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Sephardic law and customs
Sephardic law and customs
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Mishneh Torah, a code of Jewish law by the Spanish-born Sephardic rabbi and philosopher Maimonides

Sephardic law and customs are the law and customs of Judaism which are practiced by Sephardim or Sephardic Jews (lit. "Jews of Spain"); the descendants of the historic Jewish community of the Iberian Peninsula, what is now Spain and Portugal. Many definitions of "Sephardic" also include Mizrahi Jews, most of whom follow the same traditions of worship as those which Sephardic Jews follow. The Sephardi Rite is not a denomination nor a movement like Orthodox Judaism, Reform Judaism, and other Ashkenazi Rite worship traditions. Sephardim are communities with distinct cultural, juridical and philosophical traditions.[1] Sephardim are the descendants of Jews from the Iberian Peninsula. They may be divided into the families that left Spain during the Expulsion of 1492 and those families that remained in Spain as crypto-Jews, fleeing in the following few centuries. In religious parlance as well as in modern Israel, the term is broadly used for all Jews who have Ottoman or other Asian or North African backgrounds, whether or not they have any historical link to Spain, but some prefer to distinguish Sephardim proper from Mizrahi Jews.[2] Sephardi and Mizrahi Jews have similar religious practices. Whether or not they are "Spaniard Jews", they are all "Jews of the Spanish rite". There are three reasons for this convergence, which are explored in more detail below:

  • Both groups follow the Halakha, without those customs specific to the Ashkenazi tradition.
  • The Spanish rite was an offshoot of the Babylonian-Arabic family of Jewish rites and retained a family resemblance to the other rites of that family.
  • Following the expulsion, the Spanish exiles took a leading role in the Jewish communities of Western Asia (the Middle East) and North Africa, who modified their rites to bring them still nearer to the Spanish rite, which by then was regarded as the standard.
The Shulchan Aruch, a universal code of Jewish law, reflects Sephardic laws and customs.

Law

[edit]

Jewish law is based on the Torah, as interpreted and supplemented by the Talmud. The Babylonian Talmud in its final form dates from the Sasanian Empire and was the product of the Talmudic academies in Babylonia.

The Gaonic period

[edit]

The two principal colleges of Sura and Pumbedita survived well into the Muslim world. Their presidents, known as Geonim, together with the Exilarch or Leader of the Jews of Lower Mesopotamia, were recognised by the Abbasid Caliphate as the supreme authority over the Jews of the Arab world. The Geonim provided written answers to questions on Halakha worldwide published in collections of responsa and enjoyed high authority. The Geonim also produced handbooks such as the Halachot Pesuqot by Yehudai ben Nahman and the Halachot Gedolot by Simeon Kayyara.

Spain

[edit]

The learning of the Geonim was transmitted through the scholars of Kairouan, notably Chananel ben Chushiel and Nissim ben Jacob, to Spain, where it was used by Isaac Alfasi in his Sefer ha-Halakhot (code of Jewish law), which took the form of an edited and abridged Talmud. This, in turn, formed the basis for the Mishneh Torah of Maimonides. A feature of these early Tunisian and Spanish schools was a willingness to use the Jerusalem Talmud and the Babylonian. Developments in France and Germany were somewhat different. They respected the rulings of the Geonim but also had strong local customs. The Tosafists did their best to explain the Talmud in a way consistent with these customs. A theory grew that custom trumps law (see minhag): this had some Talmudic support but was not nearly so prominent in Arabic-speaking countries as it was in Europe. Books on Ashkenazi custom were written by authors such as Yaakov Moelin. Further instances of Ashkenazi custom were contributed by the penitential manual of Eleazar of Worms and some additional stringencies on sheḥitah (the slaughter of animals) formulated in Jacob Weil's Sefer Sheḥitot u-Bediqot.

The learning of the Tosafists, but not the literature on Ashkenazi customs as such, was imported into Spain by Asher ben Jehiel, a German-born scholar who became chief rabbi of Toledo and the author of the Hilchot ha-Rosh - an elaborate Talmudic commentary, which became the third of the great Spanish authorities after Alfasi and Maimonides. A more popular résumé, known as the Arba'ah Turim, was written by his son, Jacob ben Asher, though he did not agree with his father on all points. The Tosafot were also used by scholars of the Catalan school, such as Nahmanides and Solomon ben Adret, who were also noted for their interest in Kabbalah. For a while, Spain was divided between the schools: in Catalonia the rulings of Nahmanides and ben Adret were accepted, in Castile those of the Asher family, and in Valencia those of Maimonides. (Maimonides' rulings were also accepted in most of the Arab world, especially Yemen, Egypt and the Land of Israel.)

After the expulsion

[edit]

Following the expulsion of the Jews from Spain, Jewish law was codified by Yosef Karo in his Bet Yosef, which took the form of a commentary on the Arba'ah Turim, and Shulḥan Arukh, which presented the same results in the form of a practical abridgement. He consulted most of the authorities available to him but generally arrived at a pragmatic decision by following the majority among the three great Spanish authorities Alfasi, Maimonides, and Asher ben Yeḥiel, unless most of the other authorities were against them. Karo did not consciously intend to exclude non-Sephardi authorities. Still, he considered that the Ashkenazi school, so far as it had anything to contribute to Halakha as opposed to purely Ashkenazi custom, was adequately represented by Asher. However, since Alfasi and Maimonides generally agree, the overall result was overwhelmingly Sephardi in flavour, though in several cases, Karo set the result of this consensus aside and ruled in favour of the Catalan school (Nahmanides and Solomon ben Adret), some of whose opinions had Ashkenazi origins. Today, the Bet Yosef is accepted by Sephardim as the leading authority in Jewish law, subject to minor variants drawn from the rulings of later rabbis accepted in particular communities.

The Polish rabbi Moses Isserles, while acknowledging the merits of the Shulḥan Arukh, felt that it did not do justice to Ashkenazi scholarship and practice. He accordingly composed a series of glosses setting out all respects in which Ashkenazi practice differs, and the composite work is today accepted as the leading work on Ashkenazi halakha. Isserles felt free to differ from Karo on particular points of law. In principle, he accepted Karo's view that the Sephardic practice set out in the Shulḥan Arukh represents standard Jewish law while the Ashkenazi practice is essentially a local custom. So far, then, it is meaningless to speak of "Sephardic custom": all that is meant is Jewish law without the particular customs of the Ashkenazim. For this reason, the law accepted by other non-Ashkenazi communities, such as the Italian and Yemenite Jews, is basically similar to that of the Sephardim. There are of course customs peculiar to particular countries or communities within the Sephardic world, such as Syria and Morocco.

An important body of customs grew up in the Kabbalistic circle of Isaac Luria and his followers in Safed, and many of these have spread to communities throughout the Sephardi world: this is discussed further in the Liturgy section below. In some cases they are accepted by Greek and Turkish Sephardim and Mizrahi Jews but not by Western communities such as the Spanish and Portuguese Jews. These are customs in the true sense: in the list of usages below they are distinguished by an L sign.

Liturgy

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Origins

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For the outline and early history of the Jewish liturgy, see the articles on Siddur and Jewish services. At an early stage, a distinction was established between the Babylonian ritual and that used in the land of Israel, as these were the two main centres of religious authority: there is no complete text of the Palestinian rite, though some fragments have been found in the Cairo Genizah.[3]

Most scholars maintain that Sephardic Jews are inheritors of the religious traditions of the great Babylonian Jewish academies, and that Ashkenazi Jews are descendants of those who initially followed the Judaean or Galilaean Jewish religious traditions.[4][5] Others, such as Moses Gaster, maintain precisely the opposite.[6] To put the matter into perspective, it must be emphasized that all Jewish liturgies in use in the world today are in substance Babylonian, with a small number of Palestinian usages surviving the process of standardization: in a list of differences preserved from the time of the Geonim, most of the usages recorded as Palestinian are now obsolete.[7] (In the list of usages below, Sephardic usages inherited from Palestine are marked P, and instances where the Sephardic usage conforms to the Babylonian while the Ashkenazi usage is Palestinian are marked B.) By the 12th century, as a result of the efforts of Babylonian leaders such as Yehudai ben Nahman and Pirqoi ben Baboi,[8] the communities of Palestine, and Diaspora communities such as Kairouan that had historically followed Palestinian usages, had adopted Babylonian rulings in most respects, and Jews accepted Babylonian authority throughout the Arabic-speaking world.

Early attempts at standardizing the liturgy that have been preserved include, in chronological order, those of Amram Gaon, Saadia Gaon, Shelomoh ben Natan of Sijilmasa (in Morocco)[9] and Maimonides. All of these were based on the legal rulings of the Geonim but show a recognisable evolution towards the current Sephardi text. The liturgy in use in Visigothic Spain is likely to have belonged to a Palestinian-influenced European family, together with the Italian and Provençal, and more remotely the Old French and Ashkenazi rites, but as no liturgical materials from the Visigothic era survive we cannot know for certain. From references in later treatises such as the Sefer ha-Manhig by Rabbi Abraham ben Nathan ha-Yarḥi (c. 1204), it appears that even at that later time the Spanish rite preserved certain European peculiarities that have since been eliminated in order to conform to the rulings of the Geonim and the official texts based on them. (Conversely the surviving versions of those texts, in particular that of Amram Gaon, appear to have been edited to reflect some Spanish and other local usages.)[10] The present Sephardic liturgy should therefore be regarded as the product of gradual convergence between the original local rite and the North African branch of the Babylonian-Arabic family, as prevailing in Geonic times in Egypt and Morocco. Following the Reconquista, the specifically Spanish liturgy was commented on by David Abudirham (c. 1340), who was concerned to ensure conformity with the rulings of halakha, as understood by the authorities up to and including Asher ben Yehiel. Despite this convergence, there were distinctions between the liturgies of different parts of the Iberian peninsula. For example, the Lisbon and Catalan rites were somewhat different from the Castilian rite, which formed the basis of the later Sephardic tradition. The Catalan rite was intermediate between the Castilian rite and that of the Hachmei Provence: Hakham Moses Gaster classified the rites of Oran and Tunis in this group.[11]

Post-expulsion

[edit]

After the expulsion from Spain, the Sephardim took their liturgy with them to countries throughout the Arab and Ottoman Empire, where they soon assumed rabbinic and communal leadership positions. They formed communities, often maintaining differences based on their places of origin in the Iberian peninsula. In Saloniki, for instance, there were more than twenty synagogues, each using the rite of a different locality in Spain or Portugal (as well as one Romaniote and one Ashkenazi synagogue).[12]

In a process lasting from the 16th through the 19th century, the native Jewish communities of most Arab and Ottoman countries adapted their pre-existing liturgies, many of which already had a family resemblance with the Sephardic, to follow the Spanish rite in as many respects as possible. Some reasons for this are:

  1. The Spanish exiles were regarded as an elite and supplied many of the Chief Rabbis to the countries in which they settled so that the Spanish rite tended to be favoured over any previous native rite;
  2. The invention of printing meant that Siddurim were printed in bulk, usually in Italy, so that a congregation wanting books generally had to opt for a standard "Sephardi" or "Ashkenazi" text: this led to the obsolescence of many historic local rites, such as the Provençal rite;
  3. Yosef Karo's Shulḥan Arukh presupposes a "Castilian rite" at every point, so that that version of the Spanish rite had the prestige of being "according to the opinion of Maran";
  4. The Hakham Bashi of Constantinople was the constitutional head of all the Jews of the Ottoman Empire, further encouraging uniformity. The North Africans in particular were influenced by Greek and Turkish models of Jewish practice and cultural behaviour. For this reason, many of them to this day pray according to a rite known as "minhag Ḥida" (the custom of Chaim Joseph David Azulai).
  5. The influence of Isaac Luria's Kabbalah, see the next section.

Lurianic Kabbalah

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The most important theological, as opposed to practical, motive for harmonization was the Kabbalistic teachings of Isaac Luria and Ḥayim Vital. Luria himself always maintained that it was the duty of every Jew to abide by his ancestral tradition, so that his prayers should reach the gate in Heaven appropriate to his tribal identity.[a] However he devised a system of usages for his own followers, which were recorded by Vital in his Sha'ar ha-Kavvanot in the form of comments on the Venice edition of the Spanish and Portuguese prayer book.[13] The theory then grew up that this composite Sephardic rite was of special spiritual potency and reached a "thirteenth gate" in Heaven for those who did not know their tribe: prayer in this form could therefore be offered in complete confidence by everyone.

Further Kabbalistic embellishments were recorded in later rabbinic works such as the 18th century Ḥemdat Yamim (anonymous, but sometimes attributed to Nathan of Gaza). The most elaborate version of these is contained in the Siddur published by the 18th century Yemenite Kabbalist Shalom Sharabi for the use of the Bet El yeshivah in Jerusalem: this contains only a few lines of text on each page, the rest being filled with intricate meditations on the letter combinations in the prayers. Other scholars commented on the liturgy from both a halachic and a kabbalistic perspective, including Ḥayim Azulai and Ḥayim Palaggi.

The influence of the Lurianic-Sephardic rite extended even to countries outside the Ottoman sphere of influence such as Iran (Persia). (The previous Iranian rite was based on the Siddur of Saadia Gaon.[14]) The main exceptions to this tendency were:

  • Yemen, where a conservative group called "Baladi" maintained their ancestral tradition based on the works of Maimonides (and therefore do not regard themselves as Sephardi at all), and
  • the Spanish and Portuguese Jews of Western countries, who adopted a certain number of Kabbalistic usages piecemeal in the 17th century but later abandoned many of them because it was felt that the Lurianic Kabbalah had contributed to the Shabbetai Tzevi disaster.[citation needed]
  • Some Moroccan communities did not accept certain Kabbalistic practices because they said that they had old traditions that they did not need to change.

There were also Kabbalistic groups in the Ashkenazi world, which adopted the Lurianic-Sephardic ritual, on the theory of the thirteenth gate mentioned above. This accounts for the "Nusach Sefard" and "Nusach Ari" in use among the Hasidim, which is based on the Lurianic-Sephardic text with some Ashkenazi variations.

A Sephardic prayerbook in Dutch (1791).

19th century

[edit]

From the 1840s on, a series of prayer books was published in Livorno, including Tefillat ha-Ḥodesh, Bet Obed and Zechor le-Abraham. These included notes on practice and the Kabbalistic additions to the prayers, but not the meditations of Shalom Sharabi, as the books were designed for public congregational use. They quickly became standard in almost all Sephardic and Oriental communities, with any local variations preserved only by oral tradition. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, many more Sephardic prayer books were published in Vienna. These were primarily aimed at the Judaeo-Spanish communities of the Balkans, Greece and Turkey, and therefore had rubrics in Judeo-Spanish, but also had a wider distribution.

A significant influence on Sephardic prayer and custom was the late 19th century Baghdadi rabbi Yosef Hayyim, whose work of that name contained both halachic rulings and observations on Kabbalistic custom based on his correspondence with Eliyahu Mani of the Beit El synagogue. These rulings and observations form the basis of the Baghdadi rite: both the text of the prayers and the accompanying usages differ in some respects from those of the Livorno editions. The rulings of the Ben Ish Ḥai have been accepted in several other Sephardic and Oriental communities, such as that of the Jews of Djerba.

Present day

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In the Sephardic world today, particularly in Israel, many popular prayer books contain the Baghdadi rite, and this is what is currently known as Minhag Edot ha-Mizraḥ (the custom of the Oriental congregations). Other authorities, especially older rabbis from North Africa, reject these in favour of a more conservative Oriental-Sephardic text as found in the 19th century Livorno editions; and the Shami Yemenite and Syrian rites belong to this group. Others again, following Ovadia Yosef, prefer a form shorn of some of the Kabbalistic additions and nearer to what would have been known to Joseph Karo, and seek to establish this as the standard "Israeli Sephardi" rite for use by all communities.[15] The liturgy of the Spanish and Portuguese Jews differs from all these (more than the Eastern groups differ from each other), as it represents an older form of the text, has far fewer Kabbalistic additions and reflects some Italian influence. The differences between all these groups, however, exist at the level of detailed wording, for example the insertion or omission of a few extra passages: structurally, all Sephardic rites are very similar.

Instances of Sephardic usage

[edit]
Code Description
L Sephardic usage derived from Lurianic Kabbalah (some of these are accepted by Greek and Turkish Sephardim and Mizrahi Jews but not by Western communities such as the Spanish and Portuguese Jews)
P Sephardic usage inherited from Palestine while the Ashkenazi usage is Babylonian
B Sephardic usage conforming to the Babylonian while the Ashkenazi usage is Palestinian

Tefillin

[edit]
  • Most Sephardi groups do not put on tefillin during Chol HaMoed, the middle days of festivals. L
  • They say only one blessing to cover the tefillin of the arm and the head, rather than one for each. However, they say the second blessing if interrupted and have to say something after placing the arm tefillin.
  • Sephardim wind the tefillin strap anti-clockwise (for a right-handed person). The form of the knot and the wrappings round the hand are also different from that of the Ashkenazim.
  • The letter shin on the head tefillin has a different calligraphy than on the Ashkenazi tefillin.
  • The script used in Torah scrolls, tefillin and mezuzot differs from the Ashkenazi and nearer to the printed square characters. This script is called "Velsh" or "Veilish" (the Yiddish equivalent of German Wälsch) and comes from Italy. The Shulchan Aruch uses the traditional Ashkenazi script instead. A third script, associated with Isaac Luria, is used by Hasidim.

Tzitzit

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  • It's not a Sephardi practice to let the tzitziyot of the tzitzit katan hang out.
  • In the tzitzit, each winding loops through the preceding one, and the pattern of windings between the knots is either 10-5-6-5 (in some communities, L) or 7-8-11-13 (in others, per Shulchan Aruch).[16]

Mezuzah

[edit]

Liturgy

[edit]
  • In many of the prayers, Sephardim preserve Mishnaic Hebrew vocalization and have mostly not altered them to conform with the rules of Biblical Hebrew: examples are "Naqdishakh" (not "Naqdishkha") and "ha-Gefen" (not "ha-Gafen").[b]
  • Sephardim read/chant most of the prayers end to end out loud, unlike the Ashkenazi practice that the Hazan reads the first line out loud, followed by silent reading, and finishing up by reading the last few lines out loud before moving to the next prayer.
  • Sephardim start Mincha with Patach Eliyahu, Leshem Yihud, Ma Yedidot,L Korban HaTamid, and Parashat HaKtoret before Ashrei. While Patach Eliyahu is sometimes omitted, the other prayers are standard practice by most Sephardim.
  • Friday evening, most Sephardi groups (but not the Spanish and Portuguese) sing the Shir hashirim between Minha and Kabbalat Shabbat. L
  • The order of the prayers in the pesukei dezimra differs from the Ashkenazi practice and includes some additional prayers.
  • Close to the end of the zemirot, the Sephardi Hazan doesn't sing Shoken ad. Instead, Shavat aniyim is sung. It has many melodies that vary by the weekly maqam in the Eastern communities.
  • Before the Amida, they don't say "Tzur Yisrael."
  • The second blessing before the Shema begins "Ahavat ʿOlam" (and not "Ahavah Rabbah") in all services.
  • Many Sephardim don't take three steps back and three steps forward before the Amidah nor bend their knees.
  • In the summer months they use the words Morid ha-Ṭal in the second blessing of the Amida. P
  • The Qedushah of the morning service begins "Naqdishakh ve-Naʿariṣakh", and the Qedushah of musaf (the additional service for Shabbat and festivals) begins "Keter Yitenu L'kha".
  • There are separate summer and winter forms for the "Birkat ha-Shanim".
  • There is no Priestly Blessing in minḥa (the afternoon service) on any day. P
  • In most communities, Kohanim say the Priestly Blessing daily during Shaharit and Musaf, even outside of Israel, unlike the Ashkenazi practice of saying it only on the major Festivals. However, in Spanish and Portuguese communities, it is recited only on festivals like Ashkenazim, and in some communities, it is done on Shabbat but not during the week.
  • The last blessing of the Amida is "Sim Shalom" (and not "Shalom Rav") in all services.
  • In most communities (except for Spanish and Portuguese) since the times of the Ari, the short Tahanun includes the Vidui, the Thirteen Attributes, and Psalm 25, among others.L The order of the long Tahanun varies based on the particular rite and includes three additional Thirteen Attributes. Most communities stand for the beginning of Tahanun (including the Vidui, the Thirteen Attributes) and sit erect (without resting their head on their arm) for Psalm 25, but customs vary between communities.
  • When removing the Torah from the Ark on Shabbat, most Sephardic communities recite "Ata horeta ladaat."
  • Some of the haftara readings are different than the Ashkenazi practice.
  • Close to the end of the Musaf service, Sephardim read Kol Yisrael before Ein Keloheinu.
  • The Hazan calls Barechu before the ʿAleinu.
  • After Aleinu, some Sephardim say Uvtorateha Hashem Elokeinu katuv leimor Shemaʿ ...
  • Most Sephardim sit for Kaddish unless they were standing previously.
  • The Kaddish is longer and the congregation responds "amen" after "berikh hu."
  • Adon Olam has an extra stanza, and is longer still in Oriental communities.
  • Shalom aleichem has an extra stanza.
  • The verses recited at the beginning of Havdala differ from the Ashkenazi practice.
  • The blessing before Hallel concludes with לגמור את ההלל, rather than לקרא את ההלל.

Torah scroll

[edit]
  • In many communities (mostly Mizrahi rather than Sephardi proper) the Torah scroll is kept in a tiq (wooden or metal case) instead of a velvet mantle.
  • They lift the Torah scroll and display it to the congregation before the Torah reading rather than after.[17] B

Synagogue

[edit]
  • Typically, the Torah reading platform, which Sephardim generally call Teva/Teba, is traditionally not in the front of the sanctuary but in the center or back of it.
  • In Middle Eastern communities, the Torah is read on a horizontal box also called the Teva/Teba rather than a slanted table as the Ashkenazi or Western Sephardic tradition.
  • The ark where the Torah scrolls are stored is called Hekhal (also Hekhal kodesh in the Greek and Turkish communities), rather than Aron kodesh.

Torah service

[edit]
  • Before an aliya, many sephardim say Hashem imachem.
  • After an aliya some say emet toratenu haqedosha.
  • The blessing after the ʿAliya may include Torato before Torat emet.
  • After an ʿAliya, the ʿoleh is congratulated by other congregants with Hazak uvaruch rather than Yasher koach and the ole responds with “Hazak ve'ematz”, or “Baruch tehiye”.
  • Most Sephardim remain seated when the 10 Commandments are being read. However Western Sephardim (UK and the Netherlands) stand, similar to Ashkenazim.

Kashrut

[edit]
  • Sephardim distinguish rice from kitniyyot.
    • While Mizrachi Jews generally eat rice on Passover, many Spanish, Portuguese, Greek, Turkish, and North African Sephardim do not.
    • Most Sephardim regard it as permissible to eat fresh Kitniyot (legumes and seeds such as green beans and fresh peas or maize) on Passover.
    • The custom of eating dried legumes on Passover varies between communities, it is independent of the custom of eating rice.
    • Some (particularly Persians) have the custom to avoid chickpeas, because its name sounds like hames.
    • Some Greek and Turkish Sephardim have the custom to also avoid potatoes on Passover.
  • Many Sephardim avoid eating fish with milk, as in Eastern Mediterranean countries this is widely considered to be unhealthy (by non-Jews as well as Jews). Ashkenazim and Western Sephardim argue that this practice originated from a mistake in the Bet Yosef, and that the prohibition really concerned the eating of fish with meat.[18]
  • The laws of sheḥitah are in some respects stricter and in other respects less strict than those of Ashkenazim (modern kashrut authorities try to ensure that all meat complies with both standards).
  • The Sephardi definition of bread is significantly stricter than the Ashkenazi one. Many challot consumed by Ashkenazim on Shabbat contain too much egg, sugar, raisin, even chocolate to Sephardi standards and are considered cake (uga, עוגה) rather than bread (lechem, לחם). Therefore the hamotzi lechem (המוציא לחם) blessing cannot be said over it and in turn the kiddush is not valid. Ashkenazi hosts are encouraged to be sensitive to this difference when having Sephardi guests over.

Holidays

[edit]

Yamim Noraim

  • Seliḥot are said throughout Elul in the morning rather than at night.
  • Around Rosh Hashanah, the typical new year greeting is "Tizku leshanim rabot" (תזכו לשנים רבות). The answer is "Neʿimot vetovot" (נעימות וטובות).
  • Sephardic Rishonim (medieval scholars) reject the customs of Tashlikh and Kapparot, though they were re-introduced by the Lurianic Kabbalah. Spanish and Portuguese Jews still do not observe them.

Hanukkah

  • Only one set of Hanukkah lights is lit in each household.
  • The shammash is generally lit after the other Hanukkah lights and after singing Hannerot hallalu, instead of being used to light them (which would be impractical, given that the lights are traditionally oil lamps rather than candles).

Passover

  • Sephardim only say blessings over the first and third cups of Passover wine, instead of over all four.
  • The items on the Seder plate are arranged in a fixed hexagonal order (except among Spanish and Portuguese Jews: this usage is increasingly popular among Ashkenazim). L

Counting of the ʿOmer period

  • During the Counting of the ʿOmer period, observant Sephardi men avoid cutting their hair and shaving/cutting their beard for 34 days, rather than 33, as the Ashkenazi practice.

Life cycle

[edit]

Birth and naming

[edit]
  • The naming ceremony of a girl is called Zebed habbat/Zeved habbat in Hebrew and las Fadas in Spanish and Judeospanyol. In some communities (e.g., Hamburg) it happens on the 30th day after birth. The core elements are Shir hashirim 2:14 (and for a first-born girl, 6:9) and a Mi shebberakh referring to the matriarchs for the naming of the girl. Each community has various additional elements to the ceremony.

Marriage

[edit]
  • The bride does not traditionally circle the groom.

Bereavement

[edit]
  • The Sephardi term of commemorating a close relative's death is nahala (נחלה) or meldado. Ashkenazim use the Yiddish term Yahrzeit instead.
  • The common Sephardi greeting to express a condolence is Min hashamayim tenuhamu (מן השמים תנוחמו).
  • If a relative passed away in the month of Adar, in a leap year, most Sephardim commemorate it in Adar II rather than the Ashkenazi practice of Adar I or both.
  • The Sephardi memorial prayers (Hashkabot) serve a similar role to the Ashkenazi Yizkor.

Given names

[edit]
  • Sephardim often name their children after living grandparents, which is a great respect. On the other hand, Ashkenazim never name their children after a living person.

Bibliography

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See also

[edit]

Notes

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Sephardic law and customs refer to the halakhic traditions and minhagim (customs) observed by Sephardim, the descendants of the medieval Jewish communities of the Iberian Peninsula (Sefarad) and their post-expulsion diaspora across North Africa, the Middle East, and beyond. These practices derive primarily from the Babylonian Talmud and Geonic traditions, codified in authoritative works such as Maimonides' Mishneh Torah (completed circa 1180), which systematized Jewish law with a rationalist emphasis, and Joseph Caro's Shulchan Aruch (1565), which consolidated rulings favoring the interpretations of Rif, Rambam, and Rosh as binding for Sephardic observance. In contrast to Ashkenazi , which often incorporates the glosses of Moses Isserles (Rema) and additional stringencies shaped by European Christian environments, Sephardic tradition prioritizes the plain sense of legal sources, permits (legumes and grains like rice) on , and features distinct liturgical nuscha'ot such as the Spanish rite or those of Eastern communities, reflecting adaptations to non-Christian settings. Historically, the in 1492 catalyzed a convergence of Iberian with Mizrahi practices under shared Sephardic rubrics, fostering a resilient framework that integrated philosophical rationalism—epitomized by —with later mystical elements like in select communities, while maintaining halakhic fidelity amid cultural pluralism. Notable characteristics include a legal approach eschewing gratuitous humrot (strictures) in favor of practical equity, as seen in rulings on and marital law, and a cultural openness derived from medieval Iberian , though preserved through rigorous talmudic scholarship rather than localized innovations.

Historical Development

Gaonic and Early Influences

The Sephardic tradition of Jewish and traces its primary origins to the Babylonian academies during the Gaonic period, spanning approximately 589 to 1040 CE, when the —heads of the Sura and yeshivot—acted as supreme halakhic authorities for communities, including those in Iberia. These scholars interpreted the Babylonian , which served as the foundational legal text for Sephardic practice, emphasizing its primacy over the favored in some Palestinian rites. Early Iberian Jewish settlements, established by descendants of Babylonian exiles following the Islamic conquest of in 711 CE, maintained close ties with the through correspondence, adopting their rulings on ritual, civil, and monetary without significant local innovation at this stage. A pivotal development was the composition of early siddurim by Gaonic figures, which standardized customs influential for Sephardim. Rav Amram Gaon (d. 875 CE), gaon of Sura, authored the Seder Rav Amram Gaon, the first known complete order of synagogue liturgy, written as a responsum to a query from Isaac ben Simeon of , , around 850 CE; this work outlined daily, , and festival prayers, fusing Talmudic sources with Gaonic interpretations and becoming a template for Sephardic nusach in its structure and piyyutim selections. Similarly, Rav (882–942 CE), gaon of Sura and a key philosopher, produced a with Judeo-Arabic commentary, incorporating rationalist explanations and fixed texts for blessings, which reinforced customs like the avoidance of certain mystical insertions prevalent in later Ashkenazic developments. These texts promoted uniformity in recitation and posture during , core to Sephardic minhagim. Geonic responsa further shaped Sephardic by addressing queries from Spanish Jews on practical matters, such as procedures, under Islamic rule, and ritual immersion, often prioritizing Talmudic literalism over stringencies. Collections like those attributed to Rav Sherira Gaon (d. 1006 CE) and his son Rav Hai Gaon (d. 1038 CE) preserved these exchanges, establishing precedents that Iberian scholars later codified; for instance, responsa clarified permissibility on , aligning with Babylonian leniencies retained in Sephardic observance. This era's emphasis on authoritative Gaonic arbitration, rather than autonomous local customs, laid the causal groundwork for Sephardic law's conservatism toward Talmudic sources, contrasting with Ashkenazic accretions from gezerot.

Medieval Iberian Period

![Manuscript of the Mishneh Torah by Maimonides]float-right The medieval Iberian period, spanning from the Muslim conquest in 711 CE to the expulsion edicts of 1492, marked the formative era for Sephardic law and customs, primarily under the of Cordoba (756–1031 CE) and subsequent taifas. , classified as dhimmis, enjoyed protected status with religious autonomy, paying the tax while maintaining self-governing beit din courts to adjudicate halakhic matters within aljamas. This environment fostered talmudic scholarship in centers like , known as the "pearl of Sefarad," where rabbinical academies developed curricula emphasizing Babylonian interpretation, distinguishing Sephardic practice from emerging Ashkenazic stringencies. Pioneering codifications solidified Sephardic during this time. Isaac (1013–1103 CE), influenced by Iberian learning, authored Sefer Ha-Halachot, the first systematic extraction of practical Talmudic rulings from the orders of , , and Nezikin, omitting non-binding and resolving disputes to guide daily observance. This work became foundational for Sephardic poskim, prioritizing concise legal decisions over dialectical debate. Similarly, Moses ben Maimon (, 1138–1204 CE), born in Cordoba, compiled the (completed 1180 CE), a comprehensive code organizing all Jewish law into 14 books without external sources, emphasizing rationalist interpretation aligned with Aristotelian logic prevalent in . These texts underscored Sephardic fidelity to Geonic traditions while adapting to local contexts, such as lenient stances on certain agricultural laws amid Mediterranean agriculture. Customs evolved with subtle Islamic influences under tolerant rule, including Arabic phrasing in some prayers, pre-synagogue ablutions resembling , and adoption of melodic chant styles, yet core rituals remained Talmud-centric. Marriage and divorce practices followed Rif's rulings, permitting greater flexibility in get procedures compared to later Ashkenazic developments. Piyyutim composition flourished, enriching with poetic depth reflective of Andalusian culture. Post-1086 Almoravid invasions and the Christian shifted dynamics, with communities in and Castile preserving these minhagim amid increasing restrictions, culminating in the 1391 pogroms that pressured conversions but sustained underground adherence to Sephardic norms until the 1492 .

Post-Expulsion Diaspora

Following the of March 31, 1492, which expelled Jews from , and the subsequent forced conversions and from in 1497, Sephardic Jews dispersed across the Mediterranean and beyond, with tens of thousands seeking refuge in the , , , and emerging communities in such as and . In these new locales, Sephardim preserved core Iberian halakhic traditions rooted in the , , and Rosh, while adapting to local conditions through responsa literature that addressed issues like the reintegration of conversos and communal autonomy. In the , Sultan actively facilitated Sephardic immigration by dispatching ships to and requiring only a from settlers, leading to the establishment of vibrant communities in and Salonika, each hosting around 20,000 Jews by the early . These groups organized synagogues by geographic origin to maintain distinct customs, fostering religious and legal independence that emphasized Sephardic and practices over pre-existing Romaniote traditions. Sephardim assumed rabbinic leadership, influencing Ottoman Jewish life through prosperity and cultural output, including the standardization of prayer rites printed in multiple siddurim from the 16th to 19th centuries. A pivotal halakhic advancement occurred in Safed, Ottoman Galilee, where Rabbi Joseph Caro (1488–1575), a Sephardic exile, composed the Shulḥan Arukh (first published 1565 in Venice), an abridged code of Jewish law derived from his earlier Bet Yosef commentary on the Arba'ah Turim. This work, prioritizing Sephardic precedents from Alfasi, , and Asher ben Yehiel, became the authoritative guide for Sephardic observance worldwide, promoting uniformity in communities while glosses by Moses Isserles addressed Ashkenazic variances. In , arriving Sephardim overlaid their customs on indigenous Maghrebi (Mizrahi) practices, assuming communal leadership and modifying local to align with Iberian norms, as seen in the adoption of Sephardic liturgy in regions like and from the onward. This influence persisted, evolving into frameworks like the "minhag Ḥida" associated with Rabbi Chaim Joseph David Azulai (1724–1806), which blended Ottoman-Sephardic elements with regional adaptations. Western Sephardic communities in and , often comprising former conversos, maintained ritual observances such as and distinct prayer structures amid economic success, though responsa from 16th- and 17th-century authorities grappled with the challenges of hidden Judaism and reintegration into full halakhic life. The integration of from , via figures like (1534–1572), further enriched Sephardic customs with mystical kavvanot (intentions) in prayer and rituals, disseminating through texts like Sha’ar ha-Kavvanot and solidifying a transnational Sephardic identity.

Halakhic Framework and Authorities

Core Principles and Codification

Sephardic derives its core principles from the , comprising 613 mitzvot, and the as elaborated in the , with interpretations shaped by the rationalist tradition of medieval Sephardic scholars. This approach emphasizes the plain meaning () of texts and logical deduction, influenced by figures like Rabbi (Rif, 1013–1103) and Rabbi Moses (Rambam, 1138–1204), who integrated Aristotelian philosophy with Jewish law to prioritize clarity and universality over mystical or stringency-based customs. A distinguishing principle in Sephardic adjudication is deference to the majority opinion among authoritative , particularly those from , , and , while favoring ' rulings when they align with the Sephardic consensus, reflecting a commitment to accessible, non-localized suitable for diaspora communities post-1492 expulsion. Unlike some Ashkenazic tendencies toward added precautions (chumrot), Sephardic practice often adheres strictly to the baseline halakhic decision without supplementary stringencies unless mandated by custom or responsa. Codification of Sephardic law began prominently with ' Mishneh Torah, completed between 1170 and 1180 in after his exile from , which systematically organized all Jewish laws into 14 books without citing sources, aiming for a definitive, self-contained guide to observance. This work profoundly influenced Sephardic communities by providing a rational, comprehensive framework that supplanted fragmented Talmudic study for practical application. Subsequent codifications built on this foundation, including Rabbi Yaakov ben Asher's (c. 1330–1340), which structured laws into four turim (sections) and surveyed opinions, serving as a precursor to later codes. The seminal , authored by Rabbi Yosef Karo (1488–1575) and published in between 1564 and 1565, synthesized decisions primarily from Sephardic and authorities, with Karo's rulings reflecting his Sephardic background from . universally accepted the Shulchan Aruch as authoritative, following its text without the glosses of Rabbi Moses Isserles (Rema) that accommodate Ashkenazic practices, establishing it as the standard for ritual, dietary, and civil law.

Key Poskim and Responsa

Rabbi Isaac Alfasi (1013–1103), known as the , was a foundational Sephardic whose Sefer HaHalakhot systematically summarized practical Talmudic laws, excluding non-binding discussions, and became a cornerstone for subsequent Sephardic codifications. His work emphasized North African and Andalusian traditions, influencing decisors by prioritizing actionable derived from the . Rabbi Moshe ben Maimon (, 1138–1204), or Rambam, authored the , a comprehensive code organizing all Jewish law into 14 books without direct Talmudic citations, aiming for accessibility and rational structure based on first-principles analysis of sources. His responsa, preserved in collections like Teshuvot HaRambam, addressed queries on ritual, monetary, and communal matters from and beyond, often applying philosophical reasoning to halakhic dilemmas while upholding Talmudic fidelity. These rulings reinforced Sephardic leniencies in areas like commerce and observance, reflecting Mediterranean diaspora realities. Rabbi Shelomo ben Aderet (Rashba, c. 1235–c. 1310) produced extensive responsa literature, with over 1,200 preserved teshuvot tackling Iberian Jewish life issues such as contracts, , and rabbinic disputes. His decisions balanced Talmudic with local , frequently cited by later Sephardic poskim for their pragmatic approach to evolving social conditions post-Almohad persecutions. In the Acharonim era, Rabbi Yosef Karo (1488–1575) codified Sephardic in the (1565), drawing primarily from the , Rambam, and Rosh while marginalizing Ashkenazic variants, establishing it as the normative Sephardic code accepted without glosses by most communities. His Beit Yosef commentary provided rigorous source analysis supporting these rulings. Later figures like Rabbi Chaim Joseph David Azulai (Chida, 1724–1806) issued responsa in works such as Birkei Yosef, harmonizing Karo's code with kabbalistic insights and North African practices. Rabbi of (Ben Ish Chai, 1832–1909) further elaborated in Rav Pe'alim responsa, integrating Iraqi customs with , influencing modern Sephardic observance on topics like and . Sephardic responsa collections, spanning Geonic through Ottoman periods, often reflect diaspora adaptations, such as trade regulations and interfaith interactions, as seen in early modern examples addressing sea merchants' observance and conversion trials. These texts prioritize empirical case resolutions over abstract theory, with poskim like the Rashba and Karo favoring permission (ko'ah de-heteira) when textually supported, contrasting stricter Ashkenazic tendencies.

Distinctions from Ashkenazic Traditions

The , authored by Rabbi Yosef Karo in 1565, serves as the primary halakhic code for , who generally accept its rulings without the glosses of Rabbi Moshe Isserles (Rema), reflecting a framework that prioritizes Karo's synthesis of Talmudic sources influenced by Sephardic and North African traditions. In contrast, Ashkenazic tradition incorporates the Rema's 16th-century additions to align the code with Central and Eastern European customs, creating a bifurcated application where Sephardim adhere strictly to Karo's unadorned text. This distinction underscores a Sephardic emphasis on a unified, rationalist codification rooted in earlier authorities like ' (completed 1180), which Ashkenazim consult less dominantly due to their reliance on Tosafist dialectics. Sephardic poskim, or decisors, historically draw from medieval Iberian figures such as Rabbi Isaac Alfasi (, 1013-1103) and Rabbi Meir ibn Gabbai, emphasizing textual fidelity and Geonic precedents over the (casuistic analysis) prevalent in Ashkenazic responsa from (1040-1105) and the . Post-expulsion, key Sephardic authorities include Rabbi Yosef Hayyim of (1832-1909), whose Ben Ish Chai integrates Ottoman and North African practices into practical rulings, and Rabbi Ovadia Yosef (1920-2013), whose Yabia Omer responsa (1959-1986) reconcile diaspora variations with fidelity. Ashkenazic counterparts, such as the Mishna Berura by Rabbi Yisrael Meir Kagan (1907-1911), expand on Rema with stringencies absent in Sephardic works, reflecting a framework more amenable to local minhagim () as binding law. In halakhic decision-making, Sephardim often resolve disputes by favoring the Shulchan Aruch's chosen opinion or Rambam's view when aligned, as seen in rulings on ritual purity or marriage contracts where Sephardic poskim prioritize biblical and Talmudic plain meaning over Ashkenazic interpretive layers. For instance, Sephardic tradition derives the ketubah's monetary obligation directly from Talmudic ordinance without Ashkenazic enactments adding conditions, maintaining a framework less encumbered by post-Talmudic gezerot (decrees). This contrasts with Ashkenazic reliance on communal stringencies, such as in prohibitions, where later poskim amplify restrictions not codified by Karo. Such differences arise from Sephardic exposure to philosophical in Muslim lands, fostering a halakhic of textual directness, whereas Ashkenazic development in Christian emphasized dialectical safeguards against assimilation.

Liturgical Practices

Nusach and Prayer Structure

The Sephardic nusach constitutes the liturgical rite observed by Sephardic and Mizrahi Jewish communities, originating from the Geonic traditions of and refined through medieval Iberian scholarship, notably in ' Mishneh Torah (circa 1180 CE), which standardizes the prayer texts and order based on Talmudic sources. This nusach aligns with the halakhic framework of Rabbi Yosef Karo's (1565 CE), emphasizing textual fidelity to early rabbinic formulations while incorporating regional poetic elaborations. Unlike the Hasidic "," which blends Ashkenazic elements with , authentic Sephardic nusach preserves pre-expulsion Iberian and Oriental customs without such syncretism. Daily prayers adhere to the Talmudic structure of three services: , , and , each integrating Pesukei de-Zimra (verses of praise, including 145–150), blessings surrounding the (recitation of Deuteronomy 6:4–9, 11:13–21, and Numbers 15:37–41), the nineteen-benediction , and concluding elements like and . Sephardic variations include aloud recitation of "Baruch Shem kevod malchuto le'olam va'ed" immediately after the 's first paragraph—a practice rooted in Talmudic permission for public declaration—contrasting Ashkenazic whispering to avoid ostentation. In and , Sephardim often omit certain supplicatory prayers like on fast days or with mourners present, streamlining the service per Karo's rulings. Communal emphasizes auditory participation, with the chazzan articulating every word aloud to enhance devotion, differing from Ashkenazic responsive or silent segments that may prioritize . On and holidays, Sephardic nusach features recited in canonical biblical sequence during , alongside expanded piyyutim (liturgical poems) drawn from medieval Spanish poets like Yehuda Halevi, adding lyrical depth absent in shorter Ashkenazic counterparts. Regional sub-variations, such as Moroccan inclusion of unique dirges or Syrian melodic emphases, exist but cohere under the broader Edot HaMizrach umbrella, reflecting post-1492 adaptations while maintaining core uniformity.

Evolutionary Changes

Following the 1492 expulsion from Spain, Sephardic Jews disseminated their liturgical rite across the , , and other regions, where they often assumed leadership positions and influenced local Jewish communities to adopt elements of the Spanish-Portuguese nusach. This process was facilitated by the prestige of the exiles, the proliferation of printed , and the authoritative stance of Caro's Shulhan Arukh (1565), which favored the Castilian rite and contributed to the marginalization of pre-existing local traditions such as Musta'arabi customs. In , for instance, the Sephardic rite fused with residual Palestinian influences, yielding hybrid variants like the Tripolitanian . The 16th-century rise of , spearheaded by (1534–1572) in , introduced significant kabbalistic kavvanot (meditative intentions) and structural modifications to Sephardic prayer practices, standardizing the nusach across many Oriental communities and supplanting diverse local rites. Specific innovations included the addition of Kabbalat Shabbat—a Friday evening service featuring hymns like Lekhah Dodi, composed by Solomon Alkabetz (c. )—which enhanced mystical orientations in communal worship. While Western Sephardic communities, such as Portuguese exiles in and , largely retained pre-kabbalistic forms, integrated these elements more extensively, though not to the extent of creating a fully distinct rite like among Hasidim. Exceptions persisted, notably in Yemen's tradition, which resisted Lurianic impositions. In the 19th century, printed siddurim from , —such as those in the Tefillat ha-Hodesh style—further disseminated kabbalistically enriched versions, influencing Baghdadi and other Oriental rites under figures like of (1835–1909), known as the Ben Ish Hai. This era saw broader adoption of Lurianic customs beyond Ottoman territories, extending to (Iran), where older Saadianic rites (from , 882–942) were gradually supplanted. The 20th-century efforts of Rabbi Ovadia Yosef (1920–2013) promoted a unified Sephardic nusach aligned with the Shulhan Arukh, emphasizing Babylonian-Iberian roots while incorporating select kabbalistic practices, thereby countering fragmentation in the . Unlike Ashkenazic traditions, Sephardic evolution maintained fewer piyyutim (liturgical poems) and prioritized rationalist codifications from medieval authorities like the and Rambam, even amid mystical accretions.

Kabbalistic Integrations

Sephardic liturgical practices integrated Kabbalistic elements primarily through the influence of 16th-century Safed Kabbalists, particularly Isaac Luria (1534–1572), who adapted mystical intentions (kavvanot) to the existing Sephardic nusach. Luria's system, known as the Lurianic rite, built upon the Sephardic prayer structure, incorporating Kabbalistic formulas and meditative practices to elevate prayer toward cosmic repair (tikkun). This integration permeated Sephardic siddurim, which retain full Kabbalistic prayers and insertions derived from the Zohar and Lurianic teachings, distinguishing them from more selective Ashkenazic adoptions. Key integrations include the recitation of divine names and permutations during specific prayers, such as the Shemoneh Esrei, to align with Kabbalistic concepts of unifying divine emanations (). Sephardic communities, especially post-expulsion in the and , adopted Lurianic customs like enhanced piyyutim (liturgical poems) with mystical themes and the thirteenth gate theory, allowing non-Sephardic groups to incorporate elements via Sephardic rite. These practices spread widely by the 17th century, influencing communal worship in places like Salonika and , where Kabbalistic study societies formalized their use. Unlike Ashkenazic traditions, which often resisted full Kabbalistic immersion due to rationalist concerns, Sephardic embraced these elements as core, evident in siddurim like those of the Maharitz (Yihya Shalom Hadaya, ), which include Zoharic insertions for Yemenite-Sephardic variants usable by mainstream practitioners. This adoption reflects the Sephardic emphasis on mystical dimensions, with empirical spread documented in responsa and community records from the 1600s onward, though varying by subgroup such as versus Oriental Sephardim.

Ritual Objects and Personal Observances

Tefillin and Tzitzit Practices

Sephardic halakhic practice mandates donning the tallit gadol prior to tefillin during morning prayers, adhering to the principle of ascending in sanctity as articulated by Rabbi Yosef Karo in the Shulchan Aruch. This sequence contrasts with prevalent Ashkenazic customs, where tefillin precede the tallit. The arm tefillin (shel yad) is typically placed on the mid-bicep, with the box facing the heart, and secured by winding the strap around the arm seven times, following the specifications in Maimonides' Mishneh Torah. Many Sephardic communities observe the custom of donning the arm tefillin while seated, then standing to place the head tefillin (shel rosh) above the hairline, centered on the forehead. Tefillin must contact the skin directly, without interpositions such as hair or substances, to ensure validity. Tzitzit in Sephardic tradition are affixed to both the tallit gadol and tallit katan, with the tying method featuring five double knots separating four sets of windings (hulyot), typically comprising 7, 8, 11, and 13 coils respectively, augmented by an extra loop around each winding to form a distinctive ridged structure known as a chulya. This ridged configuration, derived from interpretations emphasizing structural integrity and visual symbolism, differs from the smoother Ashkenazic windings without the additional loops. The shamash string in Sephardic tzitzit sets is often longer to accommodate these windings, ensuring the fringes extend visibly below garments as required by halakhah. Observance includes checking tzitzit periodically for validity, particularly after laundering, with Sephardic poskim like Rabbi Ovadia Yosef emphasizing adherence to these precise tying forms to fulfill the fully.

Tallit, Mezuzah, and Attire

Sephardic men commence wearing the tallit gadol (full prayer shawl) upon reaching bar mitzvah at age 13, following the Shulchan Aruch's directive, in contrast to the Ashkenazic practice of delaying until marriage. This custom underscores the obligation's applicability from religious majority, with the garment typically constructed from wool featuring black stripes and an embroidered atara (neckband) for distinction during donning. In Western Sephardic congregations, silk tallitot draping loosely around the arms represent a longstanding stylistic preference, often without rigid stripes. The attached fringes adhere to the Shulchan Aruch's tying method, featuring sequences of 7, 8, 11, and 13 windings between double knots, prioritizing simplicity over the Rama's Ashkenazic variant. The , a inscribed with Deuteronomy 6:4–9 and 11:13–21, is affixed vertically to doorposts in Sephardic homes, rejecting the Ashkenazic slanted placement as a symbolic compromise between vertical (for ) and horizontal (for people) orientations. Scrolls are penned in Sephardic velish script, characterized by rounded letter forms distinct from the angular Ashkenazic beit yosef, though either script fulfills the for all Jews provided kosher certification. Sephardic authorities, such as Maran HaRav , recommend scrolls in Sephardic handwriting to align with communal tradition, with periodic checks every 3–7 years for integrity. Sephardic attire customs prioritize (modesty) and avoidance of shaatnez (wool-linen blends), per Leviticus 19:19, with men maintaining head coverings like kippot at all times and women favoring long sleeves, skirts below the knee, and covered collarbones in public. Unlike some ultra-Orthodox Ashkenazic groups, Sephardic married women generally do not cover their hair, viewing post-marital headscarves as optional rather than obligatory. Historically, regional influences yielded diverse styles—such as Moroccan kaftans or Turkish fezzes—but post-20th-century convergence in and the diaspora has led many observant Sephardim to adopt black suits, white shirts, and hats mirroring Lithuanian aesthetics for uniformity in religious settings. This shift, accelerated after 1948, reflects socioeconomic adaptation and institutional influence rather than prescriptive .

Synagogue and Torah Service Customs

Communal Worship Settings

Sephardic typically feature an interior layout with the Aron Kodesh () positioned on the eastern wall and the bimah (also called tevah, the raised platform for leading prayers and ) placed axially opposite, often in the center or toward the western end of the sanctuary, allowing the congregation to face while the chazzan (cantor) leads from the bimah. This arrangement, common in historic Sephardic structures like the Portuguese in built in 1675, contrasts with many Ashkenazic synagogues where the bimah adjoins the ark, and facilitates a processional focus on the service while maintaining visual alignment toward the ark during prayers. Communal worship requires a , a of ten adult Jewish males aged 13 or older, for obligatory public elements such as the Kedushah in the , recitation of , and , a standard derived from Talmudic sources and upheld without variation in Sephardic practice. Services are conducted exclusively within Orthodox frameworks, adhering to halakhic norms without non-Orthodox adaptations, and emphasize melodic chanting led by the chazzan stationed at the bimah, fostering congregational responsiveness through responsive amens and structured participation. During services, Sephardim maintain a custom of sitting for most recitations of , differing from the Ashkenazic practice of standing, which reflects a distinct approach to physical posture in sanctifying God's name amid communal decorum. A mechitzah (partition) separates men and women, preserving traditional gender distinctions in observance, with men facing the bimah and ark; prohibits idle conversation, emphasizing focused prayer over social interaction. These settings preserve ancestral forms, with variations by subgroup (e.g., Syrian or Moroccan) but unified by fidelity to rabbinic authorities like .

Torah Reading and Aliyot

In Sephardic synagogues, adheres to the divisions outlined in the , with seven aliyot on mornings, three on Mondays, Thursdays, and fast day afternoons, and four on (including maftir for the new month). The Sefer Torah, often stored in a tik (a rigid case), is unrolled from both ends during the service, allowing the ba'al koreh to chant the portion using Sephardic cantillation melodies, which emphasize a more fluid, oriental intonation distinct from Ashkenazi tropes. The calls each by announcing "Ya'amod [full name] ben [father's name]," prioritizing a for the first, a for the second, and yisraelim thereafter; celebrants or honorees typically receive later aliyot. Upon ascending the bimah, the honoree greets the congregation with " imachem," eliciting the response "B'rich shemay," then recites the pre-aliyah blessing ("Baruch atah Adonai... asher bachar banu mikol ha'amim...") while the remains partially open or covered per local minhag. The honoree may lift and display the open scroll to the congregation, sometimes reciting verses such as "Ve'zot haTorah asher sam Moshe" or " tziva lanu Moshe" to invoke the Torah's sanctity. The ba'al koreh then chants the assigned verses with trope marks (ta'amim), after which the honoree recites the post-aliyah blessing and touches the scroll's beginning and end with a corner before kissing it. On fast days, only fasting individuals receive aliyot, with non-fasting kohanim or leviim replaced by yisraelim (announced as "Ein kan kohen, ya'amod yisrael b'makom kohen"); a minimum of six fasters is required, and the ba'al koreh must also fast unless no substitute exists. Sephardim generally omit haftarah on fast days except Tishah B'Av , avoiding the associated blessings. Prior to the full reading, many Sephardic communities perform hagbah (lifting the for display) before rather than after the aliyot, enabling congregants to view the scroll's exterior and interior. In eastern Sephardic and Mizrahi minhagim, a poetic "" (marriage contract) for the People of may be recited before the service to symbolize the covenant at Sinai.

Kashrut and Dietary Customs

General Observances

Sephardic observance of adheres to the rulings codified in the by Rabbi Yosef Karo, completed in 1565, which draws primarily from Sephardic and North African traditions while serving as the authoritative halachic text for these communities. This framework enforces biblical prohibitions against consuming blood (Leviticus 17:10-14), forbidden fats (, Leviticus 7:23), the sciatic nerve (, Genesis 32:32), and mixtures of meat and milk (Exodus 23:19), alongside rabbinic extensions such as separate utensils and waiting periods between meat and dairy meals. Permitted land animals must chew their cud and have fully split hooves, while fish require fins and scales; birds are identified by tradition excluding predators. Slaughter (shechitah) must be performed by a certified shochet using a flawless knife in a single, swift motion to minimize suffering and ensure blood drainage, followed by salting or broiling to remove residual blood, as stipulated in Yoreh De'ah sections 1-70 of the Shulchan Aruch. Sephardic practice accepts kosher meat without the Ashkenazi requirement for glatt (smooth lungs free of adhesions), permitting animals with minor, permissible lung defects (bedikah) as long as they do not render the animal a treifah. Produce is rigorously inspected for insects, with customs emphasizing submersion in water, vigorous shaking, and visual checks, particularly for leafy greens and berries, reflecting the Shulchan Aruch's guidelines in Yoreh De'ah 75-84. Regarding cooked foods prepared by non-Jews (bishul akum), Sephardic custom mandates active Jewish involvement, such as lighting the fire or placing the pot on it, to validate the food's kosher status, stricter than some Ashkenazi leniencies on reheating. Mixing cooked and is forbidden, but uncooked may be eaten with in many Sephardic traditions, unlike broader Ashkenazi prohibitions. After consumption, the standard waiting period is six hours to allow , per Rabbi Karo's estimation in Orach Chaim 89, though some later Sephardic poskim like the Ben Ish Chai permit four hours based on practical times. Wine and grape products require supervision to avoid stammei Yisrael (non-Jewish handling post-fermentation), aligning with Yoreh De'ah 128's stringent approach.

Pesach and Kitniyot Specifics

In Sephardic halakhic tradition, —encompassing , , beans, corn, millet, and similar grains and seeds—are generally permissible for consumption during Pesach, provided they are verified free of contamination through thorough inspection and storage practices. This leniency stems from the absence of a binding custom prohibiting these items, unlike the Ashkenazi minhag which arose in medieval due to concerns over visual similarity to grains or inadvertent mixtures during processing. Sephardic authorities, following the , emphasize that do not inherently leaven or qualify as under law, restricting prohibitions solely to the five species of grains susceptible to fermentation. Practical observance requires meticulous preparation: must be checked for foreign particles, often by sifting and washing, and similarly inspected to ensure no wheat or other grains are present, with many communities acquiring pre-certified kosher-for-Pesach varieties. Sephardic Pesach menus thus incorporate rice-based dishes like or stuffed with beans, reflecting regional culinary influences from Iberian, North African, and Middle Eastern origins, which enhance dietary variety absent in stricter Ashkenazi observances. However, variations exist; certain Sephardic subgroups, such as Turkish and some Balkan communities, traditionally avoid due to localized customs possibly linked to storage risks near or historical stringencies, though this is not universally binding. Beyond , Sephardic Pesach aligns closely with general avoidance—selling, burning, or nullifying leavened products before the holiday—but includes no additional blanket bans on derivatives like if processed without contact. Authorities like Rabbi Ovadia Yosef affirmed that Sephardim may host Ashkenazim with kitniyot-free options but need not alter their own permitted foods to accommodate guests. This approach prioritizes halakhic permissibility over extra-rabbinic precautions, enabling broader food access during the seven- or eight-day festival.

Holiday and Fast Observances

Major Festivals

Sephardic communities observe the major Jewish festivals in accordance with as primarily codified in the , incorporating minhagim derived from medieval Spanish, , and subsequent North African, Ottoman, and Balkan traditions. These observances emphasize communal prayer with distinct nusach Sephard melodies and piyutim, festive meals featuring regional ingredients, and symbolic rituals that underscore themes of repentance, redemption, and divine protection. Unlike some Ashkenazi practices, Sephardic customs often permit greater flexibility in dietary elements during and feature elaborate pre-festival seders for . For , Sephardim conduct a pre-meal seder featuring simanim—symbolic foods recited with blessings invoking positive outcomes, such as dates for the eradication of enemies ("yehi ratzon... she'yistaleku"), leeks for the diminution of adversaries, beets or spinach for removal of sins, squash for the tearing of adverse decrees, pomegranates for abundance of mitzvot (symbolized by 613 seeds), apples in honey for a sweet year, and fish or sheep heads for leadership rather than subservience. These practices, varying slightly by locale (e.g., sugar or sesame in Libyan traditions), precede candle lighting, , handwashing, and hamotzi over round loaves, often accompanied by piyutim and biblical readings. Greetings include Ladino phrases like "Anyada Buena, Dulse i Alegre" or Hebrew "Leshana tova tikatevu." Yom Kippur observances include unique Sephardic selichot prayers and melodies recited during the Ten Days of Repentance, culminating in extended Kol Nidrei services and all-night vigils in some communities, with strict fasting from sunset to nightfall the following day. During Sukkot, Sephardim perform hoshanot processions with willow branches on each intermediate day, culminating in Hoshana Rabbah with intensive repentance prayers, while dwelling in decorated sukkot featuring children's artwork, flags, and harvest symbols; communal meals emphasize hospitality and lulav shaking rituals. Passover permits consumption of such as rice and legumes, absent in many Ashkenazi customs, alongside haroset made from dates, figs, and nuts; the Seder incorporates Sephardic Haggadot with Ladino songs like Had Gadya and dishes such as dips or lamb preparations. Shavuot features and home decorations with flowers and greenery to evoke Mount Sinai's revelation, followed by dairy starters like or before meat meals, and all-night sessions known as velada in Salonican traditions. For , Sephardim exchange mishloach manot as prepared meals including rice, meat, and sweets like fazuelos, alongside public Megillah readings in distinctive melodies and festive synagogue gatherings. involves lighting a single household menorah with a shammash, regional fried foods such as bimuelos or Libyan spanj doughnuts, and in some areas like Yemen, women ringing bells in processions; celebrations emphasize family unity over games or extensive gifting.

Minor Holidays and Three Weeks

Sephardic communities observe minor holidays such as Chanukah, Purim, Tu B'Shevat, and in accordance with halachic requirements derived primarily from the and Rambam's , with regional variations emphasizing simplicity over elaborate Ashkenazi-style customs. For Chanukah, the eight-night menorah lighting publicizes the Temple oil miracle, but many Sephardic and Mizrahi families forgo Ashkenazi additions like latkes, dreidels, or sufganiyot, opting for subdued family meals and traditional foods such as fried pastries or nuts. mandates Megillah reading, exchange, gifts to the poor, and a festive meal, with Sephardic practice following the standard obligations without unique widespread deviations, though some communities incorporate Ladino songs or piyyutim during the seudah. Tu B'Shevat, the for Trees, involves increased consumption of Israeli fruits like those from the seven species (, , grapes, figs, pomegranates, olives, dates), and certain Sephardic congregations hold a seder featuring these items to highlight agricultural . marks the cessation of Omer mourning with permitted haircuts, weddings, and outings; some Sephardic groups bake bow-and-arrow-shaped cookies symbolizing Rabbi Shimon bar Yochai's mystical revelations, alongside general customs like bonfires and grave visits. The , spanning from the fast of 17 Tammuz (commemorating the Temple wall breach) to 9 Av (Temple destruction), impose graduated mourning restrictions to evoke national loss, with Sephardic practice—guided by poskim like Rabbi Ovadiah Yosef—generally more lenient than Ashkenazi in allowances for mitzvot and . From 17 Tammuz, prohibitions include live or recorded music (except acapella with caution or during ), dancing even without music, and reciting blessings to avoid joy, though exceptions permit for , , minors unable to distinguish periods, or rare post-9 Av fruits; music is allowed at seudot mitzvah like circumcisions, differing from stricter Ashkenazi norms. Weddings are customarily avoided throughout, though some Sephardic opinions restrict only from Av; new clothes or fruits triggering are deferred until after 10 Av. From Av, restrictions intensify: minimize business dealings and rejoicing, defer non-urgent cases, and avoid buying or wearing new clothes, with laundry prohibited except for necessities or business needs. Haircuts and shaving remain permitted until the week preceding 9 Av (Shavua she'chal bo ), after which they are forbidden; this leniency contrasts with Ashkenazi starting earlier. During (from 1 Av to 9 Av), most Sephardim refrain from meat and wine—except for , , seudot , pregnant women, the ill, or children under bar/bat —though some permit wine on Av itself; laundering and hair-related activities are further curtailed, resuming fully after midday. These , rooted in Talmudic sources like Taanit 26b, underscore causal mourning for historical catastrophes while balancing halachic pragmatism.

Life Cycle Customs

Birth, Naming, and Early Childhood

In Sephardic tradition, the birth of a child is marked by rituals emphasizing covenantal entry into the Jewish people, communal joy, and spiritual protection. For male infants, the (circumcision) occurs on the eighth day after birth, performed by a in accordance with , incorporating regional minhagim such as reciting portions of the the night before to invoke divine favor and placing protective items like a milah knife under the mother's pillow to ward off malevolent spirits. Specific customs vary by community: use a tiered tray with flowers and candles for charitable donations symbolizing prosperity, Persian families present apples evoking midrashic themes of safe delivery, and Moroccan observances include a sand dish near the mohel representing fruitfulness from 2:1, later used to cover the foreskin. The ceremony features a "throne of " with ornate regional variations, such as synagogue-brought chairs in Moroccan practice or purple draping in Spanish-Portuguese minhag, followed by the father's blessing invoking and Menashe, a procession with music and , and post-procedure fragrant spices to symbolize soul infusion per Genesis 2:7. For firstborn sons of non- or mothers, the redemption rite follows on the 31st day, involving the presentation of five silver coins to a as symbolic repurchase from priestly service, a universal Jewish obligation observed in Sephardic communities with festive meals and readings underscoring themes of divine selection. Naming occurs during the for boys, where the father announces the , often including the family surname in formats like "Moshe ben Gavriel Haddad," integrating the child into lineage and covenant. Sephardic naming prioritizes honoring living relatives, diverging from Ashkenazi avoidance of such practice to prevent soul confusion; the first son typically receives the paternal grandfather's name, the second the maternal grandfather's, with subsequent sons drawing from great-grandfathers or uncles, while daughters follow parallel patterns honoring grandmothers. For girls, the simchat bat or naming transpires at services, often the first post-birth, with the father receiving an to recite blessings and declare the name publicly, accompanied by communal participation to affirm the child's place in the community. Early childhood customs focus on protection and initial religious formation. Sephardic families employ amulets and verbal safeguards against the ayin hara (evil eye), permitted by Shulchan Aruch for healing and defense, including hamsa symbols, red ribbons on wrists, or spices like cloves resembling eyes to deflect envy, reflecting historical Mediterranean influences on minhag. At age three, the chalakah (first haircut) rite, akin to Ashkenazi upsherin, involves trimming the hair while leaving payot (sidelocks) per Leviticus 19:27, signaling the transition to formal Torah study and mitzvah observance, often held on Lag B'Omer or the child's birthday with family gatherings. Education commences around this age, with children learning basic blessings, prayers, and Hebrew exposure to foster piety and continuity, as emphasized in Sephardic emphasis on early immersion in tradition amid diaspora preservation.

Marriage and Family Formation

Sephardic customs emphasize festive pre-wedding rituals, including the hinnah held the night before the , where dye is applied to the hands of the and groom amid traditional attire, exchanges, feasting, and dances to Sephardic melodies. Additional preparations feature the bano di novia (bath of the ) and trays of homemade candies marking engagements, reflecting communal celebration of union. The core halakhic structure follows kiddushin (betrothal) and nissu'in (consummation), with Sephardic practice permitting a ring, coin, or other valuable for betrothal acquisition, contrasting stricter Ashkenazic requirements for a plain gold band. Under the chuppah, the ketubah is read partially, the groom drapes a new tallit over the bride symbolizing provision, and the chuppah itself completes nissu'in without immediate yichud room seclusion required by Ashkenazim. The wedding day is marked by festivity rather than fasting, with seven blessings recited likening the couple to royalty. Tena'im agreements are treated as secular contracts, allowing cancellation without religious penalty. Historically, Sephardic , unbound by the 11th-century Ashkenazic cherem of prohibiting , permitted multiple wives in theory and occasionally in practice, particularly in regions influenced by Islamic norms, though rare and virtually extinct by the following Israel's 1950 rabbinic ban. Family formation prioritizes the biblical mandate to procreate, with Ottoman Sephardic communities in , Salonica, and Izmir from 1500 to 1850 promoting early marriages—often in —to maximize family size and ensure male heirs, viewing large progeny as a core aspiration amid high . This emphasis on persisted, fostering multigenerational households tied to communal continuity. In mixed Ashkenazic-Sephardic unions, customs generally follow the husband's tradition.

Death, Mourning, and Bereavement

In Sephardic tradition, the preparation of the deceased follows the ritual of tahara, performed by the (burial society), involving ritual washing of the body with water while reciting specific prayers, followed by dressing in simple white linen garments known as . The body is then placed in a plain wooden , emphasizing equality in death regardless of social status. is mandated as expeditiously as possible, ideally within 24 hours of , without or , in accordance with halakhic requirements derived from ' Hilchot Avel. During this period, the body is guarded (shmirah) with recitations of to protect the soul. The funeral rite includes a to the , where participants recite and halt periodically. A hesped () praises the deceased's virtues, and at the graveside, prayers such as are intoned, followed by the filling of the grave with earth by attendees, symbolizing communal participation in . In certain Sephardic communities, such as those honoring a tsaddik (), the casket is laid on the ground and circled seven times before interment. The deceased is identified by their mother's name in announcements and prayers, reflecting a minhag rooted in biblical precedents like naming via maternal lineage. Mourners enter aninut immediately upon until , a phase of raw grief where they are exempt from most positive mitzvot (commandments), such as and , and refrain from greeting others or eating ritual foods prepared for them. Kriah (rending of garments or a affixed to ) is performed upon confirmation of , typically over the heart, as an expression of anguish. Following , —the seven-day intensive mourning period—begins, during which mourners sit on low stools or the floor, abstain from work, bathing for pleasure, anointing, wearing leather shoes, cutting hair or shaving, and marital relations. Daily minyanim are assembled at the shiva house for services, often including study of texts like the in the deceased's merit, and visitors offer condolences with the formula "Hamakom yenachem etchem" (May the Omnipresent comfort you). The se'udat havra'ah (condolence meal) features round foods such as eggs, lentils, or bagels to evoke the life's cycle and avoid sharp items symbolizing severance. On falling within shiva, mourners attend , participating in services but without leading them. The subsequent shloshim extends mourning to 30 days from burial, lifting most shiva restrictions but prohibiting haircuts, shaving, laundering new clothes, and attending joyous events. For parents, the primary mourners under , restrictions persist for 12 months, including daily recitation of by sons (in Sephardic nusach) and avoidance of festive meals or music, though work and intimacy resume after shiva. These practices, codified in ' Hilchot Avel, aim to channel grief, honor the deceased, and reintegrate mourners into community life while upholding causal links between loss and spiritual reflection. On the yahrzeit (anniversary of death), a 24-hour is lit, recited, and or charity performed in the deceased's memory, perpetuating bereavement as an ongoing ethical duty.

Naming Conventions and Cultural Continuity

Personal and Familial Names

In Sephardic tradition, personal names for children are frequently selected to honor living relatives, with the firstborn son named after the paternal grandfather and the firstborn daughter after the paternal grandmother. Subsequent children typically receive names from maternal grandparents or other kin, such as uncles or aunts, though deceased relatives may take precedence if applicable. This approach differs from Ashkenazi practice, which restricts naming to deceased forebears to avoid invoking the . Names often draw from biblical sources, , or the portion corresponding to the birth date, and may reflect birth circumstances, such as Nissim ("miracles") for a child born during . Protective naming customs persist in cases of infant mortality; if prior siblings died young, parents might choose names like Hayyim ("life"), Makhlouf ("substitute"), or Zion to ward off further loss, sometimes accompanied by rituals such as symbolically "selling" the newborn for three days to evade the Angel of Death. Sephardic communities in regions like Yemen extended this by reusing parental names for protection. Familial surnames among Sephardim emerged as hereditary by the 11th–12th centuries, earlier than the 19th-century mandates affecting Ashkenazim, with roots traceable to Arabic, Spanish, or Hebraic influences under Moorish rule from the 700s to 1200s. Common origins include toponyms denoting places of origin (e.g., Toledano from Toledo, Spain), patronymics with prefixes like ibn ("son of," as in Ibn Aknin) or abu ("father of"), and occupational descriptors (e.g., Chazan for cantor). These fixed surnames facilitated lineage identification across diaspora communities, as evidenced by a study of 83,000 Moroccan Sephardic immigrants to Israel where 38 surnames accounted for over 58% of the population. Following the expulsion from Iberia, Sephardic surnames adapted linguistically to host countries—such as or Ottoman territories—while preserving core elements, though conversos (crypto-Jews) sometimes adopted Christian-style endings like -ez ("son of") for concealment. This early establishment of surnames underscored Sephardic integration into medieval European and Islamic societies, contrasting with the patronymic fluidity more common in Eastern European Jewish naming until modern civil registries.

Preservation Amid Diaspora

Following the 1492 expulsion from and the 1497 forced conversions in , Sephardic Jews resettled in regions offering relative tolerance, including the , , and parts of , where they established self-governing communities that upheld halakhic observance. In the , cities such as , Salonica, and became hubs for an estimated 150,000 who maintained a traditional society centered on , preserving Iberian halakhah, , and Judeo-Spanish language through continuous and the reintegration of former Marranos. The millet system granted communal , enabling rabbinic courts and synagogues to enforce without significant external interference, though local Ottoman influences led to adaptations like permitting smoking on fast days while retaining core rituals. Rabbinic literature played a pivotal role in standardization and transmission; Joseph Karo's Shulchan Aruch, completed in in 1565, codified Sephardic interpretations of , providing a accessible guide amid disruptions and ensuring continuity for communities scattered by . This work, reflecting pre-expulsion Spanish-Portuguese traditions, was disseminated via print, countering the loss of texts during flight from the established in in 1536. In , Sephardim in achieved legal recognition by 1639, founding synagogues, cemeteries, and charitable bodies that ritualized rebirth through Hebrew naming and , rebuilding observance disrupted since the 13th century. Similar structures emerged in and , where conversos reverted to while segregating from local Ashkenazim to safeguard distinct customs. In , particularly , influxes of exiles elevated Sephardic practices over indigenous ones, fostering hybrid yet halakha-adherent communities that transmitted traditions via family and confraternities. These efforts preserved Sephardic identity against assimilation, with Ladino serving as a cultural vessel for laws and lore across generations.

Modern Adaptations and Debates

Reclamation Efforts

Rabbi Ovadia Yosef (1920–2013), Sephardic Chief Rabbi of from 1973 to 1983, spearheaded a major codification of Sephardic through his extensive responsa and the multi-volume Yalkut Yosef, compiled in collaboration with his son Rabbi Yitzhak Yosef starting in the late 20th century, which adapts classical sources like ' Mishneh Torah to contemporary Sephardic practice while rejecting non-Sephardic innovations. These works, including Halacha Berura, emphasize fidelity to pre-expulsion Iberian and North African minhagim, countering assimilation and Ashkenazic influences prevalent in communities and . Yosef's rulings, disseminated through yeshivot and publications, trained generations of rabbis in authentic Sephardic pesak, influencing over 500,000 adherents via institutions like the Yechaveh network. Broader reclamation initiatives focus on reconstructing Sephardic Judaism amid historical disruptions, advocating revival of halakhic interpretation rooted in rationalist traditions of figures like Rambam and the , alongside training specialized rabbinical leadership to transmit unaltered customs in , , and . Organizations such as Embrace & Rebuild, founded to preserve Sephardic and Mizrahi heritage, promote educational programs and cultural initiatives that document and revive endangered minhagim, including Ladino-infused prayer rites and communal festivals suppressed during exiles. Scholarly efforts, as articulated in analyses of classical Sephardic evolution, urge communities to model modern observance on historical precedents of tolerance within halakhic bounds, resisting both secular dilution and external impositions. A parallel strand involves Bnei —descendants of Iberian Jews forcibly converted during the 1492 expulsion and —who pursue formal return to Sephardic observance, often via rabbinic courts applying lenient giyur processes tailored to ancestral proofs like or crypto-Jewish markers. Groups affiliated with Sephardic U facilitate this by providing resources for minhag reclamation, such as restoring family customs in naming, marriage contracts, and mourning, with thousands documented in and the southwestern U.S. reclaiming identity since the amid Spanish citizenship laws incentivizing heritage verification. These movements prioritize empirical lineage validation over unsubstantiated claims, integrating returnees into Sephardic frameworks to bolster demographic and cultural continuity.

Interactions with Global Judaism

Sephardic legal traditions, rooted in the Babylonian Geonic heritage, exerted significant influence on broader Jewish through works like ' Mishneh Torah, completed in 1180, which synthesized Talmudic law into a comprehensive code accessible beyond regional boundaries. Ashkenazi scholars engaged critically with this text, incorporating elements into their own analyses while developing parallel European traditions emphasizing pilpulistic debate. This interaction fostered a dual-track halakhic system, where Sephardic rationalism contrasted with Ashkenazi stringency in customs like kitniyot prohibitions, yet shared foundational adherence to the . In the 16th century, Rabbi Yosef Karo's (1565) codified Sephardic practice based on earlier authorities, achieving near-universal acceptance as the baseline for Jewish law, with Rabbi Moshe Isserles' Mapah glosses accommodating Ashkenazi variations. This framework enabled reconciliations in mixed communities, allowing individuals to follow ancestral minhagim while recognizing the other's validity, though disputes persisted over issues like rice consumption on , where Sephardim permit it unlike Ashkenazim. Kabbalistic developments, particularly Isaac Luria's 16th-century teachings in , permeated Ashkenazi Hasidic circles, leading some to adopt Sephardic-leaning rituals under the "thirteenth gate" rationale for kabbalistic superiority. Modern interactions intensified in , where Sephardim and Mizrahim constitute roughly half of the Jewish population as of 2016, prompting halakhic adaptations in the Chief Rabbinate's dual Sephardic-Ashkenazi divisions. Intermarriage rates, exceeding 20% in some cohorts, have blurred lines, with offspring often selecting Sephardic customs for leniency in areas like mourning or preparations, reflecting Sephardic halakha's historically more accommodating stance toward norms. Tensions from early statehood Ashkenazi dominance have eased, with Sephardic political ascendance via party since 1984 enhancing cultural parity, though disparities in religious leadership persist. Globally, Sephardic pronunciation of Hebrew has gained traction among Ashkenazim, standardizing in educational settings.

Contemporary Halakhic Controversies

One prominent contemporary halakhic controversy within Sephardic communities involves communal decrees prohibiting acceptance of converts, even those deemed valid under Orthodox standards. The Syrian Jewish community enacted a takkanah in 1935, prohibiting to any convert to , which was renewed in 1984 by leading rabbis including Jacob Kassin, to safeguard against assimilation and insincere conversions motivated by . This measure, rooted in the of rabbinic bodies to enact protective fences under principles like those in Yoreh De'ah 228, has drawn from figures such as Moshe Feinstein, who argued it conflicts with the Torah's imperative to embrace sincere gerim (converts), as even a halakhically valid conversion cannot be retroactively invalidated by later communal policy. Similar bans originated in Sephardic communities in in 1927 under Shaul Setton and have persisted in some groups, reflecting a stringent approach to group preservation amid high intermarriage rates documented at over 20% in early 20th-century contexts. In Israel, Sephardic halakhic authorities have clashed with proposed state reforms on conversion processes, emphasizing adherence to traditional criteria over streamlined or pluralistic models. Sephardic Chief Rabbi Yitzhak Yosef stated in February 2022 that conversions under new government-backed reforms spearheaded by Minister Matan Kahana would not be recognized, warning that such changes undermine halakhic integrity by potentially accepting candidates lacking full commitment to mitzvot observance. This stance aligns with broader Sephardic poskim's preference for rigorous scrutiny, as articulated in works like Rabbi Ovadia Yosef's Yabia Omer, which prioritizes sincerity and immersion in Sephardic minhagim, contrasting with some Ashkenazi leniencies but rejecting non-Orthodox validations outright. In March 2021, Rabbi Yosef further asserted that Reform conversions confer no Jewish status, describing adherents as having "nothing" in terms of halakhic validity, a position grounded in the Shulchan Aruch's requirements for rabbinic oversight and mikveh immersion under Orthodox auspices. Debates also persist over Sephardim adopting Ashkenazi stringencies on emerging issues like or technology, despite the normative reliance on the as codified by Yosef Karo. Some contemporary Sephardic , influenced by Israeli Chief Rabbinate dynamics, advocate following poskim like on topics such as or IVF, arguing for caution in uncharted halakhic terrain, while purists like those in the classical Sephardic caution against diluting edot ha-mizrah customs, as seen in disputes over allowances during amid global food standardization pressures. These tensions highlight a meta-issue: the balance between universal halakhic principles and community-specific minhagim, with sources like Rabbi David Ovadia's rulings emphasizing fidelity to Sephardic precedents to avoid the Ashkenazi-influenced "chumra" culture prevalent in modern .

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