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Richard I of England
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Richard I (8 September 1157 – 6 April 1199), known as Richard the Lionheart or Richard Cœur de Lion (Old Norman French: Quor de Lion)[2][3] because of his reputation as a great military leader and warrior,[4][b] was King of England from 1189 until his death in 1199. He also ruled as Duke of Normandy, Aquitaine, and Gascony; Lord of Cyprus; Count of Poitiers, Anjou, Maine, and Nantes; and was overlord of Brittany at various times during the same period. He was the third of five sons of Henry II of England and Eleanor of Aquitaine and was therefore not expected to become king, but his two elder brothers predeceased their father.
Key Information
By the age of 16, Richard had taken command of his own army, putting down rebellions in Poitou against his father.[4] Richard was an important Christian commander during the Third Crusade, leading the campaign after the departure of Philip II of France. Despite achieving several victories against his Muslim counterpart, Saladin, he was ultimately forced to end his campaign without retaking Jerusalem.[6]
Richard probably spoke both French and Occitan, and based on the testimony of Roger of Howden, most likely understood Middle English.[7] He was born in England, where he spent his childhood; before becoming duke of Aquitaine, however, he lived most of his adult life in the Duchy of Aquitaine, in the southwest of France. Following his accession to the crown of England, he spent very little time, perhaps as little as six months, in England. Most of his reign was spent on Crusade, in captivity, or actively defending the French portions of the Angevin Empire. Though regarded as a model king during the four centuries after his death[8] and viewed as a pious hero by his subjects,[9] he was later perceived by historians as a ruler who treated the kingdom of England merely as a source of revenue for his armies rather than a land entrusted to his stewardship.[10] This "Little England" view of Richard has come under increasing scrutiny by modern historians, who view it as anachronistic.[8] Richard I is an enduring iconic figure both in England and in France.[11]
Early life and accession in Aquitaine
[edit]Childhood
[edit]
Richard was born on 8 September 1157,[12] probably at Beaumont Palace,[13] in Oxford, England, son of King Henry II of England and Eleanor of Aquitaine. He was the younger brother of William, Henry the Young King, and Matilda; William died before Richard's birth.[14] As a younger son of Henry II, Richard was not expected to ascend the throne.[15] Four more children were born to King Henry and Queen Eleanor: Geoffrey, Eleanor, Joan, and John. Richard also had two half-sisters from his mother's first marriage to Louis VII of France: Marie and Alix.[14]
Richard is often depicted as having been the favourite son of his mother.[16] His father was Angevin-Norman and great-grandson of William the Conqueror. Contemporary historian Ralph de Diceto traced his family's lineage through Matilda of Scotland to the Anglo-Saxon kings of England and Alfred the Great, and from there legend linked them to Noah and Woden. According to Angevin family tradition, there was even 'infernal blood' in their ancestry, with a claimed descent from the fairy, or female demon, Melusine.[13][17]
While his father visited his lands from Scotland to France, Richard probably spent his childhood in England. His first recorded visit to the European continent was in May 1165, when his mother took him to Normandy. His wet nurse was Hodierna of St Albans, whom he gave a generous pension after he became king.[18] Little is known about Richard's education.[19] Although he was born in Oxford and brought up in England up to his eighth year, it is not known to what extent he used or understood English; he was an educated man who composed poetry and wrote in Limousin (lenga d'òc) and also in French.[20]
During his captivity, English prejudice against foreigners was used in a calculated way by his brother John to help destroy the authority of Richard's chancellor, William Longchamp, who was a Norman. One of the specific charges laid against Longchamp, by John's supporter Hugh Nonant, was that he could not speak English. This indicates that by the late 12th century a knowledge of English was expected of those in positions of authority in England.[21][22]

Richard was said to be very attractive; his hair was between red and blond, and he was light-eyed with a pale complexion. According to Clifford Brewer, he was 6 feet 5 inches (1.96 m),[23] although that is unverifiable since his remains have been lost since at least the French Revolution. John, his youngest brother, was known to be 5 feet 5 inches (1.65 m).
The Itinerarium peregrinorum et gesta regis Ricardi, a Latin prose narrative of the Third Crusade, states that: "He was tall, of elegant build; the colour of his hair was between red and gold; his limbs were supple and straight. He had long arms suited to wielding a sword. His long legs matched the rest of his body".[24]
Marriage alliances were common among medieval royalty: they led to political alliances and peace treaties and allowed families to stake claims of succession on each other's lands. In March 1159, it was arranged that Richard would marry one of the daughters of Ramon Berenguer IV, Count of Barcelona; however, these arrangements failed, and the marriage never took place. Henry the Young King was married to Margaret, daughter of Louis VII of France, on 2 November 1160.[25] Despite this alliance between the Plantagenets and the Capetians, the dynasty on the French throne, the two houses were sometimes in conflict. In 1168, the intercession of Pope Alexander III was necessary to secure a truce between them. Henry II had conquered Brittany and taken control of Gisors and the Vexin, which had been part of Margaret's dowry.[26]
Early in the 1160s there had been suggestions Richard should marry Alys, Countess of the Vexin, fourth daughter of Louis VII; because of the rivalry between the kings of England and France, Louis obstructed the marriage. A peace treaty was secured in January 1169 and Richard's betrothal to Alys was confirmed.[27] Henry II planned to divide his and Eleanor's territories among their three eldest surviving sons: Henry would become King of England and have control of Anjou, Maine, and Normandy; Richard would inherit Aquitaine and Poitiers from his mother; and Geoffrey would become Duke of Brittany through marriage with Constance, heir presumptive of Conan IV. At the ceremony where Richard's betrothal was confirmed, he paid homage to the king of France for Aquitaine, thus securing ties of vassalage between the two.[28]
After Henry II fell seriously ill in 1170, he enacted his plan to divide his territories, although he would retain overall authority over his sons and their territories. His son Henry was crowned as heir apparent in June 1170, and in 1171 Richard left for Aquitaine with his mother, and Henry II gave him the duchy of Aquitaine at the request of Eleanor. Richard and his mother embarked on a tour of Aquitaine in 1171 in an attempt to pacify the locals.[29] Together, they laid the foundation stone of St Augustine's Monastery in Limoges. In June 1172, at age 14, Richard was formally recognised as duke of Aquitaine and count of Poitou when he was granted the lance and banner emblems of his office; the ceremony took place in Poitiers and was repeated in Limoges, where he wore the ring of St Valerie, who was the personification of Aquitaine.[30][31]
Revolt against Henry II
[edit]According to Ralph of Coggeshall, Henry the Young King instigated a rebellion against Henry II; he wanted to reign independently over at least part of the territory his father had promised him, and to break away from his dependence on Henry II, who controlled the purse strings.[32] There were rumors that Eleanor might have encouraged her sons to revolt against their father.[33]
Henry the Young King abandoned his father and left for the French court, seeking the protection of Louis VII; his brothers Richard and Geoffrey soon followed him, while the five-year-old John remained in England. Louis gave his support to the three brothers and even knighted Richard, tying them together through vassalage.[34] Jordan Fantosme, a contemporary poet, described the rebellion as a "war without love".[35]

The brothers made an oath at the French court that they would not make terms with Henry II without the consent of Louis VII and the French barons.[37] With the support of Louis, Henry the Young King attracted many barons to his cause through promises of land and money; one such baron was Philip I, Count of Flanders, who was promised £1,000 and several castles. The brothers also had supporters ready to rise up in England. Robert de Beaumont, 3rd Earl of Leicester, joined forces with Hugh Bigod, 1st Earl of Norfolk, Hugh de Kevelioc, 5th Earl of Chester, and William I of Scotland for a rebellion in Suffolk. The alliance with Louis was initially successful, and by July 1173 the rebels were besieging Aumale, Neuf-Marché, and Verneuil, and Hugh de Kevelioc had captured Dol in Brittany.[38] Richard went to Poitou and raised the barons who were loyal to himself and his mother in rebellion against his father. Eleanor was captured, so Richard was left to lead his campaign against Henry II's supporters in Aquitaine on his own. He marched to take La Rochelle but was rejected by the inhabitants; he withdrew to the city of Saintes, which he established as a base of operations.[39][40]
In the meantime, Henry II had raised a very expensive army of more than 20,000 mercenaries with which to face the rebellion.[38] He marched on Verneuil, and Louis retreated from his forces. The army proceeded to recapture Dol and subdued Brittany. At this point Henry II made an offer of peace to his sons; on the advice of Louis the offer was refused.[41] Henry II's forces took Saintes by surprise and captured much of its garrison, although Richard was able to escape with a small group of soldiers. He took refuge in Château de Taillebourg for the rest of the war.[39] Henry the Young King and the Count of Flanders planned to land in England to assist the rebellion led by the Earl of Leicester. Anticipating this, Henry II returned to England with 500 soldiers and his prisoners (including Eleanor and his sons' wives and fiancées),[42] but on his arrival found out that the rebellion had already collapsed. William I of Scotland and Hugh Bigod were captured on 13 and 25 July respectively. Henry II returned to France and raised the siege of Rouen, where Louis VII had been joined by Henry the Young King after abandoning his plan to invade England. Louis was defeated and a peace treaty was signed in September 1174,[41] the Treaty of Montlouis.[43]
When Henry II and Louis VII made a truce on 8 September 1174, its terms specifically excluded Richard.[42][44] Abandoned by Louis and wary of facing his father's army in battle, Richard went to Henry II's court at Poitiers on 23 September and begged for forgiveness, weeping and falling at the feet of Henry, who gave Richard the kiss of peace.[42][44] Several days later, Richard's brothers joined him in seeking reconciliation with their father.[42] The terms the three brothers accepted were less generous than those they had been offered earlier in the conflict (when Richard was offered four castles in Aquitaine and half of the income from the duchy):[37] Richard was given control of two castles in Poitou and half the income of Aquitaine; Henry the Young King was given two castles in Normandy; and Geoffrey was permitted half of Brittany. Eleanor remained Henry II's prisoner until his death, partly as insurance for Richard's good behaviour.[45]
Final years of Henry II's reign
[edit]
After the conclusion of the war, the process of pacifying the provinces that had rebelled against Henry II began. The King travelled to Anjou for this purpose, and Geoffrey dealt with Brittany. In January 1175 Richard was dispatched to Aquitaine to punish the barons who had fought for him. The historian John Gillingham notes that the chronicle of Roger of Howden is the main source for Richard's activities in this period. According to the chronicle, most of the castles belonging to rebels were to be returned to the state they were in 15 days before the outbreak of war, while others were to be razed.[46] Given that by this time it was common for castles to be built in stone, and that many barons had expanded or refortified their castles, this was not an easy task.[47] Roger of Howden records the two-month siege of Castillon-sur-Agen; while the castle was "notoriously strong", Richard's siege engines battered the defenders into submission.[48]
On this campaign, Richard acquired the name "the Lion" or "the Lionheart" due to his noble, brave and fierce leadership.[49][47] He is referred to as "this our lion" (hic leo noster) as early as 1187 in the Topographia Hibernica of Giraldus Cambrensis,[50] while the byname "lionheart" (le quor de lion) is first recorded in Ambroise's L'Estoire de la Guerre Sainte in the context of the Accon campaign of 1191.[51]
Henry seemed unwilling to entrust any of his sons with resources that could be used against him. It was suspected that he had appropriated Alys of France, Richard's betrothed, as his mistress. This made a marriage between Richard and Alys technically impossible in the eyes of the Church, but Henry prevaricated: he regarded Alys's dowry, Vexin in the Île-de-France, as valuable. Richard was discouraged from renouncing Alys because she was the sister of King Philip II of France, a close ally.[52][53]
After his failure to overthrow his father, Richard concentrated on putting down internal revolts by the nobles of Aquitaine, especially in the territory of Gascony. The increasing cruelty of his rule led to a major revolt there in 1179. Hoping to dethrone Richard, the rebels sought the help of his brothers Henry and Geoffrey. The turning point came in the Charente Valley in the spring of 1179. The well-defended fortress of Taillebourg seemed impregnable. The castle was surrounded by a cliff on three sides and a town on the fourth side with a three-layer wall. Richard first destroyed and looted the farms and lands surrounding the fortress, leaving its defenders no reinforcements or lines of retreat. The garrison sallied out of the castle and attacked Richard; he was able to subdue the army and then followed the defenders inside the open gates, where he easily took over the castle in two days. Richard's victory at Taillebourg deterred many barons from thinking of rebelling and forced them to declare their loyalty to him. In 1181–82, Richard faced a revolt over the succession to the county of Angoulême. His opponents turned to Philip II of France for support, and the fighting spread through the Limousin and Périgord. The excessive cruelty of Richard's punitive campaigns aroused even more hostility.[54]
After Richard had subdued his rebellious barons, he again challenged his father. From 1180 to 1183 the tension between father and son grew, as Henry II commanded Richard to pay homage to Henry the Young King, but Richard refused. Finally, in 1183, the younger Henry and Geoffrey of Brittany invaded Aquitaine in an attempt to subdue Richard. Richard's barons joined in the fray and turned against their duke. However, Richard and his army succeeded in holding back the invading armies, and they executed any prisoners. The conflict paused briefly in June 1183, when the Young King died. With the death of his elder brother, Richard became the eldest surviving son and therefore heir to the English crown. Henry II demanded that Richard give up Aquitaine (which he planned to give to his youngest son, John, as his inheritance). Richard refused, and conflict continued between him and his father. Finally, the King brought Queen Eleanor out of prison, sent her to Aquitaine, and demanded that Richard return possession of his lands to his mother.[55] Meanwhile, in 1186, Geoffrey died in a tournament. He had a daughter, Eleanor, and a posthumous son, Arthur.[56]
In 1187, to strengthen his position, Richard allied himself with 22-year-old Philip II, the son of Eleanor's ex-husband Louis VII by Adela of Champagne. Roger of Howden wrote:
The King of England was struck with great astonishment, and wondered what [this alliance] could mean, and, taking precautions for the future, frequently sent messengers into France for the purpose of recalling his son Richard; who, pretending that he was peaceably inclined and ready to come to his father, made his way to Chinon, and, in spite of the person who had the custody thereof, carried off the greater part of his father's treasures, and fortified his castles in Poitou with the same, refusing to go to his father.[57]
Overall, Howden is chiefly concerned with the politics of the relationship between Richard and Philip. Gillingham has addressed theories suggesting that this political relationship was also sexually intimate, which he posits probably stemmed from an official record announcing that, as a symbol of unity between the two countries, the kings of England and France had slept overnight in the same bed. Gillingham has characterized this as "an accepted political act, nothing sexual about it;... a bit like a modern-day photo opportunity".[58]
With news arriving of the Battle of Hattin, he took the cross at Tours in the company of other French nobles. In exchange for Philip's help against his father, Richard paid homage to Philip in November 1188. On 4 July 1189, the forces of Richard and Philip defeated Henry's army at Ballans. Henry agreed to name Richard his heir apparent. Two days later Henry died in Chinon, and Richard succeeded him as King of England, Duke of Normandy, and Count of Anjou. Roger of Howden claimed that Henry's corpse bled from the nose in Richard's presence, which was assumed to be a sign that Richard had caused his death.[citation needed]
King and crusader
[edit]Coronation and anti-Jewish violence
[edit]
Richard I was officially invested as Duke of Normandy on 20 July 1189 and crowned king in Westminster Abbey on 3 September 1189.[59] Tradition barred all Jews and women from the investiture, but some Jewish leaders arrived to present gifts for the new king.[60] According to Ralph of Diceto, Richard's courtiers stripped and flogged the Jews, then flung them out of court.[61]
When a rumour spread that Richard had ordered all Jews to be killed, the people of London attacked the Jewish population.[61] Many Jewish homes were destroyed by arsonists, and several Jews were forcibly converted.[61] Some sought sanctuary in the Tower of London, and others managed to escape. Among those killed was Jacob of Orléans, a respected Jewish scholar.[62] Roger of Howden, in his Gesta Regis Ricardi, claimed that the jealous and bigoted citizens started the rioting, and that Richard punished the perpetrators, allowing a forcibly converted Jew to return to his native religion. Baldwin of Forde, Archbishop of Canterbury, reacted by remarking, "If the King is not God's man, he had better be the devil's".[63]

Offended that he was not being obeyed, and aware that the attacks could destabilise his realm on the eve of his departure on crusade, Richard ordered the execution of those responsible for the most heinous murders and persecutions, including rioters who had accidentally burned down Christian homes.[64] He distributed a royal writ demanding that the Jews be left alone. The edict was only loosely enforced, however, and the following March further violence occurred, including a massacre at York.[65]
Crusade plans
[edit]Richard had already taken the cross as Count of Poitou in 1187. His father and Philip II had done so at Gisors on 21 January 1188 after receiving news of the fall of Jerusalem to Saladin. After Richard became king, he and Philip agreed to go on the Third Crusade, since each feared that during his absence the other might usurp his territories.[66]
Richard swore an oath to renounce his past wickedness in order to show himself worthy to take the cross. He started to raise and equip a new crusader army. He spent most of his father's treasury (filled with money raised by the Saladin tithe), raised taxes, and even agreed to free King William I of Scotland from his oath of subservience to Richard in exchange for 10,000 marks (£6,500). To raise still more revenue he sold the right to hold official positions, lands, and other privileges to those interested in them.[67] Those already appointed were forced to pay huge sums to retain their posts. William Longchamp, Bishop of Ely and the King's chancellor, made a show of bidding £3,000 to remain as Chancellor. He was apparently outbid by a certain Reginald the Italian, but that bid was refused.[citation needed]
Richard made some final arrangements on the continent.[68] He reconfirmed his father's appointment of William Fitz Ralph to the important post of seneschal of Normandy. In Anjou, Stephen of Tours was replaced as seneschal and temporarily imprisoned for fiscal mismanagement. Payn de Rochefort, an Angevin knight, became seneschal of Anjou. In Poitou the ex-provost of Benon, Peter Bertin, was made seneschal, and finally, the household official Helie de La Celle was picked for the seneschalship in Gascony. After repositioning the part of his army he left behind to guard his French possessions, Richard finally set out on the crusade in summer 1190.[68] (His delay was criticised by troubadours such as Bertran de Born.) He appointed as regents Hugh de Puiset, Bishop of Durham, and William de Mandeville, 3rd Earl of Essex – who soon died and was replaced by William Longchamp.[69] Richard's brother John was not satisfied by this decision and started scheming against William Longchamp. When Richard was raising funds for his crusade, he was said to have declared, "I would have sold London if I could find a buyer".[70]
Occupation of Sicily
[edit]
In September 1190 Richard and Philip arrived in Sicily.[71] After the death of King William II of Sicily in 1189 his cousin Tancred had seized power, although the legal heir was William's aunt Constance. Tancred had imprisoned William's widow, Queen Joan, who was Richard's sister, and did not give her the money she had inherited in William's will. When Richard arrived he demanded that his sister be released and given her inheritance; she was freed on 28 September, but without the inheritance.[72] The presence of foreign troops also caused unrest: in October, the people of Messina revolted, demanding that the foreigners leave.[73] Richard attacked Messina, capturing it on 4 October 1190.[73] After looting and burning the city Richard established his base there, but this created tension between Richard and Philip. He remained there until Tancred finally agreed to sign a treaty on 4 March 1191. The treaty was signed by Richard, Philip, and Tancred.[74] Its main terms were:
- Joan was to receive 20,000 ounces (570 kg) of gold as compensation for her inheritance, which Tancred kept.
- Richard officially proclaimed his nephew, Duke Arthur I of Brittany, as his heir, and Tancred promised to marry one of his daughters to Arthur when he came of age, giving a further 20,000 ounces (570 kg) of gold that would be returned by Richard if Arthur did not marry Tancred's daughter.
The two kings stayed in Sicily for a while, but this resulted in increasing tensions between them and their men, with Philip plotting with Tancred against Richard.[75] The two kings eventually met to clear the air and reached an agreement, including the end of Richard's betrothal to Philip's sister Alys.[76] In 1190 King Richard, before leaving for the Holy Land for the crusade, met Joachim of Fiore, who spoke to him of a prophecy contained in the Book of Revelation.
Conquest of Cyprus
[edit]
In April 1191, Richard left Messina for Acre with an army of 17,000 men,[77] but a storm dispersed his large fleet.[78] After some searching, it was discovered that the ship carrying his sister Joan and his new fiancée, Berengaria of Navarre, was anchored on the south coast of Cyprus, along with the wrecks of several other vessels, including the treasure ship. Survivors of the wrecks had been taken prisoner by the island's ruler, Isaac Komnenos.[79]
On 1 May 1191, Richard's fleet arrived in the port of Lemesos on Cyprus.[79] He ordered Isaac to release the prisoners and treasure.[79] Isaac refused, so Richard landed his troops and took Lemesos.[80] Various princes of the Holy Land arrived in Lemesos at the same time, in particular Guy of Lusignan. All declared their support for Richard provided that he support Guy against his rival, Conrad of Montferrat.[81]
The local magnates abandoned Isaac, who considered making peace with Richard, joining him on the crusade, and offering his daughter in marriage to the person named by Richard.[82] Isaac changed his mind, however, and tried to escape. Richard's troops, led by Guy de Lusignan, conquered the whole island by 1 June. Isaac surrendered and was confined with silver chains because Richard had promised that he would not place him in irons. Richard named Richard de Camville and Robert of Thornham as governors. He later sold the island to the master of Knights Templar, Robert de Sablé, and it was subsequently acquired, in 1192, by Guy of Lusignan and became a stable feudal kingdom.[83]
The rapid conquest of the island by Richard was of strategic importance. The island occupies a key strategic position on the maritime lanes to the Holy Land, whose occupation by the Christians could not continue without support from the sea.[83] Cyprus remained a Christian stronghold until the Ottoman invasion in 1570.[84] Richard's exploit was well publicised and contributed to his reputation, and he also derived significant financial gains from the conquest of the island.[84] Richard left Cyprus for Acre on 5 June with his allies.[84]
Marriage
[edit]Before leaving Cyprus on crusade, Richard married Berengaria, the first-born daughter of King Sancho VI of Navarre. Richard had first grown close to her at a tournament held in her native Navarre.[85] The wedding was held in Lemesos on 12 May 1191 at the Chapel of St George and was attended by Richard's sister Joan, whom he had brought from Sicily. The marriage was celebrated with great pomp and splendour, many feasts and entertainments, and public parades and celebrations followed, commemorating the event. When Richard married Berengaria he was still officially betrothed to Alys, and he pushed for the match in order to obtain the Kingdom of Navarre as a fief, as Aquitaine had been for his father. Further, Eleanor championed the match, as Navarre bordered Aquitaine, thereby securing the southern border of her ancestral lands. Richard took his new wife on crusade with him briefly, though they returned separately. Berengaria had almost as much difficulty in making the journey home as her husband did, and she did not see England until after his death. After his release from German captivity, Richard showed some regret for his earlier conduct, but he was not reunited with his wife.[86] The marriage remained childless.[citation needed]
In the Holy Land
[edit]
Richard landed at Acre on 8 June 1191.[87] He gave his support to his Poitevin vassal Guy of Lusignan, who had brought troops to help him in Cyprus. Guy was the widower of his father's cousin Sibylla of Jerusalem and was trying to retain the kingship of Jerusalem, despite his wife's death during the Siege of Acre the previous year.[88] Guy's claim was challenged by Conrad of Montferrat, second husband of Sibylla's half-sister, Isabella: Conrad, whose defence of Tyre had saved the kingdom in 1187, was supported by Philip of France, son of his first cousin Louis VII of France, and by another cousin, Leopold V, Duke of Austria.[89] Richard also allied with Humphrey IV of Toron, Isabella's first husband, from whom she had been forcibly divorced in 1190. Humphrey was loyal to Guy and spoke Arabic fluently, so Richard used him as a translator and negotiator.[90]
Richard and his forces aided in the capture of Acre, despite Richard's serious illness. At one point, while sick from arnaldia, a disease similar to scurvy, he picked off guards on the walls with a crossbow, while being carried on a stretcher covered "in a great silken quilt".[91][92] Eventually, Conrad of Montferrat concluded the surrender negotiations with Saladin's forces inside Acre and raised the banners of the kings in the city. Richard quarrelled with Leopold over the deposition of Isaac Komnenos (related to Leopold's Byzantine mother) and his position within the crusade. Leopold's banner had been raised alongside the English and French standards. This was interpreted as arrogance by both Richard and Philip, as Leopold was a vassal of the Holy Roman Emperor (although he was the highest-ranking surviving leader of the imperial forces). Richard's men tore the flag down and threw it in the moat of Acre.[93][94] Leopold left the crusade immediately. Philip also left soon afterwards, in poor health and after further disputes with Richard over the status of Cyprus (Philip demanded half the island) and the kingship of Jerusalem.[95]
Richard had kept approximately 2,700 Muslim prisoners as hostages against Saladin fulfilling all the terms of the surrender of the lands around Acre.[96] Philip, before leaving, had entrusted his prisoners to Conrad, but Richard forced him to hand them over to him. Richard feared his forces being bottled up in Acre, and believed that his troops could not advance with the prisoners in train. He therefore ordered all the prisoners to be executed. He then moved south, defeating Saladin's forces at the Battle of Arsuf, 30 miles (50 km) north of Jaffa, on 7 September 1191. Saladin attempted to harass Richard's army into breaking its formation in order to defeat it in detail. Richard maintained his army's defensive formation, however, until the Hospitallers broke ranks to charge the right wing of Saladin's forces. Richard then ordered a general counterattack, which won the battle. Arsuf was an important victory. The Muslim army was not destroyed, despite the considerable casualties it suffered, but it did rout; this was considered shameful by the Muslims and boosted the morale of the Crusaders. In November 1191, following the fall of Jaffa, the Crusader army advanced inland towards Jerusalem. The army then marched to Beit Nuba, only 12 miles (19 km) from Jerusalem. Muslim morale in Jerusalem was so low that the arrival of the Crusaders would probably have caused the city to fall quickly. However, the weather was appallingly bad, cold with heavy rain and hailstorms; this, combined with the fear that the Crusader army, if it besieged Jerusalem, might be trapped by a relieving force, led to the decision to retreat back to the coast.[97] Richard attempted to negotiate with Saladin, but this was unsuccessful. In the first half of 1192, he and his troops refortified Ascalon, having earlier taken the fortified town of Darum.[98]
An election forced Richard to accept Conrad of Montferrat as King of Jerusalem, and he sold Cyprus to his defeated protégé, Guy. Only days later, on 28 April 1192, Conrad was stabbed to death by the Assassins[99] before he could be crowned. Eight days later Richard's own nephew Henry II of Champagne was married to the widowed Isabella, although she was carrying Conrad's child. The murder was never conclusively solved, and Richard's contemporaries widely suspected his involvement.[100]
The crusader army made another advance on Jerusalem, and, in June 1192, it came within sight of the city before being forced to retreat once again, this time because of dissension amongst its leaders. In particular, Richard and the majority of the army council wanted to force Saladin to relinquish Jerusalem by attacking the basis of his power through an invasion of Egypt. The leader of the French contingent, Hugh III, Duke of Burgundy, however, was adamant that a direct attack on Jerusalem should be made. This split the Crusader army into two factions, and neither was strong enough to achieve its objective. Richard stated that he would accompany any attack on Jerusalem but only as a simple soldier; he refused to lead the army. Without a united command the army had little choice but to retreat back to the coast.[101]
A period of minor skirmishes with Saladin's forces commenced, punctuated by another defeat in the field for the Ayyubid army at the Battle of Jaffa. Baha' al-Din, a contemporary Muslim soldier and biographer of Saladin, recorded a tribute to Richard's martial prowess at this battle: "I have been assured ... that on that day the king of England, lance in hand, rode along the whole length of our army from right to left, and not one of our soldiers left the ranks to attack him. The Sultan was wroth thereat and left the battlefield in anger...".[102] Both sides realised that their respective positions were growing untenable. Richard knew that both Philip and his own brother John were starting to plot against him, and the morale of Saladin's army had been badly eroded by repeated defeats. However, Saladin insisted on the razing of Ascalon's fortifications, which Richard's men had rebuilt, and a few other points. Richard made one last attempt to strengthen his bargaining position by attempting to invade Egypt – Saladin's chief supply-base – but failed. In the end, time ran out for Richard. He realised that his return could be postponed no longer, since both Philip and John were taking advantage of his absence. He and Saladin finally came to a settlement on 2 September 1192. The terms provided for the destruction of Ascalon's fortifications, allowed Christian pilgrims and merchants access to Jerusalem, and initiated a three-year truce.[103] Richard, being ill with arnaldia, left for England on 9 October 1192.[104]
Life after the Third Crusade
[edit]Captivity, ransom and return
[edit]
Bad weather forced Richard's ship to put in at Corfu, in the lands of Byzantine Emperor Isaac II Angelos, who objected to Richard's annexation of Cyprus, formerly Byzantine territory. Disguised as a Knight Templar, Richard sailed from Corfu with four attendants, but his ship was wrecked near Aquileia, forcing Richard and his party into taking a dangerous land route through central Europe. On his way to the territory of his brother-in-law Henry the Lion, Richard was captured shortly before Christmas 1192 near Vienna by Leopold of Austria, who accused Richard of arranging the murder of his cousin Conrad of Montferrat. Moreover, Richard had personally offended Leopold by casting down his standard from the walls of Acre.[94]
Leopold kept Richard prisoner at Dürnstein Castle under the care of Leopold's ministerialis Hadmar of Kuenring.[105] This mishap was soon known in England, but the regents were for some weeks uncertain of his whereabouts. While in prison, Richard wrote the musical piece Ja nus hons pris or Ja nuls om pres ("No man who is imprisoned"), which is addressed to his half-sister Marie. He wrote the song, in French and Occitan versions, to express his feelings of abandonment by his people and his sister. The detention of a crusader was contrary to public law,[106][107] and on these grounds Pope Celestine III excommunicated Leopold.[108]

On 28 March 1193, Richard was brought to Speyer and handed over to Holy Roman Emperor Henry VI, who imprisoned him in Trifels Castle. The Emperor was aggrieved by the support the Plantagenets had given to the family of Henry the Lion and by Richard's recognition of Tancred in Sicily.[106] Henry VI needed money to raise an army and assert his rights over southern Italy and continued to hold Richard for ransom. Nevertheless, to Richard's irritation, Pope Celestine hesitated to excommunicate Henry VI, as he had Duke Leopold, for the continued wrongful imprisonment of Richard. He famously refused to show deference to the Emperor and declared to him, "I am born of a rank which recognises no superior but God".[109] The King was at first shown a certain measure of respect, but later, at the prompting of Philip of Dreux, Bishop of Beauvais and Philip of France's cousin, the conditions of Richard's captivity worsened, and he was kept in chains, "so heavy," Richard declared, "that a horse or ass would have struggled to move under them."[110]
The Emperor demanded that 150,000 marks (100,000 pounds of silver) be delivered to him before he would release the King, the same amount raised by the Saladin tithe only a few years earlier,[111] and two to three times the annual income of the English Crown under Richard. Meanwhile, Eleanor worked tirelessly to raise the ransom for her son's release. Leopold also requested Eleanor, Fair Maid of Brittany, niece of Richard, marry his heir Frederick. Both clergy and laymen were taxed for a quarter of the value of their property, the gold and silver treasures of the churches were confiscated, and money was raised from the scutage and the carucage taxes. At the same time, Richard's brother John and King Philip of France offered 80,000 marks for Henry VI to hold Richard prisoner until Michaelmas 1194. Henry turned down the offer. The money to release the King was transferred to Germany by the Emperor's ambassadors, but "at the king's peril" (had it been lost along the way, Richard would have been held responsible), and finally, on 4 February 1194, Richard was released. Philip sent a message to John: "Look to yourself; the devil is loose".[112] Furthermore, upon the sudden death of Leopold, under the pressure of the Pope, the new duke Frederick was forced to abandon his marriage plan with Eleanor of Brittany.[113][114]
War against Philip of France
[edit]In Richard's absence, his brother John revolted with the aid of Philip; amongst Philip's conquests in the period of Richard's imprisonment was a part of Normandy[115] called Norman Vexin facing French Vexin. Richard forgave John when they met again and named him as his heir in place of their nephew Arthur. At Winchester, on 11 March 1194, Richard was crowned a second time to nullify the shame of his captivity.[116]
Richard began his reconquest of the lost lands in Normandy. The fall of the Château de Gisors to the French in 1193 opened a gap in the Norman defences. The search began for a fresh site for a new castle to defend the duchy of Normandy and act as a base from which Richard could launch his campaign to take back Vexin from French control.[117] A naturally defensible position was identified, perched high above the River Seine, an important transport route, in the manor of Andeli. Under the terms of the Treaty of Louviers (December 1195) between Richard and Philip II, neither king was allowed to fortify the site; despite this, Richard intended to build the vast Château Gaillard.[118] Richard tried to obtain the manor through negotiation. Walter de Coutances, Archbishop of Rouen, was reluctant to sell the manor, as it was one of the diocese's most profitable, and other lands belonging to the diocese had recently been damaged by war.[118] When Philip besieged Aumale in Normandy, Richard grew tired of waiting and seized the manor,[118][119] although the act was opposed by the Catholic Church.[120] The archbishop issued an interdict against performing church services in the duchy of Normandy; Roger of Howden detailed "unburied bodies of the dead lying in the streets and square of the cities of Normandy". The interdict was still in force when work began on the castle, but Pope Celestine III repealed it in April 1197 after Richard made gifts of land to the archbishop and the diocese of Rouen, including two manors and the prosperous port of Dieppe.[121][122]
Royal expenditure on castles declined from the levels spent under Henry II, attributed to a concentration of resources on Richard's war with the king of France.[123] However, the work at Château Gaillard was some of the most expensive of its time and cost an estimated £15,000 to £20,000 between 1196 and 1198.[124] This was more than double Richard's spending on castles in England, an estimated £7,000.[125] Unprecedented in its speed of construction, the castle was mostly complete in two years, when most construction on such a scale would have taken the better part of a decade.[124] According to William of Newburgh, in May 1198 Richard and the labourers working on the castle were drenched in a "rain of blood". While some of his advisers thought the rain was an evil omen, Richard was undeterred.[126] As no master-mason is mentioned in the otherwise detailed records of the castle's construction, military historian Richard Allen Brown has suggested that Richard himself was the overall architect; this is supported by the interest Richard showed in the work through his frequent presence.[127] In his final years, the castle became Richard's favourite residence, and writs and charters were written at Château Gaillard bearing "apud Bellum Castrum de Rupe" (at the Fair Castle of the Rock).[128]
Château Gaillard was ahead of its time, featuring innovations that would be adopted in castle architecture nearly a century later. Allen Brown described Château Gaillard as "one of the finest castles in Europe",[128] and military historian Sir Charles Oman wrote that it was considered "the masterpiece of its time. The reputation of its builder, Cœur de Lion, as a great military engineer might stand firm on this single structure. He was no mere copyist of the models he had seen in the East, but introduced many original details of his own invention into the stronghold".[129]
Determined to resist Philip's designs on contested Angevin lands such as the Vexin and Berry, Richard poured all his military expertise and vast resources into the war on the French King. He organised an alliance against Philip, including Baldwin IX of Flanders, Renaud, Count of Boulogne, and his father-in-law, King Sancho VI of Navarre, who raided Philip's lands from the south. Most importantly, he managed to secure the Welf inheritance in Saxony for his nephew, Henry the Lion's son, who was elected Otto IV of Germany in 1198.[citation needed]
Partly as a result of these and other intrigues, Richard won several victories over Philip. At Fréteval in 1194, just after Richard's return to France from captivity and money-raising in England, Philip fled, leaving his entire archive of financial audits and documents to be captured by Richard. At the Battle of Gisors (sometimes called Courcelles) in 1198, Richard took Dieu et mon Droit – "God and my Right" – as his motto (still used by the British monarchy today), echoing his earlier boast to Emperor Henry that his rank acknowledged no superior but God.[citation needed]
Death
[edit]
In March 1199, Richard was in Limousin suppressing a revolt by Viscount Aimar V of Limoges. Although it was Lent, he "devastated the Viscount's land with fire and sword".[131] He besieged the tiny, virtually unarmed castle of Châlus-Chabrol. Some chroniclers claimed that this was because a local peasant had uncovered a treasure trove of Roman gold.[132]
On 26 March 1199, Richard was hit in the shoulder by a crossbow bolt, and the wound turned gangrenous.[133] Richard asked to have the crossbowman brought before him; called alternatively Pierre (or Peter) Basile, John Sabroz, Dudo,[134][135] and Bertrand de Gourdon (from the town of Gourdon) by chroniclers, the man turned out (according to some sources, but not all) to be a boy. He said Richard had killed his father and two brothers, and that he had intended to kill Richard in revenge. He expected to be executed, but as a final act of mercy Richard forgave him, saying "Live on, and by my bounty behold the light of day", before he ordered the boy to be freed and sent away with 100 shillings.[c]
Richard died on 6 April 1199 in the arms of his mother, and thus "ended his earthly day."[137] Because of the nature of his death, it was later said that "the Lion by the Ant was slain".[138] According to one chronicler, Richard's last act of chivalry proved fruitless when the infamous mercenary captain Mercadier had the boy flayed alive and hanged as soon as Richard died.[139]
Richard's heart was buried at Rouen in Normandy, his entrails in Châlus (where he died), and the rest of his body at the feet of his father at Fontevraud Abbey in Anjou.[140] In 2012, scientists analysed the remains of Richard's heart and found that it had been embalmed with various substances, including frankincense, a symbolically important substance because it had been present both at the birth and embalming of Christ.[141]
Henry Sandford, Bishop of Rochester (1226–1235), announced that he had seen a vision of Richard ascending to Heaven in March 1232 (along with Stephen Langton, the former archbishop of Canterbury), the King having presumably spent 33 years in purgatory as expiation for his sins.[142]
Richard produced no legitimate heirs and acknowledged only one illegitimate son, Philip of Cognac. He was succeeded by his brother John as king.[143] His French territories, with the exception of Rouen, initially rejected John as a successor, preferring his nephew Arthur.[144] The lack of any direct heirs from Richard was the first step in the dissolution of the Angevin Empire.[143]
Character
[edit]Contemporaries considered Richard as both a king and a knight famed for personal martial prowess; this was, apparently, the first such instance of this combination.[145] He was known as a valiant, competent military leader and individual fighter who was courageous and generous. At the same time, he was considered prone to the sins of lust, pride, greed and, above all, excessive cruelty. Ralph of Coggeshall, summarising Richard's career, deplores that the King was one of "the immense cohort of sinners".[146] He was criticised by clergy chroniclers for having taxed the clergy both for the Crusade and for his ransom, whereas the church and the clergy were usually exempt from taxes.[147]
Richard was a patron and a protector of the trouvères and troubadours of his entourage; he was also a poet himself.[8][148] He was interested in writing and music, and two poems are attributed to him. The first one is a sirventes in Old French, Dalfin je us voill desrenier, and the second one is a lament that he wrote during his imprisonment at Dürnstein Castle, Ja nus hons pris, with a version in Old Occitan and a version in Old French.[148][149]
Speculation regarding sexuality
[edit]In the historiography of the second half of the 20th century, much interest was shown in Richard's sexuality, in particular whether there was evidence of homosexuality. The topic had not been raised by Victorian or Edwardian historians, a fact denounced as a "conspiracy of silence" by John Harvey (1948).[150] The argument primarily drew on accounts of Richard's behaviour, as well as of his confessions and penitences, and of his childless marriage.[151] Richard did have at least one illegitimate child, Philip of Cognac, and there are reports on his sexual relations with local women during his campaigns.[152] Historians remain divided on the question of Richard's sexuality.[153] Harvey argued in favour of his homosexuality[154] but has been disputed by other historians, most notably John Gillingham (1994), who argues that Richard was probably heterosexual.[155] Flori (1999) again argued in favour of Richard's homosexuality, based on Richard's two public confessions and penitences (in 1191 and 1195) which, according to Flori, "must have" referred to the sin of sodomy.[156] But Flori concedes that contemporary accounts of Richard taking women by force exist,[157] concluding that he probably had sexual relations with both men and women.[158] Flori and Gillingham nevertheless agree that accounts of bed-sharing do not support the suggestion that Richard had a sexual relationship with King Philip II, as other modern authors had suggested.[159]
Legacy
[edit]Heraldry
[edit]
The second Great Seal of Richard I (1198) shows him bearing a shield depicting three lions passant-guardant. This is the first instance of the appearance of this blazon, which later became established as the Royal Arms of England. It is likely, therefore, that Richard introduced this heraldic design.[130] In his earlier Great Seal of 1189, he had used either one lion rampant or two lions rampants combatants, arms which he may have adopted from his father.[160]
Richard is also credited with having originated the English crest of a lion statant (now statant-guardant).[161] The coat of three lions continues to represent England on several coins of the pound sterling, forms the basis of several emblems of English national sports teams (such as the England national football team, and the team's "Three Lions" anthem),[162] and endures as one of the most recognisable national symbols of England.[163]
Medieval folklore
[edit]
Around the middle of the 13th century, various legends developed that, after Richard's capture, his minstrel Blondel travelled Europe from castle to castle, loudly singing a song known only to the two of them (they had composed it together).[164] Eventually, he came to the place where Richard was being held, and Richard heard the song and answered with the appropriate refrain, thus revealing where the King was incarcerated. The story was the basis of André Ernest Modeste Grétry's opera Richard Cœur-de-Lion and seems to be the inspiration for the opening to Richard Thorpe's film version of Ivanhoe. It seems unconnected to the real Jean 'Blondel' de Nesle, an aristocratic trouvère. It also does not correspond to the historical reality, since the King's jailers did not hide the fact; on the contrary, they publicised it.[165] An early account of this legend is to be found in Claude Fauchet's Recueil de l'origine de la langue et poesie françoise (1581).[166]
At some time around the 16th century, tales of Robin Hood started to mention him as a contemporary and supporter of King Richard the Lionheart, Robin being driven to outlawry, during the misrule of Richard's evil brother John, while Richard was away at the Third Crusade.[167]
Historical reputation and modern reception
[edit]
Richard's reputation over the years has "fluctuated wildly", according to historian John Gillingham.[168] According to Gillingham, "Richard's reputation, above all as a crusader, meant that the tone of contemporaries and near contemporaries, whether writing in the West or the Middle East, was overwhelmingly favourable."[8] Even historians attached to the court of his enemy Philip Augustus believed that if Richard had not fought against Philip then England would never have had a better king. A German contemporary, Walther von der Vogelweide, believed that Richard's generosity was what made his subjects willing to raise a king's ransom on his behalf. Richard's character was also praised by figures in Saladin's court such as Baha ad-Din and Ibn al-Athir, who judged him the most remarkable ruler of his time. Even in Scotland he won a high place in historical tradition.[8]
After Richard's death his image was further romanticized[169] and for at least four centuries Richard was considered a model king by historians such as Holinshed and John Speed.[8] However, in 1621 the Stuart courtier and poet and historian Samuel Daniel criticized Richard for wasting English resources on the crusade and wars in France. This "remarkably original and consciously anachronistic interpretation" eventually became the common opinion of scholars.[8] Though Richard's popular image tended to be dominated by the positive qualities of chivalry and military competence,[145] his reputation among historians was typified by Steven Runciman's verdict: "he was a bad son, a bad husband, and a bad king, but a gallant and splendid soldier" ("History of the Crusades" Vol. III).
Victorian England was divided on Richard: many admired him as a crusader and man of God, erecting an heroic statue to him outside the Houses of Parliament. The late-Victorian scholar William Stubbs, however, thought him "a bad son, a bad husband, a selfish ruler, and a vicious man". During his ten years' reign, Richard was in England for no more than six months, and totally absent for the last five years.[168] This led Stubbs to argue Richard harbored no sympathy "or even consideration, for his people" and that "his ambition was that of a mere warrior."[170]
However, since 1978 this approach has been increasingly questioned for its insularity. According to Gillingham, "it is now more widely acknowledged that Richard was head of a dynasty with far wider responsibilities than merely English ones, and that in judging a ruler's political acumen more weight might be attached to contemporary opinion than to views which occurred to no one until many centuries after his death."[8]
In World War I, when British troops commanded by General Edmund Allenby captured Jerusalem, the British press printed cartoons of Richard looking down from the heavens with the caption reading, "At last my dream has come true".[171] General Allenby protested against his campaign being presented as a latter-day Crusade, stating "The importance of Jerusalem lay in its strategic importance, there was no religious impulse in this campaign".[172]
Family tree
[edit]: Bold borders indicate legitimate children of English monarchs
| Baldwin II King of Jerusalem | Fulk IV Count of Anjou | Bertrade of Montfort | Philip I King of France | William the Conqueror King of England r. 1066–1087 | Saint Margaret of Scotland | Malcolm III King of Scotland | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Melisende Queen of Jerusalem | Fulk V King of Jerusalem | Eremburga of Maine | Robert Curthose | William II King of England r. 1087–1100 | Adela of Normandy | Henry I King of England r. 1100–1135 | Matilda of Scotland | Duncan II King of Scotland | Edgar King of Scotland | Alexander I King of Scotland | David I King of Scotland | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Sibylla of Anjou | William Clito | Stephen King of England r. 1135–1154 | Geoffrey Plantagenet Count of Anjou | Empress Matilda | William Adelin | Matilda of Anjou | Henry of Scotland | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Margaret I | Philip of Alsace Count of Flanders | Louis VII King of France | Eleanor of Aquitaine | Henry II King of England r. 1154–1189 | Geoffrey Count of Nantes | William FitzEmpress | Malcolm IV King of Scotland | William the Lion King of Scotland | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Baldwin I Latin Emperor | Isabella of Hainault | Philip II King of France | Henry the Young King | Matilda Duchess of Saxony | Richard I King of England r. 1189–1199 | Geoffrey II Duke of Brittany | Eleanor | Alfonso VIII King of Castile | Joan | William II King of Sicily | John King of England r. 1199–1216 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Louis VIII King of France | Otto IV Holy Roman Emperor | Arthur I Duke of Brittany | Blanche of Castile Queen of France | Henry III King of England r. 1216–1272 | Richard of Cornwall King of the Romans | Joan Queen of Scotland | Alexander II King of Scotland | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
See also
[edit]Notes
[edit]- ^ Historians are divided in their use of the terms Plantagenet and Angevin in regard to Henry II and his children. Some class Henry II to be the first Plantagenet king of England; others refer to Henry II, Richard I, and John as the Angevin dynasty, and consider Henry III to be the first Plantagenet ruler.[1]
- ^ The troubadour Bertran de Born also called him Richard Oc-e-Non (Occitan for 'Yes and No'), possibly from a reputation for terseness.[5]
- ^ Although there are numerous variations of the story's details, it is not disputed that Richard did pardon the person who shot the bolt.[136]
References
[edit]- ^ Hamilton 2010, p. 1.
- ^ Saunders, Connie J. (2004). Writing War: Medieval Literary Responses to Warfare. D.S. Brewer. p. 38. ISBN 978-0-8599-1843-5.
- ^ Trudgill, Peter (2021) European Language Matters: English in Its European Context, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 9781108832960 p. 61.
- ^ a b Turner & Heiser 2000, p. 71.
- ^ Gillingham, John (1978). Richard the Lionheart. Weidenfeld and Nicolson. p. 243. ISBN 978-0-8129-0802-2.
- ^ Addison 1842, pp. 141–149.
- ^ Flori 1999f, p. 20.
- ^ a b c d e f g h Gillingham 2004
- ^ Turner & Heiser 2000[page needed]
- ^ Harvey 1948, pp. 62–64.
- ^ Harvey 1948, p. 58.
- ^ Flori 1999, p. 1.
- ^ a b Gillingham 2002, p. 24.
- ^ a b Flori 1999, p. ix.
- ^ Flori 1999, p. 2.
- ^ Flori 1999, p. 28.
- ^ Huscroft, Richard (2016). Tales From the Long Twelfth Century: The Rise and Fall of the Angevin Empire. Yale University Press. pp. 19–20. ISBN 978-0-3001-8725-0.
- ^ Gillingham 2002, pp. 28, 32
- ^ Flori 1999, p. 10.
- ^ Leese 1996, p. 57
- ^ Prestwich & Prestwich 2004, p. 76
- ^ Stafford, Nelson & Martindale 2001, pp. 168–169
- ^ Brewer 2000, p. 41
- ^ McLynn, Frank (2012). Lionheart and Lackland: King Richard, King John and the Wars of Conquest. Random House. p. 24. ISBN 978-0-7126-9417-9.
- ^ Flori 1999, pp. 23–25.
- ^ Flori 1999, pp. 26–27
- ^ Flori 1999, pp. 25, 28
- ^ Flori 1999, pp. 27–28
- ^ Flori 1999, pp. 29–30.
- ^ Gillingham 2002, p. 40
- ^ Turner & Heiser 2000, p. 57
- ^ Flori 1999, pp. 31–32.
- ^ Flori 1999, p. 32.
- ^ Flori 1999, pp. 32–33.
- ^ Gillingham 2002, p. 41.
- ^ Gillingham 2002, pp. 49–50.
- ^ a b Gillingham 2002, p. 48.
- ^ a b Flori 1999, p. 33.
- ^ a b Flori 1999, pp. 34–35.
- ^ Gillingham 2002, p. 49.
- ^ a b Flori 1999, pp. 33–34.
- ^ a b c d Flori 1999, p. 35.
- ^ Gillingham 2002, pp. 50–51.
- ^ a b Gillingham 2002, p. 50.
- ^ Flori 1999, p. 36.
- ^ Gillingham 2002, p. 52.
- ^ a b Flori 1999, p. 41
- ^ Flori 1999, pp. 41–42.
- ^ "Richard the Lionheart Biography". www.medieval-life-and-times.info. Retrieved 18 January 2019.
- ^ Giraldi Cambrensis topographia Hibernica, dist. III, cap. L; ed. James F. Dimock in: Rolles Series (RS), Band 21, 5, London 1867, S. 196.
- ^ L'Estoire de la Guerre Sainte, v. 2310, ed. G. Paris in: Collection de documents inédits sur l'histoire de France, vol. 11, Paris 1897, col. 62.
- ^ Hilton, Lisa (2010). Queens Consort: England's Medieval Queens. Hachette UK. ISBN 978-0-2978-5749-5.[page needed]
- ^ Hilliam, David (2004). Eleanor of Aquitaine: The Richest Queen in Medieval Europe. The Rosen Publishing Group, Inc. p. 83. ISBN 978-1-4042-0162-0.
- ^ "His reliance upon military force proved counterproductive. The more ruthless his punitive expeditions and the more rapacious his mercenaries' plundering, the more hostility he aroused. Even English chroniclers commented on the hatred aroused among Richard's Aquitanian subjects by his excessive cruelty"Turner & Heiser 2000, p. 264
- ^ Jones 2014, p. 94
- ^ Warren 1991, p. 37
- ^ Roger of Hoveden 1853, p. 64
- ^ Martin 2008.
- ^ Gillingham 2002, p. 107
- ^ Flori 1999f, pp. 94–95.
- ^ a b c Flori 1999f, p. 95
- ^ Graetz & Bloch 1902[page needed]
- ^ Flori 1999f, pp. 465–466 As cited by Flori, the chronicler Giraud le Cambrien reports that Richard was fond of telling a tale according to which he was a descendant of a countess of Anjou who was, in fact, the fairy Melusine, concluding that his family "came from the devil and would return to the devil".
- ^ Flori 1999f, pp. 319–320.
- ^ Graetz & Bloch 1902, pp. 409–416
- ^ Flori 1999f, p. 100.
- ^ Flori 1999f, pp. 97–101.
- ^ a b Flori 1999f, p. 101
- ^ Flori 1999f, p. 99.
- ^ Gillingham 2002, p. 118.
- ^ Flori 1999f, p. 111.
- ^ Flori 1999f, p. 114.
- ^ a b Flori 1999f, p. 116
- ^ Flori 1999f, p. 117.
- ^ Flori 1999f, pp. 124–126.
- ^ Flori 1999f, pp. 127–128.
- ^ Phillips, Jonathan (2014). The Crusades, 1095–1204 (2nd ed.). London: Routledge. p. 170.
- ^ Flori 1999f, p. 131.
- ^ a b c Flori 1999f, p. 132
- ^ Flori 1999f, pp. 133–134.
- ^ Flori 1999f, p. 134.
- ^ Flori 1999f, pp. 134–136.
- ^ a b Flori 1999f, p. 137
- ^ a b c Flori 1999f, p. 138
- ^ Abbott, Jacob (1877). History of King Richard the First of England (3rd ed.). Harper & Brothers. ASIN B00P179WN8.
- ^ Richard I. by Jacob Abbot, New York and London Harper & Brothers 1902
- ^ According to Baha ad-Din ibn Shaddad on the 7th, but the Itinerarium and Gesta mention the 8th as the date of his arrival (L. Landon, The itinerary of King Richard I, with studies on certain matters of interest connected with his reign, London, 1935, p. 50
- ^ Gillingham 2002, p. 148
- ^ Gillingham 2002, pp. 148–149
- ^ Gillingham 2002, p. 149
- ^ Hosler, John D. (2018). Siege of Acre, 1189–1191: Saladin, Richard the Lionheart, and the Battle That Decided the Third Crusade. Yale University Press. p. 119. ISBN 978-0-3002-3535-7. Retrieved 16 September 2020.
- ^ Asbridge, Thomas (2012). The Crusades: The War for the Holy Land. Simon and Schuster. p. 294. ISBN 978-1-8498-3770-5. Retrieved 16 September 2020.
- ^ Richard Coer de Lyon II vv. 6027–6028: Kyng R. let breke his baner, / And kest it into þe reuer.
- ^ a b Huffman, Joseph Patrick (2009). The Social Politics of Medieval Diplomacy: Anglo-German Relations (1066–1307). University of Michigan Press. p. 138. ISBN 978-0-472-02418-6.
- ^ Gillingham 2002, p. 154.
- ^ Gillingham 2002, pp. 167–171.
- ^ Gillingham 1979, pp. 198–200.
- ^ Gillingham (1978), pp. 209–212
- ^ Eddé, Anne-Marie "Saladin" trans. Jean Marie Todd Harvard University Press 2011. p. 266 ISBN 978-0-6740-5559-9 "two members of the Assassin Sect, disguised as monks"
- ^ Wolff, Robert L., and Hazard, H. W. (1977). A History of the Crusades: Volume Two, The Later Crusades 1187–1311, The University of Wisconsin Press, Madison. University of Wisconsin Press. p. 80.
- ^ Gillingham 1979, pp. 209–212.
- ^ Baha' al-Din Yusuf Ibn Shaddad (also rendered Beha al-Din and Beha Ed-Din), trans. C.W. Wilson (1897) Saladin Or What Befell Sultan Yusuf, Palestine Pilgrims' Text Society, London.[1], p. 376
- ^ Richard I. by Jacob Abbott, New York and London Harper & Brothers 1902
- ^ Eddé, Anne-Marie "Saladin" trans. Jean Marie Todd Harvard University Press 2011. pp. 267–269. ISBN 978-0-6740-5559-9
- ^ Arnold 1999, p. 128
- ^ a b Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). . Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. 23 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. p. 295.
- ^ Flori 1999f, pp. 188–189.
- ^ Mann, Horace Kinder (1914). The Lives of the Popes in the Early Middle Ages. K. Paul, Trench, Trübner. p. 417. ISBN 978-0-7222-2160-0.
{{cite book}}: ISBN / Date incompatibility (help) - ^ Longford 1989, p. 85.
- ^ William of Newburgh, Historia, ii. 493–494, cited in John Gillingham, "The Kidnapped King: Richard I in Germany, 1192–1194," German Historical Institute London Bulletin, 2008. Richard would have his revenge on Dreux when the Bishop was captured, clad in a mailcoat and fully armed, by Richard's men in 1197; the king promptly clapped him into prison, from whence he was released only in 1200, a year after Richard's death.
- ^ Madden 2005, p. 96
- ^ Purser 2004, p. 161.
- ^ Costain, Thomas B. The Magnificent Century: The Pageant of England. Garden City: Doubleday, 1951, pp. 4–7
- ^ The Angevin Empire
- ^ Gillingham 2004.
- ^ Barrow 1967, p. 184.
- ^ Gillingham 2002, pp. 303–305.
- ^ a b c Gillingham 2002, p. 301.
- ^ Turner 1997, p. 10.
- ^ Packard 1922, p. 20.
- ^ Gillingham 2002, pp. 302–304
- ^ Brown 2004, p. 112.
- ^ Brown 1976, pp. 355–356.
- ^ a b McNeill 1992, p. 42.
- ^ Gillingham 2002, p. 304.
- ^ Gillingham 2002, p. 303.
- ^ Brown 2004, p. 113.
- ^ a b Brown 1976, p. 62.
- ^ Oman 1991, p. 33.
- ^ a b Lewis, Suzanne (1987). The Art of Matthew Paris in the Chronica Majora. California studies in the history of art. Vol. 21. University of California Press. pp. 180–181. ISBN 978-0-5200-4981-9.
- ^ Ralph_of_Coggeshall, p. 94.
- ^ "King Richard I of England Versus King Philip II Augustus". Historynet.com. 23 August 2006. Archived from the original on 12 March 2008. Retrieved 4 February 2012.
- ^ Gillingham 2004.
- ^ Gillingham 1989, p. 16.
- ^ Flori 1999f, pp. 233–254.
- ^ Flori 1999f, p. 234
- ^ Weir, Alison (2011). Eleanor of Aquitaine: By the Wrath of God, Queen of England. New York City: Random House. p. 319. ASIN B004OEIDOS.
- ^ Meade, Marion (1977). Eleanor of Aquitaine: A Biography. New York: Penguin Books. p. 329. ASIN B00328ZUOS.
- ^ Flori 1999f, p. 238.
- ^ Flori 1999f, p. 235.
- ^ Charlier, Philippe (28 February 2013). "The embalmed heart of Richard the Lionheart (1199 A.D.): a biological and anthropological analysis". Nature. 3 (1) 1296. Joël Poupon, Gaël-François Jeannel, Dominique Favier, Speranta-Maria Popescu, Raphaël Weil, Christophe Moulherat, Isabelle Huynh-Charlier, Caroline Dorion-Peyronnet, Ana-Maria Lazar, Christian Hervé & Geoffroy Lorin de la Grandmaison. London, England: Nature Research. Bibcode:2013NatSR...3.1296C. doi:10.1038/srep01296. ISSN 2045-2322. PMC 3584573. PMID 23448897.
- ^ Gillingham 1979, p. 8. Roger of Wendover (Flores historiarum, p. 234) ascribes Sandford's vision to the day before Palm Sunday, 3 April 1232.
- ^ a b Saccio, Peter; Black, Leon D. (2000). "John, The Legitimacy of the King; The Angevin Empire". Shakespeare's English Kings: History, Chronicle, and Drama (2nd ed.). Oxford University Press. pp. 190–195. ISBN 0-19-512319-0.
- ^ Jones 2014, pp. 150–152
- ^ a b Flori 1999f, pp. 484–485
- ^ Among the sins for which the King of England was criticised, alongside lust, those of pride, greed, and cruelty loom large. Ralph of Coggeshall, describing his death in 1199, summarises in a few lines Richard's career and the vain hopes raised by his accession to the throne. Alas, he belonged to 'the immense cohort of sinners'" (Flori 1999, p. 335).
- ^ Flori 1999f, p. 322.
- ^ a b "Richard I the Lionheart". Dictionary of music (in French). Larousse. 2005.
- ^ Gillingham 2002
- ^ Harvey, pp. 33–34. This question was mentioned, however, in Richard, A., Histoire des comtes de Poitout, 778–1204, vol. I–II, Paris, 1903, t. II, p. 130, cited in Flori 1999f, p. 448 (French).
- ^ Summarised in McLynn, pp. 92–93. Roger of Howden tells of a hermit who warned, "Be thou mindful of the destruction of Sodom, and abstain from what is unlawful", and Richard thus "receiving absolution, took back his wife, whom for a long time he had not known, and putting away all illicit intercourse, he remained constant to his wife and the two become one flesh". Roger of Hoveden, The Annals, trans. Henry T. Riley, 2. Vols. (London: H.G. Bohn, 1853; repr. New York: AMS Press, 1968)
- ^ McLynn, p. 93; see also Gillingham 1994, pp. 119–139.
- ^ Burgwinkle, William E. (2004). Sodomy, Masculinity and Law in Medieval Literature: France and England, 1050–1230. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press. pp. 73–74. ISBN 978-0-5218-3968-6.
- ^ As cited in Flori 1999f, p. 448 (French). See for example Brundage, Richard Lion Heart, New York, 1974, pp. 38, 88, 202, 212, 257; Runciman, S., A History of the Crusades, Cambridge, 1951–194, t. III, pp. 41ff.; and Boswell, J., Christianity, Social Tolerance and Homosexuality, Chicago, 1980, pp. 231ff.
- ^ Gillingham 1994, pp. 119–139.
- ^ Flori 1999f, pp. 456–462.
- ^ Flori 1999f, p. 463.
- ^ Flori 1999f, p. 464.
- ^ Flori 1999f, pp. 454–456 (French). Contemporary accounts refer to various signs of friendship between the two when Richard was at Philip's court in 1187 during his rebellion against his father Henry II, including sleeping in the same bed. However, according to Flori and Gillingham, such signs of friendship were part of the customs of the time, indicating trust and confidence, and cannot be interpreted as proof of the homosexuality of either man.
- ^ Heraldry: An Introduction to a Noble Tradition. "Abrams Discoveries" series. Harry N. Abrams, Inc. 1997. p. 59. ISBN 978-0810928305.
- ^ Woodward and Burnett, Woodward's: A Treatise on Heraldry, British and foreign, With English and French Glossaries, p. 37. Ailes, Adrian (1982). The Origins of The Royal Arms of England. Reading: Graduate Center for Medieval Studies, University of Reading. pp. 52–63. Charles Boutell, A. C. Fox-Davies, ed., The Handbook to English Heraldry, 11th ed. (1914).
- ^ Ingle, Sean (18 July 2002). "Why do England have three lions on their shirts?". The Guardian. Retrieved 29 April 2016.
- ^ Boutell, Charles, 1859. The Art Journal London. p. 353.
- ^ Flori 1999f, pp. 191–192.
- ^ Flori 1999f, p. 192.
- ^ Fauchet, Claude (1581). Recueil de l'origine de la langue et poesie françoise. Paris: Mamert Patisson. pp. 130–131.
- ^ Holt, J. C. (1982). Robin Hood. Thames & Hudson. p. 70. ISBN 978-0-5002-5081-5.
- ^ a b John Gillingham, Kings and Queens of Britain: Richard I; Cannon & Hargreaves 2004, [page needed]
- ^ "Matthew's small sketch of a crossbow above Richard's inverted shield was probably intended to draw attention to the king's magnanimous forgiveness of the man who had caused his death, a true story first told by Roger of Howden, but with a different thrust. It was originally meant to illustrate Richard's stern, unforgiving character, since he only pardoned Peter Basil when he was sure he was going to die; but the Chronica Majora adopted a later popular conception of the generous hearted preux chevalier, transforming history into romance". Suzanne Lewis, The Art of Matthew Paris in the Chronica Majora, California studies in the history of art, vol. 21, University of California Press, 1987, p. 180.
- ^ Stubbs, William (2017). The Constitutional History of England. Vol. 1. Miami, Florida: HardPress. pp. 550–551. ISBN 978-1-5847-7148-7.
- ^ Curry, Andrew (8 April 2002). "The First Holy War". U.S. News & World Report. Washington, D.C.: U.S. News & World Report, L.P.
- ^ Phillips, Jonathan (2009). Holy Warriors: a Modern History of the Crusades. London, England: Random House. pp. 327–331. ISBN 978-1-4000-6580-6.
- ^ Turner, Ralph V.; Heiser, Richard R. (2000). The Reign of Richard Lionheart, Ruler of the Angevin empire, 1189–1199. Harlow: Longman. pp. 256–257. ISBN 978-0-5822-5659-0.; Seel, Graham E. (2012). King John: An Underrated King. London: Anthem Press. Figure 1. ISBN 978-0-8572-8518-8.
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: publisher location (link)
Bibliography
[edit]- Addison, Charles (1842). The History of the Knights Templars, the Temple Church, and the Temple. London: Longman, Brown, Green, and Longmans.
- Arnold, Benjamin (1999) [1985], German Knighthood 1050–1300, Oxford: Clarendon Press, ISBN 978-0-1982-1960-6
- Barrow, G. W. S. (1967) [1956]. Feudal Britain: The Completion of the Medieval Kingdoms 1066–1314. London: Edward Arnold. ISBN 978-7-2400-0898-0.
- Brown, Richard Allen (1976) [1954]. Allen Brown's English Castles. Woodbridge: The Boydell Press. ISBN 978-1-8438-3069-6.
- —— (2004). Die Normannen (in German). Albatros Im Patmos Verlag. ISBN 978-3-4919-6122-7.
- Brewer, Clifford (2000). The Death of Kings. London: Abson Books. ISBN 978-0-9029-2099-6.
- Cannon, John; Hargreaves, Anne (2004) [2001]. Kings and Queens of Britain. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-1986-0956-6.
- Flori, Jean (1999). Richard the Lionheart: Knight and King. Translated by Jean Birrell. Edinburgh University Press. ISBN 978-0-7486-2047-0.
- —— (1999f), Richard Coeur de Lion: le roi-chevalier (in French), Paris: Biographie Payot, ISBN 978-2-2288-9272-8
- Gillingham, John (1979). Richard the Lionheart. New York: Times Books. ISBN 978-0-8129-0802-2.
- —— (1989). Richard the Lionheart. Butler and Tanner Ltd. ISBN 978-0-2977-9606-0.
- —— (1994). Richard Coeur De Lion: Kingship, Chivalry And War in the Twelfth Century. London: Hambledon & London. ISBN 978-1-8528-5084-5.
- —— (2002) [1999]. Richard I. London: Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-3000-9404-6.
- —— (2004). "Richard I (1157–1199), king of England". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (online ed.). Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/23498. Retrieved 16 August 2024. (Subscription, Wikipedia Library access or UK public library membership required.)
- Graetz, Heinrich Bella Löwy; Bloch, Philipp (1902), History of the Jews, vol. 3, Jewish Publication Society of America, ISBN 978-1-5398-8573-3
{{citation}}: ISBN / Date incompatibility (help) - Hamilton, J.S. (2010). The Plantagenets: History of a Dynasty. London: Continuum. ISBN 978-1-4411-5712-6. OL 28013041M.
- Harvey, John (1948), The Plantagenets, Fontana/Collins, ISBN 978-0-0063-2949-7
{{citation}}: ISBN / Date incompatibility (help) - Jones, Dan (2014). The Plantagenets: The Warrior Kings and Queens Who Made England. Penguin Books. ISBN 978-0-1431-2492-4.
- Leese, Thelma Anna (1996). Royal: Issue of the Kings and Queens of Medieval England, 1066–1399. Heritage Books Inc. ISBN 978-0-7884-0525-9.
- Longford, Elizabeth (1989). The Oxford Book of Royal Anecdotes. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-1921-4153-8.
- Madden, Thomas F. (2005), Crusades: The Illustrated History (annotated, illustrated ed.), University of Michigan Press, ISBN 978-0-4720-3127-6
- Martin, Nicole (18 March 2008). "Richard I slept with French king 'but not gay'". The Daily Telegraph. p. 11. Archived from the original on 10 January 2022. See also "Bed-heads of state". The Daily Telegraph. 18 March 2008. p. 25. Archived from the original on 5 June 2008.
- McNeill, Tom (1992). English Heritage Book of Castles. London: English Heritage and B. T. Batsford. ISBN 978-0-7134-7025-3.
- Oman, Charles (1991) [1924], A History of the Art of War in the Middle Ages, Volume Two: 1278–1485 AD, Greenhill Books, ISBN 978-1-8536-7105-0
- Packard, Sydney (1922). "King John and the Norman Church". The Harvard Theological Review. 15 (1): 15–40. doi:10.1017/s0017816000001383. S2CID 160036290.
- Prestwich, J.O.; Prestwich, Michael (10 October 2004). The Place of War in English History, 1066–1214. Boydell Press. ISBN 978-1-8438-3098-6.
- Purser, Toby (2004). Medieval England 1042–1228 (illustrated ed.). Heinemann. ISBN 978-0-4353-2760-6.
- Ralph of Coggeshall. Chronicon Anglicanum (in Latin). Essex, England.
- Roger of Hoveden (1853). The annals of Roger de Hoveden: comprising The history of England and of other countries of Europe from A.D. 732 to A.D. 1201. Vol. 2. Translated by Riley, Henry T. London: H.G. Bohn.
- Stafford, Pauline; Nelson, Janet L.; Martindale, Jane (2001). Law, Laity and Solidarities. Manchester University Press. ISBN 978-0-7190-5836-3.
- Turner, Ralph (1997). "Richard Lionheart and English Episcopal Elections". Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies. 29 (1): 1–13. doi:10.2307/4051592. JSTOR 4051592.
- Turner, Ralph V.; Heiser, Richard R (2000). The Reign of Richard Lionheart, Ruler of the Angevin empire, 1189–1199. Harlow: Longman. ISBN 978-0-5822-5659-0.
- Warren, W. Lewis (1991). King John. London: Methuen. ISBN 0-4134-5520-3.
Further reading
[edit]- Ambroise (2003). The History of the Holy War. Translated by Ailes, Marianne. Boydell Press.
- Ralph of Diceto (1876). Stubbs, William (ed.). Radulfi de Diceto Decani Lundoniensis Opera Historica (in Italian). London.
- Berg, Dieter (2007). Richard Löwenherz (in German). Darmstadt.
- Edbury, Peter W. (1996). The Conquest of Jerusalem and the Third Crusade: Sources in Translation. Ashgate. ISBN 1-8401-4676-1.
- Gabrieli, Francesco, ed. (1969). Arab Historians of the Crusades. University of California Press. ISBN 0-5200-5224-2.
- Maalouf, Amin (1984), "L'impossible rencontre", in J'ai lu (ed.), Les Croisades vues par les Arabes (in French), J'ai Lu, p. 318, ISBN 978-2-2901-1916-7
- Nelson, Janet L., ed. (1992). Richard Cœur de Lion in History and Myth. ISBN 0-9513-0856-4.
- Nicholson, Helen J., ed. (1997). The Chronicle of the Third Crusade: The Itinerarium Peregrinorum et Gesta Regis Ricardi. Ashgate. ISBN 0-7546-0581-7.
- Roger of Hoveden (1867). Stubbs, William (ed.). Gesta Regis Henrici II & Gesta Regis Ricardi Benedicti Abbatis (in Latin). London.
- Roger of Hoveden (1868–1871). Stubbs, William (ed.). Chronica Magistri Rogeri de Houedene (in Latin). London.
- Runciman, Steven (1951–1954). A History of the Crusades. Vol. 2–3.
- Stubbs, William, ed. (1864). Itinerarium Peregrinorum et Gesta Regis Ricardi (in Latin). London.
- Medieval Sourcebook: Guillame de Tyr (William of Tyre): Historia rerum in partibus transmarinis gestarum (History of Deeds Done Beyond the Sea).
- Williams, Patrick A (1970). "The Assassination of Conrad of Montferrat: Another Suspect?". Traditio. XXVI.
External links
[edit]- Richard I at the official website of the British monarchy
- Richard I at BBC History
- Works by or about Richard I of England at the Internet Archive
- Portraits of King Richard I at the National Portrait Gallery, London
Richard I of England
View on GrokipediaRichard I (8 September 1157 – 6 April 1199), known as Richard the Lionheart for his reputed courage in battle, was King of England from 1189 until his death, though he spent less than six months in the country during his decade-long reign, prioritizing military campaigns abroad.[1][2] The third son of King Henry II and Eleanor of Aquitaine, he inherited not only the English throne but also ruled as Duke of Normandy, Aquitaine, and Count of Anjou, managing the far-flung Angevin domains that stretched across western France.[1][3] A formidable warrior whose primary language was Old French rather than English, Richard rebelled against his father Henry II in the 1170s and 1180s before ascending the throne upon Henry's death in 1189, amid ongoing familial and feudal strife.[4] His most notable endeavor was leading the Third Crusade (1189–1192), where he orchestrated the conquest of Acre in 1191, inflicted a decisive defeat on Saladin's forces at the Battle of Arsuf, and briefly conquered Cyprus, yet ultimately failed to retake Jerusalem, settling for a truce permitting Christian access to the city.[3][5] These exploits enhanced his reputation for tactical brilliance and personal valor, though they came at the cost of executing thousands of Muslim prisoners at Acre after negotiations broke down, an act reflecting the era's brutal warfare.[3] En route from the Holy Land, Richard was captured by Duke Leopold V of Austria and handed to Holy Roman Emperor Henry VI, who demanded an exorbitant ransom of 150,000 marks—equivalent to twice England's annual revenue—financed through heavy taxation and asset sales that burdened his subjects.[4] Released in 1194, he focused on defending his French territories against Philip II of France, constructing formidable fortifications like Château Gaillard and achieving victories such as at Fréteval, but perished from gangrene following a crossbow wound sustained during the siege of Châlus in 1199.[3] His absentee rule left England's administration to able officials like Chancellor William Longchamp and Justiciar Hubert Walter, who maintained stability despite the fiscal strains, underscoring Richard's orientation as a continental prince rather than an invested English sovereign.[4][6]
Origins and Formative Years
Birth, Family, and Upbringing in Aquitaine
Richard, third son of Henry II, King of England, and his wife Eleanor, Duchess of Aquitaine, was born on 8 September 1157 at Oxford, England.[7] [1] His father ruled an extensive Angevin empire encompassing England, Normandy, Anjou, and parts of Wales and Ireland, while his mother brought vast southern territories including Aquitaine, Poitou, and Gascony through her inheritance.[7] The couple's earlier sons included Henry (born 1155, later crowned as the Young King) and Geoffrey (born 1158), positioning Richard initially as a junior heir destined for continental domains rather than the English throne.[7] Though born in England, Richard's formative years unfolded primarily in Aquitaine and Poitou, where Eleanor, after separating from Henry II amid marital strife, actively groomed him to inherit and govern her southern duchy, known for its fractious nobility and distinct cultural traditions.[7] By 1168, at age eleven, he was formally invested as Duke of Aquitaine, tasked with asserting Angevin authority over rebellious barons in the region.[7] Raised amid the Occitan-speaking courts of southern France, Richard became fluent in the langue d'oc and absorbed the troubadour tradition of lyric poetry and chivalric ideals, which later influenced his own compositions during captivity.[8] This continental immersion, favoring Eleanor's influence over Henry's more Norman-oriented court, shaped his identity as a warrior-prince attuned to Aquitaine's martial and poetic ethos rather than English affairs. In 1169, as part of a treaty resolving conflicts with France, the eleven-year-old Richard became betrothed to Alys (also known as Alice), daughter of King Louis VII, to secure the Vexin border territories; the match remained unconsummated, reportedly due to later familial tensions involving Henry II.[9] Around 1173, amid rising fraternal rivalries and the onset of rebellion against their father, Richard received knighthood, marking his entry into active military training under Angevin oversight and exposure to the era's tournament circuits and feudal warfare.[7] These early experiences honed his prowess as a fighter, evident in subsequent campaigns to subdue Aquitaine's defiant lords.Rebellions and Conflicts with Henry II
In 1173, Richard, then aged sixteen, joined his elder brothers Henry the Young King and Geoffrey in open rebellion against their father, Henry II, primarily over frustrations regarding inheritance rights and effective control of their apanages. The uprising, encouraged by King Louis VII of France and bolstered by the active support of their mother Eleanor of Aquitaine—who was subsequently imprisoned by Henry II—encompassed widespread unrest across England, Normandy, Anjou, and Aquitaine. Richard, invested with ducal authority over Aquitaine since 1172, bore primary responsibility for defending that turbulent duchy against loyalist forces, where he repelled multiple incursions and briefly seized the key town of Saintes before its recapture by Henry II's superior armies.[10][11] This phase highlighted Richard's nascent strategic capabilities, as chronicled by Roger of Howden, a contemporary royal clerk who emphasized the familial discord's roots in Henry II's reluctance to devolve autonomous power to his sons. The revolt concluded in 1174 with the rebels' capitulation following Henry II's decisive victories, including the Battle of Alnwick on July 13, though Richard retained nominal lordship over Aquitaine.[10][11] Tensions reignited in 1183 amid ongoing inheritance maneuvering after Henry the Young King's death from dysentery on June 11 during a campaign in Limousin. Henry II, seeking to consolidate holdings, pressured Richard to cede Aquitaine to his youngest brother John while favoring Geoffrey's claims in parts of the duchy; Richard, viewing Aquitaine as his maternal inheritance tied to Eleanor's dowry, refused and faced coordinated assaults from Geoffrey and Aquitainian barons resentful of his stern governance. At seventeen, Richard orchestrated a robust defense, leveraging local loyalties and fortifications to thwart invasions, which compelled Henry II to intervene directly with two expeditions into the duchy.[12][4] Despite Geoffrey's death in a tournament accident in 1186, these clashes underscored Richard's deepening attachment to Aquitaine's autonomy over prospective English succession, a preference rooted in its cultural and administrative distinctiveness from Angevin continental priorities, as noted in accounts prioritizing dynastic realpolitik over filial piety.[4] The decisive rupture occurred in late 1188, when Henry II's persistent efforts to install John in Aquitaine and delay Richard's recognition as heir to the Angevin domains prompted Richard to seek alliance with Philip II Augustus of France, exploiting border grievances against Henry. At the conference of Bonsmoulins on November 18, 1188, Richard performed homage to Philip for his Norman and other French holdings, effectively defecting and enabling joint incursions into Henry II's territories. This rebellion, fueled by Richard's strategic prioritization of secured inheritance amid Henry II's favoritism toward John, culminated in the defeat of Henry's army by combined Franco-Aquitanian forces at Ballans on July 4, 1189. Under duress, Henry conceded naming Richard his primary heir and agreed to substantial indemnities; however, he died two days later on July 6, 1189, at Chinon Castle, ostensibly from complications of a bleeding ulcer exacerbated by defeat and betrayal.[13][4] Contemporary observers like Gerald of Wales, while critical of the Angevin family's internal strife, attested to Richard's calculated assertiveness in these conflicts, reflecting broader patterns of feudal ambition rather than mere petulance.[14]Ascension to Power
Death of Henry II and Claim to the Throne
Henry II died on 6 July 1189 at Chinon Castle in Anjou, succumbing to a severe illness—likely a bleeding ulcer or septicemia—exacerbated by military defeats and the stress of his final campaign against the allied forces of his son Richard and Philip II of France.[15][16] The defeat at Ballans on 4 July had compelled Henry to formally recognize Richard as his heir apparent, with the consent of Richard's brother John, just days before his collapse.[17] Henry's death marked the abrupt end of a protracted father-son conflict that had simmered since the early 1170s, allowing Richard to inherit not only the English crown but also the Angevin domains in France without immediate familial opposition.[18] Richard's transition to power emphasized pragmatic diplomacy over public mourning, as chronicled in the Itinerarium Peregrinorum et Gesta Regis Ricardi, which details his swift prioritization of continental alliances. Shortly after Henry's death, Richard renewed homage to Philip II for his French territories, including Normandy and Aquitaine, securing French support against potential rebels and affirming the pre-existing alliance forged against Henry.[19] This move, executed within days of the succession, underscored Richard's focus on stabilizing his extensive continental holdings, which far outweighed England in strategic and personal importance to him. English barons, informed via envoys, promptly dispatched oaths of fealty to Richard, facilitating logistical preparations such as the muster of supporters and the safeguarding of treasuries.[1] Amid these consolidations, rumors circulated that Richard initially contemplated ceding the English throne to John to concentrate on his ducal realms and crusading vows, though he ultimately reversed course and asserted full kingship, leveraging his unchallenged primogeniture.[20] This decision reflected causal realities of Angevin inheritance customs, where the eldest surviving legitimate son claimed the entire patrimony unless explicitly partitioned, and Richard's military prowess deterred rivals. By 20 July 1189, he received formal investiture as Duke of Normandy from Philip, paving the way for his crossing to England later that summer.[21] The Itinerarium highlights this sequence as evidence of Richard's calculated efficiency, devoid of dilatory grief, in securing a realm poised for crusade amid latent threats from siblings and neighbors.Coronation and Immediate Domestic Challenges
Richard was crowned king on 3 September 1189 at Westminster Abbey in London, in the first English coronation for which a detailed contemporary account survives.[22] The ceremony was presided over by Baldwin, Archbishop of Canterbury, who anointed Richard with holy oil poured over specified parts of his body, including the head, breast, and arms, symbolizing divine consecration and the continuity of Plantagenet rule from his father, Henry II.[23] Key regalia included the crown, sceptre, and ring, handled by Richard to affirm royal authority and sacral kingship, with bishops such as Hugh of Durham and Reginald of Bath assisting in vesting him with symbolic garments representing justice and mercy.[24] The coronation festivities were swiftly overshadowed by anti-Jewish riots erupting in London on the same day, triggered when a delegation of Jews, barred from the abbey proceedings despite bringing gifts for the new king, was attacked by a mob outside the palace.[25] These disturbances, fueled by longstanding stereotypes of Jews as usurious moneylenders and exacerbated by fears that Richard's impending crusade would require heavy taxation or debt forgiveness—prompting debtors to target Jewish creditors—resulted in the burning of Jewish homes and the deaths of dozens, with estimates of around 30 killed in the capital.[26] The violence was not instigated by royal policy, as Jews were considered crown property under Henry II's precedents, but reflected spontaneous popular resentment amid crusading fervor; similar unrest spread northward, culminating in the March 1190 massacre at York, where approximately 150 Jews perished, many by mass suicide at Clifford's Tower to evade mob assault.[27] Chronicler William of Newburgh attributed the York atrocities to a conspiracy by indebted Christians, including local knights, exploiting the absence of royal enforcers to seize Jewish wealth and erase loans.[28] Richard responded to the London riots with immediate proclamations condemning the violence and ordering the protection of Jewish lives and property, though enforcement was hampered by the festive chaos and his focus on consolidating power.[29] He later imposed heavy fines on York for the 1190 killings—equivalent to thousands of pounds—and executed some perpetrators upon his return, signaling that such acts undermined fiscal stability needed for his campaigns, as Jews provided essential loans to the crown.[30] These events posed acute domestic challenges, straining administrative control and finances in the weeks following his accession, yet Richard prioritized rapid departure for Normandy by December 1189, delegating oversight to ministers amid ongoing tensions.[31]The Third Crusade
Preparations, Financing, and Departure
Following the Muslim victory at the Battle of Hattin on July 4, 1187, and the subsequent fall of Jerusalem on October 2, 1187, Pope Gregory VIII issued the bull Audita tremendi on October 29, 1187, urgently summoning European monarchs and nobles to a new crusade to reclaim the Holy Land.[32] This papal encyclical emphasized the spiritual and temporal necessity of the expedition, framing the loss as divine judgment while promising indulgences to participants.[33] Upon his accession in July 1189, Richard I committed to the crusade, aligning with earlier Angevin pledges under his father Henry II, who had agreed to participate alongside Philip II of France in January 1188.[7] To mobilize resources, Richard systematically sold royal offices, sheriffdoms, castles, and lands to the highest bidders, a pragmatic measure that generated substantial funds without alienating core feudal loyalties.[7] This included auctioning positions like the shrievalty of key counties and granting liberties to favored allies, yielding an estimated £100,000 in silver—equivalent to roughly twice the annual royal revenue—while also expanding the existing Saladin Tithe, a 10% levy on movable goods and incomes initially imposed in 1188.[34] Exchequer records, including Pipe Rolls from 1189–1190, document these revenues without indication of systemic fiscal collapse; annual English income averaged £22,000 under Henry II but rose to £31,000 during preparations, reflecting intensified collection rather than exhaustion, with post-1194 rolls showing normalization after crusade-related outlays and ransom.[35] Such measures prioritized short-term liquidity for the Angevin continental domains—Richard's primary power base—over long-term English stability, countering later narratives of "bankrupting" the realm by highlighting the empire's cross-Channel fiscal integration.[36] In parallel, Richard forged a formal alliance with Philip II, crossing from Dover to Calais on December 11, 1189, to swear mutual oaths safeguarding each other's territories during the absence.[4] The kings met again before year's end to coordinate logistics, culminating in a joint departure from Vézelay in early July 1190, though Richard's English fleet—comprising over 100 ships—had assembled earlier at Dartmouth, with an advance squadron sailing in April under commanders Richard de Camville and Robert de Sablé.[37] The full expedition, including approximately 8,000 men, embarked progressively through summer 1190, emphasizing naval superiority for the Mediterranean route.[38]Interventions in Sicily and Conquest of Cyprus
Richard's fleet reached Messina on 23 September 1190, shortly after Philip II of France had arrived.[39] Tensions escalated due to Tancred of Sicily's refusal to release Richard's sister Joan, the widowed queen of Sicily, from confinement in Palermo and to pay the dowry promised by her late husband, William II.[40] In response, Richard's troops occupied the customs house in Messina and seized goods from local merchants and ships, prompting Tancred to impose a blockade and prepare for war.[41] On 4 October 1190, Richard's forces sallied from Messina and routed Tancred's army in a battle outside the city, capturing the Sicilian camp and forcing Tancred to seek terms.[42] The resulting treaty, signed on 6 October 1190, compelled Tancred to free Joan, deliver her dowry of 20,000 ounces of gold, provide an additional 20,000 ounces to Richard (with funds also allocated to Philip II), supply wheat, barley, and other provisions for the crusading army, and designate Sicily as a primary logistical hub with fleet support for the expedition to the Holy Land.[43][41] After wintering in Sicily, Richard departed Messina in late March or early April 1191, but a storm scattered his fleet en route to the Holy Land.[44] Ships carrying Berengaria of Navarre and Joan sought refuge off Cyprus, where the island's ruler, Isaac Komnenos, seized their cargo, robbed survivors of the wrecks, and attempted to detain the women as hostages, violating norms of hospitality toward pilgrims and prompting outrage among the crusaders.[45] Richard, diverting to address the threat, dispatched demands for restitution and free passage, which Isaac rejected while mobilizing defenses and offering alliance against the crusaders.[45] On 6 May 1191, Richard landed approximately 7,000 troops at a bay near Limassol, where his advance force defeated an opposing Cypriot army of comparable size in open battle.[46] With the main fleet's arrival, Richard's galleys broke through Isaac's harbor blockade with ramming maneuvers and archery support, enabling infantry to storm ashore and capture Limassol after brief resistance.[47] Marching inland, Richard's army—coordinating mounted knights for pursuit and infantry for holding ground—engaged and routed Isaac's main force near Tremithus, then advanced to Nicosia, which submitted without prolonged siege.[45] Isaac, attempting flight, was captured by 1 June 1191 and confined in silver chains as promised, securing the island's submission.[44] Ambroise's eyewitness account in his verse chronicle details these operations, emphasizing Richard's tactical integration of naval bombardment to suppress shore defenses and rapid amphibious assaults that exploited Cyprus's fragmented Byzantine governance and limited fortifications, allowing conquest with minimal losses despite the island's 300-mile length and rugged terrain.[45] The victory yielded Cyprus as a strategic resupply depot, with its granaries, shipyards, and ports enabling the crusader fleet to reprovision grain, timber, and manpower before proceeding to Acre, while generating revenue from local taxes to offset campaign costs.[41]Marriage to Berengaria and Campaigns in the Holy Land
Richard I married Berengaria, eldest daughter of King Sancho VI of Navarre, on 12 May 1191 in the Chapel of St. George at Limassol, Cyprus, to forge a political alliance strengthening ties between England and Navarre amid the crusade.[48] Berengaria was crowned queen consort the same day, though she bore no children and her role remained limited, primarily accompanying Richard eastward before their paths diverged post-crusade.[49][50] After securing Cyprus, Richard's forces arrived at the siege of Acre on 8 June 1191, where Christian besiegers under Guy of Lusignan had stalled since August 1189 against Saladin's garrison.[33] Initially coordinating with Philip II of France, who had joined in April, Richard assumed command and intensified operations with siege engines, sapping to undermine walls, and direct assaults that battered defenses over five weeks.[51][52] The garrison surrendered on 12 July 1191, yielding the port as a vital crusader foothold.[53] Saladin's forces attempted relief but failed to dislodge the crusaders, with chronicler Baha' al-Din ibn Shaddad documenting the siege's progression and instances of chivalric gestures, such as Saladin supplying fruit and snow to the ailing Richard, evidencing mutual respect amid unrelenting hostility.[54] Philip II departed soon after the victory in August 1191, citing health issues and domestic concerns, leaving Richard to prosecute further operations.[53]Key Battles, Truces, and Strategic Outcomes
Richard I's forces achieved a significant victory at the Battle of Arsuf on September 7, 1191, during their southward march along the Levantine coast from Acre toward Jaffa. Facing constant harassment from Saladin's larger army of approximately 25,000 troops, Richard maintained strict discipline among his 20,000 crusaders, resisting premature charges from his knights despite provocations from Muslim light cavalry and archers. The turning point came when Richard unleashed a coordinated heavy cavalry assault, shattering Saladin's lines and forcing a retreat; this tactical success, reliant on disciplined formation and shock tactics, secured the crusader supply line and enabled the capture of Jaffa on September 10, 1191, though Saladin later razed its fortifications in anticipation of further conflict.[55][56] Prior to the Arsuf campaign, following the fall of Acre on July 12, 1191, Richard ordered the execution of around 2,700 Muslim prisoners on August 20, 1191, after Saladin failed to deliver the agreed ransom and the True Cross relic within the stipulated deadline. This act, framed as reprisal for breached surrender terms and prior Muslim atrocities against Christians, aligned with contemporaneous norms of total war in crusading contexts, where quarter was often conditional on compliance; however, it strained negotiations and drew condemnation from some chroniclers for its scale, though it did not derail the coastal advance.[57][58] Subsequent efforts to push inland toward Jerusalem faltered due to logistical strains, including elongated supply lines vulnerable to Saladin's scorched-earth tactics, extreme summer heat, and insufficient manpower after attrition and desertions. Richard's failed reconnaissance march in late 1191 highlighted these constraints, prompting a strategic pivot to consolidate coastal holdings rather than risk overextension; a defensive action at Jaffa in August 1192, where Richard repelled Saladin's surprise assault with a small force through personal valor and rapid reinforcement by sea, preserved crusader control of the port and underscored the efficacy of naval logistics in sustaining operations.[59][60] These engagements culminated in the Treaty of Jaffa on September 2, 1192, a three-year truce negotiated via intermediaries like Balian of Ibelin, under which Saladin retained Jerusalem but ceded a coastal strip from Tyre to Jaffa, granting unarmed Christian pilgrims access to holy sites. Strategically, Richard's campaigns restored viable crusader territories, ensuring pilgrim routes and maritime supply security that bolstered the Kingdom of Jerusalem's remnants against Ayyubid pressure until the 13th century; while failing the ultimate goal of recapturing Jerusalem, the outcomes reflected pragmatic realism amid causal limits like divided European support and Saladin's resilient defenses, rather than mere overambition, as evidenced by the sustained containment of Muslim advances post-truce.[61][59]Period of Captivity
Capture by Leopold V and Imprisonment
After concluding a truce with Saladin in September 1192, Richard departed Acre on 9 October 1192, opting for an overland route through the Balkans and Holy Roman Empire to evade potential threats from Philip II of France.[62] Storms had previously scattered his fleet near Sicily, forcing him to travel with a small retinue of about a dozen knights and servants, where he attempted to disguise himself as a Templar or merchant to avoid detection.[63] Richard's party was recognized and pursued near Vienna due to his generous spending and Frankish speech, leading to his capture on 21 December 1192 in the village of Erdberg by forces loyal to Leopold V, Duke of Austria.[64] Leopold's motivation arose primarily from a personal grudge incurred during the 1191 Siege of Acre, where Richard's troops had removed Leopold's banner from the city's walls—alongside those of Philip II and Frederick VI of Swabia—and cast it into the moat, publicly demoting Leopold's status among the crusade leaders.[65] This act symbolized Leopold's perceived subordination, fueling lasting enmity despite shared crusading efforts.[66] Compounding the insult, Leopold accused Richard of orchestrating the assassination of Conrad of Montferrat, his cousin and recently elected King of Jerusalem, murdered by Hashshashin assassins in Tyre on 28 April 1192.[67] While no direct evidence linked Richard to the plot, the charge provided a pretext amid broader political incitements, including Philip II's diplomatic efforts to encourage German princes to detain Richard en route home.[68] Leopold lacked any feudal overlordship over Richard, rendering the seizure an opportunistic violation of crusader protections decreed by papal authority, which prohibited attacks on returning pilgrims; Pope Celestine III later excommunicated Leopold for this betrayal of Christian solidarity.[69] Richard was initially confined at Dürnstein Castle, a remote fortress on the Danube under Leopold's control, where conditions were harsh but not immediately lethal.[70] In February 1193, Leopold transferred custody of Richard to Holy Roman Emperor Henry VI at Regensburg, motivated by the prospect of imperial gain and pressure from Philip II to prevent Richard's release.[71] Henry VI formalized charges against Richard, including the unauthorized conquest and usurpation of Cyprus from Byzantine ruler Isaac II Angelos in 1191, alleged crusade misconduct such as the execution of Muslim prisoners at Acre, and complicity in Conrad's murder—accusations serving to justify prolonged detention and extract concessions rather than reflect unproven legal culpability.[72][73] Under Henry, Richard was moved between imperial strongholds, including Trifels Castle, emphasizing the emperor's strategic leverage over Angevin domains rather than mere punitive intent.[68]Ransom Demands, Negotiations, and Payment
Holy Roman Emperor Henry VI initially demanded a ransom of 150,000 silver marks for Richard's release, equivalent to approximately 100,000 pounds, with 100,000 marks designated as the formal ransom and 50,000 as a nominal gift to secure imperial favor.[71][74] This sum, set during negotiations at Worms in June 1193, represented roughly two to three times England's annual royal revenue and necessitated extraordinary fiscal measures.[71] Amid these talks, Richard's brother John and King Philip II of France sought to thwart the release by offering Henry VI an equivalent 150,000 marks to retain Richard in captivity, aiming to consolidate their control over Angevin territories.[75] Richard countered through diplomatic envoys and appeals, leveraging his status as a returning crusader; Pope Celestine III intervened by excommunicating Henry VI and threatening interdiction, pressuring the emperor to adhere to canonical protections for pilgrims.[74] These efforts culminated in a final agreement on 28 December 1193, under which Richard pledged fealty to Henry and promised additional concessions, including support for the emperor's Italian campaign. To fund the payment, Queen Mother Eleanor of Aquitaine oversaw collections in England, imposing a 25% tax on movable goods, seizing ecclesiastical plate, levying tallages on Jews and royal demesne towns, and collecting scutages from knights; these yielded over 100,000 marks by early 1194, with continental Angevin estates providing supplementary liquidity to avert insolvency.[71] On 4 February 1194, 100,000 marks were delivered—half allocated to Duke Leopold V of Austria—with the balance secured by hostages and future installments, enabling Richard's provisional freedom.[74] Records in the Regesta Regum Anglo-Normannorum document these fiscal exactions, confirming the realm's capacity to meet the demands without systemic collapse.[76]Release and Brief Return to England
Richard was released from imperial custody on 4 February 1194, after the delivery of 100,000 marks as partial fulfillment of the 150,000-mark ransom demanded by Holy Roman Emperor Henry VI, with the balance secured by hostages including his nephew Otto of Brunswick and several English bishops.[71][77] He proceeded through France, evading potential threats from Philip II, and landed in England near Sandwich on 13 March 1194, receiving widespread popular acclaim upon entering London.[78] To address the instability sown by his brother John's usurpation attempts during the captivity, Richard advanced northward, besieging Nottingham Castle on 25 March 1194; the fortress, garrisoned by John's Flemish mercenaries, surrendered after demonstrations of siege engines and artillery, with no assault required. John, confronting the collapse of his holdings, submitted fealty at Stratford-le-Bow near London shortly thereafter, reinforced by oaths from barons restoring Richard's authority and confirming prior charters of liberties.[1] The chronicler Roger of Hoveden records these events with brevity, emphasizing the swift reassertion of royal control without prolonged disruption, as delegated justiciars like Hubert Walter had maintained administrative continuity in England despite John's intrigues.[79] On 17 April 1194, Richard underwent a ceremonial re-coronation at Winchester, involving ritual purification and homage renewals to symbolically cleanse any taint from the ransom oaths sworn to Henry VI, ensuring his kingship's uncompromised legitimacy.[77][1] During this four-month interlude, he issued charters pardoning adherents, reallocating escheats, and affirming fiscal customs, while avoiding resumption of continental campaigns. Richard departed England permanently on 12 May 1194, crossing to Normandy to confront Philip II's incursions, entrusting governance anew to justiciars amid evident domestic stabilization.[78]Later Reign and Wars with France
Reassertion of Royal Authority
Upon his release from captivity and return to England on 12 March 1194, Richard I swiftly addressed the internal threats posed by rebels aligned with his brother John and King Philip II of France. He besieged Nottingham Castle, a key stronghold held by John's supporters, which surrendered on 25 March after negotiations, allowing him to reclaim control without extensive bloodshed.[80] John, having submitted and pledged loyalty upon Richard's arrival, received a full pardon, averting further familial conflict and securing nominal unity.[81] Richard confirmed the authority of loyal administrators, notably retaining Hubert Walter as chief justiciar, who had effectively governed during the king's absence and suppressed earlier revolts. On 17 April 1194, he underwent a second coronation at Winchester Cathedral to reaffirm his sovereignty, symbolically restoring legitimacy undermined by captivity. Loyalists displaced by rebels were reinstated to their positions, ensuring administrative continuity despite the disruptions of John's brief usurpation.[82] [83] To reestablish legal order, Richard authorized judicial eyres—itinerant courts dispatching royal justices across counties to hear pleas, recover royal rights, and punish offenders—which commenced in 1194, as evidenced by surviving rolls from sessions like the Wiltshire eyre. Charters issued post-return confirmed prior grants and demonstrated unbroken royal prerogative, facilitating effective governance from afar as Richard departed England for Normandy on 12 May 1194, relying on justiciars for ongoing oversight. These measures prioritized rapid stabilization over prolonged punitive campaigns, reflecting pragmatic reconciliation to refocus on continental defenses.[84] [85]Renewed Conflicts with Philip II
The renewed hostilities between Richard I and Philip II Augustus stemmed from longstanding territorial disputes over Angevin holdings in France, exacerbated by personal animosities originating in the Third Crusade, where Philip accused Richard of treachery toward Saladin and collaboration in the death of Hugh of Burgundy.[86] Philip capitalized on Richard's captivity (1193–1194) to launch incursions into Normandy, seizing key castles such as Gisors and Nonancourt, and extending attacks into Berry by capturing Issoudun and other strongholds.[87] [88] These moves were driven by Philip's ambition to reclaim French fiefs, fueled by inheritance rivalries, as he had briefly supported Richard's brother John against him.[86] Upon landing in Normandy on May 12, 1194, Richard swiftly countered by relieving the siege of Verneuil, forcing Philip's retreat in the autumn.[81] [89] On July 3, 1194, at the Battle of Fréteval, Richard's forces ambushed Philip's army during its withdrawal, capturing the French king's baggage train, treasury, and state archives, which yielded valuable intelligence and humiliated Philip, who fled on horseback.[90] [91] This encounter highlighted Richard's tactical preference for ambushes and pursuits over pitched battles, a strategy Philip mirrored by avoiding direct confrontations after initial setbacks.[92] Richard bolstered his defenses through strategic castle construction, notably Château Gaillard overlooking the Seine, completed between 1196 and 1198 to secure Normandy's borders.[93] To offset Philip's numerical advantages, Richard forged alliances with regional powers, including Baldwin IX of Flanders and elements of the Holy Roman Empire, creating a coalition that pressured Philip on multiple fronts and led to intermittent truces, such as those in 1195, 1196, and 1198.[94] [89] These conflicts, characterized by border skirmishes and sieges rather than decisive engagements, saw Richard reconquer much of the Norman Vexin by 1198, though Philip persisted in probing weaknesses in Berry and Anjou.[87]Final Military Campaigns and Assassination
In early 1199, Richard campaigned in the Limousin to suppress a local rebellion led by Viscount Aimar V of Limoges, who had allied with Philip II of France in resistance to Angevin authority amid ongoing border conflicts.[95] After ravaging the viscount's territories, Richard besieged the minor fortress of Châlus-Chabrol in late March, motivated in part by reports of hidden treasure within its walls that could fund further military efforts.[96] [95] The castle's defenders held out stubbornly despite breaching walls, and on 25 or 26 March, Richard—inspecting the siege lines without his chain mail—was struck in the left shoulder by a crossbow bolt fired by a defender named Peter Basil (or Pierre Basile).[96] [95] Surgeons extracted most of the iron-tipped quarrel but left fragments embedded, and the wound rapidly developed gangrene or septicaemia despite treatment.[96] [95] Richard succumbed to the infection on 6 April 1199, aged 41, dying in the arms of his mother, Eleanor of Aquitaine.[96] On his deathbed, he pragmatically pardoned his assassin, ordering no reprisals, and reaffirmed his brother John as heir to the Angevin domains, bypassing other potential claimants.[96] He stipulated burial arrangements reflecting regional loyalties: his heart embalmed and interred at Rouen Cathedral in Normandy, his entrails at Châlus Abbey, and his body at Fontevraud Abbey alongside his father Henry II and sister.[96] [95] Chronicles such as Ralph of Coggeshall's record these final dispositions without embellished speeches or remorseful reflections, portraying Richard's end as characteristically direct amid the tactical demands of siege warfare.[95]Governance of the Angevin Empire
Administrative Structure and Justiciars
Richard I's administration of England relied heavily on appointed chief justiciars to maintain royal authority during his prolonged absences on crusade and continental campaigns. Upon his accession in September 1189, he initially entrusted governance to William de Longchamp, who served as justiciar and chancellor from late 1189 until his removal in October 1191 amid opposition led by Prince John.[97] Following a period of instability, Hubert Walter assumed the role of chief justiciar from late 1193 to 1198, overseeing judicial proceedings, suppressing rebellions, and implementing administrative efficiencies that sustained order without the king's direct presence.[98] Walter, previously bishop of Salisbury, coordinated with other officials to enforce royal writs and collect revenues, demonstrating effective delegation amid Richard's captivity and wars.[99] The English legal system under Richard continued the Angevin reforms of Henry II, featuring itinerant justices who held eyres and assizes to adjudicate civil and criminal cases locally. These justices, often professional administrators like those trained under prior justiciars such as Ranulf de Glanvill—who had shaped procedural norms before resigning in September 1189—traveled circuits to hear pleas of the crown and possessory assizes, ensuring consistent application of common law.[100] Surviving plea rolls and assize records from Richard's reign, including those documented in the Curia Regis Rolls commencing in 1194, indicate no interruption in judicial activity, with cases processed systematically and fines recorded, countering claims of administrative collapse.[101][102] Across the Angevin Empire, Richard employed a decentralized governance model suited to its disparate territories, delegating routine administration to local proxies while retaining personal oversight in core Norman domains. In England, justiciars handled day-to-day rule, but on the continent—particularly Normandy, where Richard resided frequently after his 1194 release—he directly supervised seneschals and bailiffs who managed ducal finances, castles, and feudal obligations.[103] This approach reflected causal priorities: England's relative stability allowed proxy rule, while Normandy's strategic vulnerability demanded the duke's proximity, with legal and fiscal records showing operational continuity rather than decay.[104] Empirical evidence from charter collections and court documents affirms that delegated mechanisms functioned adequately, prioritizing military imperatives over centralized micromanagement.[105]Economic Policies, Taxation, and Financial Realities
Richard I inherited a treasury bolstered by the Saladin Tithe of 1188, levied by his father Henry II at a rate of one-tenth on movable goods and incomes, which raised approximately £70,000 from Christian subjects and £60,000 from Jewish communities, marking one of the earliest recorded income taxes in England.[106] To fund his own preparations for the Third Crusade upon ascending the throne in 1189, Richard implemented aggressive revenue strategies, including the sale of royal offices, lands, castles, and sheriff appointments to the highest bidders, as well as feudal reliefs and scutages in lieu of knight service, which collectively augmented annual revenues from the typical £20,000–£25,000 to over £31,000 in 1189–1190 without precipitating economic breakdown, as evidenced by contemporary Pipe Rolls.[35][107] Following his capture in 1192, the king's ransom of 150,000 silver marks (equivalent to roughly £100,000) necessitated further extraordinary levies, primarily a 25% tallage on personal property and incomes imposed in 1193–1194, supplemented by carucage—a tax on plough-lands—and additional scutages, which Pipe Rolls indicate were successfully collected across shires despite administrative challenges from his prolonged absence.[108] Jewish communities faced particularly heavy tallages under Richard, yielding over £2,400 annually in the early 1190s from fines, debts, and direct impositions on the "Servi Camerae" (king's Jewish servants), comprising up to 50% of certain Exchequer Jewish revenues, a policy continued for its fiscal utility rather than ethnic targeting alone.[109] Continental possessions contributed via tolls on trade routes in Normandy and Aquitaine, though exact yields are less documented in English rolls, providing diversified income streams that mitigated over-reliance on insular taxation.[110] These measures, while burdensome—effectively quadrupling ordinary revenues in peak years—proved sustainable, with Pipe Rolls from 1189–1199 showing no systemic defaults or debt accumulation attributable to Richard's policies; subsequent fiscal strains under John I arose primarily from territorial losses to France post-1204, not inherited insolvency. Critics portraying such taxation as exploitative often overlook the defensive imperatives of maintaining the Angevin Empire against Philip II's encroachments, where revenues aligned with feudal obligations for warfare rather than discretionary excess, as cross-verified by exchequer audits.[111] Richard's monetary policies included minting silver pennies of consistent weight and purity, as standardized under his 1194 recoinage ordinance, which stabilized currency amid high fiscal demands and facilitated tax collection without debasement, reflecting pragmatic financial administration over absentee neglect.[36] Overall, the king's strategies extracted approximately £200,000–£250,000 in extraordinary funds across his reign for non-routine needs, calibrated to empire-wide threats without eroding the underlying agrarian and trade-based economy, per aggregated Pipe Roll data.[109]Evaluations of Rule: Neglect Thesis vs. Strategic Priorities
Historians have long critiqued Richard I's rule as neglectful of England, emphasizing his limited presence there—approximately six months over his ten-year reign from 1189 to 1199—while prioritizing foreign military endeavors.[1][78] This "absentee king" thesis, prominent in Whig historiography of the nineteenth century, portrayed Richard as indifferent to English governance, treating the realm as a mere financial reservoir for continental wars and crusades rather than a seat of dynastic focus.[112] Counterarguments highlight the structural realities of the Angevin Empire, where England's insular position rendered it a fiscal periphery compared to the core territories in Normandy, Anjou, and Aquitaine, which demanded direct royal oversight amid threats from Philip II of France.[113] Richard's strategic priorities centered on defending these vulnerable continental holdings, as their loss would dismantle the empire's cohesion; England, by contrast, remained stable under delegated justiciars such as William Longchamp and Hubert Walter, who managed taxation, justice, and order effectively during his absences.[81] Modern historians like John Gillingham defend this approach as pragmatic, arguing that Richard's absenteeism reflected not neglect but a rational allocation of resources toward existential threats, with England's administrative machinery—refined under his father Henry II—ensuring continuity without royal micromanagement.[114] Empirical evidence supports the stability thesis: following Richard's return in 1194, England experienced no significant baronial revolts or internal upheavals until after his death in 1199, when John's policies precipitated unrest; administrative records indicate efficient revenue collection, including the post-ransom recovery, and the maintenance of legal precedents from prior assizes without major disruptions.[105][115] This period of verifiable peace underscores the viability of indirect rule, challenging earlier dismissals of Richard's governance as irresponsible and affirming his success in preserving imperial integrity through martial focus over ceremonial domesticity.[116]Character and Personal Life
Military Abilities, Courage, and Tactical Genius
Richard I demonstrated exceptional military prowess through strategic innovations, disciplined command, and personal valor, achieving victories that underscored the effectiveness of coordinated heavy cavalry and infantry tactics over numerical superiority. During the Third Crusade, he remained undefeated in pitched battles, a record corroborated by contemporary accounts emphasizing his ability to exploit terrain, logistics, and combined arms.[117] His approach prioritized causal factors such as supply security—marching forces along the coast to maintain resupply—over risky inland advances that could expose flanks to attrition.[56] At the Siege of Acre (1189–1191), Richard, arriving in June 1191, accelerated the two-year stalemate by deploying advanced siege engines, including large trebuchets, and directing sappers to dig countermines that intercepted and collapsed Muslim tunneling operations beneath the walls.[118] These tactics, combined with relentless bombardment and assaults, forced the city's surrender on 12 July 1191, securing a vital port despite high Crusader losses from disease and combat.[60] In the Battle of Arsuf on 7 September 1191, Richard's tactical genius shone through enforced cavalry discipline; facing Saladin's 25,000-man army harassing his 20,000-strong column, he restrained his knights from breaking formation amid Templar and Hospitaller pleas, preserving infantry cohesion until a signal for a massed heavy cavalry charge shattered the Ayyubid lines, inflicting heavy casualties and compelling Saladin's withdrawal.[117] This victory, achieved through restraint and decisive timing rather than impulse, enabled coastal consolidation and boosted Crusader morale. Richard's courage was unmistakable in frontline engagements, as at Jaffa in August 1192, where he led a relief force of roughly 55 knights, 1,000 infantry, and crossbowmen—many horseless—against Saladin's besieging army. Mounting a packhorse, he charged through enemy ranks, fighting in the vanguard with axe and sword, personally slaying numerous foes and rallying defenders to repel the assault on 1 August.[119] Baha' al-Din ibn Shaddad, Saladin's advisor and eyewitness, attested to this bravery, describing Richard's isolated stand amid overwhelming odds as a display of unparalleled ferocity that turned defeat into truce-securing success.[120] While these feats enhanced the Angevin military's prestige—evident in subsequent deterrence of Philip II's invasions—they came at the cost of substantial casualties, exceeding 10,000 from the Acre siege alone, and failed to reclaim Jerusalem due to untenable supply extensions inland.[60] Richard's record thus reflects tactical excellence in maneuver and shock combat, tempered by the logistical realities of expeditionary warfare.[56]Piety, Crusading Motivation, and Religious Zeal
Richard I took the crusading vow in late 1187, shortly after learning of the Christian defeat at the Battle of Hattin on July 4, 1187, and Saladin's capture of Jerusalem on October 2, 1187, framing his participation in the Third Crusade (1189–1192) as a defensive effort to reclaim lost holy sites rather than territorial expansion.[121] This commitment involved personal risk, as he led forces to conquer Acre on July 12, 1191, and prioritized securing coastal access to the Levant for future Christian endeavors.[60] Contemporary accounts, such as those in Ambroise's Estoire de la guerre sainte, depict Richard invoking divine aid in charters and letters, attributing victories to God's favor and endowing religious institutions with lands and privileges during his campaigns.[122] His interactions with Saladin reflected chivalric courtesy amid religious intransigence; while exchanging gifts and praising each other's valor—Saladin reportedly admired Richard's uprightness under his "holy law"—Richard refused truces that would legitimize Muslim control of Jerusalem, executing 2,700 Muslim prisoners on August 20, 1191, after Saladin delayed ransom payments for Acre's garrison.[123] [124] Empirical evidence of zeal includes the Treaty of Jaffa on September 2, 1192, which guaranteed safe passage and pilgrimage rights for unarmed Christians to Jerusalem's holy places for three years, ten months, and ten days, enabling access to sites like the Church of the Holy Sepulchre without conversion demands.[125] This provision prioritized religious access over conquest, as Richard departed the Levant without assaulting Jerusalem, citing logistical constraints but securing pilgrim protections verifiable in crusade chronicles.[126] Historians debate whether Richard's actions stemmed from genuine devotion or political expediency, such as consolidating Angevin holdings or evading paternal oversight, yet primary charters reveal consistent religious invocations and endowments, including confirmations to monastic houses like Sempringham Priory in 1189, outweighing claims of mere pragmatism.[127] No evidence suggests feigned piety; instead, his funding of the crusade—via the Saladin Tithe yielding over 100,000 marks by 1190—and personal vows underscore a causal link between faith and action, as he renounced secular pursuits upon taking the cross.[128]Speculations on Sexuality: Historical Evidence and Critiques
Speculations about Richard I's sexuality, particularly claims of homosexuality, originate primarily from ambiguous medieval chroniclers and have been amplified by twentieth-century interpretations lacking direct evidentiary support. The most frequently cited source is the early-thirteenth-century chronicler Roger of Howden, who recorded that in 1187, during a period of close alliance, Richard and Philip II of France shared a bed at the court in Paris, a practice described as brotherly affection following a pledge of mutual support. [129] Historians such as John Gillingham interpret this not as evidence of sexual intimacy but as a conventional medieval gesture of political solidarity and trust, common among nobles for warmth, security, or symbolic bonding without erotic connotation. [130] No contemporary accounts from Richard's lifetime (1157–1199) explicitly accuse him of sodomy or same-sex relations; the earliest such rumors emerged in the 1190s amid political hostilities with Philip II, but these remain unverified assertions from biased adversaries rather than substantiated testimony. [131] Additional inferences draw from Richard's personal life, including the absence of known mistresses or illegitimate children—unlike his brothers Henry the Young King and Geoffrey, who sired several bastards—and his marriage to Berengaria of Navarre on May 12, 1191, which produced no heirs and may have remained unconsummated, as Berengaria returned to Europe without accompanying Richard on later campaigns. [132] [133] However, medieval norms among warrior-kings often tolerated prolonged celibacy due to crusading vows, military exigencies, and strategic priorities over procreation, rendering such absences non-indicative of sexual orientation; Richard's acknowledged illegitimate son, Philip (born c. 1180), further complicates claims of exclusive homosexuality, though paternity remains debated. [134] A 1195 anecdote from Howden describes a hermit rebuking Richard in Messina for unspecified "sins of Sodom," but context suggests general moral admonition amid wartime excesses rather than targeted evidence of homosexuality, aligning with broader clerical critiques of royal debauchery. [135] Critiques of homosexuality speculations emphasize their anachronistic imposition of modern categories onto twelfth-century evidence, with the first explicit scholarly claim appearing only in 1948, well after verifiable historical analysis had prioritized Richard's documented heterosexual liaisons and dynastic imperatives. [131] [136] Gillingham and contemporaries argue that projections of queerness stem from selective reading—ignoring cultural contexts like ritualized male intimacy in feudal alliances—and fail causal tests, as no primary sources link Richard's alliances or celibacy to erotic preference over political utility or piety-driven abstinence. [137] Absent affirmative proof, such as explicit correspondence or eyewitness testimony of consummated same-sex acts (none exists), heteronormative assumptions prevail under principles of evidentiary conservatism, particularly given the era's sodomy prohibitions that would have incentivized concealment if prevalent. [138] These modern reinterpretations often reflect ideological agendas rather than empirical rigor, overlooking how medieval chroniclers' silences on Richard's sexuality contrast with their frankness on others' vices when politically expedient. [139]Legacy and Reception
Immediate Aftermath and Succession Issues
Richard I died on 6 April 1199 from gangrene following a crossbow wound at the siege of Château de Châlus, naming his brother John as heir on his deathbed and bequeathing the Angevin inheritance to him over their nephew Arthur of Brittany, citing Arthur's youth as a risk for instability.[140] With support from their mother Eleanor of Aquitaine, John crossed to England and was crowned king at Westminster Abbey on 27 May 1199 by Archbishop Hubert Walter, securing baronial loyalty and the treasury despite lingering doubts about primogeniture favoring Arthur as son of the elder brother Geoffrey.[141][142] The succession faced immediate contestation, as Philip II of France recognized Arthur's ducal rights over Anjou, Maine, and Poitou shortly after Richard's death, styling Arthur as count from 18 April and leveraging the rivalry to erode Angevin holdings through Breton alliances and military pressure.[143] This French opportunism highlighted vulnerabilities in the dynastic structure, exacerbated by Richard's lack of legitimate children, which chroniclers like Roger of Howden noted as opening avenues for factional strife and territorial fragmentation.[144] Richard's burial arrangements underscored divided loyalties: his body was interred at Fontevraud Abbey beside parents Henry II and Eleanor, his heart embalmed and placed at Rouen Cathedral to honor Norman ties, and entrails buried locally at Châlus, practices common for medieval rulers to symbolize regional devotions amid the contested inheritance.[145][146]Medieval and Early Modern Perceptions
The epithet "Lionheart" (French: Cœur de Lion), denoting Richard's reputed courage and ferocity in battle, originated during his lifetime, likely from his early military successes in Aquitaine against rebellious barons in the 1170s, predating his Third Crusade exploits.[147] Contemporary and near-contemporary chronicles from Angevin domains emphasized his prowess, portraying him as an ideal chivalric king whose valor secured the empire's frontiers.[148] Roger of Wendover, in his early 13th-century Flores Historiarum, presented Richard as a pious and victorious warrior, blending martial triumphs with religious zeal, such as his crusading devotion and strategic acumen against Saladin, contributing to a hagiographic image of divinely favored leadership.[149] This view aligned with broader medieval chronicle traditions that lauded his tactical genius, as in accounts of the 1191 Siege of Acre, where his engineering and assaults turned the tide.[150] Folklore amplified these perceptions through romances like the late 13th-century Anglo-Norman Richard Coeur de Lion, which included tales of supernatural defiance, such as Richard confronting demonic forces during captivity or exhibiting superhuman strength against captors, embedding his legend in popular piety and heroic archetypes.[151] English monastic chroniclers offered early critiques, decrying Richard's absenteeism—spending only six months in England during his decade-long reign—and fiscal exactions, including the 1189 Saladin Tithe yielding £100,000 and post-ransom levies in 1194, which strained ecclesiastical resources and fueled perceptions of domestic neglect.[152] These monastic sources, often tied to affected institutions, contrasted with Angevin propagandistic narratives propagated via royal minstrels and courtly verse, which justified absences as necessary for imperial defense and framed taxation as communal duty for holy war.[153] Overall, 12th- to 16th-century texts reveal no monolithic negativity; continental and romance traditions sustained admiration for his strategic priorities, balancing insular grievances with enduring acclaim for his unyielding resolve.[154]Modern Historiography: Debunking Myths and Balanced Assessments
Nineteenth-century historiography on Richard I oscillated between romantic idealization and institutional critique. Walter Scott's 1819 novel Ivanhoe popularized a heroic image of Richard as a chivalrous crusader and just king, emphasizing his martial prowess and return to restore order against his brother John's misrule, which shaped Victorian perceptions of him as an emblem of English valor.[155] In contrast, William Stubbs, in his Constitutional History of England (1874–1878), advanced a "neglect thesis," portraying Richard as an absentee ruler who prioritized continental wars and crusading over English governance, leading to administrative decay and fiscal irresponsibility, even attributing some actions to incipient insanity.[156] Twentieth- and twenty-first-century scholarship, particularly John Gillingham's works such as Richard I (1999), has reevaluated Richard through Angevin imperial priorities, affirming him as a strategic monarch who delegated effectively via justiciars like Hubert Walter, maintaining stability without personal oversight.[157] Gillingham's analysis of pipe rolls and charters refutes the bankruptcy myth, demonstrating that revenues exceeded expenditures post-ransom—totaling around £100,000 raised for his 1194 release without collapsing the treasury—and that John's later campaigns drew on accumulated reserves, not inherited ruin.[158] This data-driven approach counters Stubbs by highlighting causal links between Richard's absences and proactive fiscal policies, such as the 1188 Saladin Tithe yielding £70,000, contextualized as necessary for defending far-flung territories rather than neglect.[159] Debates persist on Richard's temperament, with medieval chroniclers amplifying crusade-era outbursts, such as the 1191 Acre massacre of 2,700 prisoners, as evidence of impulsive anger.[160] A 2017 study by Thomas Asbridge reexamines these via primary itineraries, arguing such episodes reflected calculated deterrence in total war against Saladin's forces, not uncontrolled rage, aligning with contemporary norms of martial severity rather than modern psychological anachronisms.[161] On sexuality, claims of homosexuality—stemming from Roger of Howden's account of youthful bed-sharing with Philip II of France—lack corroborative evidence like sustained relationships or accusations in Angevin courts, where sodomy carried severe penalties; recent critiques dismiss them as retrospective projections onto ambiguous feudal bonds, unsubstantiated by Richard's marriage and progeny attempts.[139] Balanced assessments emphasize Richard's achievements in bolstering Christendom's frontiers, recapturing Acre on July 12, 1191, and securing Jaffa, which delayed Ayyubid consolidation until 1193, against fiscal strains like the ransom that, while burdensome at a 25% income levy, preserved dynastic integrity without long-term insolvency.[162] Critiques of heavy taxation are valid but must account for the empire's causal realities: threats from Philip Augustus necessitated fortifications like Château Gaillard (1196–1198), yielding defensive successes at Fréteval (1194) that preserved Normandy until 1204.[131] Modern works prioritize these empirical outcomes over romantic myths or Whiggish condemnations, recognizing Richard's rule as effective realpolitik attuned to twelfth-century warfare and piety, not anachronistic domestic benevolence.[139]References
- https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/I_am_born_in_a_rank_which_recognizes_no_superior_but_God

