stupid guy') to intensify pejorative evaluation.[31] Phrasal insults like hijo de puta ('son of a whore' or 'son of a bitch') operate as compound noun phrases, deployable as vocatives (¡Hijo de puta!), appositives, or predicate nominatives in sentences such as Ese cabrón es un hijo de puta ('That bastard is a son of a bitch'), embedding relational defamation within syntactic units for targeted aggression. In contemporary spoken corpora, such embedded profane phrases and verbs appear with elevated frequency in informal registers—up to several instances per million words in gendered speech data—contrasting with rarer standalone uses, reflecting their role in idiomatic intensification rather than isolated outbursts.[32][33] This grammatical embedding causally moderates offensiveness by subordinating the taboo element to contextual syntax, as corpus analyses show profane modifiers or subordinates elicit lower subjective severity ratings in casual dialogues versus formal or decontextualized ones, prioritizing discursive utility over raw taboo violation.[34]Semantic Shifts Across Dialects
In Spanish profanity, semantic shifts occur when words evolve distinct connotations across dialects due to cultural, historical, and social influences, often diverging from their etymological roots in Vulgar Latin or Old Spanish. These changes are documented in linguistic corpora and dictionaries, revealing how neutral or specific terms acquire vulgar or intensified meanings in certain regions while retaining original senses elsewhere. For instance, avoidance of taboo associations in postcolonial contexts has prompted lexical substitutions, as evidenced by frequency analyses in spoken corpora from Spain and Latin America.[35] A prominent example is coger, derived from Latin colligere meaning "to collect" or "seize." In Peninsular Spanish, it maintains the neutral sense of "to take," "grab," or "catch," as confirmed by the Real Academia Española (RAE) dictionary entries and usage in contemporary corpora like CREA (Corpus de Referencia del Español Actual). In contrast, much of Latin American Spanish—particularly in Mexico, Central America, and the Caribbean—has shifted coger to denote sexual intercourse, a vulgar connotation that emerged post-colonially and led to polite replacements like agarrar or tomar to avoid ambiguity in formal speech. This divergence is attributed to regional reinforcement of sexual taboos, with corpus data showing coger's vulgar dominance in Mexican and Argentine varieties by the 20th century, while Spanish corpora retain over 90% neutral usages.[36][35] Similarly, pendejo illustrates a shift from literal to metaphorical insult. Etymologically from Vulgar Latin pūbem ("pubic hair"), it denoted cowardice or foolish youth in 16th- and 17th-century Spain, per historical lexicography. In Mexican Spanish, it has broadened to primarily mean "idiot," "fool," or "asshole," reflecting colonial slang evolution where pubic hair associations generalized to personal inadequacy, as tracked in diachronic corpora like CORDE (Corpus Diacrónico del Español). Spanish varieties preserve rarer, more literal uses tied to physical traits or cowardice, whereas Mexican and broader Latin American dialects intensify its derogatory force through everyday profane application, with proverb collections documenting over 20 idiomatic expressions equating pendejo to intellectual deficiency.[37][38] Blasphemous terms also exhibit softening in secularizing dialects, particularly Peninsular Spanish, where religious profanity like hostia (Eucharistic host) has semantically drifted from sacrilegious invocation to a general expletive or intensifier ("¡Hostia, qué sorpresa!"), diminishing its theological offense amid Spain's post-Franco secularization since the 1980s. Linguistic surveys and media corpora indicate this attenuation correlates with declining religiosity—Spain's Catholic adherence fell from 94% in 1975 to 61% by 2020—reducing taboo reinforcement compared to more devout Latin American regions, where such terms retain stronger divine disrespect connotations. This shift underscores causal links between cultural desanctification and profanity's domestication, without altering core blasphemous domains.[39][40]Regional Variations
Peninsular Spanish Variants
In Peninsular Spanish, profanity is characterized by a high frequency of blasphemous and sexual terms rooted in Catholic imagery and anatomy, with hostia (Eucharistic host, used as an intensifier like "damn"), joder (to copulate, functioning as a versatile expletive equivalent to "fuck"), and cojones (testicles, denoting boldness or frustration) dominating everyday speech, particularly in Castilian and Andalusian dialects.[41] Analysis of spontaneous speech from the Spanish Big Brother reality television program, drawing on a 33,050-word corpus, recorded hostia seven times, joder in variants up to 15 instances, and references to cojones in compounds, reflecting their integration into informal discourse across genders and age groups.[33] Men exhibited higher usage rates at 9.5 expletives per 1,000 words compared to 4.5 for women, with younger speakers under 28 showing elevated frequencies regardless of gender, indicative of profanity's role in emotional expression and social bonding in urban and southern contexts.[41] Regional sub-variations within Peninsular Spanish reveal adaptations influenced by local languages and cultural norms. In Andalusia, terms like joder and cojones permeate casual conversation, often compounded for emphasis (e.g., hasta los cojones, "up to one's balls" for exasperation), aligning with the region's expressive oral traditions.[42] In Catalonia, Spanish profanity frequently borrows from Catalan equivalents, such as hòstia (a direct cognate of hostia for "fuck" or surprise), blending blasphemous intensity with regional phonetic shifts while retaining semantic overlap.[43] Sociolinguistic surveys of Peninsular speakers confirm sexual and bodily references (including joder and cojones) as the most preferred categories, though blasphemous terms like hostia persist in corpora despite self-reported lower preference for religious motifs, suggesting habitual embedding over deliberate invocation.[44] This endurance of religious-derived profanity in increasingly secular Spain—where affiliation with the Catholic Church has declined to 20% active practice by 2020—challenges assumptions of parallel erosion in linguistic habits, as empirical corpora demonstrate sustained blasphemous usage for affective rather than devotional purposes.[45] Such patterns underscore profanity's decoupling from theological belief, functioning instead as culturally ingrained outlets for frustration, with higher tolerance evident in media and youth speech from the 2010s onward.[41]Mexican and Central American Usage
In Mexican Spanish, the verb chingar forms the core of many profane expressions, denoting sexual intercourse, violation, or persistent annoyance, often intensified as chinga tu madre to invoke maternal insult and extreme disrespect. This term's versatility underscores its prevalence in everyday vulgarity, appearing in combinations like pinche chingado for heightened frustration. Accompanying insults such as pendejo, originally referring to pubic hair but denoting stupidity or cowardice, and cabrón, implying cuckoldry and emasculation, frequently target perceived weaknesses in masculinity, aligning with cultural machismo dynamics where verbal dominance asserts hierarchy.[46][47][48] A 2009 national survey by the polling firm Mitofsky estimated that Mexicans collectively produce 1.35 billion profanities daily, averaging about 13 per person, with usage peaking in informal male interactions and media like films, contrasting with more restrained Peninsular variants despite shared lexicon. In contexts like narcoculture, these terms amplify aggression in corridos and threats, where cabrón and chingar signify betrayal or conquest, as analyzed in studies of narco-discourse.[5][49] Central American variants largely overlap with Mexican profanity due to linguistic proximity and migration, but exhibit regional nuances tied to socioeconomic divides; urban youth in El Salvador and Guatemala incorporate Mexican imports like pendejo and no mames amid rural holdovers emphasizing familial taboos. Expressions such as Salvadoran puchica—a euphemized form of puta for surprise or mild cursing—reflect censored adaptations in mixed settings, while raw terms like coger retain explicit sexual meanings absent in some Mexican dialects, varying by rural isolation versus urban media exposure.[50][51]Andean and Caribbean Forms
In Andean Spanish dialects spoken in Peru, Bolivia, and Colombia, terms derived from indigenous Quechua and Aymara languages occasionally blend with Castilian vulgarity, though direct profanity loans are rare and often limited to phonetic adaptations rather than semantic shifts. For instance, Quechua words like ch'aki (meaning "excrement") may intensify insults in rural highland speech, but empirical linguistic corpora show minimal systematic integration into core profane lexicon, with Spanish terms dominating urban usage.[52] The word concha, referring to female genitalia, carries exceptional intensity in these regions, frequently appearing in explosive compounds like concha de tu madre ("your mother's cunt") to convey extreme anger or disdain, contrasting with milder euphemistic dilutions elsewhere.[53] Caribbean variants, prevalent in Cuba, Puerto Rico, and surrounding islands, exhibit a lighter, more rhythmic profanity style influenced by African linguistic substrates from Bantu and Yoruba via enslaved populations, which introduced syncretic elements debunking notions of purely Hispanic evolution. In Puerto Rican Spanish, coño ("cunt") evolves beyond literal vulgarity into a ubiquitous filler for emphasis, surprise, or frustration, akin to English "damn" or "fuck," with conversational frequency exceeding that in peninsular dialects per anecdotal sociolinguistic observations. Cuban usage features comemierda ("shit-eater"), idiomatically denoting a gullible fool rather than literal coprophagy, often in admonitions like "no seas comemierda" ("don't be such a fool"), reflecting pragmatic softening for social lubrication.[54][55][56] Code-switching with English profanity occurs notably in Caribbean contexts, particularly Puerto Rico's Spanglish, where hybrids like motherfucking coño appear in bilingual corpora, driven by U.S. media exposure and migration, though quantitative data from dialect surveys indicate lower overall vulgarity intensity compared to Andean directness. African-derived rhythms contribute to euphemistic indirection, such as Cuban ñooo (shortened coño), used playfully in rapid speech patterns.[57]Rioplatense and Southern Cone Differences
In Rioplatense Spanish, spoken primarily in Argentina and Uruguay, profanity frequently incorporates lunfardo slang, a creole dialect emerging in the late 19th century from Italian immigration waves that introduced phonetic and lexical influences, softening harsher Castilian forms into more playful or egalitarian expressions.[58] Terms like boludo (literally "big balls," implying stupidity) and pelotudo (from pelota, "ball," extended to testicles) prevail as casual address forms, often devoid of strong offense in informal contexts among peers, reflecting lunfardo's shift from underworld origins to widespread, class-neutral usage by the early 20th century.[59] Similarly, forro (originally "condom") functions as a mild insult for unreliability, integrated seamlessly into voseo conjugations, such as no seas boludo ("don't be a dumbass"), which aligns profanities with the region's second-person singular vos rather than tú.[60] Chilean variants in the Southern Cone diverge by emphasizing huevón (augmentative of huevo, "egg/testicle," denoting laziness or idiocy) as a ubiquitous vocative in informal speech, functioning akin to "dude" or "bro" with high frequency in daily conversations, contrasting the more hierarchical formality of Peninsular Spanish where such terms risk greater offense.[61] Sociolinguistic analyses from the 2000s onward highlight huevón's egalitarian deployment across social strata in Chile, mirroring lunfardo's democratization but rooted in local Andean-Spanish substrates rather than heavy European immigration, leading to less phonetic Italianization and more direct bodily derivations.[62] These differences stem causally from divergent immigration patterns: Argentina's massive Italian influx (peaking 1880–1930, comprising over 40% of Buenos Aires' population by 1914) diluted religious taboos, fostering lunfardo's irreverent tone and voseo-infused profanity as social levelers, whereas Chile's smaller, more indigenous-influenced demographics preserved cruder, context-dependent intensity in terms like huevón.[58] Empirical studies confirm profanity's softening in Rioplatense contexts, with boludo appearing in over 20% of informal address tokens in Buenos Aires corpora from the 2010s, underscoring its non-aggressive normalization absent in Chile's sharper applicative shifts.[63]Religious and Blasphemous Terms
Expressions Involving Deity and Sacraments
Expressions invoking the deity or Catholic sacraments form a core subset of Spanish profanity, characterized by their explicit desecration of sacred elements central to Iberian Catholicism. These terms, such as those referencing God (Dios) or the Eucharistic host (hostia), emerged in a historical context where blasphemy was not merely vulgar but a grave theological offense, often prosecuted by the Spanish Inquisition from the 15th to 19th centuries. Inquisition tribunals documented numerous cases of such utterances, viewing them as direct assaults on divine authority and ecclesiastical symbols, with penalties ranging from fines and public penance to corporal punishment or exile.[64][39] This tradition persists in modern usage, particularly in Peninsular Spanish dialects, where the phrases convey extreme frustration or emphasis, though their blasphemous intent retains cultural potency in devout communities. The phrase me cago en Dios ("I shit on God") exemplifies peak taboos, literally profaning the divine person through scatological imagery, a motif traceable to medieval oaths that escalated in frequency during Spain's Counter-Reformation era amid social tensions. Employed to vent profound exasperation—such as in response to personal calamity or betrayal—its utterance historically signaled irreverence severe enough to provoke communal outrage, as Inquisition logs from the 16th century record similar defecatory blasphemies against God as among the most recurrent male infractions. Variants amplify the sacrilege, including me cago en la Virgen ("I shit on the Virgin [Mary]") or me cago en la hostia ("I shit on the host"), targeting Marian devotion or the transubstantiated sacrament, respectively; these were deemed especially heinous for undermining core Catholic doctrines like the Immaculate Conception and Real Presence.[64][3] Hostias or singular hostia, deriving from the Latin hostia for sacrificial victim and applied to the communion wafer consecrated during Mass, functions as an intensifier akin to "damn" or "hell," as in ¡hostias! for sudden annoyance. This profanity desecrates the sacrament by equating the body of Christ with trivial or violent exclamation, a usage rooted in Spain's ritualistic religious culture where the Eucharist symbolized ultimate reverence; historical analyses link its profane adoption to patterns of "Catholic guilt cycles," wherein suppressed piety paradoxically fueled explosive irreverence under duress. Milder dilutions, like ¡Dios mío! ("My God!"), retain invocatory form but attenuate blasphemy for polite contexts, reflecting adaptive euphemisms observed in Inquisition-era testimonies where speakers mitigated oaths to evade full prosecution.[40][39] Despite secularization trends, these expressions underscore a causal persistence of confessional heritage in linguistic taboo, with empirical surveys indicating higher incidence in regions of strong Catholic adherence, such as rural Castile, over urban or Latin American variants.[65]References to Mary and Saints
Profanities referencing the Virgin Mary in Spanish typically employ scatological imagery to desecrate her venerated status within Hispanic Catholicism, where she holds a central role as La Virgen María or advocaciones like Virgen del Pilar. A prevalent form is the expression "me cago en la Virgen," literally "I shit on the Virgin," used to convey intense exasperation or contempt, often intensified as "me cago en la Virgen Santísima" or targeted at regional icons such as "me cago en la Virgen del Pilar."[66][67] This phrasing inverts sacred purity into profane bodily waste, reflecting a pattern in Peninsular Spanish where blasphemy amplifies emotional release through sacrilege.[68] Variants incorporate sexual derogation, uniquely gendered due to Mary's feminine iconography, such as "la puta Virgen" ("the whore Virgin"), combining blasphemy with insults to chastity and motherhood ideals central to Catholic Mariology.[69] Such terms appear in documented outbursts, as in actor Willy Toledo's 2017 Facebook post stating "Me cago en la Virgen del Pilar y me cago en todo lo que se menea," which prompted criminal proceedings for offending religious sentiments under Spain's penal code, highlighting their perceived severity in contexts of public devotion.[66][70] Toledo was ultimately acquitted in 2020, but the case underscored ongoing legal scrutiny of Marian profanities in Spain, where they evoke historical Inquisition-era prohibitions against blasphemies targeting Mary.[71][70] References to saints are less frequent but follow similar scatological desecration, often bundled with divine or Marian insults, as in "me cago en los santos" ("I shit on the saints") or specifics like San Pedro and San Pablo in extended rants equating them to damned figures.[72] These draw from Catholicism's hagiographic tradition, profaning intercessory roles, though empirical data on their usage lags behind Marian examples due to Mary's elevated status as Theotokos. In devout regions like Aragon or historically Catholic strongholds, surveys of linguistic taboos indicate blasphemies against Mary and saints rank highest in offensiveness among religious profanities, correlating with religiosity levels where 70-80% of respondents in Spain view them as gravely sinful.[4] This taboo persists despite secularization, as evidenced by public backlash and prosecutions, contrasting milder scatological terms without sacred targets.[73]Historical Taboos and Legal Repercussions
During the Spanish Inquisition, established in 1478 and operative until 1834, blasphemy against Christian doctrine was prosecuted as a grave offense, often resulting in penalties such as public penance, fines equivalent to several months' wages, scourging, banishment, or imprisonment in galleys for repeat offenders.[74] In cases involving persistent or egregious blasphemy, such as denying sacraments or invoking divine names irreverently, inquisitorial tribunals imposed auto-da-fé spectacles where culprits faced humiliation or, rarely, execution if combined with heresy; records indicate thousands of blasphemy trials annually in the 16th-17th centuries, reflecting the era's theocratic enforcement to maintain doctrinal purity amid post-Reconquista religious consolidation.[75] These measures stemmed from causal imperatives of state-religion fusion, where verbal sacrilege threatened social order by eroding fear of divine retribution and clerical authority. Under Francisco Franco's regime (1939-1975), blasphemy taboos intensified through state-enforced Catholic orthodoxy, with censorship boards prohibiting profane language in media, theater, and publications that offended religious sentiments; violations incurred fines, imprisonment up to six years, or public retractions, as seen in the 1940s-1960s suppression of anticlerical works during Spain's isolationist Catholic corporatism.[76] This era's repercussions causally linked to civil war legacies, where Republican anticlerical violence prompted reactionary controls, yet enforcement waned in urban areas by the 1970s amid economic modernization and Vatican II influences softening doctrinal rigidity. Post-1978 democratic transition and secularization—evidenced by church attendance dropping from 40% weekly in 1980 to under 20% by 2020—correlated with diminished blasphemy taboos, though Article 525 of the Penal Code retained de facto provisions punishing public insults to religious feelings with fines up to 12-24 months' salary or short prison terms.[39] Enforcement remains rare, with most cases dismissed; a 2018 conviction imposed six months' imprisonment for disrupting Mass with shouts, but appeals often succeed under free expression precedents.[77] Rural persistence endures in conservative regions like Castilla y León, where empirical surveys show higher offense perception among older demographics tied to residual Catholic identity, contrasting urban normalization where such language integrates into casual discourse without repercussion.[78] Proposals to repeal Article 525 advanced in 2025, signaling further causal erosion from pluralism and declining religiosity.[77]Sexual Profanity
Terms for Intercourse and Related Acts
In Spanish-speaking regions, profane verbs denoting sexual intercourse function primarily as expletives for emphasis, frustration, or aggression, often detached from literal copulation in usage. The most prevalent include joder and follar in Peninsular Spanish, coger across much of Latin America, and chingar in Mexican variants.[31][79] These terms derive from metaphorical extensions of physical or combative actions, with joder evolving from notions of joining or thrusting in vulgar contexts, follar from Vulgar Latin fullāre implying beating or stuffing, coger from seizing or taking in Andalusian slang exported to the Americas, and chingar from Caló čingarár signifying fighting or harming.[80][17][81] Regional distributions highlight dialectal strengths: joder dominates casual Peninsular speech as a versatile intensifier, while follar conveys raw copulation more explicitly there; coger prevails in Mexico, Central America, Argentina, and surrounding areas for intercourse but risks misunderstanding in Spain, where it innocuously means "to grab." Chingar stands out in Mexican usage for its inherent violence, etymologically tied to assaultive connotations that amplify its profane force in expressions of betrayal or domination, such as idiomatic extensions implying familial violation.[31][82][79] Derivatives adapt these roots into idiomatic phrases for non-literal acts, like joderse or a joderse in Spain for "to get screwed" or resigned misfortune, and me chingó in Mexico for being victimized or outmaneuvered. Psycholinguistic studies on swearing demonstrate that invoking such terms during arguments or stress yields cathartic effects, including lowered physiological arousal and pain tolerance, applicable to Spanish speakers as with other languages through emotional venting.[83][84] This utility persists despite cultural variances, where the terms' taboo status enhances their rhetorical punch in confrontations.[85]Male Genitalia References
References to male genitalia constitute a prominent category in Spanish profanity, often deployed to convey intensity, insult, or assertions of masculinity. The term verga, widespread in Latin American Spanish, literally signifies the penis—etymologically from Latin virga ("rod")—and functions as an expletive for frustration or surprise, equivalent to "dick" or "hell" in exclamations like "¡Qué verga!" (What the hell!).[86][47] In Peninsular Spanish, polla serves a parallel role as slang for "cock" or penis, frequently appearing in derogatory phrases such as gilipollas ("dickhead," implying stupidity).[87][47] Carajo, originating as a reference to the penis in nautical or archaic contexts, has evolved into a versatile interjection meaning "fuck," "damn," or "hell," with residual anatomical undertones amplifying its vulgar force across Spain and Latin America.[47] For testicles, cojones (balls) and huevos (eggs) predominate; the former carries a potent metaphorical extension to courage, as in tener cojones ("to have balls"), symbolizing audacity and machismo by linking bravery to perceived genital robustness.[47][88] This idiom pervades expressions of defiance or admiration, such as praising someone who "has cojones" for bold actions, reflecting cultural equations of male anatomy with fortitude.[47] Such terms underscore machismo symbolism, where genitalia invocations affirm dominance or resilience, particularly in confrontational or boastful speech. Linguistic research highlights their elevated use in male bonding, with men exhibiting a "profanity gap"—employing expletives, including sexual ones, more often in same-sex conversations than women, thereby reinforcing group solidarity through unfiltered vulgarity.[89][33] This pattern aligns with broader findings on gendered profanity, where males leverage genitalia references to navigate social hierarchies.[90]Female Genitalia References
"Coño", derived from the Latin cunnus meaning vulva, is a highly taboo term across Spain and many Latin American countries, directly referencing female genitalia while functioning as a general expletive akin to "fuck" or "cunt" in exclamations of frustration or emphasis, such as "¡Coño!". Its potency stems from explicit anatomical reference, rendering it more inflammatory in polite contexts than milder slang.[3] Regional variants include "concha", prevalent in Rioplatense Spanish (Argentina, Uruguay), literally meaning "shell" but denoting the vagina with extreme offensiveness, often evoking visceral disgust in insults like "concha de tu madre".[91] In Andean countries such as Peru and Chile, "chucha" or "chocha" serves a similar role, directly implying female genitals and carrying severe pejorative weight in verbal confrontations.[92] "Panocha", used in Mexico and parts of Central America, refers to the vulva (with a secondary euphemistic sense of a corn cob sweet), but in profane usage escalates to high offensiveness when weaponized.[93] Empirical surveys of native speakers reveal a taboo hierarchy where female genitalia terms like "coño" and "concha" elicit stronger emotional aversion and higher offensiveness ratings than male counterparts such as "polla" or "verga", with mean scores indicating greater perceived vulgarity across Spanish varieties.[4] [34] This disparity aligns with cross-cultural patterns in profanity, where sex-related words—particularly those tied to female anatomy—rank among the most taboo due to entrenched social norms.[34] Causally, such asymmetries arise from historical patriarchal structures that enforce stricter controls on female sexuality to regulate lineage and reproduction, rendering references to female genitals symbolically more polluting or disruptive to social order than male equivalents, a pattern observable in linguistic evolution without reliance on ideologically skewed interpretations.[94] Gendered usage data further show women perceiving and avoiding these terms more acutely, perpetuating the cycle through self-censorship in mixed settings.[89]Derogatory Sexual Insults
"Puta" denotes a prostitute or promiscuous woman in Spanish, serving as a potent derogatory term that impugns a female's sexual morality.[95] This insult extends beyond literal prostitution to accuse women of loose sexual conduct, often deployed in interpersonal conflicts to evoke shame through associations with infidelity or transactional sex.[95] Similarly, "zorra," literally meaning "female fox," functions as slang for a cunning or promiscuous woman, equating slyness with sexual deviance in a pejorative manner. For males, "cabrón," derived from the goat (cabra) symbolizing lust but inverted to signify emasculation, labels a man who endures his partner's infidelity, particularly if he tolerates it passively.[96] This term underscores betrayal's sting, portraying the target as weak or complicit in sexual dishonor rather than merely anatomical inadequacy.[96] The compound insult "hijo de puta," translating to "son of a whore," attacks an individual's character by alleging their mother's promiscuity, thereby linking the target's worth to familial sexual scandal and implying inherited moral failing through infidelity narratives.[97] Regional variations highlight semantic shifts; in Rioplatense Spanish, including Argentina, "puto" (masculine form of puta) frequently diverges from denoting a male prostitute to broader pejorative uses, though retaining roots in sexual derogation distinct from female-targeted terms. These insults commonly arise in relational disputes, where accusations of promiscuity or cuckoldry serve to weaponize perceived sexual betrayals, reflecting cultural emphases on fidelity as a cornerstone of honor.[31]Scatological and Bodily Profanity
Excretory Functions and Substances
In Spanish, the verb cagar denotes the act of defecation and serves as a foundational profane term across dialects, often employed literally to express urgency ("me cago", meaning "I need to shit") or figuratively to indicate failure or messiness ("cagarla", to botch something).[98] The noun mierda, referring to feces, extends to metaphorical uses denoting worthlessness or disdain, as in "no vale una mierda" (it's not worth shit), a phrase ubiquitous in everyday speech from Spain to Latin America.[99] These terms derive from visceral bodily functions but carry relatively low taboo value in informal contexts, contrasting with stronger sexual or religious profanities, due to their frequent normalization in humor and frustration without invoking deep moral offense.[100] For urination, mear functions as the informal, profane equivalent to defecation's cagar, while pis or pijo (regional variant for urine in some dialects) names the substance, often in blunt expressions like "me voy a mear" (I'm going to piss).[101] Euphemistic forms such as hacer caca (to poop) or hacer pis persist in childish or polite registers, but profane variants dominate adult slang, emphasizing expulsion as a metaphor for rejection or expulsion of value, e.g., "echar mierda" (to spew nonsense, akin to shitting out words). This scatological lexicon remains consistent across Spanish-speaking regions, with minimal lexical variation beyond synonyms like popó or caquita in diminutive, non-profane forms, underscoring a cultural pragmatism toward excretory references in casual profanity.[102]Buttocks and Anus Terms
In Spanish-speaking regions, profanity terms for the buttocks and anus frequently appear in everyday vulgar speech, often conveying contempt, exaggeration, or anatomical reference without the explicit sexual connotations of genital terms. These words derive from colloquial anatomy and vary regionally, with broader acceptability in informal contexts compared to more taboo scatological expressions. Unlike genitalia references, which tend to invoke gendered insults, buttocks and anus terms are applied more neutrally across targets, emphasizing physicality over reproductive implications.[1] The term culo, the most prevalent word for "ass" or buttocks, functions literally to denote the rear end and figuratively in insults or idioms denoting annoyance or inferiority. For instance, dolor en el culo translates to "pain in the ass," describing someone or something persistently irritating, as in workplace or relational frustrations. This usage underscores disdain without direct scatological focus, distinguishing it from excretory profanity. Regional variants include fundillo or fundío in parts of Latin America, softening the reference to the backside while retaining vulgar undertones in emphatic speech.[26] In Rioplatense Spanish, particularly Argentina and Uruguay, orto serves as a cruder synonym for culo or the anus, often amplifying disdain in confrontational exchanges. Ojete, explicitly denoting the anus, carries similar intensity and appears in hyperbolic expressions of luck or misfortune, though its profane edge limits formal use. Phrases like en el culo extend these terms metaphorically, as in rejecting proposals with "me lo meto en el culo" to signify utter disregard, rooted in cultural norms of bodily irreverence for emphasis. Such constructions highlight causal links between physical imagery and emotional rejection, prevalent in oral traditions over written media.[104][1]General Bodily Insults
In Spanish profanity, general bodily insults target non-genital and non-excretory physical features, such as breasts or overall physique, but these form a limited subset compared to dominant sexual and scatological categories. The term tetas, a vulgar designation for breasts prevalent in Spain and Latin America, occasionally features in derogatory contexts to mock physical attributes, as in phrases like "tetas de mierda" (shitty tits), which combines bodily reference with scatological intensification for heightened disdain. However, tetas rarely functions as an independent swear, more often embedding in hybrid or blasphemous constructions that amplify vulgarity through additional taboo elements.[105] Linguistic analyses classify such insults under broader taboo vocabulary involving body parts, yet empirical inventories reveal their marginal prevalence; sexual terms (e.g., for genitalia or acts) and scatological references (e.g., excretory functions) overwhelmingly predominate in Spanish swearing corpora, reflecting deeper cultural sensitivities to reproductive and eliminative privacy over neutral somatic traits. Hybrid forms like "cuerpo de mierda" (shitty body) derogate the entire form as defective or loathsome, but their offensiveness derives primarily from the expletive modifier rather than the bodily descriptor alone, underscoring the auxiliary role of pure bodily derogations in expressive profanity.[106][107]Insults Targeting Character and Identity
Personal Flaws and Stupidity
In Spanish-speaking contexts, profanity targeting personal flaws and stupidity emphasizes cognitive shortcomings like foolishness, dullness, or intellectual laziness, often through metaphors evoking animals or physical ineptitude. These insults are staples of informal discourse, particularly in confrontations where speakers seek to undermine an opponent's judgment or wit. The term pendejo, common across Latin America especially in Mexico, denotes a fool, idiot, or coward lacking mental acuity; it originates from Latin pectinicŭlus, referring to pubic hair, with semantic shift over centuries to signify triviality and then stupidity.[38][108] In usage, it implies not just low intelligence but also gullibility, as in calling someone easily deceived.[109] Gilipollas, primarily Peninsular Spanish, describes an excessively stupid or foolish person, derived from gilí (a Caló term for silly or daft) compounded with vulgar elements; the Real Academia Española defines it as a colloquial pejorative for the dim-witted.[110] It conveys a sense of compounded idiocy, often in everyday rebukes of poor reasoning. Buey (or Mexican variant güey), likens the target to an ox—slow, castrated, and plodding—highlighting perceived torpor and lack of smarts; historically an insult for the ignorant or oblivious, it has softened in some slang to a casual address but retains derogatory force in heated exchanges.[111][112] Such terms appear routinely in spontaneous speech corpora of informal interactions, underscoring their role in asserting dominance through intellect-based derogation rather than physical or identity traits.[113]Betrayal and Cuckoldry Terms
In Spanish profanity, terms denoting betrayal and cuckoldry primarily target men perceived as failing to prevent or tolerate their partner's infidelity, emphasizing relational disloyalty and emasculation. The word cabrón, derived from the male goat (cabra), literally denotes a lecherous or cunning animal but colloquially insults a man who endures his partner's unfaithfulness, particularly if he consents to it, implying weakness or complicity in betrayal.[96] This usage extends to broader accusations of bastardly behavior or deceit, always carrying a derogatory connotation in interpersonal conflicts.[114] Similarly, cornudo refers to a person, especially a husband, who is the victim of spousal infidelity, evoking the image of horns (cuernos) as a traditional symbol of cuckoldry across Romance languages, where "putting horns" (poner los cuernos) signifies cheating.[115] The term attacks personal honor by suggesting ignorance, impotence, or indifference to betrayal, often escalating verbal disputes into accusations of failed masculinity.[116] These insults appear frequently in documented cases of honor-related violence in historical Spanish colonial records, where they provoked physical confrontations by challenging a man's authority over his household.[117] In machista cultures prevalent in Spain and Latin America, such terms are potent because they link betrayal to codified expectations of male dominance and familial control, where a cuckold's status undermines social standing and invites ridicule or aggression.[96] Unlike mere personal flaws, these profanities invoke a causal chain from infidelity to reputational ruin, rooted in pre-modern European folklore associating horns with duped husbands, a motif persisting in modern slang despite regional variations in intensity. Usage remains context-dependent, with cabrón sometimes softening among familiars but retaining its sting in accusations of disloyalty.[114]Homosexual and Gender-Based Slurs
Maricón is a longstanding Spanish slur primarily directed at men exhibiting effeminate traits or perceived homosexual behavior, with etymological roots tracing to medieval associations with male prostitution and cowardice. Its usage spans Spain and Latin America, where it functions as a derogatory term implying weakness or deviance, often extended beyond sexual orientation to denote general inadequacy. A 2022 empirical study of attitudes in Madrid revealed that maricón elicits higher offensiveness ratings than the female equivalent bollera, though participants reported tolerance for its "friendly" deployment among close male acquaintances, suggesting contextual in-group reclamation.[118] Queer artists and collectives, such as the Maricón Collective formed around 2015, have attempted to repurpose the term in cultural works to subvert its pejorative force, akin to English-language efforts with similar slurs.[119] Puto, literally meaning "male prostitute," serves as a homosexual slur in many Latin American varieties, particularly Mexico, where it connotes effeminacy or submission. Frequently chanted by fans during soccer matches—such as Mexico's 2014 World Cup games—it draws FIFA fines for homophobic content, yet defenders argue its primary role as an intensifier detached from literal intent.[120] In Mexican contexts, puto retains dual valence: a direct insult targeting male homosexuality when applied personally, but a generalized expletive in phrases like ¡dos putos goles! (two fucking goals).[121] This ambiguity fuels debates, with post-2016 Orlando shooting analyses highlighting its offensive undertones despite non-literal sports usage.[122] Regional variants include joto, a Mexican term equivalent to an effeminate homosexual male, classified as extremely offensive in dictionaries and slang compilations for its discriminatory intent.[123] Predominant in Mexico, Honduras, and Chile, joto emerged in urban slang to demean gay men, with no widespread reclamation noted in linguistic records. Manflor, blending "man" with flor (flower) to evoke floral stereotypes of male delicacy, appears in Argentine and broader South American profanity as a gendered insult linking homosexuality to femininity.[124] Empirical patterns indicate these slurs maintain potency in rural and traditional Spanish-speaking enclaves, where normative masculinity resists dilution, contrasting with urban centers like Madrid, where youth familiarity reduces taboo through ironic or affiliative applications.[118] However, cross-cultural surveys underscore persistent offensiveness, with slurs like maricón embedded in societal attitudes toward non-conforming gender expression.Racial, Ethnic, and Class Derogatives
In Spanish-speaking regions, racial, ethnic, and class derogatives often trace their origins to the colonial casta system implemented by Spain in the Americas from the 16th to 19th centuries, which hierarchically classified populations by ancestry—prioritizing European peninsulares and criollos above indios, negros, mestizos, and other mixed groups labeled with terms evoking inferiority or animalistic traits, such as zambo or lobo.[125][126] This framework institutionalized ethnic stratification, fostering slurs that persisted beyond independence as markers of social exclusion, particularly targeting indigenous, African-descended, and lower-class groups perceived as deviations from European norms.[125] In Latin America, indio—originally denoting indigenous peoples under colonial administration—evolved into a common slur implying backwardness or inferiority, as seen in phrases like pinche indio (fucking Indian), which encapsulate enduring anti-indigenous prejudice amid widespread racism.[127][128] Similarly, prieto, referring to dark-skinned individuals, functions as a derogatory term in Mexico, often wielded against those with visible African or indigenous traits to denote undesirability or low status.[129] Class-based ethnic slurs like Mexican naco blend socioeconomic disdain with racial undertones, targeting perceived tackiness or vulgarity in lower classes, frequently those with indigenous or darker features; historically used by elites against rural or urban poor mimicking higher styles, it reinforces hierarchies rooted in colonial disdain for non-European phenotypes.[130][131] In Spain, gitano—applied to Roma communities since their arrival in the 15th century—carries pejorative connotations of deceit or criminality, as in usages equating it with swindling, despite ongoing efforts to reclaim or neutralize the term amid historical marginalization.[132][133] These terms endure in informal or private contexts, evading public censure while reflecting unresolved ethnic tensions from imperial legacies.[127]Social and Cultural Functions
Expressive Roles in Communication
In Spanish communication, profanity functions pragmatically to convey raw emotions and interpersonal dynamics that standard lexicon often inadequately captures, serving as an emotive intensifier where context-dependent taboo connotations amplify impact. Linguistic analyses classify these uses into categories such as expressive (for emotional discharge), emphatic (for reinforcement), abusive (for confrontation), and idiomatic (for formulaic emphasis), with swear words like joder or coño deployed to signal irritation, surprise, or enthusiasm in colloquial speech.[134][135] For instance, exclamations such as "¡Joder!" express sudden surprise or agreement, filling lexical voids in polite registers by leveraging scatological or sexual taboos for visceral emphasis.[135][136] These terms also build solidarity in in-group settings, where shared profanity reinforces bonds and signals informality, as seen in vocatives like "coño" used affectionately among peers to mitigate face-threatening acts or enhance conversational flow.[135][136] In confrontational contexts, profanity escalates threats or abuse, such as "¡Hija de puta!" to degrade an interlocutor's status and assert dominance, exploiting the words' inherent power from cultural prohibitions on bodily and religious references.[137] This pragmatic potency stems from profanity's dual denotative-connotative nature, enabling cathartic release of tension—akin to Freudian valves for repressed impulses—while humorously subverting norms in playful exchanges, like emphatic idioms "¡Esto es la hostia!" to heighten admiration or ridicule.[136][134] Overall, such usages address expressive gaps in neutral vocabulary, prioritizing affective communication over referential precision in everyday interactions.[135]Gender and Generational Disparities
Men employ profanity in Spanish at significantly higher rates than women, particularly terms with aggressive, sexual, or scatological connotations. In analyses of spontaneous speech from the Spanish Gran Hermano (Big Brother) contestants, males produced expletives at 9.5 instances per thousand words, compared to 4.5 for females, with men showing greater variation in same-sex and mixed interactions.[33] Among Madrid adolescents aged 13-19, boys used 314 vulgar expressions across recorded conversations versus 140 by girls, deploying a wider array (75 distinct insults versus 40) and favoring potent ones like hijo de puta (32 times by boys, once by girls), often tied to sexual derogation or maternal insults.[138] Females, by contrast, leaned toward emotional exclamations (63% of their instances) and avoided direct references to male genitalia.[33] This gender disparity persists but has narrowed post-2000, especially among younger women. In the Gran Hermano data, females under 28 exhibited elevated profanity in mixed-gender contexts, exceeding expectations relative to older females and approaching male rates in some cases, suggesting a convergence driven by informal media exposure and shifting social norms rather than equalization.[33] Such trends challenge assumptions of uniform linguistic behavior across sexes, as men's usage remains skewed toward confrontational forms while women's stays comparatively restrained. Generational patterns reveal higher overall profanity frequency among youth. Younger Gran Hermano participants swore more per thousand words than their elders, aligning with broader observations of intensified informal speech in adolescent corpora like Madrid's youth conversations.[33] Older speakers, influenced by Spain's historically Catholic context, disproportionately retain blasphemous variants—expressions merging religious sacrilege with bodily functions, such as me cago en Dios—which endure as markers of traditional expressive styles amid secularization, though quantitative age-stratified data on type preferences remain sparse.[89] These disparities underscore profanity's role in signaling cohort-specific identities, with erosion of conventional gender and age hierarchies correlating to amplified adoption across demographics.Profanity in Humor, Media, and Subcultures
In Spanish literature, profanity has served as a tool for satire and social critique, notably in Francisco de Quevedo's La vida del Buscón llamado Don Pablos (composed circa 1603–1608, published 1626), where coarse language depicts the degradations of picaresque life to condemn societal hypocrisy and vulgarity.[139] Quevedo's use of terms evoking bodily functions and insults underscores the grotesque underbelly of 17th-century Spain, employing vulgarity not merely for shock but to expose moral failings among all classes. Post-1975, after Francisco Franco's death and the dismantling of censorship under his regime, Spanish audiovisual media saw a rise in profane language, aligning with democratic transitions and reflecting freer expression in dubbing and original content.[140] This shift normalized soez terms in television series and films, as translators increasingly retained or adapted swear words to match source material's intensity rather than softening them, contributing to a "vulgarization" trend in dubbed English-to-Spanish content.[141] Streaming platforms amplified this from the 2010s, with Netflix series like Élite (2018 onward) featuring uncensored profanity in dialogue to portray adolescent rebellion and class tensions authentically, bypassing traditional broadcast restrictions.[142] In subcultures, profanity permeates football fandom, where La Liga supporters routinely chant phrases like "hijo de puta" directed at players or officials, as documented in incidents such as the 2015 abuse toward FC Barcelona's Jordi Alba.[143] Similarly, Mexican football crowds employ the slur "puto" during goal kicks, a practice persisting despite FIFA fines, rooted in ultras' expressive aggression.[144] Urban genres like trap and narco corridos in Mexico integrate profane slang, with corridos narrating cartel exploits using terms like "verga" for emphasis, as evoked in cultural depictions of Sinaloa figures.[145] These elements foster group identity and cathartic release within fan and gang milieus.Controversies and Impacts
Censorship, Decorum, and Language Purity Debates
During the Franco dictatorship (1939–1975), censorship policies rigorously suppressed profanity in print, theater, film, and broadcasting to align with Catholic doctrine and regime ideology, viewing obscene language as a threat to moral order and national unity.[146] Authorities enforced these restrictions through state bodies like the Censorship Board, which excised or banned works containing vulgar terms, often equating them with immorality or subversion.[146] Post-transition to democracy, formal prohibitions eased, yet debates over language purity intensified among linguists and cultural conservatives, who contend that unchecked profanity degrades public discourse and fosters incivility. Surveys of contemporary Spanish usage reveal a marked rise in swearing frequency—younger cohorts (under 28) employ strong expletives up to twice as often as older groups in informal settings like reality TV discourse—attributed by critics to media normalization and educational laxity.[89] Such arguments frame profanity as symptomatic of vulgarization, with diachronic analyses of audiovisual translations showing translators amplifying swearword intensity and volume in Spanish dubs compared to originals, potentially accelerating linguistic coarseness.[147] Empirical data, however, refute causal ties between profanity proliferation and moral or societal decline; laboratory and field studies link swearing to enhanced perceived honesty and emotional arousal without correlating it to dishonesty, aggression escalation, or ethical erosion.[148] In EU Spain, Organic Law 10/2022 on sexual freedom and related hate speech statutes have induced self-censorship in media and social platforms, where profanity-adjacent expressions face prosecution risks, prompting translators and producers to soften or omit terms to evade broad "offense" interpretations.[149] This regulatory tilt lacks substantiation from longitudinal evidence tying profanity curbs to behavioral improvements, underscoring critiques that such measures prioritize subjective decorum over verifiable free-expression benefits.[150]Psychological Catharsis vs. Social Degradation
Laboratory experiments have demonstrated that uttering swear words can elicit a hypoalgesic effect, increasing pain tolerance and reducing perceived pain intensity. In a 2009 study involving a cold-pressor task, participants who repeated a swear word while submerging their hand in ice water tolerated the pain for significantly longer—approximately 40 seconds more on average—compared to those repeating a neutral word, with accompanying elevations in heart rate suggesting emotional arousal as the mechanism.[151] Subsequent research has replicated this, attributing the effect to swearing's capacity to provoke an adrenaline-mediated stress response that modulates nociception, potentially serving as a short-term outlet for aggression or discomfort without direct physical action.[152] Additionally, self-reported surveys indicate inverse correlations between profanity use and levels of stress, anxiety, and depression, implying a role in emotional regulation akin to catharsis.[83] Conversely, empirical data link profanity exposure and use to heightened incivility and aggressive tendencies, particularly among youth. A 2011 longitudinal study of adolescents found that frequent exposure to profanity in television and video games positively associated with permissive attitudes toward swearing, increased personal profanity use, and elevated aggressive behavior, with statistical models showing indirect pathways from media consumption to real-world aggression via attitudinal shifts.[153] Youth surveys corroborate this, revealing that teens with higher profanity habits exhibit greater verbal aggression and antisocial inclinations, potentially normalizing coarseness in social interactions.[154] In adult contexts, uncivil language including profanity correlates with escalated emotional responses and reduced interpersonal trust, fostering environments of mutual antagonism rather than resolution.[155] While profanity may provide acute psychological relief in controlled settings, its broader societal patterns reflect and amplify declining civility without evidence of primary causation in cultural degradation. Correlations with rising incivility align with observational trends of normalized swearing in public discourse since the early 2000s, yet experimental designs fail to establish swearing as a driver of antisociality; instead, it mirrors underlying emotional dysregulation or weakened social norms.[156] This bidirectional dynamic suggests profanity functions more as a symptom of frayed restraint than an independent corroder, though habitual reliance risks habituation, diminishing its cathartic potency over time.[157] Balanced assessment favors viewing it as a neutral linguistic tool, beneficial for individual stress modulation but contributory to collective coarsening when unchecked by context.Cross-Cultural Translation Challenges
Translating Spanish profanity cross-culturally encounters significant barriers due to variations in cultural taboos and semantic equivalence, often resulting in diluted or omitted expressions that fail to convey the original emotional intensity. In audiovisual translation (AVT), particularly subtitling, constraints such as limited screen space and synchronization exacerbate these issues, leading translators to prioritize literal meaning over pragmatic force. For instance, Spanish blasphemous terms like hostia or me cago en la Virgen, rooted in Catholic sacrilege and carrying heightened offensiveness in Hispanic contexts, lack direct counterparts in languages like English, where profanity more commonly targets sexuality or excrement.[1] Empirical analyses of AVT practices indicate that such religious profanities are frequently rendered with neutral or euphemistic substitutes, diluting their taboo impact to align with target audience sensitivities.[158] A notable case arises in the subtitling of English-language films into European Spanish, as seen in Quentin Tarantino's Pulp Fiction (1994), where source-text profanities are adapted but often softened to avoid invoking stronger Spanish blasphemies, which could amplify perceived vulgarity beyond the original intent. Studies of Tarantino's oeuvre reveal that up to 65% of profane and blasphemous phrases may not be fully transferred in Spanish subtitles, with blasphemy entirely absent in some instances due to cultural untranslatability.[159] [160] This dilution stems from causal differences in taboo hierarchies: Spanish-speaking regions exhibit greater aversion to religious desecration, prompting translators to employ compensatory strategies like intensification via sexual vulgarities, yet these rarely achieve functional equivalence.[161] Regional variants within Spanish further complicate dubbing, as Latin American adaptations for Spain or vice versa necessitate adjustments to profanity levels and connotations to prevent unintended offense. Latin American dubs of U.S. films, for example, often employ neutralized or softened terms to accommodate diverse national sensitivities, such as avoiding Spain's direct blasphemies that might scandalize more conservative Latin American markets.[162] Translation studies grounded in descriptive approaches confirm that these mismatches arise from empirical patterns in cultural norms, where no universal profane lexicon exists, hindering full equivalence and occasionally leading to domestication that alters the source dialogue's social dynamics.[163][2]References
- https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/follar
- https://www.academia.edu/117320097/[Taboo](/page/Taboo)