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Hypatia's Mathematical and Astronomical Contributions
Main milestones
Synesius of Cyrene and Hypatia
Hypatia and Neoplatonism
The Loss of Hypatia's Writings
Hypatia and Technology: The Instruments
The Political and Religious Context of Hypatia's Murder
Hypatia and the Intellectual Climate of Alexandria
Hypatia's Life: A General Overview
Hypatia's Relationships and Social Life
Hypatia's Legacy and Memory
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Hypatia
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Hypatia[a] (born c. 350–370 – March 415 AD)[1][4] was a Neoplatonist philosopher, astronomer, and mathematician who lived in Alexandria, at that time in the province of Egypt and a major city of the Eastern Roman Empire. In Alexandria, Hypatia was a prominent thinker who taught subjects including philosophy and astronomy,[5] and in her lifetime was renowned as a great teacher and a wise counselor. Not the only fourth century Alexandrian female mathematician, Hypatia was preceded by Pandrosion.[6] However, Hypatia is the first female mathematician whose life is reasonably well recorded.[7] She wrote a commentary on Diophantus's thirteen-volume Arithmetica, which may survive in part, having been interpolated into Diophantus's original text, and another commentary on Apollonius of Perga's treatise on conic sections, which has not survived. Many modern scholars also believe that Hypatia may have edited the surviving text of Ptolemy's Almagest, based on the title of her father Theon's commentary on Book III of the Almagest.
Key Information
Hypatia constructed astrolabes and hydrometers, but did not invent either of these, which were both in use long before she was born. She was tolerant toward Christians and taught many Christian students, including Synesius, the future bishop of Ptolemais. Ancient sources record that Hypatia was widely beloved by pagans and Christians alike and that she established great influence with the political elite in Alexandria. Toward the end of her life, Hypatia advised Orestes, the Roman prefect of Alexandria, who was in the midst of a political feud with Cyril, the bishop of Alexandria. Rumors spread accusing her of preventing Orestes from reconciling with Cyril and, in March 415 AD, she was murdered by a mob of Christians led by a lector named Peter.[8][9]
Hypatia's murder shocked the empire and transformed her into a "martyr for philosophy", leading future Neoplatonists such as the historian Damascius (c. 458 – c. 538) to become increasingly fervent in their opposition to Christianity. During the Middle Ages, Hypatia was co-opted as a symbol of Christian virtue and scholars believe she was part of the basis for the legend of Saint Catherine of Alexandria. During the Age of Enlightenment, she became a symbol of opposition to Catholicism. In the nineteenth century, European literature, especially Charles Kingsley's 1853 novel Hypatia, romanticized her as "the last of the Hellenes". In the twentieth century, Hypatia became seen as an icon for women's rights and a precursor to the feminist movement. Since the late twentieth century, some portrayals have associated Hypatia's death with the destruction of the Library of Alexandria, despite the historical fact that the library no longer existed during Hypatia's lifetime.[10]
Life
[edit]Upbringing
[edit]
Hypatia was the daughter of the mathematician Theon of Alexandria.[14][15][16] According to classical historian Edward J. Watts, Theon was the head of a school called the "Mouseion", which was named in emulation of the Hellenistic Mouseion,[15] whose membership had ceased in the 260s AD.[17] Theon's school was exclusive, highly prestigious, and doctrinally conservative. Theon rejected the teachings of Iamblichus and may have taken pride in teaching a pure, Plotinian Neoplatonism.[18] Although he was widely seen as a great mathematician at the time,[11][13][19] Theon's mathematical work has been deemed by modern standards as essentially "minor",[11] "trivial",[13] and "completely unoriginal".[19] His primary achievement was the production of a new edition of Euclid's Elements, in which he corrected scribal errors that had been made over the course of nearly 700 years of copying.[11][12][13] Theon's edition of Euclid's Elements became the most widely used edition of the textbook for centuries[12][20] and almost totally supplanted all other editions.[20]
Nothing is known about Hypatia's mother, who is never mentioned in any of the extant sources.[21][22][23] Theon dedicates his commentary on Book IV of Ptolemy's Almagest to an individual named Epiphanius, addressing him as "my dear son",[24][25] indicating that he may have been Hypatia's brother,[24] but the Greek word Theon uses (teknon) does not always mean "son" in the biological sense and was often used merely to signal strong feelings of paternal connection.[24][25] Hypatia's exact year of birth is still under debate, with suggested dates ranging from 350 to 370 AD.[26][27][28] Many scholars have followed Richard Hoche in inferring that Hypatia was born around 370. According to Damascius's lost work Life of Isidore, preserved in the entry for Hypatia in the Suda, a tenth-century Byzantine encyclopedia, Hypatia flourished during the reign of Arcadius. Hoche reasoned that Damascius's description of her physical beauty would imply that she was at most 30 at that time, and the year 370 was 30 years prior to the midpoint of Arcadius's reign.[29][30] In contrast, theories that she was born as early as 350 are based on the wording of the chronicler John Malalas (c. 491 – 578), who calls her old at the time of her death in 415.[28][31] Robert Penella argues that both theories are weakly based, and that her birth date should be left unspecified.[29]
Career
[edit]Hypatia was a Neoplatonist, but, like her father, she rejected the teachings of Iamblichus and instead embraced the original Neoplatonism formulated by Plotinus.[18] The Alexandrian school was renowned at the time for its philosophy, and Alexandria was regarded as second only to Athens as the philosophical capital of the Greco-Roman world.[26] Hypatia taught students from all over the Mediterranean.[32] According to Damascius, she lectured on the writings of Plato and Aristotle.[33][34][35][36] He also states that she walked through Alexandria in a tribon, a kind of cloak associated with philosophers, giving impromptu public lectures.[37][38][39]

According to Watts, two main varieties of Neoplatonism were taught in Alexandria during the late fourth century. The first was the overtly pagan religious Neoplatonism taught at the Serapeum, which was greatly influenced by the teachings of Iamblichus.[40] The second variety was the more moderate and less polemical variety championed by Hypatia and her father Theon, which was based on the teachings of Plotinus.[41] Although Hypatia was a pagan, she was tolerant of Christians.[42][43] In fact, every one of her known students was Christian.[44] One of her most prominent pupils was Synesius of Cyrene,[26][45][46][47] who went on to become a bishop of Ptolemais (now in eastern Libya) in 410.[47][48] Afterward, he continued to exchange letters with Hypatia[46][47][49] and his extant letters are the main sources of information about her career.[46][47][50][51][52] Seven letters by Synesius to Hypatia have survived,[46][47] but none from her addressed to him are extant.[47] In a letter written in around 395 to his friend Herculianus, Synesius describes Hypatia as "... a person so renowned, her reputation seemed literally incredible. We have seen and heard for ourselves she who honorably presides over the mysteries of philosophy."[46] Synesius preserves the legacy of Hypatia's opinions and teachings, such as the pursuit of "the philosophical state of apatheia—complete liberation from emotions and affections".[53]
The Christian historian Socrates of Constantinople, a contemporary of Hypatia, describes her in his Ecclesiastical History:[21]
There was a woman at Alexandria named Hypatia, daughter of the philosopher Theon, who made such attainments in literature and science, as to far surpass all the philosophers of her own time. Having succeeded to the school of Plato and Plotinus, she explained the principles of philosophy to her auditors, many of whom came from a distance to receive her instructions. On account of the self-possession and ease of manner which she had acquired in consequence of the cultivation of her mind, she not infrequently appeared in public in the presence of the magistrates. Neither did she feel abashed in going to an assembly of men. For all men on account of her extraordinary dignity and virtue admired her the more.[33]
Philostorgius, another Christian historian, who was also a contemporary of Hypatia, states that she excelled her father in mathematics[46] and the lexicographer Hesychius of Alexandria records that, like her father, she was also an extraordinarily talented astronomer.[46][54] Damascius writes that Hypatia was "exceedingly beautiful and fair of form",[55][56] but nothing else is known regarding her physical appearance[57] and no ancient depictions of her have survived.[58] Damascius states that Hypatia remained a lifelong virgin[59][60] and that, when one of the men who came to her lectures tried to court her, she tried to soothe his lust by playing the lyre.[56][61][b] When he refused to abandon his pursuit, she rejected him outright,[56][61][63] displaying her bloody menstrual rags and declaring "This is what you really love, my young man, but you do not love beauty for its own sake."[34][56][61][63] Damascius further relates that the young man was so traumatized that he abandoned his desires for her immediately.[56][61][63]
Death
[edit]Background
[edit]
From 382 – 412, the bishop of Alexandria was Theophilus.[65] Theophilus was militantly opposed to Iamblichean Neoplatonism[65] and, in 391, he demolished the Serapeum.[66][67] Despite this, Theophilus tolerated Hypatia's school and seems to have regarded Hypatia as his ally.[21][65][68] Theophilus supported the bishopric of Hypatia's pupil Synesius,[21][69] who describes Theophilus in his letters with love and admiration.[68][70] Theophilus also permitted Hypatia to establish close relationships with the Roman prefects and other prominent political leaders.[65] Partly as a result of Theophilus's tolerance, Hypatia became extremely popular with the people of Alexandria and exerted profound political influence.[71]
Theophilus died unexpectedly in 412.[65] He had been training his nephew Cyril, but had not officially named him as his successor.[72] A violent power struggle over the diocese broke out between Cyril and his rival Timothy. Cyril won and immediately began to punish the opposing faction; he closed the churches of the Novatianists, who had supported Timothy, and confiscated their property.[73] Hypatia's school seems to have immediately taken a strong distrust toward the new bishop,[68][70] as evidenced by the fact that, in all his vast correspondences, Synesius only ever wrote one letter to Cyril, in which he treats the younger bishop as inexperienced and misguided.[70] In a letter written to Hypatia in 413, Synesius requests her to intercede on behalf of two individuals impacted by the ongoing civil strife in Alexandria,[74][75][76] insisting, "You always have power, and you can bring about good by using that power."[74] He also reminds her that she had taught him that a Neoplatonic philosopher must introduce the highest moral standards to political life and act for the benefit of their fellow citizens.[74]
According to Socrates Scholasticus, in 414, following an exchange of hostilities and a Jewish-led massacre, Cyril closed all the synagogues in Alexandria, confiscated all the property belonging to the Jews, and expelled a number of Jews from the city; Scholasticus suggests all the Jews were expelled, while John of Nikiu notes it was only those involved in the massacre.[77][78][73] Orestes, the Roman prefect of Alexandria, who was also a close friend of Hypatia[21] and a recent convert to Christianity,[21][79][80] was outraged by Cyril's actions and sent a scathing report to the emperor.[21][73][81] The conflict escalated and a riot broke out in which the parabalani, a group of Christian clerics under Cyril's authority, nearly killed Orestes.[73] As punishment, Orestes had Ammonius, the monk who had started the riot, publicly tortured to death.[73][82][83] Cyril tried to proclaim Ammonius a martyr,[73][82][84] but Christians in Alexandria were disgusted,[82][85] since Ammonius had been killed for inciting a riot and attempting to murder the governor, not for his faith.[82] Prominent Alexandrian Christians intervened and forced Cyril to drop the matter.[73][82][85] Nonetheless, Cyril's feud with Orestes continued.[86] Orestes frequently consulted Hypatia for advice[87][88] because she was well-liked among both pagans and Christians alike, she had not been involved in any previous stages of the conflict, and she had an impeccable reputation as a wise counselor.[89]
Despite Hypatia's popularity, Cyril and his allies attempted to discredit her and undermine her reputation.[90][91] Socrates Scholasticus mentions rumors accusing Hypatia of preventing Orestes from reconciling with Cyril.[88][91] Traces of other rumors that spread among the Christian populace of Alexandria may be found in the writings of the seventh-century Egyptian Coptic bishop John of Nikiû,[40][91] who alleges in his Chronicle that Hypatia had engaged in satanic practices and had intentionally hampered the church's influence over Orestes:[91][92][93][94]
And in those days there appeared in Alexandria a female philosopher, a pagan named Hypatia, and she was devoted at all times to magic, astrolabes and instruments of music, and she beguiled many people through her Satanic wiles. And the governor of the city honoured her exceedingly; for she had beguiled him through her magic. And he ceased attending church as had been his custom... And he not only did this, but he drew many believers to her, and he himself received the unbelievers at his house.[92]

Murder
[edit]According to Socrates Scholasticus, during the Christian season of Lent in March 415, a mob of Christians under the leadership of a lector named Peter raided Hypatia's carriage as she was travelling home.[95][96][97] They dragged her into a building known as the Kaisarion, a former pagan temple and center of the Roman imperial cult in Alexandria that had been converted into a Christian church.[89][95][97] There, the mob stripped Hypatia naked and murdered her using ostraka,[95][98][99][100] which can either be translated as "roof tiles", "oyster shells" or simply "shards".[95] Damascius adds that they also cut out her eyeballs.[101] They tore her body into pieces and dragged her limbs through the town to a place called Cinarion, where they set them on fire.[95][101][100] According to Watts, this was in line with the traditional manner in which Alexandrians carried the bodies of the "vilest criminals" outside the city limits to cremate them as a way of symbolically purifying the city.[101][102] Although Socrates Scholasticus never explicitly identifies Hypatia's murderers, they are commonly assumed to have been members of the parabalani.[103] Christopher Haas disputes this identification, arguing that the murderers were more likely "a crowd of Alexandrian laymen".[104]
Socrates Scholasticus presents Hypatia's murder as entirely politically motivated and makes no mention of any role that Hypatia's paganism might have played in her death.[105] Instead, he reasons that "she fell a victim to the political jealousy which at that time prevailed. For as she had frequent interviews with Orestes, it was calumniously reported among the Christian populace that it was she who prevented Orestes from being reconciled to the bishop."[95][106] Socrates Scholasticus unequivocally condemns the actions of the mob, declaring, "Surely nothing can be farther from the spirit of Christianity than the allowance of massacres, fights, and transactions of that sort."[95][102][107]
The Canadian mathematician Ari Belenkiy has argued that Hypatia may have been involved in a controversy over the date of the Christian holiday of Easter 417 and that she was killed on the vernal equinox while making astronomical observations.[108] Classical scholars Alan Cameron and Edward J. Watts both dismiss this hypothesis, noting that there is absolutely no evidence in any ancient text to support any part of the hypothesis.[109][110]
Aftermath
[edit]Hypatia's death sent shockwaves throughout the empire;[40][111] for centuries, philosophers had been seen as effectively untouchable during the displays of public violence that sometimes occurred in Roman cities and the murder of a female philosopher at the hand of a mob was seen as "profoundly dangerous and destabilizing".[111] Although no concrete evidence was ever discovered definitively linking Cyril to the murder of Hypatia,[40] it was widely believed that he had ordered it.[40][88] Even if Cyril had not directly ordered the murder, his smear campaign against Hypatia had inspired it. The Alexandrian council was alarmed at Cyril's conduct and sent an embassy to Constantinople.[40] The advisors of Theodosius II launched an investigation to determine Cyril's role in the murder.[107]
The investigation resulted in the emperors Honorius and Theodosius II issuing an edict in autumn of 416, which attempted to remove the parabalani from Cyril's power and instead place them under the authority of Orestes.[40][107][112][113] The edict restricted the parabalani from attending "any public spectacle whatever" or entering "the meeting place of a municipal council or a courtroom."[114] It also severely restricted their recruitment by limiting the total number of parabalani to no more than five hundred.[113] According to Damascius, Cyril allegedly only managed to escape even more serious punishment by bribing one of Theodosius's officials.[107] Watts argues that Hypatia's murder was the turning point in Cyril's fight to gain political control of Alexandria.[115] Hypatia had been the linchpin holding Orestes's opposition against Cyril together, and, without her, the opposition quickly collapsed.[40] Two years later, Cyril overturned the law placing the parabalani under Orestes's control and, by the early 420s, Cyril had come to dominate the Alexandrian council.[115]
Works
[edit]Hypatia has been described as a universal genius,[116] but she was probably more of a teacher and commentator than an innovator.[117][118][21][119] No evidence has been found that Hypatia ever published any independent works on philosophy[120] and she does not appear to have made any groundbreaking mathematical discoveries.[117][118][21][119] During Hypatia's time period, scholars preserved classical mathematical works and commented on them to develop their arguments, rather than publishing original works.[117][121][122] It has also been suggested that the closure of the Mouseion and the destruction of the Serapeum may have led Hypatia and her father to focus their efforts on preserving seminal mathematical books and making them accessible to their students.[120] The Suda mistakenly states that all of Hypatia's writings have been lost,[123] but modern scholarship has identified several works by her as extant.[123] This kind of authorial uncertainty is typical of female philosophers from antiquity.[124] Hypatia wrote in Greek,[26] which was the language spoken by most educated people in the Eastern Mediterranean at the time. In classical antiquity, astronomy was seen as being essentially mathematical in character.[125] Furthermore, no distinction was made between mathematics and numerology or astronomy and astrology.[125]
Edition of the Almagest
[edit]
Hypatia is now known to have edited the existing text of Book III of Ptolemy's Almagest.[126][127][128] It was once thought that Hypatia had merely revised Theon's commentary on the Almagest,[130] based on the title of Theon's commentary on the third book of Almagest, which reads "Commentary by Theon of Alexandria on Book III of Ptolemy's Almagest, edition revised by my daughter Hypatia, the philosopher",[130][131] but, based on analysis of the titles of Theon's other commentaries and similar titles from the time period, scholars have concluded that Hypatia corrected, not her father's commentary, but the text of Almagest itself.[130][132] Her contribution is thought to be an improved method for the long division algorithms needed for astronomical computation. The Ptolemaic model of the universe was geocentric, meaning it taught that the Sun revolved around the Earth. In the Almagest, Ptolemy proposed a division problem for calculating the number of degrees swept out by the Sun in a single day as it orbits the Earth. In his early commentary, Theon had tried to improve upon Ptolemy's division calculation. In the text edited by Hypatia, a tabular method is detailed.[129] This tabular method might be the "astronomical table" which historic sources attribute to Hypatia.[129] Classicist Alan Cameron additionally states that it is possible Hypatia may have edited, not only Book III, but all nine extant books of the Almagest.[127]
Independent writings
[edit]
Hypatia wrote a commentary on Diophantus's thirteen-volume Arithmetica, which had been written sometime around the year 250 AD.[19][34][135][136] It set out more than 100 mathematical problems, for which solutions are proposed using algebra.[137] For centuries, scholars believed that this commentary had been lost.[123] Only volumes one through six of the Arithmetica have survived in the original Greek,[19][138][134] but at least four additional volumes have been preserved in an Arabic translation produced around the year 860.[19][136] The Arabic text contains numerous expansions not found in the Greek text,[19][136] including verifications of Diophantus's examples and additional problems.[19]
Cameron states that the most likely source of the additional material is Hypatia, since Hypatia is the only ancient writer known to have written a commentary on the Arithmetica and the additions appear to follow the same methods used by her father Theon.[19] The first person to deduce that the additional material in the Arabic manuscripts came from Hypatia was the nineteenth-century scholar Paul Tannery.[133][139] In 1885, Sir Thomas Heath published the first English translation of the surviving portion of the Arithmetica. Heath argued that surviving text of Arithmetica is actually a school edition produced by Hypatia to aid her students.[138] According to Mary Ellen Waithe, Hypatia used an unusual algorithm for division (in the then-standard sexagesimal numeral system), making it easy for scholars to pick out which parts of the text she had written.[133]
The consensus that Hypatia's commentary is the source of the additional material in the Arabic manuscripts of the Arithmetica has been challenged by Wilbur Knorr, a historian of mathematics, who argues that the interpolations are "of such low level as not to require any real mathematical insight" and that the author of the interpolations can only have been "an essentially trivial mind... in direct conflict with ancient testimonies of Hypatia's high caliber as a philosopher and mathematician."[19] Cameron rejects this argument, noting that "Theon too enjoyed a high reputation, yet his surviving work has been judged 'completely unoriginal.'"[19] Cameron also insists that "Hypatia's work on Diophantus was what we today might call a school edition, designed for the use of students rather than professional mathematicians."[19]
Hypatia also wrote a commentary on Apollonius of Perga's work on conic sections,[34][133][134] but this commentary is not extant.[133][134] She also created an "Astronomical Canon";[34] this is believed to have been either a new edition of the Handy Tables by the Alexandrian Ptolemy or the aforementioned commentary on his Almagest.[140][141][142] Based on a close reading in comparison with her supposed contributions to the work of Diophantus, Knorr suggests that Hypatia may also have edited Archimedes' Measurement of a Circle, an anonymous text on isometric figures, and a text later used by John of Tynemouth in his work on Archimedes' measurement of the sphere.[143] A high degree of mathematical accomplishment would have been needed to comment on Apollonius's advanced mathematics or the astronomical Canon. Because of this, most scholars today recognize that Hypatia must have been among the leading mathematicians of her day.[117]
Reputed inventions
[edit]
One of Synesius's letters describes Hypatia as having taught him how to construct a silver plane astrolabe as a gift for an official.[52][144][145][146] An astrolabe is a device used to calculate date and time based on the positions of the stars and planets. It can also be used to predict where the stars and planets will be on any given date.[144][147][148] A "little astrolabe", or "plane astrolabe", is a kind of astrolabe that used stereographic projection of the celestial sphere to represent the heavens on a plane surface, as opposed to an armillary sphere, which was globe-shaped.[129][147] Armillary spheres were large and normally used for display, whereas a plane astrolabe was portable and could be used for practical measurements.[147]
The statement from Synesius's letter has sometimes been wrongly interpreted to mean that Hypatia invented the plane astrolabe,[37][149] but the plane astrolabe was in use at least 500 years before Hypatia was born.[52][144][149][150] Hypatia may have learned how to construct a plane astrolabe from her father Theon,[129][145][147] who had written two treatises on astrolabes: one entitled Memoirs on the Little Astrolabe and another study on the armillary sphere in Ptolemy's Almagest.[147] Theon's treatise is now lost, but it was well known to the Syrian bishop Severus Sebokht (575–667), who describes its contents in his own treatise on astrolabes.[147][151] Hypatia and Theon may have also studied Ptolemy's Planisphaerium, which describes the calculations necessary in order to construct an astrolabe.[152] Synesius's wording indicates that Hypatia did not design or construct the astrolabe, but acted as a guide and mentor during the process of constructing it.[13]
In another letter, Synesius requests Hypatia to construct him a "hydroscope", a device now known as a hydrometer, to determine the density or specific gravity of liquids.[145][149][153][154] Based on this request, some writers have proposed that Hypatia invented the hydrometer.[149][155] The minute detail in which Synesius describes the instrument, however, indicates that he assumes she has never heard of the device,[156][157] but trusts she will be able to replicate it based on a verbal description. Hydrometers were based on Archimedes' 3rd century BC principles, may have been invented by him, and were being described by the 2nd century AD in a poem by the Roman author Remnius.[158][159][160] Although modern authors frequently credit Hypatia with having developed a variety of other inventions, these other attributions may all be discounted as spurious.[156] Booth concludes, "The modern day reputation held by Hypatia as a philosopher, mathematician, astronomer, and mechanical inventor, is disproportionate to the amount of surviving evidence of her life's work. This reputation is either built on myth or hearsay as opposed to evidence. Either that or we are missing all of the evidence that would support it."[155]
Legacy
[edit]Antiquity
[edit]Neoplatonism and paganism both survived for centuries after Hypatia's death,[161][162] and new academic lecture halls continued to be built in Alexandria after her death.[163] Over the next 200 years, Neoplatonist philosophers such as Hierocles of Alexandria, John Philoponus, Simplicius of Cilicia, and Olympiodorus the Younger made astronomical observations, taught mathematics, and wrote lengthy commentaries on the works of Plato and Aristotle.[161][162] Hypatia was not the last female Neoplatonist philosopher; later ones include Aedesia, Asclepigenia, and Theodora of Emesa.[163]
According to Watts, however, Hypatia had no appointed successor, no spouse, and no offspring[107][164] and her sudden death not only left her legacy unprotected, but also triggered a backlash against her entire ideology.[165] Hypatia, with her tolerance toward Christian students and her willingness to cooperate with Christian leaders, had hoped to establish a precedent that Neoplatonism and Christianity could coexist peacefully and cooperatively. Instead, her death and the subsequent failure by the Christian government to impose justice on her killers destroyed that notion entirely and led future Neoplatonists such as Damascius to consider Christian bishops as "dangerous, jealous figures who were also utterly unphilosophical."[166] Hypatia became seen as a "martyr for philosophy",[166] and her murder led philosophers to adopt attitudes that increasingly emphasized the pagan aspects of their beliefs system[167] and helped create a sense of identity for philosophers as pagan traditionalists set apart from the Christian masses.[168] Thus, while Hypatia's death did not bring an end to Neoplatonist philosophy as a whole, Watts argues that it did bring an end to her particular variety of it.[169]
Shortly after Hypatia's murder, a forged anti-Christian letter appeared under her name.[170] Damascius was "anxious to exploit the scandal of Hypatia's death", and attributed responsibility for her murder to Bishop Cyril and his Christian followers.[171][172] A passage from Damascius's Life of Isidore, preserved in the Suda, concludes that Hypatia's murder was due to Cyril's envy over "her wisdom exceeding all bounds and especially in the things concerning astronomy".[173][174] Damascius's account of the Christian murder of Hypatia is the sole historical source attributing direct responsibility to Bishop Cyril.[174] At the same time, Damascius was not entirely kind to Hypatia either; he characterizes her as nothing more than a wandering Cynic,[175][176] and compares her unfavorably with his own teacher Isidore of Alexandria,[175][176][177] remarking that "Isidorus greatly outshone Hypatia, not just as a man does over a woman, but in the way a genuine philosopher will over a mere geometer."[178]
Middle Ages
[edit]
Hypatia's death was similar to those of Christian martyrs in Alexandria, who had been dragged through the streets during the Decian persecution in 250.[182][183][184] Other aspects of Hypatia's life also fit the mold for a Christian martyr, especially her lifelong virginity.[179][185] In the Early Middle Ages, Christians conflated Hypatia's death with stories of the Decian martyrs[179][185] and she became part of the basis for the legend of Saint Catherine of Alexandria, a virgin martyr said to have been exceedingly wise and well-educated.[179][180][181] The earliest attestation for the cult of Saint Catherine comes from the eighth century, around three hundred years after Hypatia's death.[186] One story tells of Saint Catherine being confronted by fifty pagan philosophers seeking to convert her,[181][187] but instead converting all of them to Christianity through her eloquence.[179][181] Another legend put forth that Saint Catherine had been a student of Athanasius of Alexandria.[183] In the Laodikeia of Asia Minor (today Denizli in Turkey) until late 19th century Hypatia was venerated as identical to St. Catherine.[188][189]
The Byzantine Suda encyclopedia contains a very long entry about Hypatia, which summarizes two different accounts of her life.[190] The first eleven lines come from one source and the rest of the entry comes from Damascius's Life of Isidore. Most of the first eleven lines of the entry probably come from Hesychius's Onomatologos,[191] but some parts are of unknown origin, including a statement that she was "the wife of Isidore the Philosopher" (apparently Isidore of Alexandria).[34][191][192] Watts describes this as puzzling, not only because Isidore of Alexandria was not born until long after Hypatia's death, and no other philosopher of that name contemporary with Hypatia is known,[193][194][195] but also because it contradicts Damascius's own statement quoted in the same entry about Hypatia being a lifelong virgin.[193] Watts suggests that someone probably misunderstood the meaning of the word gynē used by Damascius to describe Hypatia in his Life of Isidore, since the same word can mean either "woman" or "wife".[196]
The Byzantine and Christian intellectual Photios (c. 810/820–893) includes both Damascius's account of Hypatia and Socrates Scholasticus's in his Bibliotheke.[196] In his own comments, Photios remarks on Hypatia's great fame as a scholar, but does not mention her death, perhaps indicating that he saw her scholarly work as more significant.[197] The intellectual Eudokia Makrembolitissa (1021–1096), the second wife of Byzantine emperor Constantine X Doukas, was described by the historian Nicephorus Gregoras as a "second Hypatia".[198]
Early modern period
[edit]
Early eighteenth-century Deist scholar John Toland used the murder of Hypatia as the basis for an anti-Catholic tract,[199][200][201] portraying Hypatia's death in the worst possible light by changing the story and inventing elements not found in any of the ancient sources.[199][200] A 1721 response by Thomas Lewis defended Cyril,[199][202] rejected Damascius's account as unreliable because its author was "a heathen"[202] and argued that Socrates Scholasticus was "a Puritan", who was consistently biased against Cyril.[202]
Voltaire, in his Examen important de Milord Bolingbroke ou le tombeau de fanatisme (1736) interpreted Hypatia as a believer in "the laws of rational Nature" and "the capacities of the human mind free of dogmas"[117][199] and described her death as "a bestial murder perpetrated by Cyril's tonsured hounds, with a fanatical gang at their heels".[199] Later, in an entry for his Dictionnaire philosophique (1772), Voltaire again portrayed Hypatia as a freethinking deistic genius brutally murdered by ignorant and misunderstanding Christians.[117][203][204] Most of the entry ignores Hypatia altogether and instead deals with the controversy over whether or not Cyril was responsible for her death.[204] Voltaire concludes with the snide remark that "When one strips beautiful women naked, it is not to massacre them."[203][204]
In his monumental work The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, the English historian Edward Gibbon expanded on Toland and Voltaire's misleading portrayals by declaring Cyril as the sole cause of all evil in Alexandria at the beginning of the fifth century[203] and construing Hypatia's murder as evidence to support his thesis that the rise of Christianity hastened the decline of the Roman Empire.[205] He remarks on Cyril's continued veneration as a Christian saint, commenting that "superstition [Christianity] perhaps would more gently expiate the blood of a virgin, than the banishment of a saint."[206] In response to these accusations, Catholic authors, as well as some French Protestants, insisted with increased vehemence that Cyril had absolutely no involvement in Hypatia's murder and that Peter the Lector was solely responsible. In the course of these heated debates, Hypatia tended to be cast aside and ignored, while the debates focused far more intently on the question of whether Peter the Lector had acted alone or under Cyril's orders.[204]
Nineteenth century
[edit]In the nineteenth century European literary authors spun the legend of Hypatia as part of neo-Hellenism, a movement that romanticised ancient Greeks and their values.[117] Interest in the "literary legend of Hypatia" began to rise.[203] Diodata Saluzzo Roero's 1827 Ipazia ovvero delle Filosofie suggested that Cyril had actually converted Hypatia to Christianity, and that she had been killed by a "treacherous" priest.[208]

In his 1852 Hypatie and 1857 Hypathie et Cyrille, French poet Charles Leconte de Lisle portrayed Hypatia as the epitome of "vulnerable truth and beauty".[211] Leconte de Lisle's first poem portrayed Hypatia as a woman born after her time, a victim of the laws of history.[206][212] His second poem reverted to the eighteenth-century Deistic portrayal of Hypatia as the victim of Christian brutality,[210][213] but with the twist that Hypatia tries and fails to convince Cyril that Neoplatonism and Christianity are actually fundamentally the same.[210][214] Charles Kingsley's 1853 novel Hypatia; Or, New Foes with an Old Face was originally intended as a historical treatise, but instead became a typical mid-Victorian romance with a militantly anti-Catholic message,[215][216] portraying Hypatia as a "helpless, pretentious, and erotic heroine"[217] with the "spirit of Plato and the body of Aphrodite."[218]
Kingsley's novel was tremendously popular;[219][220] it was translated into several European languages[220][221] and remained continuously in print for the rest of the century.[221] It promoted the romantic vision of Hypatia as "the last of the Hellenes"[220] and was quickly adapted into a broad variety of stage productions, the first of which was a play written by Elizabeth Bowers, performed in Philadelphia in 1859, starring the writer in the titular role.[221] On 2 January 1893, a much higher-profile stage play adaptation Hypatia, written by G. Stuart Ogilvie and produced by Herbert Beerbohm Tree, opened at the Haymarket Theatre in London. The title role was initially played by Julia Neilson, and it featured an elaborate musical score written by the composer Hubert Parry.[222][223] The novel also spawned works of visual art,[207] including an 1867 image portraying Hypatia as a young woman by the early photographer Julia Margaret Cameron[207][224] and an 1885 painting Hypatia by Charles William Mitchell showing a nude Hypatia standing before an altar in a church.[207]
At the same time, European philosophers and scientists described Hypatia as the last representative of science and free inquiry before a "long medieval decline".[117] In 1843, German authors Soldan and Heppe argued in their highly influential History of the Witchcraft Trials that Hypatia may have been, in effect, the first famous "witch" punished under Christian authority (see witch-hunt).[225]
Hypatia was honored as an astronomer when 238 Hypatia, a main belt asteroid discovered in 1884, was named for her. The lunar crater Hypatia was also named for her, in addition to craters named for her father Theon. The 180 km Rimae Hypatia are located north of the crater, one degree south of the equator, along the Mare Tranquillitatis.[226]
Twentieth century
[edit]In 1908, American writer Elbert Hubbard published a putative biography of Hypatia in his series Little Journeys to the Homes of Great Teachers. The book is almost entirely a work of fiction.[228][231] In it, Hubbard writes that Theon established a program of physical exercise for his daughter, involving "fishing, horseback-riding, and rowing".[232] He states that Theon taught Hypatia to "Reserve your right to think, for even to think wrongly is better than to never think at all."[232] Hubbard also writes that, as a young woman, Hypatia traveled to Athens, where she studied under Plutarch of Athens. All of this supposed biographical information, however, is completely fictional and is not found in any ancient source. Hubbard even attributes to Hypatia numerous completely fabricated quotations in which she presents modern, rationalist views.[232] The cover illustration for the book, a drawing of Hypatia by artist Jules Maurice Gaspard showing her as a beautiful young woman with her wavy hair tied back in the classical style, has now become the most iconic and widely reproduced image of her.[228][229][230]
Around the same time, Hypatia was adopted by feminists, and her life and death began to be viewed in the light of the women's rights movement.[233] The author Carlo Pascal wrote in 1908 that her murder was an anti-feminist act and brought about a change in the treatment of women, as well as the decline of the Mediterranean civilization in general.[234] Dora Russell published a book on the inadequate education of women and inequality with the title Hypatia or Woman and Knowledge in 1925.[235] The prologue explains why she chose the title:[235] "Hypatia was a university lecturer denounced by Church dignitaries and torn to pieces by Christians. Such will probably be the fate of this book."[226] Hypatia's death became symbolic for some historians. For example, Kathleen Wider proposes that the murder of Hypatia marked the end of Classical antiquity,[236] and Stephen Greenblatt writes that her murder "effectively marked the downfall of Alexandrian intellectual life".[237] On the other hand, Christian Wildberg notes that Hellenistic philosophy continued to flourish in the 5th and 6th centuries, and perhaps until the age of Justinian I.[238][239]
Fables should be taught as fables, myths as myths, and miracles as poetic fantasies. To teach superstitions as truths is a most terrible thing. The child mind accepts and believes them, and only through great pain and perhaps tragedy can he be in after years relieved of them. In fact, men will fight for a superstition quite as quickly as for a living truth–often more so, since a superstition is so intangible you can not get at it to refute it, but truth is a point of view, and so is changeable.
— Made-up quote attributed to Hypatia in Elbert Hubbard's 1908 fictional biography of her, along with several other similarly spurious quotations[232]
Falsehoods and misconceptions about Hypatia continued to proliferate throughout the late twentieth century.[231] Though Hubbard's fictional biography may have been intended for children,[229] Lynn M. Osen relied on it as her main source in her influential 1974 article on Hypatia in her 1974 book Women in Mathematics.[231] Fordham University used Hubbard's biography as the main source of information about Hypatia in a medieval history course.[228][231] Carl Sagan's 1980 PBS series Cosmos: A Personal Voyage relates a heavily fictionalized retelling of Hypatia's death, which results in the "Great Library of Alexandria" being burned by militant Christians.[149] In actuality, though Christians led by Theophilus did destroy the Serapeum in 391 AD, the Library of Alexandria had already ceased to exist in any recognizable form centuries prior to Hypatia's birth.[10] As a female intellectual, Hypatia became a role model for modern intelligent women and two feminist journals were named after her: the Greek journal Hypatia: Feminist Studies was launched in Athens in 1984, and Hypatia: A Journal of Feminist Philosophy in the United States in 1986.[233] In the United Kingdom, the Hypatia Trust maintains a library and archive of feminine literary, artistic and scientific work; and, sponsors the Hypatia-in-the-Woods women's retreat in Washington, United States.[226]
Judy Chicago's large-scale art piece The Dinner Party awards Hypatia a table setting.[240][241] The table runner depicts Hellenistic goddesses weeping over her death.[234] Chicago states that the social unrest leading to Hypatia's murder resulted from Roman patriarchy and mistreatment of women and that this ongoing unrest can only be brought to an end through the restoration of an original, primeval matriarchy.[242] She (anachronistically and incorrectly) concludes that Hypatia's writings were burned in the Library of Alexandria when it was destroyed.[234] Major works of twentieth century literature contain references to Hypatia,[243] including Marcel Proust's volume "Within a Budding Grove" from In Search of Lost Time, and Iain Pears's The Dream of Scipio.[216]
Twenty-first century
[edit]Hypatia has continued to be a popular subject in both fiction and nonfiction by authors in many countries and languages.[244] In 2015, the planet designated Iota Draconis b was named after Hypatia.[245]
In Umberto Eco's 2002 novel Baudolino, the hero's love interest is a half-satyr, half-woman descendant of a female-only community of Hypatia's disciples, collectively known as "hypatias".[246] Charlotte Kramer's 2006 novel Holy Murder: the Death of Hypatia of Alexandria portrays Cyril as an archetypal villain, while Hypatia is described as brilliant, beloved, and more knowledgeable of scripture than Cyril.[247] Ki Longfellow's novel Flow Down Like Silver (2009) invents an elaborate backstory for why Hypatia first started teaching.[248] Youssef Ziedan's novel Azazeel (2012) describes Hypatia's murder through the eyes of a witness.[249] Bruce MacLennan's 2013 book The Wisdom of Hypatia presents Hypatia as a guide who introduces Neoplatonic philosophy and exercises for modern life.[250] In The Plot to Save Socrates (2006) by Paul Levinson and its sequels, Hypatia is a time-traveler from the twenty-first century United States.[251][252][253] In the TV series The Good Place Season 4 Episode 12 "Patty", Hypatia is played by Lisa Kudrow as one of the few ancient philosophers eligible for heaven, by not having defended slavery.[254]
The 2009 film Agora, directed by Alejandro Amenábar and starring Rachel Weisz as Hypatia, is a heavily fictionalized dramatization of Hypatia's final years.[10][255][256] The film, which was intended to criticize contemporary Christian fundamentalism,[257] has had wide-ranging impact on the popular conception of Hypatia.[255] It emphasizes Hypatia's astronomical and mechanical studies rather than her philosophy, portraying her as "less Plato than Copernicus",[255] and emphasizes the restrictions imposed on women by the early Christian church,[258] including depictions of Hypatia being sexually assaulted by one of her father's Christian slaves,[259] and of Cyril reading from 1 Timothy 2:8–12 forbidding women from teaching.[259][260] The film contains numerous historical inaccuracies:[10][259][261] It inflates Hypatia's achievements[149][261] and incorrectly portrays her as finding a proof of Aristarchus of Samos's heliocentric model of the universe, which there is no evidence that Hypatia ever studied.[149] It also contains a scene based on Carl Sagan's Cosmos in which Christians raid the Serapeum and burn all of its scrolls, leaving the building itself largely intact. In reality, the Serapeum probably did not have any scrolls in it at that time,[c] and the building was demolished in 391 AD.[10] The film also implies that Hypatia is an atheist, directly contradictory to the surviving sources, which all portray her as following the teachings of Plotinus that the goal of philosophy was "a mystical union with the divine."[149]
Margaret Atwood's 2023 short story collection Old Babes in the Wood includes the story "Death by Clamshell" narrated in the first person by Hypatia.
See also
[edit]Notes
[edit]- ^ /haɪˈpeɪʃə, -ʃiə/ ⓘ hy-PAY-shə, -shee-ə;[2][3] Ancient Greek: Ὑπατία, Koine pronunciation [y.pa.ˈti.a]
- ^ Using music to relieve lustful urges was a Pythagorean remedy[61] stemming from an anecdote from the life of Pythagoras relating that, when he encountered some drunken youths trying to break into the home of a virtuous woman, he sang a solemn tune with long spondees and the boys' "raging willfulness" was quelled.[62]
- ^ The Roman historian Ammianus Marcellinus, writing before the Serapeum's destruction in 391 AD, refers to the Serapeum's libraries in the past tense, indicating that the libraries no longer existed by the time of the Serapeum's destruction.
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Among the raised images distributed on the first two wings of the table are two with broken edges—the Hypatia and Petronilla da Meath plates. Chicago confirmed my reading of the broken edge as a reference to the violent deaths both women suffered"
. - ^ Booth 2017, p. 22.
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- ^ Booth 2017, pp. 18–19.
- ^ Booth 2017, pp. 19–20.
- ^ Majumdar, Deepa (September 2015), "Review of The Wisdom of Hypatia", The International Journal of the Platonic Tradition, 9 (2): 261–265, doi:10.1163/18725473-12341327
- ^ Levinson, Paul (November 2008), "Unburning Alexandria", Analog Science Fiction and Fact, archived from the original on 14 March 2013, retrieved 26 March 2013
- ^ Clark, Brian Charles (2006), The Plot to Save Socrates – book review, Curled Up With A Good Book, archived from the original on 7 September 2013, retrieved 26 March 2013
- ^ Inteview [sic] with Paul Levinson, Author of Unburning Alexandria, The Morton Report, 2013, archived from the original on 28 December 2019, retrieved 3 November 2013
- ^ Turchiano, Danielle (24 January 2020), "'The Good Place' Boss on Reaching the Titular Location, Finding It's a 'Bummer'", Variety, retrieved 24 January 2020
- ^ a b c Watts 2017, p. 145.
- ^ Booth 2017, pp. 13–14.
- ^ Theodore 2016, p. 182.
- ^ Watts 2017, pp. 145–146.
- ^ a b c Watts 2017, p. 146.
- ^ Booth 2017, p. 14.
- ^ a b Mark 2014.
Bibliography
[edit]- Archer, William (2013), The Theatrical World For 1893–1897, HardPress, ISBN 978-1-314-50827-7
- Banev, Krastu (2015), Theophilus of Alexandria and the First Origenist Controversy: Rhetoric and Power, Oxford, England: Oxford University Press, ISBN 978-0-19-872754-5
- Belenkiy, Ari (1 April 2010), "An astronomical murder?", Astronomy & Geophysics, 51 (2): 2.9 – 2.13, Bibcode:2010A&G....51b...9B, doi:10.1111/j.1468-4004.2010.51209.x
- Booth, Charlotte (2017), Hypatia: Mathematician, Philosopher, Myth, London: Fonthill Media, ISBN 978-1-78155-546-0
- Bradley, Michael John (2006), The Birth of Mathematics: Ancient Times to 1300, New York City: Infobase Publishing, ISBN 978-0-8160-5423-7
- Bregman, Jay (1982), Brown, Peter (ed.), Synesius of Cyrene: Philosopher-Bishop, The Transformation of the Classical Heritage, Berkeley: University of California Press, ISBN 978-0-520-04192-9
- Cameron, Alan; Long, Jacqueline; Sherry, Lee (1993), Barbarians and Politics at the Court of Arcadius, Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, ISBN 978-0-520-06550-5
- Cameron, Alan (2016), "Hypatia: Life, Death, and Works", Wandering Poets and Other Essays on Late Greek Literature and Philosophy, Oxford, England: Oxford University Press, ISBN 978-0-19-026894-7
- Castner, Catherine J. (2010), "Hypatia", in Gagarin, Michael; Fantham, Elaine (eds.), The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Greece and Rome, vol. 1: Academy-Bible, Oxford, England: Oxford University Press, pp. 49–51, ISBN 978-0-19-538839-8
- Cohen, Martin (2008), Philosophical Tales: Being an Alternative History Revealing the Characters, the Plots, and the Hidden Scenes that Make Up the True Story of Philosophy, New York City and London: Wiley-Blackwell, ISBN 978-1405140379
- Curta, Florin; Holt, Andrew (2017), Great Events in Religion: An Encyclopedia of Pivotal Events in Religious History, vol. 1: Prehistory to AD 600, Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, ISBN 978-1-4408-4598-7
- Deakin, M. A. B. (1992), "Hypatia of Alexandria" (PDF), History of Mathematics Section, Function, 16 (1): 17–22, archived (PDF) from the original on 9 October 2022
- Deakin, Michael A. B. (1994), "Hypatia and her mathematics", American Mathematical Monthly, 101 (3): 234–243, doi:10.2307/2975600, JSTOR 2975600, MR 1264003
- Deakin, Michael A. B. (2007), Hypatia of Alexandria: Mathematician and Martyr, Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books, ISBN 978-1-59102-520-7
- Deakin, Michael (2012), "Hypatia", Encyclopædia Britannica
- Dzielska, Maria (1996), Hypatia of Alexandria, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, ISBN 978-0-674-43776-0
- Dzielska, Maria (2008), "Learned women in the Alexandrian scholarship and society of late Hellenism", in el-Abbadi, Mostafa; Fathallah, Omnia Mounir (eds.), What Happened to the Ancient Library of Alexandria?, Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill, pp. 129–148, ISBN 978-9004165458
- Edwards, Catharine (1999), Roman Presences: Receptions of Rome in European Culture, 1789-1945, Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-59197-3
- Emmer, Michele (2012), Imagine Math: Between Culture and Mathematics, New York City: Springer, ISBN 978-8847024274
- Engels, David (2009), "Zwischen Philosophie und Religion: Weibliche Intellektuelle in Spätantike und Islam", in Groß, Dominik (ed.), Gender schafft Wissen, Wissenschaft Gender? Geschlechtsspezifische Unterscheidungen Rollenzuschreibungen im Wandel der Zeit (PDF), Kassel University Press, pp. 97–124, ISBN 978-3-89958-449-3, archived (PDF) from the original on 9 October 2022
- Haas, Christopher (1997), Alexandria in Late Antiquity: Topography and Social Conflict, Baltimore, MS and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press, ISBN 978-0-8018-5377-7
- Hoche, Richard (January 1860), "XV. Hypatia, die tochter Theons", Philologus (in German), 15 (1–3): 435–474, doi:10.1524/phil.1860.15.13.435, S2CID 165101471
- Knorr, Wilbur (1989), "III.11: On Hypatia of Alexandria", Studies in Ancient and Medieval Geometry, Boston: Birkhäuser, pp. 753–804, doi:10.1007/978-1-4612-3690-0_27, ISBN 978-0-8176-3387-5, S2CID 160209956
- Macqueen-Pope, Walter (1948), Haymarket: theatre of perfection, Allen
- Mark, Joshua J. (17 February 2014), "Historical Accuracy in the Film Agora", World History Encyclopedia
- Novak, Ralph Martin Jr. (2010), Christianity and the Roman Empire: Background Texts, Harrisburg, PA: Bloomsbury Publishing, pp. 239–240, ISBN 978-1-56338-347-2
- Oakes, Elizabeth H. (2007), "Hypatia", Encyclopedia of World Scientists, New York City: Infobase Publishing, p. 364, ISBN 9781438118826
- Pasachoff, Naomi; Pasachoff, Jay M. (2007), "Hypatia", in Trimble, Virginia; Williams, Thomas R.; Bracher, Katherine; Jarrell, Richard; Marché, Jordan D.; Ragep, F. Jamil (eds.), Biographical Encyclopedia of Astronomers, New York City: Springer, ISBN 978-0387304007
- Penella, Robert J. (1984), "When was Hypatia born?", Historia: Zeitschrift für Alte Geschichte, 33 (1): 126–128, JSTOR 4435877
- Riedweg, Christoph (2005) [2002], Pythagoras: His Life, Teachings, and Influence, Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, ISBN 978-0-8014-7452-1
- Rosser, Sue Vilhauser (2008), Women, Science, and Myth: Gender Beliefs from Antiquity to the Present, Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO, ISBN 978-1598840957
- Theodore, Jonathan (2016), The Modern Cultural Myth of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, Manchester, England: Palgrave, Macmillan, ISBN 978-1-137-56997-4
- Waithe, Mary Ellen (1987), Ancient Women Philosophers: 600 B.C.–500 A. D, vol. 1, Dordrecht, The Netherlands: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, ISBN 978-90-247-3368-2
- Walsh, Christine (2007), The Cult of St Katherine of Alexandria in Early Medieval Europe, Ashgate Publishing, Ltd., ISBN 978-0-7546-5861-0
- Watts, Edward J. (2008) [2006], City and School in Late Antique Athens and Alexandria, Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, ISBN 978-0520258167
- Watts, Edward J. (2017), Hypatia: The Life and Legend of an Ancient Philosopher, Oxford, England: Oxford University Press, ISBN 978-0190659141
- Wessel, Susan (2004), Cyril of Alexandria and the Nestorian Controversy: The Making of a Saint and of a Heretic, Oxford Early Christian Studies, Oxford, England: Oxford University Press, ISBN 978-0-19-926846-7
- Whitfield, Bryan J. (Summer 1995), "The Beauty of Reasoning: A Reexamination of Hypatia and Alexandria" (PDF), The Mathematics Educator, 6 (1): 14–21, archived from the original (PDF) on 2 September 2006, retrieved 17 April 2010
Further reading
[edit]- Berggren, J. L. (February 2009), "The life and death of Hypatia", Metascience, 18 (1): 93–97, doi:10.1007/s11016-009-9256-z, S2CID 170359849
- Bernardi, Gabriella (2016), "Hypatia of Alexandria (355 or 370 c. to 415)", The Unforgotten Sisters: Female Astronomers and Scientists before Caroline Herschel, Springer Praxis Books, pp. 27–36, doi:10.1007/978-3-319-26127-0_5, ISBN 978-3319261270
- Brakke, David (2018), "Hypatia", in Torjesen, Karen; Gabra, Gawdat (eds.), Claremont Coptic Encyclopedia, Claremont Graduate University
- Cain, Kathleen (Spring 1986), "Hypatia, the Alexandrian Library, and M.L.S. (Martyr-Librarian Syndrome)", Community & Junior College Libraries, 4 (3): 35–39, doi:10.1300/J107V04N03_05
- Cameron, Alan (1990), "Isadore of Miletus and Hypatia: On the editing of mathematical texts", Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 31 (1): 103–127
- Donovan, Sandy (2008), Hypatia: Mathematician, Inventor, and Philosopher (Signature Lives: Ancient World), Compass Point Books, ISBN 978-0756537609
- Molinaro, Ursule (1990), "A Christian Martyr in Reverse: Hypatia", A Full Moon of Women: 29 Word Portraits of Notable Women From Different Times and Places + 1 Void of Course, New York City: Dutton, ISBN 978-0-525-24848-4
- Nietupski, Nancy (1993), "Hypatia of Alexandria: Mathematician, astronomer and philosopher", Alexandria, 2, Phanes Press: 45–56, ISBN 978-0933999978. See also The Life of Hypatia from The Suda (Jeremiah Reedy, trans.), pp. 57–58, The Life of Hypatia by Socrates Scholasticus from his Ecclesiastical History 7.13, pp. 59–60, and The Life of Hypatia by John, Bishop of Nikiu, from his Chronicle 84.87–103, pp. 61–63.
- Parsons, Reuben (1892), "St. Cyril of Alexandria and the Murder of Hypatia", Some Lies and Errors of History, Notre Dame, IN: Office of the "Ave Maria", pp. 44–53
- Richeson, A. W. (1940), "Hypatia of Alexandria" (PDF), National Mathematics Magazine, 15 (2): 74–82, doi:10.2307/3028426, JSTOR 3028426
- Rist, J. M. (1965), "Hypatia", Phoenix, 19 (3): 214–225, doi:10.2307/1086284, JSTOR 1086284
- Ronchey, Silvia (2021) [2011], Hypatia: The True Story, Berlin-New York: DeGruyter, ISBN 978-3-1107-1757-0
- Schaefer, Francis (1902), "St. Cyril of Alexandria and the Murder of Hypatia", The Catholic University Bulletin, 8: 441–453.
- Teruel, Pedro Jesús (2011), Filosofía y Ciencia en Hipatia (in Spanish), Madrid: Gredos, ISBN 978-84-249-1939-9
- Vogt, Kari (1993), "'The Hierophant of Philosophy' – Hypatia of Alexandria", in Børresen, Kari Elisabeth; Vogt, Kari (eds.), Women's Studies of the Christian and Islamic Traditions: Ancient, Medieval and Renaissance Foremothers, Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers, pp. 155–175, doi:10.1007/978-94-011-1664-0_3, ISBN 978-9401116640
- Zielinski, Sarah (14 March 2010), "Hypatia, Alexandria's Great Female Scholar", Smithsonian, archived from the original on 4 January 2014, retrieved 28 May 2010
External links
[edit]- International Society for Neoplatonic Studies
- Socrates of Constantinople, Ecclesiastical History, VII.15, at the Internet Archive
- (in Greek and Latin) Socrates of Constantinople, Ecclesiastical History, VII.15 (pp. 760–761), at the Documenta Catholica Omnia
Hypatia
View on GrokipediaHypatia of Alexandria (Greek: Ὑπατία; c. 370 – 415 AD) was a Neoplatonist philosopher, mathematician, and astronomer active in Alexandria, Egypt, during the late Roman Empire.[1] Born as the daughter of the mathematician Theon of Alexandria, she received an elite education in mathematics and philosophy, eventually succeeding her father as head of the Neoplatonic school at the Musaeum, where she lectured publicly on Platonic philosophy, Ptolemaic astronomy, and Euclidean geometry to diverse students, including the future bishop Synesius of Cyrene.[2][3] Her known scholarly contributions include editing and commenting on classical texts such as Ptolemy's Almagest in collaboration with her father and revising Theon's commentary on Euclid's Elements, efforts that helped preserve Hellenistic mathematical traditions amid cultural transitions.[4] Hypatia maintained a reputation for intellectual rigor, personal virtue, and independence, rejecting marriage to focus on teaching, while her advisory role to the Roman prefect Orestes placed her at the center of political conflicts with Christian authorities, particularly Bishop Cyril of Alexandria.[5] These tensions escalated into her brutal murder in March 415 AD by a mob of Christian zealots, who reportedly dragged her from her chariot, stripped and flayed her with roof tiles, and burned her remains— an event chronicled by the historian Socrates Scholasticus as stemming from envy of her influence rather than doctrinal opposition alone.[6][7]
Early Life
Family Background and Education
Hypatia was the daughter of Theon of Alexandria, a mathematician and astronomer active in the late 4th century CE, who served as a scholar at the Mouseion, the intellectual center of Alexandria modeled after the earlier Library of Alexandria.[5] Theon is known for his editions and commentaries on works by Euclid, Ptolemy, and other mathematicians, including a recension of Euclid's Elements that became the standard medieval version.[8] No contemporary records detail Hypatia's mother or siblings, and ancient sources focus exclusively on Theon's paternal role in her upbringing, suggesting he raised her amid Alexandria's scholarly environment without mention of other family influences.[9] Her birth date is uncertain, with scholarly estimates ranging from c. 350 CE to c. 370 CE, based on indirect references in late antique sources like the Suda lexicon and calculations tied to her father's lifespan and her own reported age at death in 415 CE.[10] Theon educated Hypatia intensively in mathematics and astronomy from childhood, immersing her in the technical traditions of Hellenistic scholarship preserved at the Mouseion; ancient accounts, including those in the Suda, state that she not only mastered these fields under his guidance but advanced beyond his own expertise, contributing commentaries that elucidated complex geometrical proofs.[5][4] This paternal instruction extended to philosophy, where Hypatia engaged with Neoplatonism, drawing on Plotinus and his successors, though primary evidence for her early philosophical training remains tied to Theon's scholarly circle rather than formal Athenian or external study; no records indicate travel outside Alexandria for education.[9] Theon's approach emphasized practical mastery of Ptolemaic astronomy and Euclidean geometry, equipping Hypatia with skills in computation and instrumentation that later defined her teaching, as evidenced by surviving fragments of his works she likely assisted in editing.[8]Intellectual Formation in Alexandria
Hypatia was educated entirely in Alexandria by her father, Theon of Alexandria, a mathematician and astronomer who produced commentaries on Ptolemy's Almagest and Euclid's Elements.[10] Theon, possibly the last known member of the Musaeum's scholarly community, provided rigorous instruction in mathematics, astronomy, and related disciplines, fostering her development into a scholar who eventually surpassed his own attainments in these fields.[11] [10] Contemporary accounts indicate that Theon emphasized comprehensive training, including exposure to rhetoric and comparative religion, to cultivate Hypatia's intellectual versatility and persuasive abilities.[2] Under his guidance, she mastered advanced Platonic philosophy, likely drawing from the Neoplatonic traditions prevalent in Alexandrian intellectual circles, though no specific teachers beyond Theon are documented.[5] By the early fifth century, around 400 AD, Hypatia had assumed leadership of the Platonist school, reflecting the culmination of her formative studies.[10] Primary historical sources, such as the sixth-century historian Damascius, portray Theon's educational approach as deliberately intensive, aimed at enabling Hypatia to excel beyond typical scholarly limits of the era.[11] This upbringing in Alexandria's declining but still vibrant pagan intellectual milieu equipped her with the expertise to later edit and comment on key mathematical texts, including works on conic sections and astronomical tables.[12]Professional Career
Teaching and Lectures
Hypatia succeeded her father, Theon of Alexandria, as head of the Neoplatonic school in Alexandria around the late 4th century, where she delivered public lectures on mathematics, astronomy, and philosophy.[5] Her sessions drew crowds seeking guidance on complex problems, as contemporary accounts describe audiences consulting her as an oracle for solutions in sciences and letters.[5] She expounded works by Plato, Aristotle, Plotinus, and earlier mathematicians, emphasizing logical demonstration and rhetorical clarity to make abstract concepts accessible.[12] In her lectures on technical subjects, Hypatia employed practical methods such as geometric diagrams traced with a staff on the ground or in dust, facilitating visualization of conic sections and astronomical phenomena.[12] Synesius of Cyrene, in his surviving letters, addressed her as a revered teacher and sought her expertise on instruments like the astrolabe and hydroscope, indicating her role in instructing on applied astronomy and mechanics.[13] Her approach integrated Neoplatonic metaphysics with empirical tools, prioritizing first-hand reasoning over rote memorization, though primary evidence remains limited to fragmented epistolary and ecclesiastical records.[14]Notable Students and Disciples
Hypatia's lectures drew students from diverse religious backgrounds, including both pagans and Christians, reflecting her reputation as a revered teacher in Alexandria's intellectual circles during the late 4th and early 5th centuries AD.[10] Historical accounts indicate that her school attracted prominent individuals seeking instruction in Neoplatonism, mathematics, and astronomy, with her influence extending across religious divides despite the growing tensions between pagan and Christian factions.[5] The most documented and prominent among her students was Synesius of Cyrene, a wealthy aristocrat from the province of Cyrene (modern Libya), who studied under Hypatia around 393 AD alongside his brother Euoptius.[15] Synesius, an enthusiastic Neoplatonist during his time in Alexandria, credited Hypatia with shaping his philosophical outlook and corresponded with her extensively on topics including astronomy, mechanics, and ethics, with at least seven letters from him to her preserved.[5] These letters provide primary evidence of her role as a mentor, as Synesius sought her advice on instruments like astrolabes and hydroscopes, demonstrating her practical guidance in scientific matters.[16] Later in life, Synesius reluctantly accepted ordination as a Christian bishop of Ptolemais in 410 AD, yet maintained his admiration for Hypatia, referring to her as a "divine mother" in his writings and continuing philosophical pursuits aligned with Neoplatonic ideals.[10] His trajectory illustrates Hypatia's broad appeal, bridging pagan philosophy and emerging Christian thought, though no other specific students are named with comparable detail in surviving sources.[17]Intellectual Contributions
Mathematical and Astronomical Works
Hypatia's surviving contributions to mathematics are known primarily through references in ancient sources, as none of her original writings have been preserved. The Suda lexicon, a 10th-century Byzantine encyclopedia, records that she produced a commentary on Diophantus's Arithmetica, a foundational text on algebra containing problems in number theory and indeterminate equations; this work likely served to elucidate solutions and methods for advanced students.[10] The commentary extended to Book XIV of Diophantus, which some sources attribute to her editorial efforts in adapting or expanding the material for pedagogical purposes.[14] She also authored a commentary on Apollonius of Perga's Conics, a treatise detailing the generation and properties of conic sections—ellipse, parabola, and hyperbola—through plane intersections with cones. This work, praised by her student Synesius for its clarity, facilitated the application of conic geometry to optics and astronomy, though it introduced no novel theorems.[11] [10] Hypatia's explanations emphasized practical constructions, such as using astrolabes for tracing curves, aligning with the era's emphasis on computational tools over abstract proofs.[18] In astronomy, Hypatia collaborated with her father, Theon of Alexandria, on revised editions of Ptolemy's Almagest, a comprehensive geocentric model integrating trigonometry and planetary motions, and his Handy Tables for ephemerides calculations.[5] The Suda further attributes to her "On the Astronomical Canon," interpreted as a commentary on Ptolemy's canonical tables for predicting celestial positions, incorporating refinements in long division and trigonometric functions to enhance computational accuracy.[10] [4] These efforts standardized astronomical data for late antique scholars, supporting observations with instruments like the astrolabe, but relied on Ptolemaic frameworks without challenging the geocentric paradigm. Her astronomical work thus bridged mathematical computation and empirical prediction, preserving Hellenistic traditions amid declining institutional support.[11]Neoplatonic Philosophy and Commentaries
Hypatia adhered to Neoplatonism, the philosophical tradition derived from Plotinus, which posited a supreme divine principle termed the One as the origin of all existence through emanative processes.[10][19] She succeeded her father Theon in leading philosophical instruction at Alexandria, delivering public lectures that expounded core Neoplatonic doctrines alongside interpretations of foundational texts by Plato and Aristotle.[5][20] These sessions drew auditors from distant regions, emphasizing rational inquiry into metaphysical hierarchies, the soul's ascent toward the divine, and the integration of Platonic forms with Aristotelian logic within a monistic framework.[5] No philosophical treatises or commentaries authored by Hypatia survive, rendering the precise nuances of her doctrinal positions reconstructible only through student testimonies and later accounts.[21][20] Synesius of Cyrene, a prominent disciple who later became bishop of Ptolemais around 410 CE, addressed multiple letters to her as a revered philosopher and credited her tutelage with instilling Neoplatonic principles, including the unity of the divine intellect and the material world's derivative nature.[22][23] His writings, such as On Providence, reflect Hypatia's influence in blending Neoplatonic metaphysics with practical ethics, though Synesius adapted these ideas to accommodate Christian theology without direct conflict.[24] Hypatia's approach eschewed the theurgic rituals emphasized by later Neoplatonists like Iamblichus, focusing instead on intellectual purification and dialectical analysis as paths to philosophical enlightenment.[25] This rationalist orientation aligned with the Alexandrian school's emphasis on harmonizing pagan philosophy with emerging monotheistic currents, as evidenced by her instruction of Christian pupils alongside pagans.[22] Later sources, including Damascius' Life of Isidorus (c. 520 CE), portray her Neoplatonism as intellectually rigorous but note variations in emphasis, such as a potential prioritization of astronomical metaphors for cosmic emanation drawn from her mathematical expertise.[23][25] Her commentaries, while primarily attributed to mathematical texts like those of Diophantus and Apollonius, likely informed her philosophical exegeses by illustrating abstract principles through geometric and arithmetic analogies.[21]Attributed Devices and Practical Innovations
Hypatia's involvement in practical innovations is primarily documented through letters from her student Synesius of Cyrene, who credits her with guidance in constructing scientific instruments. In a letter dated around 399–402 CE, Synesius requests from Hypatia a "hydroscope," an early form of hydrometer designed to measure the specific gravity of liquids such as wine or oil to detect adulteration, or potentially for assaying precious metals by their density. [26] This device, consisting of a graduated glass tube that floats in liquid and indicates purity via submersion level, represents the earliest known description of such an instrument, though its underlying principles of buoyancy were known from Archimedes centuries earlier. [27] Synesius emphasizes Hypatia's role in refining its construction for practical use, but there is no evidence she originated the concept anew.[26] Synesius also attributes to Hypatia instruction in fabricating a plane astrolabe, a portable astronomical tool using rotating disks to model celestial positions, solve spherical trigonometry problems, and determine time or latitude. In his treatise "On the Gift of an Astrolabe" (ca. 393–400 CE), dedicated to his brother, Synesius describes constructing a silver astrolabe as a diplomatic gift and notes Hypatia's tutelage in its mechanical and mathematical assembly, including engravings for equatorial and ecliptic coordinates. [28] While this provides one of the earliest detailed accounts of the plane astrolabe's use, the instrument itself originated in Hellenistic times, with precursors traceable to Hipparchus (ca. 150 BCE); Hypatia's contribution lay in its adaptation or precise engineering rather than invention. [29] Scholarly consensus rejects claims of her inventing the astrolabe, viewing such assertions as later embellishments, though her workshop likely produced functional exemplars for astronomical observation and navigation. [27] No other devices are reliably attributed to Hypatia in primary sources, and subsequent traditions exaggerating her as an inventor often stem from Renaissance or modern hagiographies rather than Synesius' correspondence, which portrays her as a skilled constructor and teacher of existing technologies. [30] These attributions underscore her practical application of mathematics to instrumentation, bridging theoretical Neoplatonism with empirical utility in late antique Alexandria.Political Engagements
Advisory Role to Orestes
Hypatia engaged in frequent personal interviews with Orestes, the Roman praefectus augustalis of Alexandria, who held office during the mid-410s amid escalating conflicts between imperial authorities and the Christian episcopate.[31] These meetings positioned her as a de facto advisor, leveraging her renown in Neoplatonic philosophy, mathematics, and astronomy to influence discussions on civic and intellectual matters.[31] Orestes, a Christian official baptized in Constantinople, valued Hypatia's counsel sufficiently that her pagan identity and erudition became focal points of contention in the city's factional strife.[32] The advisory dynamic exacerbated tensions with Bishop Cyril, as Christian critics alleged—calumniously, according to the historian Socrates Scholasticus—that Hypatia actively obstructed Orestes' potential reconciliation with the bishop over jurisdictional disputes, including the role of parabalani monks and the expulsion of Jews from the city in 414.[31] Socrates, a fifth-century ecclesiastical historian with access to Alexandrian records, portrays these interactions as rooted in Hypatia's public stature rather than sorcery or overt partisanship, noting her appearances before magistrates drew admiration for her self-possession and virtue.[31] Later accounts, such as John of Nikiu's seventh-century chronicle, amplify accusations of witchcraft to vilify Hypatia's sway over Orestes, reflecting a pro-Cyril bias absent in Socrates' relatively even-handed narrative.[33] This perception of undue influence underscored Hypatia's role not merely as a scholar but as a bridge between pagan intellectual traditions and Roman governance, contributing to her eventual targeting by extremist elements.[31]Involvement in Alexandrian Factions
Hypatia, as a prominent Neoplatonist philosopher and public intellectual, became entangled in the intensifying factional strife in Alexandria during the early fifth century, where Roman imperial authorities clashed with the burgeoning authority of Christian bishops. The city was divided among pagan traditionalists, who maintained intellectual and cultural influence through institutions like the Museum, an increasingly assertive Christian majority led by Bishop Cyril (installed in 412), and residual Jewish communities until their expulsion amid earlier riots.[34] Orestes, the Augustal prefect appointed around 415 to represent imperial interests, sought to curb episcopal overreach, fostering alliances with pagan elites to preserve administrative autonomy against Cyril's expansion of church power, including control over parabalani monks who functioned as a paramilitary force.[31] Hypatia's advisory role to Orestes positioned her as a perceived antagonist to Cyril's faction, though no primary evidence indicates she sought political office or directly agitated against Christians. Socrates Scholasticus, a Christian historian writing circa 439, records that Hypatia's "great persuasiveness and political authority" with Orestes—stemming from her public lectures and reputation for impartial counsel—exacerbated the prefect-bishop rift, as she was accused by Christian zealots of obstructing reconciliation efforts following Orestes' resistance to Cyril's demands.[31] This influence, exercised through informal consultations rather than formal advocacy, symbolized the persistence of pagan intellectualism amid Christian ascendancy, drawing ire from clergy who viewed her as an emblem of resistance to ecclesiastical dominance.[34] Later pagan sources, such as Damascius' Life of Isidorus (sixth century), amplify Hypatia's factional role by alleging Cyril's deliberate envy and orchestration of her elimination to neutralize pagan sway over Orestes, though Damascius' Neoplatonist bias toward portraying Christian leaders as persecutors undermines claims of direct conspiracy without corroboration.[5] In contrast, Socrates attributes the escalation not to Hypatia's proactive partisanship but to mob dynamics, where her visibility as a non-Christian advisor fueled perceptions of her as a barrier to Christian unity under Cyril, reflecting broader tensions over Alexandria's governance amid the empire's Christianization under Theodosius I's edicts (e.g., 391 ban on sacrifices).[31] No records suggest Hypatia aligned with violent pagan resistance groups, such as those involved in prior temple defenses, underscoring her involvement as intellectual rather than militant.[35]Death
Escalating Tensions in Alexandria
In 415 AD, Alexandria experienced heightened sectarian strife among its Jewish, Christian, and pagan populations, exacerbated by the assertive policies of Bishop Cyril, who had assumed office in 412 AD. Jewish communities, resentful of Christian ascendance, allegedly orchestrated an ambush during a Christian festival by setting fire to a church while disguising it as a theatrical performance; when Christians alerted Prefect Orestes, imperial troops surrounded the Jewish theater, resulting in numerous Jewish deaths and the flight of survivors.[31] Cyril capitalized on the incident by seizing synagogues and expelling the remaining Jews, actions that Orestes protested as infringing on imperial authority over non-Christian minorities.[31] [5] Orestes, a pagan sympathetic to classical learning, appealed to Emperor Theodosius II against Cyril's overreach, intensifying the rift between civil administration and ecclesiastical power. Cyril mobilized approximately 500 parabalani—armed Christian monks tasked with charitable duties but often deployed for enforcement—demanding reconciliation; their procession to Orestes' palace devolved into violence, with monks pelting the prefect with stones, one striking and wounding him.[31] Orestes arrested the assailant, a monk named Hierax, for the attack, further alienating Cyril's faction and highlighting the prefect's reliance on non-Christian advisors amid the impasse.[31] [35] Hypatia's prominent role as Orestes' confidante fueled accusations among Cyril's supporters that she obstructed peace efforts through philosophical influence or alleged sorcery, positioning her as a symbol of pagan obstructionism in Christian eyes.[31] These claims, reported by the Christian historian Socrates Scholasticus—who critiqued factional excesses while maintaining doctrinal orthodoxy—reflected broader anxieties over Hypatia's lectures drawing elite audiences across religious lines, potentially undermining Cyril's monopoly on moral authority.[31] The standoff underscored Alexandria's volatile demographics, where a Christian majority vied for dominance against entrenched pagan intellectuals and diminished Jewish enclaves, setting the stage for targeted reprisals.[5][14]Circumstances of the Murder
In March 415 AD, during the Christian season of Lent, Hypatia was intercepted by a mob of Christian zealots while traveling in her chariot through Alexandria.[31] The group, led by a church lector named Peter, dragged her from the vehicle and conveyed her to the Caesareum, a former pagan temple repurposed as a church.[31] There, they stripped her naked, subjected her to brutal violence using ostraka—sharp-edged roofing tiles—to flay and dismember her body, and subsequently incinerated the remains at a site called Cinaron.[31] The earliest account, provided by the Christian historian Socrates Scholasticus in his Ecclesiastical History (circa 439 AD), attributes the incitement to envy over Hypatia's philosophical discussions with Prefect Orestes and broader political animosities, though he condemns the act as bringing infamy upon Bishop Cyril and the church.[31] Socrates, writing within two decades of the event, portrays the murder as a premeditated assault by a faction within the Christian community rather than spontaneous unrest, emphasizing Peter's role in assembling the perpetrators following clerical agitation.[36] A later seventh-century Coptic chronicle by John of Nikiu echoes the basic sequence but frames Hypatia as a sorceress whose influence hindered Christian unity, portraying the killing as a justified purge of pagan obstructionism; however, this account, composed over two centuries afterward amid a more consolidated Christian narrative, diverges in motivation and lacks the contemporaneous detail of Socrates, rendering it less reliable for factual reconstruction.[14] Scholarly analyses concur that the violence stemmed from sectarian tensions exacerbated by Hypatia's perceived alignment with Orestes against Cyril's authority, though direct orchestration by the bishop remains unproven and contested.[37]Investigations and Consequences
No formal investigation into Hypatia's murder was recorded in surviving contemporary accounts, reflecting the limited authority of Roman prefect Orestes amid rising ecclesiastical influence in Alexandria. Socrates Scholasticus, a Christian historian writing around 439 AD, attributed the killing to a mob of parabalani—irregular Christian monks under nominal church control—but noted no prosecutions followed, with the perpetrators evading accountability due to the complicity or protection of Bishop Cyril's faction. John of Nikiu, a 7th-century Coptic bishop whose chronicle favors Cyril, instead portrayed the act as a justified purge of demonic influence, omitting any inquiry and framing Hypatia's death as divinely sanctioned, which underscores the partisan divergence in early sources. The absence of repercussions for the killers highlighted Cyril's entrenched power; despite Orestes' appeals to Emperor Honorius and Western Empress Pulcheria decrying the violence, no imperial edict punished the church hierarchy, allowing Cyril to consolidate control over Alexandria's factions. Intellectually, Hypatia's Neoplatonic circle dispersed without state protection, accelerating the marginalization of pagan scholarship, though her student Synesius of Cyrene had already established independent networks in Cyrenaica by the early 5th century. Politically, the murder failed to resolve Orestes' conflict with Cyril, as evidenced by ongoing riots; in 416 AD, imperial forces under general Heraclianus suppressed Jewish unrest—possibly inflamed by prior Christian-pagan clashes—resulting in the expulsion of Alexandria's Jewish population and further destabilizing the city's multicultural fabric. Longer-term consequences included a chilling effect on public philosophical discourse, with pagan teachers increasingly withdrawing from Alexandria's streets; by Cyril's death in 444 AD, the prefecture's oversight of intellectual life had eroded, paving the way for stricter doctrinal enforcement under subsequent patriarchs like Dioscorus. Modern assessments, drawing on these ecclesiastical histories, caution against overinterpreting the event as a singular turning point, noting that Hypatia's death aligned with broader imperial policies favoring Christian uniformity, such as Theodosius I's 391 AD edicts against pagan temples, rather than isolated fanaticism.Historical Sources
Primary Accounts and Their Contexts
Synesius of Cyrene, a Neoplatonist philosopher and eventual bishop of Ptolemais, composed multiple letters to Hypatia between roughly 393 and 412 AD, providing the most direct contemporary testimony to her intellectual role.[15] In these, including Letters 10, 15, 16, 33, 81, 124, and 154, Synesius addresses her as a revered teacher—"mother, sister, teacher"—seeking guidance on interpreting dreams, constructing scientific instruments like astrolabes and hydroscopes, and resolving philosophical dilemmas aligned with Neoplatonic principles.[13] [38] He praises her wisdom and influence, requesting her intervention in personal and communal affairs, such as recommending artisans or mediating disputes.[39] Synesius, born around 370 AD in Cyrene and educated in Alexandria under Hypatia's tutelage, nominally converted to Christianity upon his episcopal election around 410 AD but retained pagan philosophical commitments, viewing Christianity through a Neoplatonic lens; his letters thus reflect admiration from a syncretic perspective rather than orthodox Christian critique, offering reliable insight into her pedagogical prominence absent overt hagiography or demonization.[15] [40] The earliest detailed account of Hypatia's death appears in Socrates Scholasticus' Ecclesiastical History, composed around 439 AD.[31] In Book VII, Chapter 15, Socrates describes Hypatia as Theon's daughter, a philosopher who publicly lectured on Plato and Aristotle, attracting students across religious lines and advising Prefect Orestes amid tensions with Bishop Cyril; he recounts her murder in March 415 AD during Lent by a mob of zealous Christians, who dragged her from her chariot, stripped her, and scraped her flesh with ostraka (tiles or oyster shells) before burning the remains, attributing the act to parabalani monks inflamed by envy over her influence rather than direct clerical orders.[31] Socrates, a Constantinople-based Christian historian and lawyer active in the early 5th century, sought balanced ecclesiastical narratives critical of sectarian violence, expressing disapproval of the killing as impious despite his faith; his proximity to events (about 25 years) and relative restraint compared to later sources enhance his credibility, though his Christian framework frames pagan-Christian strife within broader church history.[41] Damascius, in his Life of Isidorus (circa 520 AD, excerpted in the 10th-century Suda lexicon), offers a pagan Neoplatonist perspective on the murder, elaborating that Hypatia was ambushed by Peter the lector and associates acting from Cyril's jealousy, who intercepted her carriage, dragged her through streets to the Caesareum, stripped and dismembered her with roof tiles, and incinerated her corpse. He portrays her as a virtuous exemplar of Alexandrian Platonism, untainted by Iamblichan theurgy, whose death exemplified Christian barbarism against philosophy.[17] As the last scholarch of Athens' Platonic Academy (closed in 529 AD), Damascius wrote from exile in Persia amid pagan decline, infusing his biography with anti-Christian polemic to preserve Hellenic memory; while adding vivid details possibly from oral traditions, his account's later date and ideological enmity toward Cyril introduce potential embellishment, contrasting Socrates' moderation. [42] John of Nikiu's Chronicle, penned around 690 AD by the Coptic bishop of Pashati, depicts Hypatia as a pagan sorceress fixated on astrolabes, music, and magic who enchanted Orestes against Cyril, justifying her violent end by a Christian multitude that stripped, killed her with tiles, and burned her during Lent to purge satanic influence from the city.[43] This late Ethiopic text, surviving via Arabic translation, aligns the murder with Christian consolidation post-Chalcedon (451 AD), portraying it as righteous elimination of pagan obstruction. Writing amid Arab conquests and Monophysite-Monothelite strife, John's pro-orthodox stance amplifies demonic tropes absent in earlier sources, rendering his narrative least reliable due to temporal distance (over 270 years), reliance on hearsay, and hagiographic intent to vindicate Cyril's legacy against imperial Chalcedonianism.Scholarly Assessments of Reliability
Scholars consider the Ecclesiastical History of Socrates Scholasticus, composed around 439 CE, the most contemporaneous and reliable primary account of Hypatia's life and death, drawing on reports circulating within decades of the 415 CE events.[14] Socrates portrays Hypatia as a respected Neoplatonist philosopher whose influence exacerbated tensions between Prefect Orestes and Bishop Cyril, leading to her murder by a Christian mob using roof tiles; he explicitly condemns the act as contrary to Christian principles, reflecting a measured critique rather than outright fabrication.[45] However, as a Christian historian potentially aligned with Novatianism—a sect opposed to Cyril's orthodoxy—Socrates may understate mob coordination or ecclesiastical instigation to highlight Cyril's overreach while preserving Christian unity in his narrative.[46] In contrast, the 7th-century Chronicle of John of Nikiu, a Coptic bishop writing over two centuries later, exhibits pronounced polemical bias, depicting Hypatia as a sorceress and pagan instigator whose elimination by Cyril's followers averted further discord; this account aligns on basic mechanics of the killing but uniquely endorses it as divinely sanctioned.[14] Modern analyses attribute John's distortions to his anti-Chalcedonian perspective and reliance on hagiographic traditions glorifying Cyril, rendering his version less credible for factual reconstruction despite occasional corroboration of political context.[33] Contemporary pagan sources are sparse; letters from Synesius of Cyrene (ca. 410 CE) attest to Hypatia's teaching role and mathematical commentary on Ptolemy's works but omit her death, limiting their utility for terminal events.[4] Later compilations like the 10th-century Suda lexicon synthesize earlier reports with anecdotal embellishments, such as Hypatia's reputed virginity, but lack independent verification.[47] Overall, historians cross-reference these Christian-dominated accounts against archaeological and epistolary evidence, noting systemic theological incentives to either lament (Socrates) or justify (John) the violence, yet converging on Hypatia's advisory influence and mob execution as empirically grounded amid Alexandria's factional strife.[48]Misconceptions and Debates
Exaggerated Scientific Achievements
Hypatia has been popularly credited with inventing the astrolabe, a navigational and astronomical instrument, but this device originated in ancient Greece by the 2nd century BC, centuries before her birth around 370 AD.[49][29] Letters from her student Synesius of Cyrene, dated to around 399–404 AD, request her assistance in constructing and improving astrolabes and a hydroscope (a device for measuring liquid density), indicating she was skilled in their use and adaptation for practical purposes like astronomical calculations, but not their creation.[11] Similarly, claims of her inventing the hydrometer lack primary evidence, as such tools for fluid density measurement were known in earlier Hellenistic traditions.[50] Her documented mathematical and astronomical efforts focused on editing and commenting on existing texts rather than original discoveries. The 10th-century Suda lexicon attributes to her a commentary on Diophantus's Arithmetica (ca. 250 AD), a work on algebraic problems, though the precise nature—whether a full edition, lemma-by-lemma explanation, or pedagogical notes—remains unclear due to the loss of her writings.[10] She is also said to have edited at least Book III of Ptolemy's Almagest (ca. 150 AD), aiding its transmission by correcting diagrams and calculations for geocentric models, and to have produced a commentary on Apollonius of Perga's Conics (ca. 200 BC), potentially simplifying proofs for teaching.[10] However, no fragments of these works survive independently, and modern scholars assess her role as that of a meticulous editor and expositor in the Alexandrian tradition, akin to her father Theon's recensions of Euclid, rather than an innovator advancing new theorems or empirical observations.[4] These attributions have been amplified in 19th- and 20th-century narratives, often portraying Hypatia as a pioneering scientist whose death in 415 AD symbolized the end of ancient inquiry, but primary sources like Synesius and the Suda emphasize her philosophical teaching over technical breakthroughs.[27] Scholarly evaluations, drawing from late antique contexts, conclude her contributions were competent but incremental, preserving and clarifying predecessors' work amid a declining output of original Alexandrian mathematics by the early 5th century.[51] Exaggerations frequently stem from secondary popularizations seeking to highlight her as a female exemplar in STEM, overlooking the era's emphasis on commentary as a valued scholarly form rather than invention.[12]Religious and Political Interpretations of Her Death
The primary contemporary account of Hypatia's death, provided by the Christian historian Socrates Scholasticus in his Ecclesiastical History (ca. 439 AD), frames the murder as a consequence of escalating political tensions between the Christian bishop Cyril of Alexandria and the imperial prefect Orestes, with Hypatia targeted due to her advisory role to Orestes and the envy it provoked among Cyril's supporters.[5] Socrates describes the act as perpetrated by a mob led by Peter the Reader, a parabalanos (church enforcer), who dragged Hypatia from her chariot, murdered her, and burned her remains, but he attributes the motive to factional strife rather than doctrinal opposition to her Neoplatonist philosophy or paganism per se, explicitly condemning the violence as contrary to Christian principles.[35] This interpretation emphasizes causal political rivalry over Alexandria's governance, where Cyril sought to extend ecclesiastical authority into civic domains resisted by Orestes, with Hypatia's influence—rooted in her status as a respected intellectual—serving as a flashpoint in a city prone to intergroup violence involving Christians, Jews, and pagans.[52] A later seventh-century Coptic source, John of Nikiu's Chronicle, reinterprets the event in religiously justificatory terms, portraying Hypatia as a sorceress and pagan obstacle who bewitched Orestes and exacerbated divisions, with her elimination by Christian zealots presented as a righteous act to purify the city and consolidate Cyril's power.[35] This account, written amid a more securely Christianized Egypt, reflects a bias toward vindicating episcopal authority and demonizing pagan holdouts, contrasting with Socrates' relatively balanced critique despite his own Christian perspective.[5] Modern scholarly analyses, such as those by Maria Dzielska and Edward J. Watts, reinforce the political dimension, arguing that Hypatia's death resulted from her entanglement in the Cyril-Orestes feud rather than a broader Christian assault on classical learning or science, as Alexandria's intellectual traditions persisted post-415 under Christian patronage.[53] Dzielska highlights how Hypatia's public prominence as a female pagan philosopher amplified her visibility as a symbol in the power struggle, while Watts details the role of mass mobilization and Nitrian monks invited by Cyril, framing the murder as scapegoating amid systemic instability rather than ideological purity campaigns.[54] These views caution against overemphasizing religious motives, noting that primary evidence lacks indications of anti-intellectual animus and that popular narratives often project Enlightenment-era secular biases onto late antique factionalism.[35] Religious interpretations gained traction in the Enlightenment, with figures like Edward Gibbon citing Hypatia's murder in The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire (1776) as emblematic of Christianity's destructive fanaticism extinguishing pagan rationality, a framing echoed in some twentieth-century atheist polemics portraying it as the death of science at Christian hands.[35] However, such accounts are critiqued for anachronism, as Hypatia's Neoplatonism blended philosophy with religious mysticism and her death aligned more with localized power dynamics than a causal suppression of empirical inquiry, with no evidence of widespread book-burnings or scholarly flight immediately following.[52] Politically, her demise facilitated Cyril's dominance, underscoring how religious leaders leveraged mob violence to challenge imperial officials, a pattern in Alexandria's volatile multi-ethnic politics rather than a teleological clash of faith versus reason.[54]Legacy
Late Antique Perceptions
Hypatia enjoyed widespread admiration among her contemporaries in Alexandria for her intellectual prowess and teaching, transcending religious divides. Synesius of Cyrene, her student who became bishop of Ptolemais around 410 AD, wrote letters addressing her as a philosophical guide akin to a mother, sister, and teacher, requesting her assistance with instruments like the astrolabe and hydroscope, and praising her wisdom in personal and scholarly matters.[13][15] Socrates Scholasticus, a Christian historian writing his Ecclesiastical History circa 439 AD, depicted Hypatia as a prominent philosopher who publicly lectured on Plato and Aristotle, acquiring such esteem through her cultivated mind and self-possessed demeanor that she appeared in public assemblies and advised Prefect Orestes on civic issues. He attributed her murder to envy from certain monks rather than sanctioned Christian doctrine, noting that the perpetrators were not representative of the church under Patriarch Cyril and expressing regret over the act's barbarity.[31][55] In contrast, the Neoplatonist Damascius, head of the Athenian Academy until its closure in 529 AD, preserved in the Suda lexicon a critical portrayal of Hypatia from his Life of Isidore, faulting her for prioritizing political ambition over metaphysical philosophy, engaging in civic sedition that alienated Orestes from Cyril, and adhering to a materialistic interpretation of Platonism uninformed by Iamblichan theurgy, which he saw as corrupting her intellectual legacy.[56] John of Nikiu, bishop in late 7th-century Egypt, offered a hostile Christian perspective in his Chronicle, labeling Hypatia a pagan practitioner of magic who used astrolabes and musical instruments to deceive followers through demonic arts, estrange Orestes from ecclesiastical authority, and perpetuate strife, portraying her lynching by parabalani monks during Lent 415 AD as a justified purge of iniquity that restored order.[43][5]Medieval Transmission and Views
The primary medieval transmission of Hypatia's life and works occurred through Byzantine compilations of late antique sources, notably the Suda, a 10th-century encyclopedic lexicon that drew on earlier historians like Hesychius of Miletus (6th century) and preserved accounts of her as Theon's daughter, a Neoplatonist philosopher, and commentator on works by Diophantus, Ptolemy, and Apollonius of Perga.[57] The Suda entry details her influence in Alexandria, her ascetic lifestyle, and her death by dismemberment at the hands of a mob, emphasizing her scholarly eminence while noting the political tensions surrounding her execution.[57] No independent manuscripts of Hypatia's own writings survive from the medieval period; her mathematical and astronomical commentaries, such as those on conic sections and the Almagest, were referenced but not copied as distinct texts, likely due to their integration into her father Theon's editions or loss amid the decline of pagan institutions. Byzantine Christian views of Hypatia, as reflected in these compilations, were ambivalent: she was acknowledged for her intellectual achievements and personal virtue—described as modest, eloquent, and revered by students including Christians like Synesius—but often framed negatively as a pagan figure whose astrological and philosophical influence exacerbated church-state conflicts in Alexandria. Earlier late antique echoes in medieval texts, such as those derived from John of Nikiu's 7th-century chronicle, portrayed her as a "sorceress" whose death purged demonic influences from the city, aligning with orthodox narratives justifying violence against perceived pagan threats.[31] This duality persisted, with Hypatia's story serving as a cautionary tale of hubris in some ecclesiastical contexts rather than unmitigated admiration. A notable aspect of her medieval reception involves scholarly hypotheses of conflation with the legend of Saint Catherine of Alexandria, whose hagiography—emerging prominently in the 9th–11th centuries—shares motifs of a brilliant Alexandrian woman, virgin intellectual, debater of philosophers, and martyr under imperial persecution.[58] Proponents argue that Hypatia's historical profile contributed to Catherine's idealized Christian archetype, facilitating the "paganization" of a saintly figure to symbolize converted wisdom, though this identification remains contested due to chronological discrepancies (Catherine's traditional martyrdom dated to c. 305) and lack of direct textual links, with critics viewing it as anachronistic hagiographic borrowing rather than deliberate modeling.[59] In Western Latin medieval sources, Hypatia appears rarely before the 12th century, limited to indirect allusions in chronicles, reflecting the broader scarcity of Greek pagan scholarship outside Byzantine circles until the Renaissance.Early Modern Revival
Interest in Hypatia resurfaced during the Enlightenment, when deist and skeptical writers invoked her story to critique religious authority and celebrate classical rationalism. Irish philosopher John Toland's Hypatia (1720) provided the first detailed modern narrative of her life, depicting her as a paragon of beauty, virtue, and learning whose murder by Alexandrian clergy exemplified ecclesiastical fanaticism and the suppression of free thought. Toland drew primarily from ancient sources like Socrates Scholasticus to argue that her death marked a triumph of superstition over philosophy, aligning with his broader anti-clerical views.[60][61] Voltaire referenced Hypatia in his Philosophical Dictionary (1764) and other writings, portraying her lynching as evidence of Christian intolerance toward pagan intellectuals, thereby using her as a rhetorical weapon against the Catholic Church's historical influence. Similarly, Edward Gibbon in The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire (1776–1789) described her as a woman "in the bloom of beauty and in the maturity of wisdom," attributing her demise to Bishop Cyril's envy and framing it within his thesis that Christianity accelerated imperial decay through dogmatic zealotry rather than civilizing progress. Gibbon's account, influenced by Toland and Voltaire, amplified Hypatia's role as a symbol of enlightened antiquity victimized by emerging religious orthodoxy.[47][20] These portrayals, while rooted in late antique testimonies, often emphasized dramatic elements to serve polemical ends, establishing Hypatia as an icon of reason martyred by faith in early modern discourse. This revival contrasted with medieval obscurity, where her memory had faded amid Christian dominance, and laid groundwork for later romanticized interpretations by highlighting her as a defender of science and philosophy against institutional religion.[62][63]Nineteenth- and Twentieth-Century Mythologization
In the nineteenth century, Hypatia's legacy was extensively romanticized in European literature and art, transforming her into a symbol of classical rationality besieged by religious extremism. Charles Kingsley's novel Hypatia, or New Foes with an Old Face, serialized in 1852 and published in book form in 1853, fictionalized her as a beautiful Neoplatonist philosopher and teacher whose murder by a Christian mob under Patriarch Cyril exemplified the triumph of barbarism over Hellenistic wisdom.[64] The work, drawing on earlier Enlightenment critiques like those of Voltaire and Edward Gibbon, reflected Kingsley's anti-Catholic Protestant biases and gained widespread popularity, with multiple editions and reprints through the 1880s, shaping public perceptions of Hypatia as a martyr for intellectual freedom.[65] This narrative often exaggerated her role in scientific innovation and portrayed her death as a deliberate assault on pagan learning, despite primary sources indicating a complex interplay of political rivalries between prefect Orestes and Cyril rather than a targeted purge of scholarship.[27] Kingsley's depiction spurred multimedia adaptations, including visual arts and theater that reinforced her mythic status. Sculptor Richard Belt created a statue of Hypatia in 1882, while painter Charles William Mitchell's 1885 canvas portrayed her in a dramatic, ethereal pose blending pagan and Christian motifs, evoking debates on gender, education, and religion in Victorian society.[64] A stage adaptation by G. Stuart Ogilvie premiered at London's Haymarket Theatre on January 14, 1893, running for 103 performances and further popularizing the image of Hypatia as a proto-feminist icon amid discussions of women's higher education, akin to the "New Woman" archetype.[64] These representations, while artistically compelling, prioritized dramatic conflict over historical nuance, often eliding Hypatia's Neoplatonic mysticism—which included theurgic elements incompatible with modern rationalism—and her limited original contributions to mathematics, which consisted primarily of editing and commenting on works like Ptolemy's Almagest.[27] Twentieth-century mythologization extended Hypatia's symbolism into feminist and secular advocacy, casting her as a precursor to women's emancipation and a victim of patriarchal religious oppression. She inspired the naming of the feminist philosophy journal Hypatia in 1986, underscoring her enduring appeal as a female intellectual trailblazer in male-dominated fields.[65] Popular science narratives, such as Carl Sagan's 1980 television series Cosmos, amplified the trope of her as a pioneering astronomer slain by Cyril's fanatics, framing her death as the death knell of ancient enlightenment and the onset of dogmatic dark ages—a portrayal critiqued for anachronistically projecting modern scientific identities onto her philosophical endeavors.[27] Plays and novels continued this trend, with works like early twentieth-century theatrical pieces reinforcing her as a beacon of reason against intolerance, though scholarly reassessments highlighted how such depictions, influenced by conflict thesis historiography, overstated religious motivations while underplaying Alexandria's factional politics in 415 CE.[27]Twenty-First-Century Reassessments
In the early 21st century, scholars emphasized the scarcity of primary evidence for Hypatia's life, much of which derives from 5th-century ecclesiastical historians like Socrates Scholasticus and later medieval accounts, urging caution against anachronistic projections of her as a proto-scientific martyr. Edward Watts's 2017 monograph reconstructs her career as a Neoplatonist educator who succeeded by adapting Platonic and Aristotelian traditions to the practical needs of elite students navigating Alexandria's factional politics, rather than through groundbreaking original research.[52][66] Her surviving influence appears mainly through correspondence, such as letters from pupil Synesius of Cyrene requesting mathematical instruments like astrolabes and hydroscopes around 400 AD, indicating her role in editing Ptolemy's works rather than inventing new theorems.[52] Reassessments of her death in March 415 AD highlight political causation over simplistic religious antagonism, portraying the lynching by a Christian mob—possibly including parabalani monks—as a byproduct of escalating rivalry between Roman prefect Orestes and bishop Cyril of Alexandria, with Hypatia scapegoated as Orestes's pagan advisor blocking episcopal influence amid grain shortages and theater riots.[66][67] Watts contends Cyril did not directly orchestrate the murder, as no contemporary source accuses him, and imperial investigations cleared him, though his inflammatory sermons against "philosophers" contributed to the volatile atmosphere; this view counters earlier narratives exaggerating it as Cyril's personal vendetta against pagan intellect.[52][54] Recent analyses, including a 2022 thesis, further argue her killing did not signal the abrupt termination of Alexandrian Hellenism, as Neoplatonist schools under figures like Hierocles persisted into the 6th century, with mathematical traditions evolving under Christian scholars like John Philoponus.[68] Critiques of 21st-century popular media, such as Alejandro Amenábar's 2009 film Agora, underscore how such depictions amplify unverified legends—like Hypatia dissecting living animals or championing heliocentrism—while ignoring her probable adherence to geocentric models and the era's syncretic intellectual environment, where Christians and pagans collaborated on astronomy.[69] These reassessments, informed by Watts and others, reveal systemic tendencies in secular historiography to overemphasize anti-Christian conflict, potentially overlooking the intra-elite power dynamics and urban unrest typical of late Roman cities, thus restoring Hypatia as a product of her milieu rather than an emblem of lost rationality.[67][70]References
- https://faithljustice.[wordpress.com](/page/WordPress.com)/2012/03/15/hypatia-sources/
