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Day of the Dead
Day of the Dead
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Day of the Dead
Cempasúchil, alfeñiques and papel picado used to decorate an altar
Observed byMexico, and regions with large Mexican populations
Type
  • Cultural
  • Christian (with syncretic elements)[1]
SignificancePrayer and remembrance of friends and family members who have died
CelebrationsCreation of home altars to remember the dead, traditional dishes for the Day of the Dead
BeginsNovember 1
EndsNovember 2
DateNovember 2
Next time2 November 2026 (2026-11-02)
FrequencyAnnual
Related toAll Saints' Eve / All Hallows' Eve, All Saints' Day / All Hallows' Day, All Souls' Day[1]

The Day of the Dead (Spanish: Día de (los) Muertos)[2][3] is a holiday traditionally celebrated on November 1 and 2, though other days, such as October 31 or November 6, may be included depending on the locality.[4][5][6] The multi-day holiday involves family and friends gathering to pay respects and remember friends and family members who have died. These celebrations can take a humorous tone, as celebrants remember amusing events and anecdotes about the departed.[7] It is widely observed in Mexico, where it largely developed, and is also observed in other places, especially by people of Mexican heritage. The observance falls during the Christian period of Allhallowtide.[1] Some argue that there are Indigenous Mexican or ancient Aztec influences that account for the custom, though others see it as a local expression of the Allhallowtide season that was brought to the region by the Spanish; the Day of the Dead has become a way to remember those forebears of Mexican culture. The Day of the Dead is largely seen as having a festive characteristic.[8]

Traditions connected with the holiday include honoring the deceased using calaveras and marigold flowers known as cempazúchitl, building home altars called ofrendas with the favorite foods and beverages of the departed, and visiting graves with these items as gifts for the deceased.[9] The celebration is not solely focused on the dead, as it is also common to give gifts to friends such as candy sugar skulls, to share traditional pan de muerto with family and friends, and to write light-hearted and often irreverent verses in the form of mock epitaphs dedicated to living friends and acquaintances, a literary form known as calaveras literarias.[10]

In 2008, the tradition was inscribed in the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity by UNESCO.[11]

Origins, history, and similarities to other festivities

[edit]

Mexican academics are divided on whether the festivity has genuine indigenous pre-Hispanic roots or whether it is a 20th-century rebranded version of a Spanish tradition developed during the presidency of Lázaro Cárdenas to encourage Mexican nationalism through an "Aztec" identity.[12][13][14] The festivity has become a national symbol in recent decades and it is taught in the nation's school system asserting a native origin.[15] In 2008, the tradition was inscribed in the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity by UNESCO.[11]

Views differ on whether the festivity has indigenous pre-Hispanic roots, whether it is a more modern adaptation of an existing European tradition, or a combination of both as a manifestation of syncretism. The beginning of the Christian observance of Allhallowtide, including All Saints' Day and its vigil, as well as All Souls' Day, is observed on the same days in places like Spain and Southern Europe, and elsewhere in Christendom.[1] Critics of the Native American origin claim that even though pre-Columbian Mexico had traditions that honored the dead, current depictions of the festivity have more in common with European traditions of Danse macabre and their allegories of life and death personified in the human skeleton to remind of the ephemeral nature of life.[16][12] Over the past decades, however, Mexican academia has increasingly questioned the validity of this assumption, even going as far as calling it a politically motivated fabrication. Historian Elsa Malvido, researcher for the Mexican Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia (INAH, or National Institute of Anthropology and History) and founder of the institute's Taller de Estudios sobre la Muerte (Workshop of Studies on Death), was the first to do so in the context of her wider research into Mexican attitudes to death and disease across the centuries. Malvido completely discards a native or even syncretic origin arguing that the tradition can be fully traced to Medieval Europe. She highlights the existence of similar traditions on the same day, not just in Spain, but in the rest of Catholic Southern Europe and Latin America such as altars for the dead, sweets in the shape of skulls and bread in the shape of bones.[16]

Agustin Sanchez Gonzalez has a similar view in his article published in the INAH's bi-monthly journal Arqueología Mexicana. Gonzalez states that, even though the "indigenous" narrative became hegemonic, the spirit of the festivity has far more in common with European traditions of Danse macabre and their allegories of life and death personified in the human skeleton to remind us the ephemeral nature of life. He also highlights that in the 19th-century press there was little mention of the Day of the Dead in the sense that we know it today. All there was were long processions to cemeteries, sometimes ending with drunkenness. Elsa Malvido also points to the recent origin of the tradition of "velar" or staying up all night with the dead. It resulted from the Reform Laws under the presidency of Benito Juarez which forced family pantheons out of Churches and into civil cemeteries, requiring rich families to have servants guard family possessions displayed at altars.[16]

The historian Ricardo Pérez Montfort has further demonstrated how the ideology known as indigenismo became more and more closely linked to post-revolutionary official projects whereas Hispanismo was identified with conservative political stances. This exclusive nationalism began to displace all other cultural perspectives, to the point that in the 1930s the Aztec god Quetzalcoatl was officially promoted by the government as a substitute for the Spanish Three Kings tradition, with a person dressed up as the deity offering gifts to poor children.[12]

In this context, the Day of the Dead began to be officially isolated from the Catholic Church by the leftist government of Lázaro Cárdenas motivated both by "indigenismo" and left-leaning anti-clericalism. Malvido herself goes as far as calling the festivity a "Cardenist invention" whereby the Catholic elements are removed and emphasis is laid on indigenous iconography, the focus on death and what Malvido considers to be the cultural invention according to which Mexicans venerate death.[14][17] Gonzalez explains that Mexican nationalism developed diverse cultural expressions with a seal of tradition but which are essentially social constructs which eventually developed ancestral tones. One of these would be the Catholic Día de Muertos which, during the 20th century, appropriated the elements of an ancient pagan rite.[12]

One key element of the re-developed festivity which appears during this time is La Calavera Catrina by Mexican lithographer José Guadalupe Posada. According to Gonzalez, while Posada is portrayed in current times as the "restorer" of Mexico's pre-Hispanic tradition, he was never interested in Native American culture or history. Posada was predominantly interested in drawing scary images which are far closer to those of the European renaissance or the horrors painted by Francisco de Goya in the Spanish War of Independence against Napoleon than to the Mexica tzompantli. The recent trans-Atlantic connection can also be observed in the pervasive use of couplet in allegories of death and the play Don Juan Tenorio by 19th-century Spanish writer José Zorrilla which is represented on this date both in Spain and in Mexico since the early 19th century due to its ghostly apparitions and cemetery scenes.[12]

Opposing views assert that despite the obvious European influence and clear adoption of symbols and traditions as well as co-option of dates and seasons, there exists some proof of pre-Columbian festivities that were similar in spirit if not substance, with the Aztec people having at least six celebrations during the year that were similar to Day of the Dead, the closest one being Quecholli, a celebration that honored Mixcóatl (the god of war) and was celebrated between October 20 and November 8. This celebration included elements such as the placement of altars with food (tamales) near the burying grounds of warriors to help them in their journey to the afterlife.[13] Influential Mexican poet and Nobel prize laureate Octavio Paz strongly supported the syncretic view of the Día de Muertos tradition being a continuity of ancient Aztec festivals celebrating death, as is most evident in the chapter "All Saints, Day of the Dead" of his 1950 book-length essay The Labyrinth of Solitude.[18]

Ruben C. Cordova emphasizes the zeal with which the Spanish attempted to extinguish indigenous religious beliefs and practices, such that it is often difficult to reconstruct their main features. Over time, indigenous converts became extremely devout Catholics. As Mexico modernized, the traditional practices that the Spanish had brought to the Americas survived most robustly in rural and less affluent communities, which had high concentrations of indigenous and mestizo populations. Thus archaic Spanish religious practices in marginal areas came to be mistakenly regarded as the "pure" core of primarily "indigenous" Day of the Dead festivities.[19][20][21]

The Aztecs devoted two twenty-day months in their ritual calendar to the dead: the ninth and tenth months, which were for children and adults, respectively. Cordova argues that some recollection of these festivals "was compressed down to two days and cryptically celebrated within the Catholic liturgical calendar", which is why, in Mexico, "unlike other Latin American countries with Day of the Dead traditions — All Saints' Day is dedicated to children, and All Souls' Day is dedicated to adults."[19] 

He also notes that the same object, such as a stone skull carved by the Aztecs, would have different meanings in different religious contexts. For the Aztecs, bones—and skulls in particular—were reservoirs of enormous sacred power. A stone skull could evoke sacrifice, and the skull racks where the skulls of sacrificed captives were displayed. The Spanish could take an Aztec skull and repurpose it by placing it on a holy water font, or under a cross in a cemetery, whereby it would be transformed into a memento mori.[19]

Regardless of its origin, the festivity has become a national symbol in Mexico and as such is taught in the nation's school system, typically asserting a native origin. It is also a school holiday nationwide.[15]

Observance in Mexico

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Altars and installations in Mexico City museums and public spaces

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In the 2015 James Bond film Spectre, the opening sequence features a Day of the Dead parade in Mexico City. At the time, no such parade took place in Mexico City; one year later, due to the interest in the film and the government desire to promote the Mexican culture, the federal and local authorities decided to organize an actual Día de Muertos parade through Paseo de la Reforma and Centro Historico on October 29, 2016, which was attended by 250,000 people.[22][23][24][25] This could be seen as an example of the pizza effect. The idea of a massive celebration was also popularized in the Disney Pixar movie Coco.

A number of Mexico City's museums and public spaces have played an important part in developing and promoting urban Day of the Dead traditions through altars and installations. These notable organizations include: Anahuacalli, The Frida Kahlo Museum, The Museum of Popular Cultures, The Dolores Olmedo Museum, The Museum of the First Printing Press, and The Cloister of Sor Juana. From turn of the millennium until the imposition of the James Bond-inspired parade, remarkable large-scale installations were created on the Zocalo, Mexico City's central square.[26]

Altars (ofrendas)

[edit]
Día de Muertos altar commemorating a deceased man in Milpa Alta, Mexico City

During Día de Muertos, the tradition is to build private altars ("ofrendas") containing the favorite foods and beverages, as well as photos and memorabilia, of the departed. The intent is to encourage visits by the souls, so the souls will hear the prayers and the words of the living directed to them. These altars are often placed at home or in public spaces such as schools and libraries, but it is also common for people to go to cemeteries to place these altars next to the tombs of the departed.[7]

Plans for the day are made throughout the year, including gathering the goods to be offered to the dead. During the three-day period families usually clean and decorate graves;[27] most visit the cemeteries where their loved ones are buried and decorate their graves with ofrendas (altars), which often include orange Mexican marigolds (Tagetes erecta) called cempasúchil (originally named cempōhualxōchitl, Nāhuatl for 'twenty flowers'). In modern Mexico the marigold is sometimes called Flor de Muerto ('Flower of Dead'). These flowers are thought to attract souls of the dead to the offerings. It is also believed the bright petals with a strong scent can guide the souls from cemeteries to their family homes.[28][29] The common name in English, marigold, is derived from Mary's gold, a name first applied to a similar plant native to Europe, Calendula officinalis.[30][31][32]

Toys are brought for dead children (los angelitos, or 'the little angels'), and bottles of tequila, mezcal or pulque or jars of atole for adults. Families will also offer trinkets or the deceased's favorite candies on the grave. Some families have ofrendas in homes, usually with foods such as candied pumpkin, pan de muerto ('bread of dead'), and sugar skulls; and beverages such as atole. The ofrendas are left out in the homes as a welcoming gesture for the deceased.[27][29] Some people believe the spirits of the dead eat the "spiritual essence" of the ofrendas' food, so though the celebrators eat the food after the festivities, they believe it lacks nutritional value. Pillows and blankets are left out so the deceased can rest after their long journey. In some parts of Mexico, such as the towns of Mixquic, Pátzcuaro and Janitzio, people spend all night beside the graves of their relatives. In many places, people have picnics at the grave site, as well.

Families tidying and decorating graves at a cemetery in Almoloya del Río in the State of Mexico, 1995

Some families build altars or small shrines in their homes;[27] these sometimes feature a Christian cross, statues or pictures of the Blessed Virgin Mary, pictures of deceased relatives and other people, scores of candles, and an ofrenda. Traditionally, families spend some time around the altar, praying and telling anecdotes about the deceased. In some locations, celebrants wear shells on their clothing, so when they dance, the noise will wake up the dead; some will also dress up as the deceased.

Food

[edit]

During Day of the Dead festivities, food is both eaten by living people and given to the spirits of their departed ancestors as ofrendas ('offerings').[33] Tamales are one of the most common dishes prepared for this day for both purposes.[34]

Family altar for the Day of the Dead on a patio

Pan de muerto and calaveras are associated specifically with Day of the Dead. Pan de muerto is a type of sweet roll shaped like a bun, topped with sugar, and often decorated with bone-shaped pieces of the same pastry.[35] Calaveras, or sugar skulls, display colorful designs to represent the vitality and individual personality of the departed.[34]

In addition to food, drinks are also important to the tradition of Day of the Dead. Historically, the main alcoholic drink was pulque; today families will commonly drink the favorite beverage of their deceased ancestors.[34] Other drinks associated with the holiday are atole and champurrado, warm, thick, non-alcoholic masa drinks.

Agua de Jamaica (water of hibiscus) is a popular herbal tea made of the flowers and leaves of the Jamaican hibiscus plant (Hibiscus sabdariffa), known as flor de Jamaica in Mexico. It is served cold and quite sweet with a lot of ice. The ruby-red beverage is also known as hibiscus tea in English-speaking countries.[36]

In the Yucatán Peninsula, mukbil pollo (píib chicken) is traditionally prepared on October 31 or November 1, and eaten by the family throughout the following days. It is similar to a big tamale, composed of masa and pork lard, and stuffed with pork, chicken, tomato, garlic, peppers, onions, epazote, achiote, and spices. Once stuffed, the mukbil pollo is bathed in kool sauce, made with meat broth, habanero chili, and corn masa. It is then covered in banana leaves and steamed in an underground oven over the course of several hours. Once cooked, it is dug up and opened to eat.[37][38]

Calaveras

[edit]

A common symbol of the holiday is the skull (in Spanish calavera), which celebrants represent in masks, called calacas (colloquial term for skeleton), and foods such as chocolate or sugar skulls, which are inscribed with the name of the recipient on the forehead. Sugar skulls can be given as gifts to both the living and the dead.[39] Other holiday foods include pan de muerto, a sweet egg bread made in various shapes from plain rounds to skulls, often decorated with white frosting to look like twisted bones.[29]

Calaverita

[edit]

In some parts of the country, especially the larger cities, children in costumes roam the streets, knocking on people's doors for a calaverita, a small gift of candies or money; they also ask passersby for it. This custom is similar to that of Halloween's trick-or-treating in the United States, but without the component of mischief to homeowners if no treat is given.[40]

Calaveras literarias

[edit]

A distinctive literary form exists within this holiday where people write short poems in traditional rhyming verse, called calaveras literarias (lit.'literary skulls'), which are mocking, light-hearted epitaphs mostly dedicated to friends, classmates, co-workers, or family members (living or dead) but also to public or historical figures, describing interesting habits and attitudes, as well as comedic or absurd anecdotes that use death-related imagery which includes but is not limited to cemeteries, skulls, or the grim reaper, all of this in situations where the dedicatee has an encounter with death itself.[41][42] This custom originated in the 18th or 19th century after a newspaper published a poem narrating a dream of a cemetery in the future which included the words "and all of us were dead", and then proceeding to read the tombstones. Current newspapers dedicate calaveras literarias to public figures, with cartoons of skeletons in the style of the famous calaveras of José Guadalupe Posada, a Mexican illustrator.[39] In modern Mexico, calaveras literarias are a staple of the holiday in many institutions and organizations, for example, in public schools, students are encouraged or required to write them as part of the language class.[10]

José Guadalupe Posada's depiction of La Calavera Catrina, shown wearing a then-fashionable early 20th-century hat.[43]


Posada's most famous print, La Calavera Catrina ("The Elegant Skull"), was likely intended as a criticism of Mexican upper-class women who imitated European fashions. It was first published posthumously in a broadside with a text (not by Posada) that mocked working-class vendors of chickpeas.[43]

Posada's image of a skeletal figure with a big hat decorated with two ostrich feathers and flowers was elaborated into a full scale figure by Mexican Muralist Diego Rivera in a fresco painted in 1946–47. Rivera's Catrina has a simple Tehuana dress and a feather boa, as well as other features that make allusions to the indigenous peoples of Mexico. Through the addition of these indigenous features, Rivera rehabilitated Catrina into a nationalist emblem.[43]

The Catrina character has become deeply associated with the Day of the Dead. Catrina figures made of a wide range of materials, as well as people with Catrina costumes, have come to play a prominent role in modern Day of the Dead observances in Mexico and elsewhere. The Catrina phenomenon has in fact gone beyond Day of the Dead, resulting in non-seasonal and even permanent "Catrinas", including COVID-19 masks, tattoos, permanently decorated cars, and Catrina-themed artworks.[39][43][44][45] Some artists have even developed a sub-specialization in Catrina imagery.[46]

Theatrical presentations of Don Juan Tenorio by José Zorrilla (1817–1893) are also traditional on this day.

Local traditions

[edit]

The traditions and activities that take place in celebration of the Day of the Dead are not universal, often varying from town to town. For example, in the town of Pátzcuaro on the Lago de Pátzcuaro in Michoacán, the tradition is very different if the deceased is a child rather than an adult. On November 1 of the year after a child's death, the godparents set a table in the parents' home with sweets, fruits, pan de muerto, a cross, a rosary (used to ask the Virgin Mary to pray for them), and candles. This is meant to celebrate the child's life, in respect and appreciation for the parents. There is also dancing with colorful costumes, often with skull-shaped masks and devil masks in the plaza or garden of the town. At midnight on November 2, the people light candles and ride winged boats called mariposas (butterflies) to Janitzio, an island in the middle of the lake where there is a cemetery, to honor and celebrate the lives of the dead there.

In contrast, the town of Ocotepec, north of Cuernavaca in the State of Morelos, opens its doors to visitors in exchange for veladoras (small wax candles) to show respect for the recently deceased. In return, the visitors receive tamales and atole. This is done only by the owners of the house where someone in the household has died in the previous year. Many people of the surrounding areas arrive early to eat for free and enjoy the elaborate altars set up to receive the visitors.

Another unique tradition involving children is La Danza de los Viejitos (the Dance of the Old Men), where boys and young men dressed like grandfathers crouch and jump in an energetic dance.[47]

Observances outside of Mexico

[edit]

North America

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United States

[edit]
An ánima (lit.'soul') for the dead.

In many communities in the United States with Mexican residents, Day of the Dead celebrations are very similar to those held in Mexico. In some of these communities, in states such as Texas,[48][unreliable source?] New Mexico,[49] and Arizona,[50][unreliable source?] the celebrations tend to be mostly traditional. The All Souls' Procession has been an annual event since 1990 in Tucson, Arizona. The event combines elements of traditional Day of the Dead celebrations with those of pagan harvest festivals. People wearing masks carry signs honoring the dead and an urn in which people can place slips of paper with prayers on them to be burned.[51] Likewise, Old Town San Diego, California, annually hosts a traditional two-day celebration culminating in a candlelight procession to the historic El Campo Santo Cemetery.[52]

The festival also was held annually at historic Forest Hills Cemetery in Boston's Jamaica Plain neighborhood. Sponsored by Forest Hills Educational Trust and the folkloric performance group La Piñata, the Day of the Dead festivities celebrated the cycle of life and death. People brought offerings of flowers, photos, mementos, and food for their departed loved ones, which they placed at an elaborately and colorfully decorated altar. A program of traditional music and dance also accompanied the community event. The Jamaica Plain celebration was discontinued in 2011.[53]

The Smithsonian Institution, in collaboration with the University of Texas at El Paso and Second Life, have created a Smithsonian Latino Virtual Museum and accompanying multimedia e-book: Día de los Muertos: Day of the Dead. The project's website contains some of the text and images which explain the origins of some of the customary core practices related to the Day of the Dead, such as the background beliefs and the offrenda (the special altar commemorating one's deceased loved one).[54][promotion?] The Made For iTunes multimedia e-book version provides additional content, such as further details; additional photo galleries; pop-up profiles of influential Latino artists and cultural figures over the decades; and video clips[55] of interviews with artists who make Día de Muertos-themed artwork, explanations and performances of Aztec and other traditional dances, an animation short that explains the customs to children, virtual poetry readings in English and Spanish.[56][57][promotion?]

In 2021, the Biden-Harris administration celebrated the Día de Muertos.[58]

California
[edit]
Women with calaveras makeup celebrating Día de Muertos in the Mission District of San Francisco, California.

The celebration of the Day of the Dead in Santa Ana, California has grown to two large events with the creation of an event held at the Santa Ana Regional Transportation Center for the first time on November 1, 2015.[59] The city also holds the largest annual Noche de Altares in southern California, which began in 2002.[60]

In other communities, interactions between Mexican traditions and American culture are resulting in celebrations in which Mexican traditions are being extended to make artistic or sometimes political statements.[timeframe?] For example, in Los Angeles, California, the Self Help Graphics & Art Mexican-American cultural center presents an annual Day of the Dead celebration that includes both traditional and political elements, such as altars to honor the victims of the Iraq War, highlighting the high casualty rate among Latino soldiers. An updated, intercultural version of the Day of the Dead is also evolving at Hollywood Forever Cemetery.[61][timeframe?] There, in a mixture of Native Californian art, Mexican traditions and Hollywood hip, conventional altars are set up side by side with altars to Jayne Mansfield and Johnny Ramone. Colorful native dancers and music intermix with performance artists, while others play on traditional themes.

Similar traditional and intercultural updating of Mexican celebrations are held in San Francisco. For example, the Galería de la Raza, SomArts Cultural Center, Mission Cultural Center, de Young Museum and altars at Garfield Square by the Marigold Project.[62] Oakland is home to Corazon Del Pueblo in the Fruitvale district. Corazon Del Pueblo has a shop offering handcrafted Mexican gifts and a museum devoted to Day of the Dead artifacts and serves as the hub of the Día de Muertos annual festival which occurs the last weekend of October. Here, a mix of several Mexican traditions come together with traditional Aztec dancers, regional Mexican music, and other Mexican artisans to celebrate the day.[63]

In San Diego, a city that borders Mexico, the celebrations range across the entire county. All the way up at the most northern part of the county, Oceanside celebrates their annual event which includes community and family altars built around the Oceanside Civic Center and Pier View Way, as well as events at the Mission San Luis Rey de Francia. In the more central area of San Diego, City Heights celebrates through a public festival in Jeremy Henwood Memorial Park that includes at least 35 altars, lowriders, and entertainment, all for free. Down in Chula Vista, they celebrate the tradition through a movie night at Third and Davidson streets where they will be screening Coco.[timeframe?] This movie night also consists of a community altar, an altar contest, a catrin/catrina contest, as well as lots of music, food, and vendors.[64]

Europe

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Czech Republic

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As part of a promotion by the Mexican embassy in Prague, since the late 20th century, some local citizens join in a Mexican-style Day of the Dead. A theater group conducts events involving candles, masks, and make-up using luminous paint in the form of sugar skulls.[65][66][self-published source?]

Italy

[edit]

In Italy, November 2 is All Souls' Day and is colloquially known as Day of the Dead or Giorno dei Morti. While many regional nuances exist, celebrations generally consist of placing flowers at cemeteries and family burial sites and speaking to deceased relatives.[67] Some traditions also include lighting a red candle or lumino on the window sills at sunset and laying out a table of food for deceased relatives who will come to visit. Like other Day of the Dead traditions around the world, Giorno dei Morti is a day dedicated to honoring the lives of those who have died. Additionally, it is a tradition that teaches children not to be afraid of death.[citation needed]

In Sicily, families celebrate a long-held Day of the Dead tradition called The Festival of the Dead or Festa dei Morti. On the eve of November 1, La Festa di Ognissanti, or All Saints' Day, older family members act as the defunti, or spirits of deceased family members, who sneak into the home and hide sweets and gifts for their young descendants to awake to. On the morning of November 2, children begin the day by hunting to find the gifts in shoes or a special wicker basket of the dead called cannistru dei morti or u cannistru, which typically consist of various sweets, small toys, boned-shaped almond flavored cookies called ossa dei morti, sugar dolls called pupi di Zucchero, and fruit, vegetable, and ghoul-shaped marzipan treats called Frutta martorana. The pupi di zucchero, thought[by whom?] to be an Arabic cultural import, are often found in the shapes of folkloric characters who represent humanized versions of the souls of the dead. Eating the sugar dolls reflects the idea of the individual absorbing the dead and, in doing so, bringing the dead back to life within themselves on November 2.[citation needed] After gifts are shared and breakfast is enjoyed, the whole family will often visit the cemetery or burial site bearing flowers. They will light candles and play amongst the graves to thank the deceased for the gifts, before enjoying a hearty feast. The tradition holds that the spirits of the deceased will remain with the family to enjoy a day of feasting and merriment.[68]

Sicilian author Andrea Camilleri recounts his Giorno dei Morti experience as boy, as well as the negative cultural impact that WWII era American influence had on the long-held tradition:[69]

...Every Sicilian house where there was a little boy was populated with dead familiar to him. Not ghosts with white linzòlo and with the scrunch of chains, mind you, not those that are frightening, but such and as they were seen in the photographs exhibited in the living room, worn, the occasional half smile printed on the face, the good ironed dress in a workmanlike manner, they made no difference with the living. We Nicareddri, before going to bed, put a wicker basket under the bed (the size varied according to the money there was in the family) that at night the dear dead would fill with sweets and gifts that we would find on the 2nd morning upon awakening....After a restless sleep we woke up at dawn to go hunting. Because the dead wanted to play with us, to give us fun, and therefore they didn't put the basket back where they had found it, but went to hide it carefully, we had to look for it...The toys were tin trains, wooden toy cars, rag dolls, wooden cubes that formed landscapes...On November 2nd we returned the visit that the dead had paid us the day before: it was not a ritual, but an affectionate custom. Then, in 1943, with the American soldiers the Christmas tree arrived and slowly, year after year, the dead lost their way to the houses where they were waiting for them, happy and awake until the end, the children or the children of the children...Pity. We had lost the possibility of touching, materially, that thread that binds our personal history to that of those who had preceded us...

— Andrea Camilleri, English translation of The Day That The Dead Lost Their Way Home[whose translation?]

Food plays an important part of Italy's day of the dead tradition, with various regional treats being used as offerings to the dead on their journey to the afterlife. In Tuscany and Milan the pane dei morti or "bread of the dead" is said to be the characteristic offering. In northern Apulia, a wheat growing region, a sweet dish for the Day of the Dead is Colva or "Grains of the Dead".[citation needed] Fave dei morti or "fava beans of the dead" is another dish for the day found widespread through Italy.[citation needed] Ossa dei morti, suitably elongated and frosted "bones of the dead" are sweets found in Apulia and Sicily. In Sicily, families enjoy special day of the dead cakes and cookies that are made into symbolic shapes such as skulls and finger bones. The "sweets of the dead" are a marzipan treats called frutta martorana.[70] On the night of November 1, Sicilian parents and grandparents traditionally buy Frutta di Martorana to gift to children on November 2.

In addition to visiting their own family members, some people pay respects to those without a family. Some Italians take it upon themselves to adopt centuries-old unclaimed bodies and give them offerings like money or jewelry as a way to ease their pain and ask for favors.[67]

Asia and Oceania

[edit]
A ofrenda in a Filipino American household.

Mexican-style Day of the Dead celebrations occur in major cities in Australia, Fiji, and Indonesia, most organized by Mexican communities. Additionally, an independent annual celebration is held in Wellington, New Zealand, complete with altars celebrating the deceased with flowers and gifts.[71]

Philippines

[edit]

In the Philippines Undás and Araw ng mga Yumao, All Saints' Day and All Souls' Day, are celebrated following with the Catholic tradition. Filipinos traditionally observe these days by visiting the family dead to clean and repair their tombs, just as is done in Mexico. Offerings of prayers, flowers, candles, and food, while Chinese Filipinos additionally burn joss sticks and joss paper (kim). Many also spend the day and ensuing night holding reunions at the cemetery, having feasts and merriment.[72] Due the cultural connections of the Philippines and Mexico with links going back to the Spanish Empire, they share some of the aspects of the practices done in the celebration.[73]

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Americas

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Belize

[edit]

In Belize, Day of the Dead is practiced by people of the Yucatec Maya ethnicity. The celebration is known as Hanal Pixan which means 'food for the souls' in their language. Altars are constructed and decorated with food, drinks, candies, and candles put on them.

Bolivia

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Día de las Ñatitas ("Day of the Skulls") is a festival celebrated in La Paz, Bolivia, at the beginning of November after the celebrations of All Saints. In pre-Columbian times indigenous Andeans had a tradition of sharing a day with the bones of their ancestors on the third year after burial. Today families keep only the skulls for such rituals, known as ñatitas. Traditionally, the skulls of family members are kept at home to watch over the family and protect them during the year. On November 9, the family crowns the skulls with fresh flowers, sometimes also dressing them in various garments, and making offerings of cigarettes, coca leaves, alcohol, and various other items in thanks for the year's protection. The skulls are also sometimes taken to the central cemetery in La Paz for a special Mass and blessing.[74][75][76]

Brazil

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The Brazilian public holiday of Dia de Finados, Dia dos Mortos or Dia dos Fiéis Defuntos (Portuguese: "Day of the Dead" or "Day of the Faithful Deceased") is celebrated on November 2. Similar to other Day of the Dead celebrations, people go to cemeteries and churches with flowers and candles and offer prayers. The celebration is intended as a positive honoring of the dead. Memorializing the dead draws from indigenous and European Catholic origins.

Costa Rica

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Costa Rica celebrates Día De Los Muertos on November 2. The day is also called Día de Todos Santos (All Saints Day) and Día de Todos Almas (All Souls' Day). Catholic masses are celebrated and people visit their loved ones' graves to decorate them with flowers and candles.[77]

Ecuador

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In Ecuador the Day of the Dead is observed to some extent by all parts of society, though it is especially important to the indigenous Kichwa peoples, who make up an estimated quarter of the population. Indigena families gather together in the community cemetery with offerings of food for a day-long remembrance of their ancestors and lost loved ones. Ceremonial foods include colada morada, a spiced fruit porridge that derives its deep purple color from the Andean blackberry and purple maize. This is typically consumed with guaguas de pan, bread shaped like infants (or, more generally, people), though variations include many pigs—the latter being traditional to the city of Loja. The bread, which is wheat flour-based today, but was made with masa in the Pre-Columbian era, can be made savory with cheese inside or sweet with a filling of guava paste. These traditions have permeated mainstream society, as well, where food establishments add both colada morada and guaguas de pan to their menus for the season. Many non-indigenous Ecuadorians visit the graves of the deceased, cleaning and bringing flowers, or preparing the traditional foods, too.[78]

Guatemala

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Guatemalan celebrations of the Day of the Dead, on November 1, are highlighted by the construction and flying of giant kites.[79] It is customary to fly kites to help the spirits find their way back to Earth. A few kites have notes for the dead attached to the strings of the kites. The kites are used as a kind of telecommunication to heaven.[39] A big event also is the consumption of fiambre, which is made only for this day during the year.[39] In addition to the traditional visits to grave sites of ancestors, the tombs and graves are decorated with flowers, candles, and food for the dead. In a few towns, Guatemalans repair and repaint the cemetery with vibrant colors to bring the cemetery to life. They fix things that have gotten damaged over the years or just simply need a touch-up, such as wooden grave cross markers. They also lay flower wreaths on the graves. Some families have picnics in the cemetery.[39]

Honduras

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In Honduras, November 2nd is widely commemorated as the Day of the Dead, a date on which a special mass is celebrated and families visit cemeteries, decorate graves, and bring flowers, candles, or other objects for their deceased loved ones Some Honduran traditions state that relatives clean and adorn graves, clean cemeteries, and bring wreaths or arrangements.[80] This celebration in the Honduran context is more focused in cemeteries than homes. In some regions of the country during November 1st, white flowers are placed especially for deceased children, as a sign of the purity of their souls.[81] In some cases, music or entertainment is brought to the cemetery as part of the collective or communal visit. Similar to other contexts, these customs have a strong Christian-Catholic component combined with popular elements that may have local pre-Columbian roots.[82]

Peru

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It is common for Peruvians to visit the cemetery, play music and bring flowers to decorate the graves of dead relatives.[83]

Europe

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Southern Italy

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Sicily
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A traditional biscotti-type cookie, ossa di morto or bones of the dead are made and placed in shoes once worn by dead relatives.[84]

Sardinia
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In some parts of Sardinia, a holiday called "Prugadoriu" is celebrated, which is kind of a mix of Halloween and Day of the Dead[citation needed]

See also

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References

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
The Day of the Dead (Spanish: Día de los Muertos) is an indigenous Mexican festivity dedicated to the deceased, observed annually from late October to early November, during which families create pathways of flower petals, candles, and offerings from cemeteries to homes and shrines to guide returning spirits. These rituals emphasize the cyclical nature of life and death, with the living providing food, incense, and personal items favored by the departed to ensure their comfort and to avert misfortune. Rooted in pre-Hispanic religious practices of Mesoamerican peoples, particularly the Nahua, the observance incorporates elements of ancestor veneration and seasonal agricultural cycles, later syncretized with Catholic feasts of All Saints' Day and All Souls' Day following European colonization in the 16th century. This fusion reflects adaptive cultural persistence amid imposed religious structures, where indigenous beliefs in permeable boundaries between the living and dead merged with Christian commemorations of saints and souls. Key practices include constructing ofrendas (altars) adorned with marigolds (cempasúchil), sugar skulls (calaveras), and photographs, alongside cemetery vigils and communal feasts that reinforce social bonds and collective memory. Recognized by UNESCO as an Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity since 2008 (initially proclaimed in 2003), the festivity underscores Mexico's indigenous heritage while varying regionally—such as elaborate sand tapestries in Pátzcuaro or giant puppets in Mixteca—yet uniformly prioritizes remembrance over grief, distinguishing it from morbid Western attitudes toward mortality.

History and Origins

Pre-Columbian Mesoamerican Roots

In pre-Columbian Mesoamerica, particularly among the Nahua peoples including the Aztecs (Mexica), death rituals emphasized cyclical renewal and the temporary return of souls from Mictlan, the underworld, facilitated by communal offerings to sustain the deceased during their arduous journey. Archaeological evidence from central Mexican sites, such as Teotihuacan and Tlatelolco, reveals tombs containing food vessels, ceramic effigies, and floral remains, indicating practices of provisioning the dead to honor ancestors and ensure familial continuity. These customs, documented in post-conquest ethnohistoric accounts drawing on indigenous knowledge, underscore a worldview where the living maintained bonds with the departed through material tributes rather than mere commemoration. The Aztec ritual calendar, or xiuhpohualli, allocated two consecutive veintenas (20-day periods) to these observances: Miccailhuitontli ("Little Feast of the Dead") in the ninth month and Hueymiccailhuitl ("Great Feast of the Dead") in the tenth month, aligning roughly with August to September in the Gregorian calendar, though correlations vary. During Miccailhuitontli, focused on souls of children and infants who perished young, families swept homes to purify spaces for the spirits' arrival, prepared garlands of flowers (Tlaxochimaco), and offered tamales, turkey, dogs, and atole placed on temporary altars or gravesites. The Florentine Codex, compiled by Bernardino de Sahagún from native informants around 1577, details how participants sang dirges, danced in lines, and believed the souls consumed the spiritual essence of the food over four years until fully reaching Mictlan. Hueymiccailhuitl extended these rites to all deceased adults, including warriors and women who died in childbirth, with heightened communal participation: processions carried offerings to temples, copal incense burned to guide spirits, and feasts featured dyed tamales and pulque, evoking the dead's endurance against underworld trials like cold winds and rivers of blood. Primary sources such as the Codex Telleriano-Remensis corroborate placements of provisions on tombs, with the belief that unappeased souls could wander and afflict the living. Among neighboring groups like the Maya, analogous veneration involved secondary interments and bone bundles in household shrines, as evidenced by Formative-period sites showing repeated offerings, though lacking the centralized calendrical festivals of the Aztecs. These practices, rooted in empirical reciprocity between living and dead, formed the foundational ancestor cults later syncretized with European traditions.

Syncretism with Catholic Traditions

Following the Spanish conquest of the Aztec Empire, completed in 1521 under Hernán Cortés, Catholic missionaries documented indigenous death rituals dedicated to Mictecacihuatl, the Aztec goddess of the underworld Mictlān, which involved offerings of food, dances, and masks to honor the deceased. To promote conversion among resistant native populations, the Church strategically superimposed these practices onto the established Catholic feasts of All Saints' Day (November 1), commemorating saints and martyrs, and All Souls' Day (November 2), dedicated to praying for the souls of the faithful departed. Indigenous festivals, originally timed to the Aztec calendar's dry season around August to coincide with agricultural cycles and soul visitations, were relocated by missionaries to the November dates of Allhallowtide, preserving core elements of ancestor veneration while framing them within Christian theology of purgatory and intercession. This adaptation included integrating Aztec customs like leaving food and marigold paths to guide returning spirits with Catholic rituals such as lighting candles on graves and baking pan de ánimas (bread of the souls) inscribed with bones, symbolizing offerings for the dead. Clergymen facilitated syncretism by equating native deities and concepts—such as Mictecacihuatl's role in protecting skeletal remains—with Catholic saints and the doctrine of soul purification, allowing communities to maintain communal feasts and grave decorations under ecclesiastical oversight. Historical records from the period, including those by Franciscan friars, indicate this fusion eased evangelization by tolerating superficial indigenous expressions while enforcing doctrinal shifts, resulting in ofrendas (altars) that blend photos of deceased relatives, indigenous flowers like cempasúchil, and Catholic crucifixes or saint images. Over subsequent centuries, this process solidified Día de los Muertos as a folk Catholic tradition, distinct from purely European All Souls' observances, yet rooted in the pragmatic accommodations of 16th-century missionary policy.

Post-Colonial Development and Standardization

Following Mexican independence in 1821, the Mexico City ayuntamiento formalized Día de Muertos as an official civic holiday on November 1, aligning local observances with the syncretic practices already widespread among mestizo and indigenous populations, though enforcement varied regionally. This early post-colonial recognition emphasized public processions and cemetery vigils but did not impose uniform rituals, as variations persisted based on local indigenous influences and Catholic parish directives. In the late 19th century, during the Porfiriato era (1876–1911), urban elites influenced by European positivism marginalized overtly indigenous elements of the holiday, favoring sanitized Catholic commemorations like All Saints' Day masses over folk offerings; however, rural and popular practices, including ofrendas with pan de muerto and copal incense, endured unchanged. The illustrator José Guadalupe Posada (1852–1913) played a pivotal role in standardizing visual iconography through his calaveras—satirical skeletal prints critiquing social inequality—which popularized the elegant skeleton figure known as La Calavera Catrina, first appearing around 1910 and influencing subsequent mass-produced imagery like sugar skulls and papier-mâché figures. Post-Mexican Revolution (1920s onward), the federal government under Education Secretary José Vasconcelos (1921–1924) integrated Día de Muertos into national identity-building via indigenismo policies, incorporating indigenous motifs into public school curricula and murals by artists like Diego Rivera, who depicted communal altars and skeletal motifs in works such as Dream of a Sunday Afternoon in Alameda Central Park (1954, restored 2023), thereby elevating folk traditions to symbols of unified Mexican mestizaje. This era marked a shift toward standardization, as state-sponsored textbooks and festivals promoted core elements—November 1 for child spirits and November 2 for adults—across diverse regions, countering earlier urban-rural divergences. By mid-century, urbanization and economic policies under presidents like Lázaro Cárdenas (1934–1940) further homogenized practices through commercial production of marigolds (cempasúchil) and breads, with annual output reaching millions of units by the 1950s; however, traditional variants in areas like Oaxaca persisted despite national media portrayals favoring Pátzcuaro-style lake vigils. In 2003, UNESCO inscribed indigenous Día de Muertos practices in central Mexico (expanded 2008) on the Intangible Cultural Heritage list, prompting government incentives for preservation that reinforced standardized public elements like comparsas parades while allowing local adaptations, amid concerns over tourism-driven commercialization diluting causal ties to ancestral rituals. November 2 was codified as a federal day of rest by the 1940s, embedding the holiday in labor law and ensuring nationwide observance.

Core Traditions and Symbolism

Ofendas and Offerings

Ofrendas, or altars of offerings, form the central ritual element of Day of the Dead observances in Mexico, constructed in homes, cemeteries, and public spaces to guide returning spirits and provide for their temporary visit. These multi-tiered structures, typically assembled starting October 30 or 31 and dismantled by November 2, incorporate personal mementos such as photographs of the deceased alongside symbolic items representing the four classical elements: earth, water, wind, and fire. The altars' tiers often symbolize stages of the afterlife—such as earth on the lower level, purgatory in the middle, and heaven above—facilitating the souls' journey and sustenance during their annual return. Key components include cempasúchil (marigold) flowers, whose vibrant orange petals and strong scent create a path for spirits to locate the altar, a practice rooted in pre-Columbian beliefs about floral guides for the dead. Candles represent fire, illuminating the way and signifying purity and the soul's light, with their flames believed to ward off wandering spirits not invited to the ofrenda. Water, placed in pitchers or glasses, quenches the thirst of arriving souls after their arduous journey from the afterlife, while papel picado (perforated tissue paper banners) symbolizes wind, fluttering to indicate the spirits' presence; colors like purple denote mourning and black death. Copal incense provides aromatic smoke to purify the space and communicate with the divine, echoing ancient Mesoamerican rituals. Earthly sustenance manifests in offerings of food and drink tailored to the deceased's preferences, such as tamales, mole, fruits, and pan de muerto (a sweet bread shaped with bone-like adornments), alongside salt to preserve the body in the afterlife and prevent decay. Personal items like clothing, toys for children's souls on November 1, or cigarettes and alcohol for adults on November 2 personalize the altar, ensuring the dead feel remembered and nourished. Calaveras de azúcar (sugar skulls) inscribed with names serve not as morbid symbols but as joyful reminders of mortality, placed prominently to honor the individual. These elements collectively sustain the spirits for their brief earthly reunion, with the ofrenda's arrangement reflecting familial devotion rather than grief, emphasizing life's continuity through death. In regional variations, ofrendas may expand to seven levels representing the seven steps to heaven or incorporate local specialties, but the core purpose remains invariant: to affirm the porous boundary between living and dead, grounded in empirical continuity of indigenous practices adapted post-conquest. Public ofrendas in sites like Mexico City's Zócalo amplify communal participation, drawing millions annually to view elaborate displays that preserve and evolve these traditions.
Calaveras, Spanish for "skulls," represent a central motif in Día de los Muertos, embodying the holiday's blend of reverence for the dead and irreverent mockery of mortality through skeletal imagery. This tradition traces back to pre-Columbian Mesoamerican cultures, such as the Aztecs, who incorporated skull motifs in rituals honoring the deceased, including festivals where bones and skulls were displayed to symbolize life's cycle. In contemporary celebrations, calaveras manifest in visual arts, edible forms, and literature, serving as offerings on ofrendas or as satirical commentary to affirm death's universality without fear.
The iconic La Calavera Catrina, an etching by Mexican printmaker José Guadalupe Posada around 1913, exemplifies artistic calaveras. Originally titled La Calavera Garbancera—a term deriding indigenous women who lightened their skin to mimic Europeans—the image portrays a dapper female skeleton in haute couture, critiquing social pretensions and the denial of indigenous roots among Mexico's elite. Posada's work, produced for broadsheets sold cheaply, popularized skeletal satire; La Catrina gained prominence in Diego Rivera's 1947 mural Sueño de una Tarde Dominical en la Alameda Central, where it features as a symbol of Mexican identity tied to death. Today, La Catrina adorns ofrendas, costumes, and merchandise, reinforcing the holiday's theme that death levels social hierarchies. Calaveritas de azúcar, or sugar skulls, are edible confections crafted from molded sugar paste, often decorated with vibrant royal icing and placed on altars to symbolize the sweetness of life amid death. These skulls, inscribed with the names of the deceased on their foreheads, originated as child-friendly gifts during the holiday, evolving into symbolic offerings believed to nourish returning spirits. The tradition leverages sugar's affordability and moldability to create bone-like replicas, drawing from indigenous practices of using perishable materials for transient tributes. While once primarily consumed by children, modern usage prioritizes their decorative role on ofrendas, though they remain non-perishable symbols rather than daily treats. Calaveras literarias, or literary skulls, consist of short, rhyming verses satirizing acquaintances or public figures by imagining their deaths, underscoring mortality's impartiality through humor. This poetic form emerged in the 18th or 19th century, inspired by broadsheet traditions and Posada's visual calaveras, with early examples appearing in Mexican newspapers as festive epitaphs. Composed for Day of the Dead, these works blend mockery with affection, often circulated among friends or published, preserving a custom that humanizes death by poking fun at the living's vanities.

Food, Music, and Ritual Practices

Food offerings on ofrendas (altars) during Día de los Muertos serve to nourish returning souls and evoke memories of the deceased, typically including the departed's favorite dishes alongside symbolic staples. Pan de muerto, a semi-sweet egg-enriched bread adorned with bone-shaped dough pieces and a skull-like central knob dusted in sugar, symbolizes the body of the deceased and is baked specifically for the occasion, with its crossed cinnamon markings representing tears or bones. Sugar skulls (calaveras de azúcar), molded from pressed sugar paste, water, and meringue powder, then decorated with colored icing bearing the names of loved ones, represent the sweetness of life and are placed on altars or graves to honor individual souls. Other common items include tamales stuffed with meats or fruits, pozole (hominy stew with pork or chicken), mole sauces, and calabaza en tacha (candied pumpkin), selected for their ties to family traditions or regional availability during the harvest season. Beverages such as atole, pulque, or Mexican hot chocolate accompany these to quench the spirits' thirst. Music forms a vital auditory guide for souls, with families playing recordings or live performances of the deceased's preferred tunes during vigils and gatherings to facilitate remembrance and emotional connection. Traditional genres like mariachi, featuring brass, strings, and heartfelt vocals, and ranchera ballads emphasizing themes of loss and nostalgia, dominate celebrations, often performed at cemeteries or home altars. Folk songs such as "La Llorona," a lament rooted in Mexican folklore about a weeping woman, are sung to evoke the cycle of life and death, while regional variants incorporate son jarocho or huapango rhythms in processions. Live musicians, including guitar trios or bands, may serenade gravesites, blending solemnity with festivity to affirm that death integrates into life's continuum rather than ending it. Ritual practices center on inviting and sustaining spirit visitations through structured acts of preparation and communal mourning. Families construct multi-tiered ofrendas layered with marigold petals forming paths for souls, lit candles symbolizing light in the afterlife, incense for purification, and personal mementos like photographs or clothing to personalize the welcome. Cemetery visits involve cleaning tombs, adorning them with flowers and offerings, and holding overnight velorios (wakes) with storytelling and song to keep company with the dead. In some communities, comparsas—costumed parades with skeletal face paint, music, and dance—reenact death's universality, while children receive toys and adults alcohol to mirror the souls' earthly preferences, reinforcing familial bonds across realms. These acts, performed November 1 for deceased children (Día de los Angelitos) and November 2 for adults, draw from indigenous beliefs in permeable life-death boundaries, adapted without Catholic overlay in rural areas.

Observance in Mexico

Regional Variations and Key Sites

In Michoacán, Day of the Dead observances emphasize communal vigils at cemeteries around Lake Pátzcuaro, where indigenous Purépecha communities maintain traditions of all-night watches beside illuminated graves adorned with marigolds and candles, often involving boat processions to island sites. Key locations include the island of Janitzio, accessible by panga boats, where families gather from October 31 through November 2 to honor the deceased amid flickering lights reflecting on the water, a practice rooted in pre-colonial beliefs in the soul's nocturnal journey. The town of Pátzcuaro itself features elaborate ofrendas in its historic center and spontaneous gatherings at the basilica, drawing thousands for its authenticity preserved through community-led rituals rather than commercialized events. In Oaxaca, celebrations incorporate Zapotec and Mixtec elements, such as comparsas—mummer's parades with costumed performers portraying death figures—and intricate sand tapestries (alfombras) laid on streets leading to cemeteries, which are cleaned and decorated with cempasúchil flowers and copal incense starting late October. From October 31 to November 2, Oaxaca City hosts candlelit processions and muertitos (miniature offerings for children), while rural villages like Xoxocotlán feature extended grave vigils with live music and regional foods such as tamales de mole, distinguishing the region's emphasis on syncretic indigenous-Catholic fusion over urban spectacles. Yucatán's Hanal Pixán variant, observed November 1-2, uniquely blends Maya cosmology with altars for the dead (pixán meaning soul), including pibipollo bread baked in earthen pits and nixtamalized corn dishes, reflecting agricultural cycles and ancestor veneration distinct from central Mexican norms. Central Mexico sites like Mixquic, an ancient Xochimilco neighborhood near Mexico City, host subterranean tomb vigils from October 30 to November 2, where visitors navigate candlelit tunnels to ofrendas, preserving Nahuatl-era cemetery rites amid pre-Hispanic ruins. These locales, less influenced by tourism than border areas, maintain variations tied to local ecology and ethnicity, such as highland candle economies in Michoacán or Oaxacan floral dyes, underscoring the holiday's decentralized, community-specific expressions across Mexico's 32 states.

Public and Institutional Celebrations

Public celebrations of Día de los Muertos in Mexico often involve large-scale parades, processions, and festivals organized by municipal governments and cultural institutions to honor the tradition while attracting tourists. These events emphasize communal participation, featuring elaborate floats, costumed performers portraying calacas (skeletons), and music, drawing millions annually. The Mexican government has actively promoted such public observances since the 1970s, integrating them into national tourism strategies to preserve indigenous customs amid modernization. In Mexico City, the Gran Desfile de Día de Muertos, launched in 2016 by local authorities, recreates a fictional parade depicted in the James Bond film Spectre and now attracts over 1.5 million spectators. The event, held on November 1, spans 5 kilometers through the historic center, with approximately 5,000 participants in themed floats, giant puppets, and dance troupes performing to traditional and contemporary music. Oaxaca hosts institutional comparsas (carnival-like parades) and over 140 cultural events statewide from late October to early November, coordinated by state tourism boards and featuring artisan markets, concerts, and street performances. The Comparsa de Muertos in Oaxaca City serves as the opening parade, involving thousands in skeletal makeup and indigenous attire marching with marimbas and fireworks. In Michoacán, particularly around Lake Pátzcuaro, public processions organized by local communities and supported by state institutions culminate on November 1–2 with candlelit vigils and boat journeys to islands like Janitzio, where participants light thousands of candles at cemeteries and share tamales on graves. These events, formalized since the mid-20th century, emphasize Purépecha indigenous rituals and draw government funding for preservation. The tradition's global significance was affirmed in 2008 when UNESCO inscribed the "Indigenous festivity dedicated to the dead" on its Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity, prompting further institutional efforts in Mexico to document and promote authentic public expressions over commercial variants.

Global Spread and Adaptations

Observance in the United States

Day of the Dead observances in the United States originated with Mexican immigrants and Mexican-American communities, particularly in the Southwest, where families maintained home altars (ofrendas) featuring photographs of deceased relatives, marigolds, candles, and favorite foods to guide spirits back for annual visits. These practices trace to early 20th-century migrations but gained organized public form in the 1970s amid Chicano Movement activism, which used the holiday to assert cultural identity and resist assimilation pressures. Public celebrations proliferated in urban areas with large Hispanic populations, evolving into multimedia events incorporating parades, music, and art installations distinct from rural Mexican customs. In Los Angeles, the Hollywood Forever Cemetery hosts one of the largest annual gatherings, drawing over 30,000 attendees for altar displays, live music, and artisan markets on November 2, while Olvera Street features processions and folkloric dances. San Antonio's Muertos Fest includes a river parade with illuminated floats and ofrendas along the San Antonio River, attracting tens of thousands since its inception in the 1990s. San Francisco's Mission District stages a Day of the Dead Festival of Altars and a nighttime ritual procession, where participants in skeletal face paint carry torches and marigold-adorned effigies through streets lined with community altars, emphasizing themes of remembrance and communal mourning. Other cities like Albuquerque host the Muertos y Marigolds Parade with giant puppets and lowrider vehicles, while Chicago's Día de los Muertos Xicágo features altar competitions and Aztec dance performances in Pilsen. These events, often free and family-oriented, blend indigenous rituals with Catholic elements but adapt to American contexts, such as school programs and museum exhibits promoting cultural education. Participation extends beyond Mexican-Americans to broader Latino groups and non-Hispanics, with commercial elements like themed merchandise emerging, though core rituals prioritize familial and spiritual honoring over entertainment. In border states like Texas and California, cemetery vigils involve cleaning graves and overnight stays with picnics, mirroring Mexican traditions but scaled for urban densities. Overall, U.S. observances numbered in the dozens by the 2010s, reflecting demographic shifts with over 37 million Mexican-origin residents by 2020.

Observance in Other Countries

In Canada, Mexican diaspora communities and cultural organizations host Día de los Muertos festivals adapting traditional elements like ofrendas (altars), calaveras (skull imagery), and processions with music and dance to honor the deceased. The annual Day of the Dead Festival in Ottawa, typically occurring late October to early November in the ByWard Market, features live performances, artisan markets, and public altars commemorating lost loved ones through artistic expressions. In Vancouver, events at venues like Granville Island include community-built altars adorned with marigolds and photos, culminating in gatherings on November 2 that blend Mexican rituals with local participation. Toronto's Royal Ontario Museum hosts after-hours events on November 1 with themed exhibits, face painting, and educational talks on the holiday's origins, attracting adults for immersive experiences. Australia sees similar adaptations through multicultural events organized by Mexican communities and venues, emphasizing vibrant parades and family-oriented rituals. In Melbourne, Federation Square's Día de Muertos celebration includes a Catrina Walk—costumed processions featuring skeletal figures—and workshops on crafting paper calaveras, held around late October to early November to evoke the Mexican tradition of welcoming spirits. Sydney and Perth host Día de los Muertos fiestas with Aztec-inspired cleansings, live mariachi music, and altars from mid-October through November, drawing crowds for dances and offerings that highlight life's continuity amid death. These events, such as in Hobart, adapt core symbols such as cempasúchil flowers and copal incense while incorporating local entertainment to foster cultural exchange. In Europe, observances center on cultural institutes promoting Mexican heritage, with Spain hosting prominent displays due to historical ties. Madrid's Casa de México Foundation erects Europe's largest Day of the Dead altar annually in October, spanning multiple rooms with thousands of cempasúchil flowers, candles, and personal mementos; it attracted over 100,000 visitors in 2024, serving as an educational hub on the tradition's prehispanic and Catholic roots. Paris's Jardin d'Acclimatation offers family events from early October to November 2, including altars, storytelling, and crafts inspired by Mexican practices, blending them with European All Saints' customs for broader appeal. Such events, often tied to embassies or festivals, maintain fidelity to Mexican symbolism like the Catrina figure while adapting to non-Latin contexts through public exhibitions rather than private family vigils.

In Latin America

In Latin America beyond Mexico, observances coinciding with All Saints' Day on November 1 and All Souls' Day on November 2 blend Catholic rituals with indigenous practices to commemorate the dead, typically emphasizing grave visits, prayers, and modest offerings rather than the elaborate altars and skeletal iconography prominent in Mexican celebrations. Families across countries like Guatemala, Ecuador, Peru, and Bolivia clean tombs, place flowers and candles, and share meals at cemeteries, reflecting a shared colonial legacy of Spanish Catholicism overlaid on pre-Hispanic ancestor veneration. In Guatemala, Día de los Muertos incorporates Mayan spiritual elements, particularly through the barrilete (giant kite) festivals held annually on November 1 in towns such as Santiago Sacatepéquez and Sumpango, where colorful, oversized kites—some exceeding 20 meters in diameter—are flown over cemeteries to symbolize guiding ancestral spirits back to the afterlife and warding off malevolent forces. Participants also prepare fiambre, a cold salad of over 50 ingredients including meats, vegetables, and cheeses, traditionally shared among the living to indirectly honor the deceased during multi-day vigils. Graves are adorned with coronas (wreaths), pine needles, and cypress branches, with banquets of dried fruits and sweets left as offerings. Ecuador observes Día de los Difuntos on November 2 with cemetery gatherings where families clean and decorate graves, pray, and consume colada morada—a thick, spiced fruit drink—and guaguas de pan (bread effigies shaped like babies or animals), which are placed on tombs to represent the souls of the departed. In indigenous communities like Otavalo, rituals include sharing food and beverages such as canelazo (cinnamon-anise liquor) at gravesites, maintaining Andean beliefs in the temporary return of spirits. In Peru, Día de los Difuntos features regional variations, such as in the highlands where families prepare t'anta wawa (bread dolls) and wawa ch'iri (a sweet made from dough and anise), left at graves alongside flowers and incense, drawing from Inca customs of feeding the dead. Bolivia marks All Saints' Day on November 2 with home altars stocked with food and beverages for visiting spirits, particularly in rural areas where Aymara and Quechua traditions involve lighting candles and offering llajwa (spicy sauce) to sustain souls during their annual passage. These practices, while resonant with Mexican syncretism, prioritize communal mourning and simpler ancestral communion over festive public displays.

In Europe and Beyond

In Europe, observances akin to Day of the Dead center on All Saints' Day (November 1) and All Souls' Day (November 2), Catholic holidays dedicated to honoring saints and praying for the deceased souls in purgatory. Families across countries like Poland, Hungary, and Italy visit cemeteries to clean and decorate graves with flowers—often chrysanthemums—and light thousands of candles, creating luminous displays that symbolize remembrance and guidance for the dead. These practices, rooted in medieval Christian traditions, emphasize familial duty in commemorating ancestors through prayer and offerings, paralleling the Mexican focus on familial altars but with a stronger emphasis on ecclesiastical intercession rather than direct spirit welcoming. In Poland, All Saints' Day draws millions to cemeteries, where graves are adorned with wreaths, lanterns, and electric or wax candles that illuminate graveyards into the night, a custom intensified since the 20th century to counter wartime losses. Similar grave-tending occurs in Sweden on Allhelgonadagen, with families placing evergreen wreaths and lights on tombs, blending Protestant solemnity with pre-Christian ancestor veneration echoes. These European rituals, while somber and prayer-oriented, share with Day of the Dead the communal grave visitation and seasonal timing near November, though they lack the Mexican syncretism of indigenous merriment and skeletal iconography. Beyond Europe, Asian traditions offer parallels in ancestor reverence, such as Japan's Obon festival, held mid-August by the lunar calendar, where families light lanterns to guide spirits home, perform Bon Odori dances, and float paper boats on water symbolizing the dead's return voyage. China's Qingming Festival in early April involves tomb-sweeping (qīngmíng), where descendants clean graves, burn incense and paper money offerings, and share picnics to honor forebears, stressing filial piety and cyclical renewal akin to Day of the Dead's life-death continuum. The Hungry Ghost Festival, observed in the seventh lunar month across Chinese communities, features street altars with food and joss paper burned for wandering spirits, reflecting beliefs in temporary ghostly returns that mirror Mexican ofrendas but with greater fear of unrestful ghosts. These observances, varying by Buddhist and Taoist influences, prioritize offerings and temporary spirit communion without the festive parades of Day of the Dead, highlighting diverse cultural mechanisms for maintaining bonds with the deceased.

Misconceptions, Controversies, and Criticisms

Distinctions from Halloween

Día de los Muertos, observed primarily on November 1 and 2, honors deceased ancestors through rituals rooted in pre-Columbian Mesoamerican traditions, such as those of the Aztecs, which were syncretized with Catholic observances of All Saints' Day and All Souls' Day following Spanish colonization. In contrast, Halloween falls on October 31 as the eve of All Saints' Day, deriving from the ancient Celtic festival of Samhain, which marked the end of the harvest and the beginning of winter, when it was believed the boundary between the living and the dead thinned, prompting disguises to ward off malevolent spirits. The tone and intent differ fundamentally: Día de los Muertos emphasizes joyful remembrance, familial reunion with the departed, and acceptance of death as part of life's cycle, with families preparing ofrendas—altars adorned with marigolds, candles, photographs, favorite foods, and sugar skulls—to guide spirits home. Halloween, however, focuses on fear, fantasy, and mischief, featuring costumes portraying monsters or the supernatural, trick-or-treating for candy, and decorations evoking horror like jack-o'-lanterns carved from pumpkins to represent damned souls. Practices further diverge in their relation to the dead: during Día de los Muertos, participants clean and decorate gravesites, hold vigils, and sometimes feast at cemeteries, viewing them as sites of communion rather than dread. Halloween typically avoids real cemeteries, instead commercializing spooky themes through haunted attractions and parties, with little emphasis on personal bereavement or inviting ancestral spirits. Symbolism reflects these contrasts, as Día de los Muertos employs vibrant colors like the orange of cempasúchil (marigold) flowers and purple for mourning, alongside calaveras (skulls) symbolizing life's impermanence without terror, whereas Halloween prioritizes black and orange palettes evoking darkness and autumnal decay. These distinctions underscore that while both holidays involve the supernatural and occur near November 1, Día de los Muertos is a communal, reverent affirmation of continuity between life and death, not a derivative or equivalent of Halloween's secular, entertainment-driven festivities. Mischaracterizations, such as labeling Día de los Muertos as "Mexican Halloween," overlook its indigenous emphasis on specific remembrance of loved ones, independent of Celtic-influenced fears of wandering ghosts.

Cultural Appropriation Debates

Debates over cultural appropriation of Día de los Muertos have primarily emerged in the United States, where non-Mexican participants incorporate elements like sugar skull (calavera) face paint into Halloween costumes or parties, prompting accusations of disrespecting a sacred Mexican tradition. Critics, often from activist circles, argue this commodifies indigenous and Catholic syncretic rituals by reducing them to aesthetic novelties without understanding their role in honoring the deceased. For instance, in 2019, actress Ashley Tisdale faced online backlash for her Day of the Dead-inspired Halloween makeup, with commenters labeling it as appropriating Mexican culture. Mexican perspectives frequently diverge from these criticisms, with many viewing global participation as appreciation rather than theft, especially given the holiday's syncretic evolution and modern elements like calavera makeup, which originated in 20th-century print media rather than ancient indigenous practices. Informal surveys and discussions among Mexicans indicate little concern over non-Mexicans celebrating respectfully, often dismissing U.S.-centric appropriation claims as overly sensitive or misguided. In Mexico itself, debates focus more on internal commercialization, such as transforming solemn processions into tourist spectacles, rather than foreign adoption. Proponents of stricter boundaries advocate for non-Mexicans to observe through education or attendance at authentic events without personal adoption, citing risks of diluting cultural significance amid broader patterns of selective borrowing from minority traditions. However, empirical evidence of harm remains anecdotal, and the holiday's UNESCO recognition as intangible cultural heritage emphasizes preservation through global awareness, not isolation. These debates reflect tensions between cultural protectionism and the natural diffusion of traditions via migration and media, with U.S. media amplifying appropriation narratives that may overstate offense relative to source communities' views.

Commercialization and Media Portrayals

The commercialization of Día de los Muertos traces back to the 18th century, when observances in Mexico City generated the largest annual market of the year, featuring sales of goods tied to the holiday. This economic dimension intensified in the 20th and 21st centuries with expanded tourism and consumer products, including mass-produced sugar skulls, marigold flowers, and themed decorations. In 2024, consumer spending on Día de los Muertos in Mexico exceeded 45 billion pesos (approximately $2.1 billion USD), driven by retail sales and hospitality, with hotel revenues alone reaching 4.2 billion pesos and occupancy rates projected above 60%. The annual parade in Mexico City, initiated in 2016, attracts over 1 million attendees and spills an estimated $45.5 million into local tourism services. Critics argue that such commercialization erodes the holiday's spiritual and communal essence, transforming intimate family altars into commodified spectacles that prioritize profit over remembrance. Indigenous communities, reliant on artisanal production of items like copal incense and paper cuttings, face market saturation from cheap imports, undermining traditional livelihoods. In the United States, Chicano artists in areas like East Los Angeles have resisted corporate takeovers of events, viewing them as dilutions of culturally specific practices into generic festivals. Proponents, however, contend that economic incentives sustain practices, funding community events and broadening participation beyond Mexico. Media portrayals have amplified global commercialization, with Pixar's 2017 film Coco depicting a stylized version of the holiday that grossed over $800 million worldwide and introduced elements like the Land of the Dead to non-Mexican audiences. The film, which consulted Mexican cultural experts, emphasized family remembrance and ofrendas but has been critiqued for romanticizing traditions amid broader Disney merchandising of calaveras and alebrijes. Other depictions, such as the extravagant parade in the 2015 James Bond film Spectre, inspired real-life events but portrayed an ahistorical grandeur not rooted in indigenous practices. These representations, while boosting tourism—evidenced by post-Coco surges in U.S. interest—risk conflating authentic rituals with pop culture tropes, per observers noting oversimplification in non-Mexican adaptations.

References

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