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San Lorenzo in Miranda occupies the Temple of Antoninus and Faustina, Rome, conserving the pronaos.
The Temple of Gaius and Lucius, known today as the Maison Carrée at Nîmes, owes its preservation to its conversion to a church.

The Christianization of sites that had been pagan occurred as a result of conversions in early Christian times, as well as an important part of the strategy of Interpretatio Christiana ("Christian reinterpretation") during the Christianization of pagan peoples.[a] The landscape itself was Christianized, as prominent features were rededicated to Christian saints, sometimes quite directly, as when the island of Oglasa in the Tyrrhenian Sea was christened Montecristo.

Early Christianity

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In the first centuries of Christianity churches were either house churches in whatever houses were offered for use by their owners, or were shrines on the burial-sites of martyrs or saints, which following the usual classical practice were invariably on the (then) edges of cities—the necropolis was always outside the polis. In Rome the early basilica churches of St. Peter's, Saint Paul Outside the Walls and San Lorenzo fuori le Mura, all follow this pattern. This distinction was gradually broken down, perhaps earliest in Roman Africa, as relics of the saints came to be kept in city-centre churches. By the 6th century bishops were often buried inside their cathedral, and other Christians followed.[1]

Given the plethora of worship locations for various cults, many had fallen into disuse well before the rise of Christianity. The establishment of a third century Roman military camp in the temple complex at Luxor demonstrates an ongoing process of adaptive re-use. Obsolete temples often had their stone elements repurposed for use in new construction.[2]

After the Peace of the Church, the old pagan temples continued to function but gradually fell into disuse, and were finally all closed by the decrees of Theodosius I at the end of the 4th century. Initially they were shunned by Christians, perhaps because of their pagan associations, but also because their shape did not suit Christian requirements: "To the early Church, only one sort of building seemed suitable for christianization: the basilica", which had previously always been a secular type of building.[3]

Ancient Rome and Greece

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Rome

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In Rome itself, numerous buildings including pagan temples and other sites were converted into churches, and several major archeological sites owe their preservation to this. On the Roman Forum alone, the Curia Iulia or Roman Senate building (Sant'Adriano in Foro), the Temple of Antoninus and Faustina (San Lorenzo in Miranda), and the Temple of Romulus (Santi Cosma e Damiano) were transformed into churches, and the churches of San Giuseppe dei Falegnami and San Pietro in Carcere were built above the Mamertine Prison nearby, where Sts. Peter and Paul were reputed to have been held.

"Santa Maria Rotonda" (Pantheon)

The Pantheon in Rome was once a temple dedicated to the Roman gods and it was converted to a Roman Catholic church dedicated to St. Mary and the Martyrs. Eventually the prime sites of the pagan temples were very often occupied for churches, the church of Santa Maria sopra Minerva (literally Saint Mary above Minerva) in Rome, Christianized about 750, being simply the most obvious example. The Basilica of Junius Bassus was made a church in the late fifth century. However this process did not really begin in Rome itself until the 6th and 7th centuries, and was still under way during the Renaissance, when the Pantheon (which had been made a church in the 7th century) and Santa Maria degli Angeli e dei Martiri and San Bernardo alle Terme made from parts of the enormous Baths of Diocletian.[3]

One of the most richly adorned churches, the Basilica di San Clemente, was, according to Christian tradition, built on top of Titus Flavius Clemens's private home, as he had allowed early Christians to worship in his home, due to having pro-Jewish sympathies. The conversion of pre-Christian places of worship, rather than their destruction, was particularly true of temples of Mithras, a religion that had been the main rival to Christianity during the 2nd and 3rd centuries, especially among the Roman legions. An early 2nd century Mithraeum stands across the Roman street from the house and can be visited. Other Mithraea have been excavated under churches, such as Santa Prisca, and Santo Stefano Rotondo.

Several churches, especially in Rome, are said to have been built on the sites of the earlier burial places of martyrs in the catacombs of Rome or elsewhere. The sanctification of burial places, and placing tombs inside churches, was a novelty of Christianity, and a break with pagan tradition, where burials were regarded as unclean, and usually only allowed beyond a set distance from a city's walls.

Vatican

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St. Peter's Basilica, the church of the Vatican, is traditionally located at the burial place of Simon Peter, and most scholars parties agree that the basilica was built on top of a large necropolis on the Vatican Hill. In 1939, an excavation underneath the grottoes which lie directly under the current Basilica, uncovered several surviving Roman mausoleums from the necropolis, and in the area directly under the high altar, below the grottoes, the excavators found a structure resembling a temple that they named the aedicula (meaning little temple).

Greece

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In Greece, the occupation of pagan sites by Christian monasteries and churches was ubiquitous.[4] Hellenic Aphrodisias in Caria was renamed Stauropolis, the "City of the Cross".[5]

Allison Franz argues that it was only after temples ceased to be regarded as serious cult sites that they were later converted to churches. "So it was by virtue of necessity rather than in token of a victorious faith that the temples of the old dispensation became the province of the new."[6]

Exceptions to this are the conversion of the Askepieion in Athens around 529, and both the Hephaisteion and Athena's temple at the Parthenon, during the seventh century, reflecting possible conflict between Christians and non-Christians.[6] In Byzantine times, the Parthenon became the Church of the Parthenos Maria (Virgin Mary), or the Church of the Theotokos (Mother of God). It was the fourth most important pilgrimage in the Eastern Roman Empire after Constantinople, Ephessos and Thessalonica.[7]

Middle Ages

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Cassiodorus, the court secretary to the Ostrogoth Theodoric the Great, described in a letter written in AD 527, a fair held at a former pagan shrine of Leucothea, in the still culturally Greek region of south Italy, which had been Christianized by converting it to a baptistery (Variae 8.33).

The shrine of Saint James at Compostela

Sulpicius Severus, in his Vita of Martin of Tours, wrote, "wherever he destroyed heathen temples, there he used immediately to build either churches or monasteries",[8] and when Benedict of Nursia took possession of the site at Monte Cassino, he began by smashing the sculpture of Apollo and the altar that crowned the height.[citation needed] Montmartre (originally Mons Martis, "Mount of Mars", later re-interpreted as Mons martyris, "Mountain of the martyr") was the site of one of the oldest surviving Christian churches in France—Saint Pierre was earlier a mercurii monte—a high place dedicated to Lugus, a major Celtic deity (and one that the Romans viewed as a homology of Mercury).

In Francia, the site chosen for the abbey of Luxueil were the ruins of a well-fortified Gallo-Roman settlement, Luxovium, that had been ravaged by Attila in 451, and was now buried in the dense overgrown woodland that had filled the abandoned site over more than a century; the place still had the advantage of the thermal baths ("constructed with unusual skill", according to Columbanus' early biographer, Jonas of Bobbio) down in the valley, which still give the town its name of Luxeuil-les-Bains. Jonas described it further: "There stone images crowded the nearby woods, which were honoured in the miserable cult and profane former rites in the time of the pagans".[9] With a grant from an officer of the palace at Childebert's court, an abbey church was built within the heathen site and its "spectral haunts".[9]

The Notre-Dame du Taur (Our Lady of the Bull), cathedral church of Toulouse, which is famous for the Encierro festival of running bulls, is thought by archaeologists to possibly be a converted temple of Mithras, whose myth focused on the tauroctony, the killing of a sacred bull.

Neolithic Tumulus topped by a Catholic church in Carnac

Among the country people (pagani) as Jean Seznec observed that euhemerist dismissal by Christian writers of pagan deities as once having been human was insufficient cause to abandon old ways: "in country districts, the chief obstacle to Christianity was offered by the tenacious survival of anthropomorphic cults; here the problem became one of still further humanizing the divinities of springs, trees and mountains, in order to rob them of their prestige".[10]

Samuel J. Barish found further examples of the transition from miraculous springs to baptisteries from Gregory of Tours (died c. 594) and Maximus, Bishop of Turin (died c. 466).[11]

Britain and Northern Europe

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A menhir in Brittany has been topped with a cross.

In Britain, the legendary King Lucius, was reported by Geoffrey of Monmouth, the often unreliable Christian chronicler, to have deliberately converted all the old temples to churches. The historical reality is discussed in a letter from Pope Gregory I to Mellitus, who was about to join Augustine of Kent among the Anglo-Saxons:

So when almighty God has led you to the most reverend man our brother Bishop Augustine, tell him what I have long gone over in my mind concerning the matter of the English: that is, that the shrines of idols amongst that people should be destroyed as little as possible, but that the idols themselves that are inside them should be destroyed. Let blessed water be made and sprinkled in these shrines, let altars be constructed and relics placed there: since if the shrines are well built it is necessary that they should be converted from the worship of demons to the service of the true God, so that as long as that people do not see their very shrines being destroyed they may put out error from their hearts and in knowledge and adoration of the true God they may gather at their accustomed places more readily.[citation needed]

A tradition grew that St Peter upon Cornhill church in London was founded by Lucius in AD 199. Interestingly the high altar of the church is sited directly above the potential site of a pagan shrine room (aedes), within the great Roman London basilica.[12] it would make the church contemporaneous to the possible Romano-British church at Silchester, similarly built adjacent to the Roman Basilica and most likely pre-Constantine in age.[13][14]

St Peter upon Cornhill church and location above London Roman Forum

Some caution may be exercised in this respect however, as other research suggests it very rare for early english christian churches to be founded in pagan temples,[15] and that when temples were turned into churches, this occurred later, in the late sixth century onwards.[16][17] Historians seem to be more confident that early english christian churches met in private homes and villas belonging the wealthy.[18]

Several Roman pagan sites in Britain may have been converted to Christian use in the 4th Century, such as the Temple of Claudius in Roman Colchester and two of the seven Romano-Celtic Temples in the town, all of which underwent restructuring in the 300s AD and around which have been found early Christian symbols such as the Chi Rho.[19][20]

The British Isles and other areas of northern Europe that were formerly druidic are still densely punctuated by holy wells and holy springs that are now attributed to some local saint. An example of the pre-Christian water spirit is the melusina.

In Britain and many other parts of Europe trees were also sometimes seen as sacred or the home of tree spirits.[citation needed] When Britain was Christianized this resulted in a change of the landscape. In some instances sacred groves were destroyed to discourage belief in tree spirits.[citation needed] One of the most famous of these was the Irminsul, whose ancient location is no longer known (though it may have been located at Externsteine), was obliterated by Charlemagne. Another major ancient holy tree was Thor's Oak, which was deliberately desecrated and destroyed by a Christian missionary named Winfrid (later canonised as Saint Boniface).

In Britain and the Celtic northwest of Europe, the divinities of springs were transformed into local saints who were often venerated only at the location of their "holy well".

Iberian Peninsula

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Cathedral–Mosque of Córdoba, Initially a pagan worship place, then converted into church, and then the Umayyad Moors built a mosque on the site, which is now reconverted into a Christian cathedral

Sometime toward the end of the fifth century, an abandoned "mithraeum" near present-day Motaro, was rebuilt as a church.[21]

During the Spanish Reconquista Christian populations were often brought to an area with the goal of re-establishing a Christian base, one that would be loyal to the Crown of Castile and whose culture would supplant that of the invading Moorish and Arab peoples; for example Murcia. During the process of Christianization, many of the conquered city's mosques were destroyed or reconverted into Catholic churches since most of the mosques were built on the sites of pre existing Christian structures. Typically the great Friday mosques were reconverted into cathedrals,[22] such as the Great Mosque of Cordoba reconverted into a cathedral in 1236, as it was a church before the Arab-Muslim invasion.

Santiago de Compostela is a major site of Christian pilgrimage, and said in Christian tradition to originate as the burial place of Saint James the Great; pilgrims traditionally follow the Way of St. James until they reach the Cathedral, but then, having visited the church, continue to Cape Finisterre. The continuation to Cape Finisterre is regarded by historians as unjustifiable for Christian reasons, but Finisterre has a prominent pre-Christian significance, it was considered to literally be the edge of the world (hence the name finisterre, meaning end of the world), due to it seeming to be the westernmost point of Europe (in reality, even though it juts out to the west, the more subtle Cabo da Roca holds the honour). In pre-Christian times, the souls of the dead were believed to trace their way across all Europe to Finisterre and follow the sun across the sea, and their route, the Santa Compaña, became a significant pilgrimage throughout south western Europe. Santiago de Compostela itself was held to be the place where the dead gathered together, and where their paths finally all joined together for the final stretch of the journey; one possible etymology of Compostela is burial ground, suggesting that even the name derives from the pre-Christian belief.

During the Reconquista and the Crusades, the cross served the symbolic function of physical possession that a flag would occupy today. At the siege of Lisbon in 1147, when a mixed group of Christians took the city, "What great joy and what a great abundance there was of pious tears when, to the praise and honor of God and of the most Holy Virgin Mary the saving cross was placed atop the highest tower to be seen by all as a symbol of the city's subjection."[23]

New World

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Nuestra Señora de los Remedios does not efface the Great Pyramid of Cholula, Mexico.

The Spanish in the New World converted many Native American temples into churches, following their procedure in Spain against Muslim mosques, which were often originally Christian churches.[22] The Mexico City Metropolitan Cathedral was built on an Aztec temple. Few Native American sites in North America could compare with the pyramid temples of Mexico and Central America. Often the Christianized site in Spanish America gives no indication of its former use, as at the site of a pyramid shrine to the god Huitzilopochtli that was dismantled to provide stone for the Franciscan monastery that now houses the Museo Nacional de las Intervenciones.

Balkans

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During the Ottoman conquest of the Balkans in the 15th century, many churches were converted into mosques with a minaret added, in the 19th century many former church-mosques were re-converted into churches and their minarets destroyed, such as the Church of Prophet Elijah (Thessaloniki). After the Christian Balkan states obtained independence from the Muslim Ottoman Empire, they destroyed Ottoman mosques. In many cases the minarets of the mosques were destroyed while the mosque itself was converted into a church or left to decay. The Sveti Sedmochislenitsi Church in Sofia was a 15th-century abandoned Ottoman mosque, converted into a church in the 19th century. In Croatia the only three remaining mosques from the Ottoman period, those in Đakovo, Klis and Drniš, have been converted or re-converted into Catholic churches.[24]

South Asia

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The tomb of Nawab Sayyed Khan from 1651 in Peshawar was converted into a chapel during the British colonial period.

The objective of Goa Inquisition was to enforce Catholic orthodoxy and allegiance to the Holy See. Conversions took place through the Goan Inquisition with the persecution of Hindus and the destruction of Hindu temples.

Some 160 temples were razed to the ground on the Goa island by 1566.

Between 1566 and 1567, a campaign by Franciscan missionaries destroyed another 300 Hindu temples in Bardez (North Goa).

In Salcete (South Goa), approximately another 300 Hindu temples were destroyed by the Christian officials of the Inquisition.[25]

During the British colonial period, some non-Christian sites were converted into use for Christians.

The Tomb of Anarkali, built in 1615, was temporarily converted into an Anglican church dedicated to St. James in 1851 (after being used as a clerical office), until a church was built for the congregation in 1891. Today, it serves its original purpose, as a tomb.[26]

The Tomb of Nawab Sayyed Khan in Peshawar, built in 1651 for the Mughal governor of the Peshawar and Kabul region, was converted into a chapel for use by missionaries,[27] and remains in use as such to this day.

In the Pakistani village of Maraka, Punjab, Sikh converts to Christianity have repurposed their shrine of Baba Gur Bakshi—a follower of Guru Nanak, into a Christian site.[28]

See also

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Notes

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References

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Literature

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Christianized sites encompass pre-Christian religious structures and sacred locations—ranging from Roman temples and Greek shrines to Celtic megaliths and indigenous pyramids—that were repurposed or overlaid with Christian architecture and worship practices during the religion's expansion across , the Mediterranean, and beyond. This adaptation, prominent from the onward under emperors like Constantine, involved converting pagan edifices into churches to symbolize Christianity's ascendancy, repurpose existing sacred power loci for easier popular adoption, and suppress lingering polytheistic rituals without always necessitating wholesale demolition. Archaeological evidence from and provincial sites reveals a pragmatic spectrum: some temples, like the Pantheon transformed into Santa Maria ad Martyres in 609 CE, retained structural integrity while idols were removed and altars rededicated; others faced partial reuse amid broader closures mandated by imperial edicts banning sacrifices. In peripheral regions, such as and Britain, churches often supplanted druidic or Romano-Celtic sanctuaries, as seen in alignments over tumuli or forums, reflecting tactics that co-opted perceived spaces to anchor monotheistic devotion. While this process facilitated Christianity's institutional entrenchment, it has sparked debates over cultural erasure, with empirical records indicating both deliberate in urban centers and gradual, resource-efficient transitions in rural areas, challenging narratives of uniform violence or accommodation.

Conceptual Foundations

Theological and Strategic Rationales

Theological rationales for christianizing non-Christian sites derived from biblical mandates to eradicate and redirect devotion to the God of Israel, viewing pagan worship as inherently demonic and antithetical to monotheistic truth. In Acts 17:22-23, the Apostle Paul at referenced an altar inscribed "to an " as a bridge to proclaim the Christ, effectively supplanting pagan religiosity by claiming its incomplete aspirations for the Christian rather than outright rejection. precedents, such as Deuteronomy 12:2-3 commanding the destruction of altars to foreign gods and the comprehensive reforms under King in 2 Kings 23:4-20—which involved demolishing high places and desecrating vessels used in false worship—modeled the causal necessity of nullifying sites of illicit sacrifice to prevent reversion to error, a principle early Christians extended to rededication after . This approach reflected a first-principles understanding that spiritual territories, once yielded to falsehood, required reclamation to affirm God's sovereignty over creation. Patristic literature framed such repurposing as a spiritual conquest, portraying pagan sites as demon-haunted domains whose consecration expelled malevolent forces and manifested Christ's dominion. of Caesarea, in (composed circa 337 CE), depicted Emperor Constantine's temple closures and conversions as emblematic of divine victory, with pagan shrines identified as abodes of deceiving demons subdued by and imperial decree. This theology of appropriation, echoed in broader patristic , held that unaltered destruction alone risked incomplete , whereas rededication sanctified the physical space for orthodox worship, transforming erstwhile loci of error into testimonies of redemption. Strategically, post- (313 CE), which ended official and elevated Christianity's public role, repurposing sites expedited empire-wide transition by harnessing ingrained cultural reverence for sacred locales, thereby reducing pagan backlash and logistical burdens of wholesale construction during fiscal constraints. Constantine's policies, as chronicled by , prioritized this efficiency to consolidate loyalty amid , enabling smoother integration of converts familiar with site-based rituals while signaling imperial endorsement of Christianity's ascendancy without provoking widespread revolt. Such conserved resources—stone, labor, and funds—for infrastructural priorities, aligning with the causal imperative of stabilizing a vast realm through unified cultic practice rather than iconoclastic upheaval.

Methods of Conversion and Adaptation

Christian authorities employed several practical methods to convert pagan sites, including through partial modification, outright demolition followed by reconstruction, and symbolic overlays that asserted dominance with minimal structural alteration. These techniques aimed to repurpose existing sacred spaces, neutralize perceived demonic influences, and facilitate the transition of worship practices. In partial conversions, pagan structures were retained largely intact after the removal of idols, altars, and other ritual elements, with Christian furnishings such as altars, crosses, and relics added to rededicate the site. For instance, the Pantheon in was transformed in 609 CE when , with permission from Byzantine Emperor , consecrated it as the Church of Santa Maria ad Martyres, incorporating martyrs' bones to sanctify the space. This approach preserved architectural utility while overwriting prior religious associations, as evidenced in late antique urban contexts where intact temple conversions outnumbered total destructions. Demolition and rebuilding involved razing sites to eradicate symbols of pagan power, often succeeded by church construction on the cleared ground to occupy the spiritual locus. The exemplifies this in 391 CE, when Patriarch , acting under Theodosius I's anti-pagan edicts, led its destruction to suppress lingering cult activities, paving the way for a church on the foundations. Such actions targeted high-profile temples perceived as strongholds of resistance, contrasting with less aggressive reuses by emphasizing physical obliteration to break continuity with pre-Christian rituals. Symbolic overlays applied to non-monumental sites like sacred groves, where physical demolition was impractical; instead, icons of Christian victory—such as crosses, chapels, or baptisteries—were superimposed to claim authority over the landscape. In 4th-century , St. Martin of Tours felled druidic sacred trees and installed crosses or oratories on the spots, converting natural shrines without extensive rebuilding. This method leveraged existing topography for evangelistic purposes, signaling conquest through visible Christian markers amid rural pagan holdouts.

Early Christian Era (1st–4th Centuries)

Roman Empire Core (Italy and Western Provinces)

![Pantheon, Rome][float-right] In the core of the , encompassing and the western provinces, the transition to following the in 313 CE under Emperor Constantine facilitated the pragmatic adaptation of pagan sites rather than their systematic demolition. This approach aligned with imperial policies favoring continuity in urban infrastructure and veneration practices, as evidenced by the layering of Christian structures over existing sacred landscapes without erasing underlying pagan elements. Archaeological findings reveal minimal disruption, supporting a model of causal integration driven by resource efficiency and social stability over ideological . A prominent example is the Pantheon in , originally a temple dedicated to all gods constructed under Emperor Hadrian around 126 CE. In 609 CE, , with permission from Byzantine Emperor , rededicated it as the Church of Santa Maria ad Martyres, transporting relics of martyrs via 28 wagons to sanctify the space. The conversion preserved the building's iconic dome, oculus, and architectural integrity, repurposing it for Christian worship while averting decay or spoliation common to abandoned pagan structures. This act exemplifies material reuse, maintaining the site's role as a focal point for communal ritual. On , Constantine initiated construction of the original between 324 and 333 CE, directly overlying a first-century believed to contain St. Peter's tomb. Excavations conducted in the 1940s under uncovered mausolea and pagan s integrated into the basilica's foundation, with the apostolic shrine elevated and honored rather than obliterated. This superposition transformed a pagan burial ground into a center, layering new meaning atop pre-existing sites and demonstrating adaptive reverence for sacred loci. In the western provinces, such as , similar patterns emerged, with Roman temples repurposed amid declining pagan use by the late fourth and fifth centuries. The in Vienne, dating to the first century CE, survived intact due to its conversion into a around the fifth century, incorporating the structure into ecclesiastical functions without structural alteration. Archaeological studies of late antique indicate that select temples were either overlaid or absorbed into churches, reflecting pragmatic continuity in sacred architecture rather than rupture, as imperial edicts under in 391 CE closed temples but permitted adaptive reuse.

Eastern Roman Provinces and Greece

The Theodosian decrees of 391–392 CE, issued by Emperor , prohibited pagan sacrifices and ordered the closure of temples throughout the , including in the Eastern provinces and , marking a pivotal shift from tolerance to suppression of public pagan worship. Enforcement varied by region, but in Hellenized areas like Minor and mainland , these measures led to the abandonment of many sanctuaries without immediate destruction, as archaeological strata reveal intact structural preservation amid ritual discontinuation. For instance, at in the province of , the —already weakened by earlier Goth invasions in 262 CE and fires—experienced cultic decline post-decrees, with its ruins quarried for materials rather than ritually demolished, reflecting pragmatic reuse over ideological erasure. Archaeological data from in the province of further illustrates this pattern of adaptive continuity: temple sites closed under Theodosian edicts show overlying Christian phases with minimal foundational dismantling, as evidenced by extra-urban examples like Panariti where pagan bases supported early basilicas, indicating strategic repurposing to assert dominance while conserving . Such strata challenge narratives of total classical obliteration, revealing instead a causal progression from enforced idleness to gradual Christian overlay, often after of statues in the late . In Greece's philosophical strongholds, particularly , pagan resistance—bolstered by entrenched Neoplatonic traditions—delayed physical site conversions, prioritizing intellectual confrontation over hasty alterations. The , dedicated to , remained a functional pagan temple into the despite decrees, with its friezes and pediments largely intact until Christian modifications around 590–600 CE, which involved interior adaptations for while preserving external pagan , exemplifying cultural hybridity amid persistent elite opposition. This slower trajectory in , compared to provincial enforcement, underscores how local pagan sustained site sanctity through reasoned defense against , fostering preservation until imperial pressures intensified.

Late Antiquity and Early Medieval Period (4th–10th Centuries)

Byzantine Empire and Temple Transformations

In the 6th century, Emperor enforced stringent anti-pagan measures through the , which prohibited sacrifices, divination, and the maintenance of pagan temples, mandating their closure or repurposing to consolidate Christian orthodoxy and imperial authority amid territorial reconquests. These edicts built on earlier Theodosian precedents but were applied with renewed vigor in the Eastern provinces, where state policy prioritized conversion for administrative stability, often converting structurally sound temples rather than demolishing them outright to preserve engineering resources against Persian and later Arab threats. , rebuilt by Justinian in 537 CE on a site traditionally linked to earlier pagan structures in , exemplified this shift from imperial pagan cult centers to monumental Christian basilicas, symbolizing the empire's theological unification under Chalcedonian doctrine. Archaeological evidence from rural reveals pragmatic adaptations of pagan temples between the 5th and 7th centuries, where conversions frequently involved minimal structural alterations such as the addition of apses for Christian altars and the removal of cult statues, allowing continuity of local worship spaces while suppressing polytheistic rituals. In , Justinian's (ca. 548 CE), constructed over the reputed tomb of the apostle, incorporated from the nearby —one of the ancient world's Seven Wonders—demonstrating strategic reuse of pagan materials to expedite construction and leverage pre-existing sacred topography for pilgrimage appeal. Such transformations were not uniform; many Anatolian sites saw abandonment or quarrying rather than full conversion, reflecting a causal balance between ideological eradication and practical resource conservation in frontier regions vulnerable to invasions. The Iconoclastic Controversy (726–843 CE), initiated under Emperor Leo III, targeted religious images as idolatrous echoes of paganism, leading to the whitewashing of mosaics and destruction of icons in converted sites, yet it inadvertently highlighted the persistence of classical architectural motifs inherited from temple precedents. Post-843 restorations under the Triumph of Orthodoxy reinstated Christian iconography but often retained underlying pagan-inspired decorative elements, such as acanthus motifs in church pavements, to foster cultural continuity and imperial cohesion during the empire's contraction against Arab and Bulgarian incursions. This selective preservation underscored Byzantine administrative orthodoxy's emphasis on centralized edicts over radical rupture, prioritizing stability through hybridized sacred spaces that repurposed pagan engineering heritage for Orthodox resilience.

Northern and Western Europe

In the post-Roman kingdoms of Northern and , spanning the 5th to 10th centuries, Christianization unfolded amid political fragmentation and tribal migrations, relying on itinerant missionaries supported by emerging royal authorities rather than centralized imperial edicts. Figures such as Patrick in Ireland (active c. 432–461 CE), in (521–597 CE), and Boniface in continental (c. 675–754 CE) documented their efforts in letters and biographies, emphasizing persuasion through , elite conversions, and selective of local sacred landscapes to ease transitions from . This approach contrasted with Eastern repurposing by prioritizing symbolic confrontations and incremental site integrations, as evidenced by archaeological continuity at wells and groves alongside new monastic foundations. A pivotal example of direct confrontation occurred in 723 CE when Boniface felled the Donar Oak (Thor's Oak) at Geismar in , a site venerated by Germanic pagans for animistic rituals. Recorded in Willibald's Vita Bonifatii (c. 760 CE), the act—undertaken with royal permission from the Frankish —failed to provoke the expected , prompting conversions among witnesses and enabling the erection of a to St. Peter on the cleared ground, which evolved into the monastery of . This event underscored causal mechanisms of elite endorsement and demonstrable power shifts, with the site's reuse facilitating without total erasure of its locale's significance. Archaeological surveys confirm the oak's absence but note the chapel's foundational role in regional evangelization. In Ireland and Celtic fringes, 5th-century missionaries like Patrick repurposed pre-Christian holy wells—springs tied to and healing cults—for baptismal rites, integrating hydraulic sacredness into to accommodate mass conversions. Hagiographic accounts, corroborated by toponymic patterns and continuity in over 3,000 surviving wells, indicate minimal structural alteration; instead, dedications to saints overlaid pagan veneration, as at Tobar Phádraig sites linked to Patrick's ministry. Similarly, Columba's foundation (563 CE) adapted druidic assembly grounds, with Adomnán's Vita Columbae (c. 700 CE) describing blessings at natural features to supplant animistic beliefs. In Frankish (4th–6th centuries), limited excavations of mithraea reveal incised crosses on tauroctony reliefs, suggesting desecration and neutralization under Merovingian patronage post-Clovis's (496 CE), though full conversions to baptisteries remain archaeologically elusive compared to abandonment. These methods reflected pragmatic realism: destruction risked backlash, while leveraged existing causal associations between place, , and community fidelity.

Iberian Reconquest and Southern Europe

In the of , the Third Council of Toledo convened in 589 CE under King marked the official conversion from to Catholicism, facilitating the adaptation of existing religious structures for orthodox Christian use while mandating the suppression of heretical elements. Councils such as the Fourth Council of Toledo in 633 CE further directed the removal of pagan idols and practices, allowing for the retention of buildings previously associated with non-Catholic worship to serve liturgical purposes, reflecting a policy of structural continuity amid doctrinal enforcement. During the 7th and 8th centuries, Mozarabic Christian communities in constructed or maintained churches incorporating elements from Roman and Visigothic precedents, such as horseshoe arches derived from earlier architectural traditions, often preserving features like mosaics and aqueduct integrations as evidence of material and spatial continuity. Examples include structures like San Pedro de la Nave, which exemplify the reuse of Roman-era techniques in a context of monotheistic rivalry under Visigothic rule transitioning to Muslim dominance. The Muslim of 711 CE introduced an , with Umayyad forces repurposing Visigothic churches into mosques, as seen in where the Great Mosque was erected in 784 CE on the site of the Basilica of San Vicente, overlying foundations potentially tracing to Roman structures, though direct archaeological confirmation of a pre-Visigothic temple remains limited. This layering underscored interfaith competition, with adapting Christian and Roman , including columns and capitals, to assert dominance. The from the 11th to 15th centuries reversed these transformations, with Christian monarchs systematically converting mosques back into churches to reclaim sacred spaces and symbolize territorial recovery, documented in royal charters and conquest agreements. In Toledo, following its capture in 1085 CE by Alfonso VI, the principal mosque was rededicated as the Primada, retaining and elements while installing Christian altars. Similarly, in , the mosque became a cathedral in 1236 CE after III's conquest, preserving the hall for dual worship until full Christian appropriation, highlighting a pattern of amid rivalry with rather than outright destruction. These actions, distinct from northern European pagan conversions, emphasized reassertion of prior Christian claims against Abrahamic competitors, supported by empirical evidence of preserved architectural layers.

High and Late Medieval Expansion (11th–15th Centuries)

Baltic and Slavic Regions

In the Baltic and Slavic regions, during the high and late medieval periods often involved military coercion through the , contrasting with more gradual processes elsewhere in , though archaeological evidence reveals instances of site adaptation and syncretism rather than wholesale erasure. Papal bulls from 1147 onward authorized campaigns against pagan Wendish and later Baltic Prussians, Livonians, and , framing conversion as a divine mandate tied to territorial expansion by orders like the Teutonic Knights. Contemporary chronicles, such as those by Peter of Dusburg, document the destruction of sacred groves and idols as symbolic acts to break pagan resistance, yet dendrochronological and excavation data indicate reuse of fortified hill sites for churches, preserving pre-Christian spatial significance. In Kievan Rus', Prince Vladimir's mass in 988 CE marked a pivotal Slavic shift, entailing the toppling of wooden idols like that of —the chief thunder god—along the River banks, followed by their ritual submersion to signify the old order's defeat. This event, corroborated by the , integrated Orthodox Christianity via Byzantine influence, with pagan sites repurposed for baptisteries and churches, as evidenced by early medieval layers at Kiev showing overlaid Christian structures without total demolition. Syncretic elements persisted, including folk amulets blending Slavic motifs with crosses, reflecting incomplete doctrinal assimilation amid elite-driven enforcement. Further north, at in — a key northern cult center influencing Baltic pagan networks—the erection of a around 1100 CE followed accounts of a pre-Christian temple complex described by circa 1070, yet excavations reveal post-holes and mounds with minimal destruction layers, suggesting adaptation of ceremonial grounds into Christian precincts rather than obliteration. Prussian campaigns by the Teutonic Knights from the 1230s onward razed sacred groves, as recorded in order chronicles emphasizing eradication of tree worship, but fortified Prussian hill sites were often fortified anew as mission churches, with timber dating via aligning Christian overlays to the mid-13th century. Such patterns underscore causal links between military dominance and selective preservation, where strategic reuse facilitated control over pagan holdouts while allowing syncretic to linger into the .

British Isles and Celtic Holdouts

The of sacred sites in the , particularly among Celtic populations in Ireland, , and , proceeded more gradually than in , often through elite patronage and missionary foundations rather than wholesale destruction. Archaeological and textual evidence, including Bede's Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Anglorum (completed c. 731 AD), indicates that conversions emphasized adaptation, with pagan temples sometimes repurposed as churches to minimize resistance, as per Pope Gregory the Great's instructions to Abbot Mellitus in 601 AD. This approach aligned with causal dynamics of power: royal baptisms, such as those of Northumbrian kings (c. 627 AD) and Oswald (c. 634 AD), facilitated the overlay of Christian institutions on existing landscapes, preserving layers of sanctity amid persistent Celtic traditions like of natural features. At in , , excavations reveal stratified occupation from the (c. 300–200 BC) through Roman and early medieval periods, culminating in the construction of St. Michael's Chapel by the 7th–8th centuries AD atop a terraced possibly associated with pre-Christian ritual use. Pottery and ampullae from the 6th century suggest pilgrimage continuity, with Christian structures built without erasing underlying prehistoric earthworks, indicating a model of accretive sanctity rather than replacement. Similarly, , founded by Irish missionary in 563 AD off Scotland's coast, served as a base for evangelizing Pictish and Scottish elites, integrating into a landscape with cairns and former standing stones that evidenced prior Gaelic pagan practices, though the monastery itself repurposed the site for monastic evangelism without documented iconoclastic erasure. Lindisfarne (Holy Island), established in 635 AD by from , exemplifies Northumbrian conversion efforts amid , with the sited near coastal features potentially echoing earlier sacred topographies, though direct pagan monuments are sparse. recounts its role in baptizing thousands following royal conversions, fostering gradual Christian dominance through scriptoria and relics rather than demolition. In Celtic holdouts, such as these insular foundations, mythic elements persisted—evident in Arthurian lore linking to pre-Christian heroes—reflecting elite-driven over enforced upheaval. The Anglo-Saxon site of in , excavated from 1953–1962, uncovers timber halls and a probable 7th-century pagan temple (Building D2, c. 620–650 AD), featuring post-hole arrangements suggestive of ritual assembly, overlain by later wooden structures interpreted as early churches in the conversion era under King Edwin. This material recycling of timber frameworks aligns with Bede's accounts of Northumbrian palaces transitioning via royal decree, underscoring pragmatic adaptation in wooden-built landscapes where stone monuments were rare. Unlike Baltic crusades, these processes avoided military conquest, relying on missionary diplomacy and layered reuse to embed amid Celtic and Anglo-Saxon mythic continuities.

Global Missionary Phases (15th Century Onward)

Americas and Indigenous Sacred Sites

In the Americas, Spanish colonizers frequently repurposed indigenous sacred sites by constructing Christian churches atop or adjacent to them, symbolizing the subjugation of native religions to Catholicism following the conquests of the Aztec and Inca empires. This strategy, evident in the rapid post-1521 dismantling of Tenochtitlan's Templo Mayor—the central Aztec temple dedicated to Huitzilopochtli and Tlaloc—facilitated the erection of the Mexico City Metropolitan Cathedral on its former precinct starting in 1573, with completion spanning to 1813. The pyramid's base remnants were incorporated into the urban plaza, preserving a layered visibility of dominance while enabling archaeological recovery of temple layers in modern excavations. Similarly, at Cholula, the Iglesia de Nuestra Señora de los Remedios was built directly atop the Great Pyramid between 1574 and 1575, utilizing the mound's height for the church's elevation after partial dismantling of its structures. In the , Viceroy Francisco de Toledo's administration from 1569 to 1581 intensified extirpation campaigns targeting huacas—sacred shrines, stones, or natural features integral to Inca cosmology—resulting in widespread destruction of idols and ritual sites across to eradicate perceived . These visitas de idolatría involved inspectors documenting and confiscating huacas, often burning or burying them, though indigenous communities frequently concealed objects, leading to repeated enforcement waves. While outright suppression dominated, select huacas were occasionally rededicated as chapels or integrated into hacienda landscapes, blending coercion with pragmatic adaptation to local reverence for place-based sacrality. A notable instance of syncretism occurred at Tepeyac Hill near , where the 1531 reported apparitions of the Virgin of Guadalupe to —a recently converted Nahua—coincided with the site's prior association as a to the Aztec . Franciscan chronicler observed in the 1570s that devotees invoked the Virgin as "Tonantzin," critiquing this as a covert continuation of native worship that drew pilgrims to the new . Ethnohistorical accounts in codices and Spanish logs indicate this overlay on indigenous sacred geography expedited mass baptisms, with estimates of rapid convert growth in central , though primary documentation of the apparitions dates to mid-17th-century narratives amid ongoing debates over their historicity. Unlike Eurasian pagan transitions, efforts contended with vast territorial scales and resilient cosmologies, yielding hybrid practices where suppression coexisted with strategic appropriations to consolidate imperial control.

Asia and Colonial Encounters

In Portuguese-controlled , the establishment of the in 1560 facilitated the systematic demolition of as part of efforts to enforce Catholic orthodoxy and suppress native religious practices. Archival evidence from the period documents policies under viceroys such as D. Antão de Noronha (1564–1568), which targeted temple structures for destruction or repurposing, with estimates from contemporary records and later historical analyses suggesting around 300 temples were razed between 1566 and 1576 alone, though precise counts remain debated due to incomplete inventories. Churches were frequently constructed on these cleared sites to assert Christian territorial and spiritual dominance, as seen in the Church of Our Lady of Miracles in Mashel, Sanguem taluka, erected atop a destroyed Hindu temple in the late . Jesuit missions in , initiated by Francis Xavier's arrival in 1549, saw sporadic adaptations and destructions of shrines during the mid-to-late , particularly in domains welcoming Portuguese trade and evangelism. such as in oversaw the demolition of shrines and Buddhist temples from the 1560s, converting approximately 60,000 subjects—often coercively—and repurposing sites for Christian worship to consolidate alliances with European powers. These efforts, however, proved ephemeral; the 1614 expulsion edict by halted expansions, with surviving Christian sites largely reconverted or abandoned amid widespread against itself, underscoring the fragility of footholds in Japan's hierarchical feudal structure. Among pre-colonial Syrian Christian communities in , church foundations dating to traditions of 1st-century apostolic origins evolved without evidence of large-scale Hindu temple demolitions, reflecting patterns of amid entrenched and royal hierarchies. Portuguese arrivals from 1498 introduced colonial overlays, such as Latin Rite influences and architectural modifications to existing Syrian churches, but avoided the aggressive site takeovers seen in , as local rulers and communities resisted wholesale impositions, preserving a landscape of parallel sacred spaces rather than substitutions. This limited scope of Christianized sites across highlights broader resistance from pluralistic indigenous systems, contrasting with more transformative encounters elsewhere.

Archaeological and Historical Evidence

Key Discoveries and Verifiable Examples

![Temple of Antoninus and Faustina, Rome][float-right] Archaeological excavations at 's Forum Romanum have revealed stratigraphic layers documenting the transition from pagan temples to Christian oratories between the 4th and 6th centuries CE, with structures such as the repurposed as the Church of San Lorenzo in Miranda by the , preserving original facade elements. Surveys of late antique indicate that of pagan temples for Christian worship was more prevalent than outright destruction, with many buildings stripped of idolatrous features but structurally maintained for new liturgical functions. In , geophysical surveys and excavations at Rudston, East Yorkshire, uncovered a monument adjacent to All Saints' Church, where the site's 7.6-meter-tall —sourced from 16-32 km away and erected around 2500-2000 BCE—stands within the churchyard, evidencing the incorporation of prehistoric sacred landscapes into Christian ecclesiastical settings without displacement of key features. of associated monuments confirms origins, supporting patterns of sanctity continuity through spatial adjacency rather than erasure. Excavations at in southwestern since the , with intensified work post-2000, have exposed late antique layers showing partial persistence of pagan practices amid , including reused temple materials in bishop's palace constructions and inscriptions attesting to syncretic religious dynamics into the 5th-6th centuries CE, challenging narratives of uniform pagan suppression. Inscriptions and architectural from the Aphrodite sanctuary demonstrate selective adaptation over wholesale demolition, with pagan statuary occasionally preserved in Christian contexts.

Patterns of Preservation vs. Destruction

Historiographical analyses indicate that outright destruction of pagan temples by constituted a minority of cases, with estimates suggesting only 10-20% of documented sites experienced full razing, often tied to specific edicts like those under in the late 4th century. Notable exceptions include the in , demolished in 391 CE following imperial orders against pagan cult sites, which marked a targeted ideological but did not typify broader patterns. In contrast, archaeological evidence from regions like and the reveals that the majority—potentially over 80% of surviving structures—underwent , such as conversion into churches, thereby preserving classical engineering features like columns and vaults. Causal factors for losses favored pragmatic over uniform religious zeal; from derelict temples was systematically quarried for Christian basilicas and civic projects, accelerating decay amid reduced after pagan ceased around the 390s CE. Post-5th century barbarian invasions, including those by and , further amplified structural collapses through neglect and opportunistic looting, independent of Christian agency, as urban infrastructure broadly deteriorated across the former empire. Ideological motivations surfaced in isolated mob actions or episcopal campaigns, yet imperial policy under emperors like Constantine prioritized redirection of temple revenues toward churches rather than , reflecting fiscal incentives over eradication. Preservation efforts extended to intellectual heritage, countering narratives of wholesale cultural erasure; monastic scriptoria, such as ' founded circa 540 CE in , systematically copied pagan texts including Virgil's and works by , ensuring their transmission through medieval copies. This deliberate curation, outlined in Cassiodorus' Institutiones, integrated classical learning into Christian , with 's serving as a repository that bridged antiquity and the before its dissolution around 580 CE. Such initiatives underscore how Christian institutions, despite doctrinal opposition to , pragmatically salvaged and repurposed material and literary artifacts for utilitarian and scholarly ends.

Controversies and Interpretations

Claims of Cultural Destruction

In her 2017 book The Darkening Age: The Christian Destruction of the Classical World, Catherine Nixey posits that early Christians engaged in widespread, deliberate assaults on pagan infrastructure, including the burning of temples, statues, and libraries, which she contends accelerated the decline of classical learning and material culture. Nixey emphasizes mob violence and imperial edicts under figures like Theodosius I (r. 379–395 CE), arguing these actions supplanted Greco-Roman intellectual traditions with Christian orthodoxy, though her narrative has drawn scholarly critique for emphasizing anecdotal violence over broader patterns of gradual attrition and self-inflicted pagan decline. A focal example in such critiques is the fate of the Temple of Zeus at Olympia, where archaeological evidence indicates deliberate dismantling around 426 CE pursuant to anti-pagan decrees by (r. 408–450 CE), leaving the sanctuary in rubble and abandoned, interpreted by proponents of destruction theses as emblematic of erasing sites tied to Olympic rituals and Zeus worship. Similarly, the felling of sacred groves—natural shrines central to animistic and mystery cults—is cited as a targeted campaign; edicts from explicitly ordered the clearance of such wooded precincts unless converted to Christian use, with historical accounts recording instances like the 6th-century bishopric efforts in and to uproot trees symbolizing pagan deities. Nixey also references the Library of Alexandria's loss as a casualty of Christian intolerance, linking it to events like the 391 CE destruction under Bishop , though primary sources and consensus among late antique historians attribute the library's major setbacks to earlier conflagrations in 48 BCE (Caesar's siege) and 273 CE (Aurelian's reconquest), with Christian-era damage affecting residual holdings at most. Contemporary neo-pagan advocates extend these historical claims to allege the overwriting of indigenous cosmological knowledge, such as druidic alignments of megalithic monuments with solstices and lunar cycles in Britain and , which they argue were demonized and supplanted by Christian to sever ties to pre-Roman stellar lore, though direct textual evidence for such druidic astronomy remains fragmentary and mediated through Roman ethnographers like .

Defenses of Adaptive Christianization

Early articulated a theological basis for adaptive by distinguishing between the demonic nature of idols and the utilitarian value of pagan architecture. (c. 155–240 AD), in his treatise On , condemned idolatry as service to demons, arguing that pagan observances invoked malevolent spirits rather than mere inert images, thus necessitating the removal of cult statues to purify spaces spiritually. This rationale positioned idol destruction as liberation from superstition and demonic influence, not an assault on cultural heritage, while permitting the repurposing of temple structures as neutral buildings suitable for Christian altars and worship. Pope Gregory I (r. 590–604 AD) formalized this approach in his 601 letter to Abbot , instructing missionaries among the to avoid demolishing well-built pagan temples outright; instead, they were to remove idols, sprinkle the interiors with , and install relics and altars to rededicate the sites to Christian use. Gregory emphasized that such adaptation would leverage converts' familiarity with these locations for sacred gatherings, substituting pagan rituals with Christian feasts like replacing sacrifices with processions, thereby fostering gradual moral elevation without abrupt cultural rupture. This policy reflected a causal understanding that preserving architectural continuity accelerated ethical transformation by aligning new faith practices with existing communal habits. Adaptive Christianization yielded tangible advancements in literacy and ethical frameworks, particularly through repurposed or proximate monastic sites. , from the , monasteries founded by figures like St. Patrick and St. Columba—often near pre-Christian sacred landscapes—became scriptoria where monks transcribed classical Latin texts, including works of and , amid the 5th–6th century disruptions from Germanic invasions that eroded continental repositories. These institutions disseminated Christian moral codes emphasizing charity and justice, supplanting tribal feuds with structured communities that transmitted knowledge to via missions like those of St. in the 7th century. Archaeological evidence supports the preservative intent of these practices, showing limited instances of deliberate temple demolition by Christians. In , surveys of late antique sites reveal that many pagan temples fell into disuse and natural decay from the 3rd–4th centuries due to declining sacrifices and maintenance, with subsequent Christian repurposing—such as converting the into a by the 8th century—providing structural upkeep that prevented total ruin. Historian Sarah Bond's analysis of Roman transitions highlights this pragmatic reuse over iconoclastic frenzy, noting that imperial edicts like Theodosius I's 391 AD bans targeted rituals more than buildings, allowing adaptive conversion to sustain civic functions under Christian auspices.

Modern Debates and Pagan Revival Perspectives

In the late 20th and early 21st centuries, archaeological and historical has revisited the extent of disruption at Christianized pagan sites, with some researchers emphasizing adaptive continuity over rupture. Post-1990s excavations and analyses, such as those examining late antique urban landscapes, reveal that Christian elites in regions like often repurposed rather than razed pagan infrastructure, including and aqueducts, which continued to function under or imperial patronage into the early medieval period. This counters earlier "Dark Ages" tropes by demonstrating measurable persistence in , though debates persist on whether such maintenance reflected pragmatic governance or ideological tolerance. Contemporary pagan revival movements, including Asatru (modern Norse paganism) and Wicca, frequently frame Christianized sites as symbols of cultural suppression, advocating rituals to "reclaim" them from perceived historical erasure. At Stonehenge, for instance, Druidic and neopagan groups have held solstice ceremonies since the 20th century, interpreting the site's Neolithic origins as evidence of an indigenous spiritual heritage overridden by Christian dominance, with calls for de-Christianization or shared access to honor pre-conversion sacredness. These perspectives, prominent in festivals drawing thousands annually, argue that adaptive Christianization masked a loss of polytheistic diversity, though they seldom account for empirical evidence of Christianity's role in stabilizing fragmented tribal societies through shared liturgy and law. Right-leaning scholars and commentators, drawing on civilizational continuity arguments, contend that preserved core elements of pagan achievement—such as and textual traditions—fostering Europe's enduring institutional framework against later threats like fragmentation or invasion. They highlight quantifiable preservation, noting that the vast majority of surviving classical manuscripts, including works by and , were copied and safeguarded in Christian monasteries from the onward, enabling their transmission to the . This view prioritizes causal factors like monastic scriptoria's systematic over narratives of heritage "theft," critiquing modern revivalist emotionalism as ahistorical while underscoring Christianity's empirical contributions to rates and archival survival exceeding 80% for key Greco-Roman texts in medieval codices. Such perspectives appear in discussions of Western identity, where Christian adaptation is seen as a bulwark for continuity amid 21st-century multicultural pressures. These debates remain unresolved, with pagan revivalists emphasizing experiential reconnection to sites and continuity advocates stressing verifiable infrastructural and textual metrics; media portrayals often amplify destruction claims without proportional scrutiny of preservation data.

References

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