Recent from talks
Nothing was collected or created yet.
Sexual revolution
View on Wikipedia
| Part of the counterculture of the 1960s | |
Buttons from the sexual revolution | |
| Date | late 1950s – early 1970s |
|---|---|
| Location | Western world |
| Participants |
|
| Outcome | Wider acceptance of sexuality, homosexuality, contraception, and pornography |
The sexual revolution, also known as the sexual liberation, was a social movement that challenged traditional codes of behavior related to sexuality and interpersonal relationships throughout the Western world from the late 1950s to the early 1970s.[1] Sexual liberation included increased acceptance of sexual intercourse outside of traditional heterosexual, monogamous relationships, primarily marriage.[2] The legalization of "the pill" as well as other forms of contraception, public nudity, pornography, premarital sex, homosexuality, masturbation, alternative forms of sexuality, and abortion all followed.[3][4]
The term "first sexual revolution" is used by scholars to describe different periods of significant change in Western sexual norms, including the Christianization of Roman sexuality, the decline of Victorian morals, and the cultural shifts of the Roaring Twenties. Sexual revolution most commonly refers to the mid-20th century, when advances in contraception, medicine, and social movements led to widespread changes in attitudes and behaviors around sex. The sexual revolution was influenced by Freud's theory of unconscious drives and psychosexual development, Mead's ethnographic work on adolescent sexuality in Samoa, Unwin’s cross-cultural studies, and the groundbreaking research of Kinsey and later Masters and Johnson, all of which challenged traditional norms and expanded understanding of human sexuality.
The widespread availability of contraception from the early 20th century onward empowered individuals with reproductive choice, spurred legal and cultural shifts such as Griswold v. Connecticut, and influenced later landmark rulings on privacy, abortion, and LGBTQ+ rights. "Free love" is a related social movement advocating for the separation of the state from sexual matters like marriage and birth control, emphasizing personal freedom in relationships, though it faced decline in the 1980s due to the AIDS crisis.
By the 1970s, premarital and non-marital sex had become increasingly accepted in the United States due to the rise of birth control, later marriages, declining stigma around divorce, and the normalization of casual and non-monogamous sexual relationships.
Origins
[edit]First sexual revolution
[edit]Several other periods in Western culture have been called the "first sexual revolution", to which the 1960s revolution would be the second (or later). The term "sexual revolution" itself has been used since at least the late 1920s. The term appeared as early as 1929; the book Is Sex Necessary? Or, Why You Feel the Way You Do by James Thurber and E. B. White, has a chapter titled "The Sexual Revolution: Being a Rather Complete Survey of the Entire Sexual Scene".[5] According to Konstantin Dushenko, the term was in use in Soviet Russia in 1925.[6]
When speaking of the sexual revolution, historians[7] make a distinction between the first and the second sexual revolution. In the first sexual revolution (1870–1910), Victorian morality lost its universal appeal. However, it did not lead to the rise of a "permissive society". Exemplary for this period is the rise and differentiation in forms of regulating sexuality.
Classics professor Kyle Harper uses the phrase "first sexual revolution" to refer to the displacement of the norms of sexuality in Ancient Rome with those of Christianity as it was adopted throughout the Roman Empire. Romans accepted and legalized prostitution, bisexuality, and pederasty. Male promiscuity was considered normal and healthy as long as masculinity was maintained, associated with being the penetrating partner. In contrast, female chastity was required for respectable women, to ensure the integrity of family bloodlines. These attitudes were replaced by Christian prohibitions on homosexual acts and any sex outside marriage, including with slaves and prostitutes.[8][better source needed]
History professor Faramerz Dabhoiwala cites the Age of Enlightenment—approximately the 18th century—as a major period of transition in the United Kingdom.[9] During this time, the philosophy of liberalism developed and was popularized, and migration to cities increased opportunities for sex and made enforcement of rules more difficult than in small villages. Sexual misconduct in the Catholic Church undermined the credibility of religious authorities, and the rise of urban police forces helped distinguish crime from sin. Overall, toleration increased for heterosexual sex outside marriage, including prostitution, mistresses, and pre-marital sex. Though these acts were still condemned by many as libertine, infidelity became more often a civil matter than a criminal offense receiving capital punishment. Masturbation, homosexuality, and rape were generally less tolerated. Women went from being considered as lustful as men to passive partners, whose purity was important to reputation.[10]
Commentators such as history professor Kevin F. White have used the phrase "first sexual revolution" to refer to the Roaring Twenties.[11] Victorian Era attitudes were somewhat destabilized by World War I and alcohol prohibition in the United States. At the same time the women's suffrage movement obtained voting rights, the subculture of the flapper girl included pre-marital sex and "petting parties".
Formation
[edit]Indicators of non-traditional sexual behavior (e.g., gonorrhea incidence, births out of wedlock, and births to adolescents) began to rise dramatically in the mid-to-late 1950s.[12] It brought about profound shifts in attitudes toward women's sexuality, homosexuality, pre-marital sexuality, and the freedom of sexual expression.[12]
Psychologists and scientists such as Wilhelm Reich and Alfred Kinsey influenced the changes.[13][14] As well, changing mores were both stimulated by and reflected in literature and films, and by the social movements of the period, including the counterculture, the women's movement, and the gay rights movement.[15] The counterculture contributed to the awareness of radical cultural change that was the social matrix of the sexual revolution.[15][better source needed]
The sexual revolution was initiated by those who shared a belief in the detrimental impact of sexual repression, a view that had previously been argued by Wilhelm Reich, D. H. Lawrence, Sigmund Freud, and the Surrealist movement.[citation needed]
The counterculture wanted to explore the body and mind, and free the personal self from the moral and legal sexual confines of traditional American values.[16] The sexual revolution sprung from a conviction that the erotic should be celebrated as a normal part of life, dodging religion, family, industrialized moral codes, and the state.[17]
The development of the birth control pill in 1960 gave women access to easy and more reliable contraception.[18] Another likely cause was a vast improvement in obstetrics, greatly reducing the number of women who died due to childbearing, thus increasing the life expectancy of women. A third, more indirect cause was the large number of children born in the 1940s and throughout the 1950s all over the Western world, as the "Baby Boom Generation", many of whom would grow up in relatively prosperous and safe conditions, within a middle class on the rise and with better access to education and entertainment than ever before. By their demographic weight and their social and educational background, they came to trigger a shift in society towards more permissive and informalized attitudes.
The discovery of penicillin led to significant reductions in syphilis mortality, which, in turn, spurred an increase in non-traditional sex during the mid-to-late 1950s.[12][19]
There was an increase in sexual encounters between unmarried adults.[20] Divorce rates were dramatically increasing and marriage rates were significantly decreasing in this time period. The number of unmarried Americans aged twenty to twenty-four more than doubled from 4.3 million in 1960 to 9.7 million in 1976.[21] Men and women sought to reshape marriage by experimenting with new practices consisting of open marriage, mate swapping, swinging, and communal sex.[15]
Academic influences
[edit]Freudian school
[edit]Sigmund Freud of Vienna believed human behavior was motivated by unconscious drives, primarily by the libido or "Sexual Energy". Freud proposed to study how these unconscious drives were repressed and found expression through other cultural outlets. He called this therapy "psychoanalysis".[22]
While Freud's ideas were sometimes ignored or provoked resistance within Viennese society, his ideas soon entered the discussions and working methods of anthropologists, artists and writers all over Europe, and from the 1920s in the United States. His conception of a primary sexual drive that would not be ultimately curbed by law, education or standards of decorum spelled a serious challenge to Victorian prudishness, and his theory of psychosexual development proposed a model for the development of sexual orientations and desires; children emerged from the Oedipus complex, a sexual desire towards their parent of the opposite sex.[23] The idea of children having their parents as their early sexual targets was particularly shocking to Victorian and early 20th century society.
According to Freud's theory, in the earliest stage of a child's psychosexual development, the oral stage, the mother's breast became the formative source of all later erotic sensation.[23] Much of his research remains widely contested by professionals in the field, though it has spurred critical developments in the humanities.
Two anarchist and Marxist proponents of Freud, Otto Gross and Wilhelm Reich (who famously coined the phrase "sexual revolution"), developed a sociology of sex in the 1910s through the 1930s in which the animal-like competitive reproductive behavior was seen as a legacy of ancestral human evolution reflecting in every social relation, as per the Freudian interpretation. Hence, the liberation of sexual behavior was considered by them to be a means to social revolution.
Mead's Coming of Age in Samoa
[edit]The 1928 publication of anthropologist Margaret Mead's Coming of Age in Samoa brought the sexual revolution to the public scene, as her thoughts concerning sexual freedom pervaded academia. Mead's ethnography focused on the psychosexual development of adolescents in Samoa. She recorded that their adolescence was not, in fact, a time of "storm and stress" as Erikson's stages of development suggest, but that the sexual freedom experienced by the adolescents actually permitted them an easy transition from childhood to adulthood.[24]
Mead's findings were later criticized by anthropologist Derek Freeman, who investigated her claims of promiscuity and conducted his own ethnography of Samoan society.[25]
Unwin's Sex and Culture
[edit]Sex and Culture is a 1934 book by English social anthropologist J. D. Unwin concerning the correlation between a society's level of "cultural achievement" and its level of sexual restraint. The book concluded with the theory that as societies develop, they become more sexually liberal, accelerating the social entropy of the society, thereby diminishing its "creative" and "expansive" energy.[26][27]
According to Unwin, after a nation becomes prosperous, it becomes increasingly liberal concerning sexual morality. It thus loses its cohesion, impetus and purpose, which he claims is irrevocable.[28] Unwin also stated that absolute monogamy required legal equality between men and women.[29]Kinsey and Masters and Johnson
[edit]In the late 1940s and early 1950s, Alfred C. Kinsey published two surveys of modern sexual behavior. In 1948 Kinsey published the book Sexual Behavior in the Human Male. He followed this five years later with Sexual Behavior in the Human Female. These books began a revolution in social awareness of, and public attention given to, human sexuality.
Kinsey based his findings in both these books on interviews that he and his team of researchers conducted with thousands of Americans, beginning in the 1930s.[30] The interviews were extensive and could last for several hours; they were supplemented by diaries and other documents that the interviewees were willing to have copied, and sometimes films of them engaging in masturbation or sexual intercourse, if they volunteered and it was practical.[30] Kinsey found in the course of these interviews that many sexual behaviors which had previously been seen as marginal or "abnormal" were in fact more common than previously recognized and were part of the normal spectrum of human sexual behavior; for instance, he is the source of the widely quoted statistic that 4% of the male population is primarily homosexual.[30] He advocated using this information to reform sex-related laws, which at the time were often draconian (for example two men having consensual sex in private was considered a crime).
Kinsey's books became bestsellers when published, and laid the groundwork for researchers William H. Masters and Virginia E. Johnson to study the nature and scope of sexual practices among young Americans. Their books, Human Sexual Response and Human Sexual Inadequacy, published in 1966 and 1970 respectively, were also best-sellers, and are now considered classic texts in the field.
Popular culture
[edit]Erotic novels
[edit]In the United States in the years 1959 through 1966, bans on three books with explicit erotic content were challenged and overturned. This also occurred in the United Kingdom starting with the 1959 Obscene Publications Act and reaching a peak with the Lady Chatterley's Lover court case.
Prior to this time, a patchwork of regulations (as well as local customs and vigilante actions) governed what could and could not be published. For example, the United States Customs Service banned James Joyce's Ulysses by refusing to allow it to be imported into the United States. The Roman Catholic Church's Index Librorum Prohibitorum carried great weight among Catholics, and any book appearing on it was tantamount to an effective and instant boycott. Boston's Watch and Ward Society, a largely Protestant creation inspired by Anthony Comstock, made "banned in Boston" a national by-word.
In 1959 Grove Press published an unexpurgated version of the 1928 novel Lady Chatterley's Lover by D. H. Lawrence. The U.S. Post Office confiscated copies sent through the mail. Lawyer Charles Rembar sued the New York City Postmaster, and won in New York and then on federal appeal.
Henry Miller's 1934 novel, Tropic of Cancer, had explicit sexual passages and could not be published in the United States; an edition was printed by the Obelisk Press in Paris and copies were smuggled into the United States. In 1961 Grove Press issued a copy of the work, and dozens of booksellers were sued for selling it. The issue was ultimately settled by the U.S. Supreme Court's 1964 decision in Grove Press, Inc. v. Gerstein.
In 1963 Putnam published John Cleland's 1750 novel Fanny Hill. Charles Rembar appealed a restraining order against it all the way to the U.S. Supreme Court and won. In Memoirs v. Massachusetts, 383 U.S. 413, the court ruled that sex was "a great and mysterious motive force in human life", and that its expression in literature was protected by the First Amendment.
By permitting the publication of Fanny Hill, the U.S. Supreme Court set the bar for any ban so high that Rembar himself called the 1966 decision "the end of obscenity". Only books primarily appealing to "prurient interest" could be banned. In a famous phrase, the court said that obscenity is "utterly without redeeming social importance"—meaning that a work with any redeeming social importance or literary merit was arguably not obscene, even if it contained isolated passages that could "deprave and corrupt" some readers.
Explicit sex on screen and stage
[edit]This section needs additional citations for verification. (September 2018) |
Swedish filmmakers like Ingmar Bergman and Vilgot Sjöman contributed to sexual liberation with sexually themed films that challenged conservative international standards. The 1951 film Hon dansade en sommar (She Danced One Summer AKA One Summer of Happiness) displayed explicit nudity, including bathing in a lake.
This film, as well as Bergman's Sommaren med Monika (The Summer with Monika, 1951) and Tystnaden (The Silence, 1963), caused an international uproar, not least in the United States, where the films were charged with violating standards of decency. Vilgot Sjöman's film I Am Curious (Yellow), also was very popular in the United States. Another of his films, 491, highlighted homosexuality. Kärlekens språk (The Language of Love) was an informative documentary about sex and sexual techniques that featured the first real act of sex in a mainstream film.
From these films, the myth of "Swedish sin" (licentiousness and seductive nudity) arose. The image of "hot love and cold people" emerged, with sexual liberalism seen as part of the modernization process that, by breaking down traditional borders, would lead to the emancipation of natural forces and desires.[31] In Sweden and nearby countries at the time, these films, by virtue of being made by directors who had established themselves as leading names in their generation, helped delegitimize the idea of habitually demanding that films should avoid overtly sexual subject matter. The films eventually progressed the public's attitude toward sex, especially in Sweden and other northern European countries, which today tend to be more sexually liberal than others.
Fashion
[edit]The monokini, also known as a "topless bikini" or "unikini",[32][33] was designed by Rudi Gernreich in 1964, consisting of only a brief, close-fitting bottom and two thin straps;[34] it was the first women's topless swimsuit.[35][36] Gernreich's revolutionary and controversial design included a bottom that "extended from the midriff to the upper thigh"[37] and was "held up by shoestring laces that make a halter around the neck."[38] Some credit Gernreich's design with initiating,[36] or describe it as a symbol of, the 1960s sexual revolution.[39]
Nonfiction
[edit]The court decisions that legalized the publication of Fanny Hill had an even more important effect: freed from fears of legal action, nonfiction works about sex and sexuality started to appear more often. These books were factual and in fact, educational, made available in mainstream bookstores and mail-order book clubs to a mainstream readership, and their authors were guests on late-night talk shows. Earlier books such as What Every Girl Should Know (Margaret Sanger, 1920) and A Marriage Manual (Hannah and Abraham Stone, 1939) had broken the silence and, by the 1950s, in the United States, it had become rare for women to go into their wedding nights not knowing what to expect.
The open discussion of sex as pleasure, and descriptions of sexual practices and techniques, was revolutionary. There were practices that some had heard of, but many adults did not know if they were realities or fantasies found only in pornographic books. The Kinsey report revealed that these practices were, at the very least, surprisingly frequent. These other books asserted, in the words of a 1980 book by Irene Kassorla, that Nice Girls Do – And Now You Can Too.[citation needed][40]
In 1962, Helen Gurley Brown published Sex and the Single Girl: The Unmarried Woman's Guide to Men, Careers, the Apartment, Diet, Fashion, Money and Men.
In 1969 Joan Garrity, identifying herself only as "J.", published The Way to Become the Sensuous Woman, with information on exercises to improve the dexterity of one's tongue and how to have anal sex.
The same year saw the appearance of David Reuben's book Everything You Always Wanted to Know About Sex* (*But Were Afraid to Ask). Despite the dignity of Reuben's medical credentials, this book was light-hearted in tone.
In 1970 the Boston Women's Health Collective published Women and Their Bodies, reissued a year later as Our Bodies, Ourselves). Though not an erotic treatise or sex manual, the book included frank descriptions of sexuality, and contained illustrations that could have caused legal problems just a few years earlier.
Alex Comfort's The Joy of Sex: A Gourmet Guide to Love Making appeared in 1972. In later editions, Comfort's exuberance was tamed in response to AIDS.[41]
In 1975 Will McBride's Zeig Mal! (Show Me!), written with psychologist Helga Fleichhauer-Hardt for children and their parents, appeared in bookstores on both sides of the Atlantic. Appreciated by many parents for its frank depiction of pre-adolescent sexual discovery and exploration, it scandalized others and was pulled from circulation in the United States and some other countries. The book was followed in 1989 by Zeig Mal Mehr! ("Show Me More!").
New emergence of pornography
[edit]The somewhat more open and commercial circulation of pornography was a new phenomenon. Pornography operated as a form of "cultural critique" insofar as it transgresses societal conventions. Manuel Castells claims that the online communities, which emerged (from the 1980s) around early bulletin-board systems, originated from the ranks of those who had been part of the counterculture movements and alternative way of life emerging out of the sexual revolution.[42]
Lynn Hunt points out that early modern "pornography" (18th century) is marked by a "preponderance of female narrators", that the women were portrayed as independent, determined, financially successful (though not always socially successful and recognized) and scornful of the new ideals of female virtue and domesticity, and not objectification of women's bodies as many view pornography today. The sexual revolution was not unprecedented in identifying sex as a site of political potential and social culture. It was suggested that the interchangeability of bodies within pornography had radical implications for the meaning of gender differences, roles and norms.[42]
In 1971 Playboy stopped airbrushing pubic hair out of its centerfold picture spreads; this new addition caused the magazine to hit its all-time peak circulation of more than seven million copies in 1972 and men started having more choices when it came to magazines.[21]
In 1972 Deep Throat became a popular movie for heterosexual couples. The movie played all over America and was the first pornographic movie to earn a gross of a million dollars.[21]
Pornography was less stigmatized by the end of the 1980s, and more mainstream movies depicted sexual intercourse as entertainment. Magazines depicting nudity, such as the popular Playboy and Penthouse magazines, won some acceptance as mainstream journals, in which public figures became more comfortable openly expressing their fantasies.
Some figures in the feminist movement, such as Andrea Dworkin, challenged the depiction of women as objects in these pornographic or "urban men's" magazines. Other feminists such as Betty Dodson went on to found the pro-sex feminist movement in response to anti-pornography campaigns.
In India, an organization named Indians For Sexual Liberties is advocating the legalization of the porn business in India. The organization's founder, Laxman Singh, questioned the reasoning behind deeming as illegal the depiction of legal acts.[43]
The Playboy culture
[edit]
In 1953, Chicago resident Hugh Hefner founded Playboy, a magazine which aimed to target males between the ages of 21 and 45.[44] The coverpage and nude centerfold in the first edition featured Marilyn Monroe, then a rising sex symbol.[45][46] Featuring cartoons, interviews, short fiction, Hefner's "Playboy Philosophy" and unclothed female "Playmates" posing provocatively, the magazine became immensely successful.[44]
In 1960, Hefner expanded Playboy Enterprises, opening the first Playboy Club in Chicago,[44] which grew to a chain of nightclubs and resorts. The private clubs offered relaxation for members, who were waited on by Playboy Bunnies.[44]
While Hefner claimed his company contributed to America's more liberal attitude towards sex,[44] others believe he simply exploited it.[47]
Pornographic film
[edit]In 1969, Blue Movie, directed by Andy Warhol, was the first adult erotic film depicting explicit sex to receive wide theatrical release in the United States.[48][49][50] The film helped inaugurate the "porno chic"[51][52] phenomenon in modern American culture. According to Warhol, Blue Movie was a major influence in the making of Last Tango in Paris, starring Marlon Brando, and released a few years after Blue Movie was made.[49]
In 1970, Mona the Virgin Nymph became[according to whom?] the second film to gain wide release. The third, Deep Throat, despite being rudimentary by the standards of mainstream filmmaking,[citation needed] achieved major box office success, following mentions by Johnny Carson on The Tonight Show, and Bob Hope on television as well.[52] In 1973, the far-more-accomplished (though still low-budget) The Devil in Miss Jones was the seventh-most-successful film of the year,[citation needed] and was well received by major media,[citation needed] including a favorable review by film critic Roger Ebert.[53]
In 1976, The Opening of Misty Beethoven (based on the play Pygmalion by George Bernard Shaw) was released theatrically and is considered by Toni Bentley the "crown jewel" of "the golden age of porn."[54][55]
By the mid-1970s and through the 1980s, newly won sexual freedoms were being exploited by big businesses looking to capitalize on an increasingly permissive society, with the advent of public and hardcore pornography.[56]
Modern revolutions
[edit]This section needs additional citations for verification. (September 2018) |
The Industrial Revolution during the nineteenth century and the growth of science and technology, medicine and health care, resulted in better contraceptives being manufactured. Advances in the manufacture and production of rubber made possible the design and production of condoms that could be used by hundreds of millions of men and women to prevent pregnancy at little cost. Advances in chemistry, pharmacology, and biology, and human physiology led to the discovery and perfection of the first oral contraceptives, popularly known as "the pill".
All these developments took place alongside and combined with an increase in worldwide literacy rates and a decline in religious observance. Old values such as the Biblical notion of "be fruitful and multiply" were cast aside as people continued to feel alienated from the past and adopted the lifestyles of progressive modernizing cultures.
Another contribution that helped bring about this modern revolution of sexual freedom were the writings of Herbert Marcuse and Wilhelm Reich, who took the philosophy of Karl Marx and similar philosophers.
"No-fault" unilateral divorce became legal and easier to obtain in many countries during the 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s.
The women's movement redefined sexuality, not in terms of simply pleasing men but recognizing women's sexual satisfaction and sexual desire. The Myth of the Vaginal Orgasm (1970) by Anne Koedt illustrates an understanding of a women's sexual anatomy including evidence for the clitoral orgasm, arguing against Freud's "assumptions of women as inferior appendage to man, and her consequent social and psychological role."[57] The women's movement was able to develop lesbian feminism, freedom from heterosexual act, and freedom from reproduction. Feminist Betty Friedan published the Feminine Mystique in 1963, concerning the many frustrations women had with their lives and with separate spheres which established a pattern of inequality.

The Gay Rights Movement started when the Stonewall riots of 1969 crystallized a broad grass-roots mobilization. New gay liberationist gave political meaning to "coming out" by extending the psychological-personal process into public life. During the 1950s the most feared thing of the homosexual culture was "coming out", the homosexual culture of the 1950s did everything they could to help keep their sexuality a secret from the public and everyone else in their lives, but Alfred Kinsey's research on homosexuality alleged that 39% of the unmarried male population had had at least one homosexual experience to orgasm between adolescence and old age.[15]
Feminism and sexual liberation
[edit]Since the beginning of the sexual liberation movement in the Western world, which coincided with second-wave feminism and the women's liberation movement initiated in the early 1960s,[58][59] new religious movements and alternative spiritualities such as Modern Paganism and the New Age began to grow and spread across the globe alongside their intersection with the sexual liberation movement and the counterculture of the 1960s,[58][59] and exhibited characteristic features, such as the embrace of alternative lifestyles, unconventional dress, rejection of Abrahamic religions and their conservative social mores, use of cannabis and other recreational drugs, relaxed attitude, sarcastic humble or self-imposed poverty, and laissez-faire sexual behavior.[58][59] The sexual liberation movement was aided by feminist ideologues in their mutual struggle to challenge traditional ideas regarding female sexuality, male sexuality, and queer sexuality.[59] Elimination of undue favorable bias towards men and objectification of women, as well as support for women's right to choose their sexual partners free of outside interference or societal judgment, were three of the main goals associated with sexual liberation from the feminist perspective.[59] Since during the early stages of feminism, women's liberation was often equated with sexual liberation rather than associated with it. Many feminist thinkers believed that assertion of the primacy of sexuality would be a major step towards the ultimate goal of women's liberation, thus women were urged to initiate sexual advances, enjoy sex and experiment with new forms of sexuality.[60]
The feminist movements insisted and focused on the sexual liberation for women, both physical and psychological. The pursuit of sexual pleasure for women was the core ideology, which subsequently was to set the foundation for female independence. Although whether or not sexual freedom should be a feminist issue is currently a much-debated topic,[60] the feminist movement overtly defines itself as the movement for social, political, and economic equality of men and women.[61] Feminist movements are also involved the fight against sexism and since sexism is a highly complex notion,[62] it is difficult to separate the feminist critique toward sexism from its fight against sexual oppression.
The feminist movement has helped create a social climate in which LGBT people and women are increasingly able to be open and free with their sexuality,[63] which enabled a spiritual liberation of sorts with regards to sex. Rather than being forced to hide their sexual desires or feelings, women and LGBT people have gained and continue to gain increased freedom in this area. Consequently, the feminist movement to end sexual oppression has and continues to directly contribute to the sexual liberation movement.
Contraception
[edit]As birth control became widely accessible, men and women began to have more choice in the matter of having children than ever before. The 1916 invention of thin, disposable latex condoms for men led to widespread affordable condoms by the 1930s; the demise of the Comstock laws in 1936 set the stage for the promotion of available effective contraceptives such as the diaphragm and cervical cap; the 1960s introduction of the IUD and oral contraceptives for women gave a sense of freedom from barrier contraception. The Catholic Church under Pope Paul VI (1968) published Humanae vitae (Of Human Life), which was a declaration that banned the use of artificial contraception. Churches allowed for the rhythm method, which was a method of regulating fertility that pushed men and women to take advantage of the "natural cycles" of female fertility, during which women were "naturally infertile." The opposition of Churches (e.g. Humanae vitae) led people who felt alienated from or not represented by religion to form parallel movements of secularization and exile from religion.[64] Women gained much greater access to birth control in the Griswold "girls world" decision in 1965.
The 1965 Supreme Court case Griswold v. Connecticut ruled that the prohibition of contraception was unconstitutional on the grounds that it violated peoples' rights to marital privacy. In addition, in the 1960s and 1970s, the birth control movement advocated for the legalization of abortion and large scale education campaigns about contraception by governments. The Griswold v. Connecticut case and subsequent birth control movements created a precedent for later cases granting rights to birth control for unmarried couples (Eisenstadt v. Baird), 1972), rights to abortion for any woman (Roe v. Wade, 1973), and the right to contraception for juveniles (Carey v. Population Services International, 1977). The Griswold case was also influential in and cited as precedent for landmark cases dealing with the right to homosexual relations (Lawrence v. Texas, 2003) and the right to same-sex marriage (Obergefell v. Hodges, 2015).
Free love
[edit]Free love is a social movement that accepts all forms of love. The movement's initial goal was to separate the state from sexual matters such as marriage, birth control, and adultery. It stated that such issues were the concern of the people involved, and no one else.[65]
Free love continued in different forms throughout the 1970s and into the early 1980s, but its more assertive manifestations faced increased pushback in the mid-1980s, when the public first became aware of AIDS, a deadly sexually transmitted disease.[66]
Non-marital sex
[edit]Premarital sex, heavily stigmatized for some time, became more widely accepted. The increased availability of birth control (and the legalization of abortion in some places) helped reduce the chance that pre-marital sex would result in unwanted children. By the mid-1970s the majority of newly married American couples had experienced sex before marriage.[67]
Central to the change was the development of relationships between unmarried adults, which resulted in earlier sexual experimentation reinforced by a later age of marriage. On average, Americans were gaining sexual experience before entering into monogamous relationships. The increasing divorce rate and the decreasing stigma attached to divorce during this era also contributed to sexual experimentation.[15] By 1971, more than 75% of Americans thought that premarital sex was acceptable, a threefold increase from the 1950s, and the number of unmarried Americans aged twenty to twenty-four more than doubled from 1960 to 1976. Americans were becoming less and less interested in getting married and settling down and as well less interested in monogamous relationships. In 1971, 35% of the country said they thought marriage was obsolete.[21]
The idea of marriage being outdated came from the development of casual sex between Americans. With the development of the birth control pill and the legalization of abortion in 1973, there was little threat of unwanted children out of wedlock. Also, during this time every known sexually transmitted disease was readily treatable.[21]
Swinger clubs were organizing in places ranging from the informal suburban home to disco-sized emporiums that offered a range of sexual possibilities with multiple partners. In New York City in 1977, Larry Levenson opened Plato's Retreat, which eventually shut down in 1985 under regular close scrutiny by public health authorities.[21]
Legacy
[edit]Fraenkel (1992) believes that the "sexual revolution", which the West supposedly experienced in the late 1960s, is a misconception/misnomer, and that sex is never actually enjoyed freely as such, being rather observed in all fields of culture: a stance adopted toward human behavior referable to the concept of "repressive desublimation". According to this concept or interpretation (first evolved by Marxist philosopher Herbert Marcuse), the 'sexual revolution' would be an instance of a conservative force masquerading under the guise of liberation – a force sapping energies (here sexual) which would otherwise be available for a true social critique of a given behavior – and thus an impediment to any real political change which might emancipate the individual from "totalitarian democracy". (See also Bread and circuses, False consciousness and Frankfurt School.) Put baldly, the pursuit of "sexual freedom" may be construed as a distraction from the pursuit of actual freedom.[68]
Allyn argues that the sexual optimism of the 1960s waned with the economic crises of the 1970s, the massive commercialization of sex, increasing reports of child exploitation, disillusionment with the counter-culture and the New Left, and a combined left-right backlash against sexual liberation as an ideal. The discovery of herpes escalated anxieties rapidly and set the stage for the nation's panicked response to AIDS.[1][page needed]
Among radical feminists, the view soon became widely held that, thus far, the sexual freedoms gained in the sexual revolution of the 1960s, such as the decreasing emphasis on monogamy, had been largely gained by men at women's expense.[69] In Anticlimax: A Feminist Perspective on the Sexual Revolution, Sheila Jeffreys asserted that the sexual revolution on men's terms contributed less to women's freedom than to their continued oppression, an assertion that has both commanded respect and attracted intense criticism.[70][71][72][73] In the late 1970s and early 1980s, feminist sex wars broke out due to disagreements on pornography, on prostitution, and on BDSM, as well as sexuality in general.
Although the rate of teenage sexual activity is hard to record, the prevalence of teenage pregnancy in Western countries such as Canada and the UK have seen a steady decline since the 1990s.[74][75] For example, in 1991 there were 61.8 children born per 1,000 teenage girls in the United States. By 2013, this number had declined to 26.6 births per 1,000 teenage girls.[76][dubious – discuss]
Women and men who lived with each other without marriage sought "palimony" equal to the alimony.[77][page needed] Teenagers assumed their right to a sexual life with whomever they pleased, and bathers fought to be topless or nude at beaches.[77][page needed]
See also
[edit]- Birth control movement in the United States
- Combined oral contraceptive pill
- Commodification of nature
- Comprehensive sex education
- Exploitation of women in mass media
- Feminist sex wars
- Gay liberation
- Indecent exposure
- Miscegenation
- Nordic sexual morality debate
- Open marriage
- Pornographication
- Promiscuity
- Public display of affection
- Public sex
- Radical and Liberal feminism
- Reproductive rights
- Second-wave feminism
- Sex in the American Civil War
- Sex magic
- Sex-positive feminism
- Sex-positive movement
- Sexual objectification
- Sexual revolution in 1960s United States
- Sexualization
- Social Darwinism
- Spring break
- Underwear as outerwear
References
[edit]- ^ a b Allyn, David (2000). Make Love, Not War: The Sexual Revolution. Little, Brown and Company. pp. 4–5. ISBN 0-316-03930-6.
- ^ Escoffier 2003, p. 47.
- ^ Germaine Greer and The Female Eunuch
- ^ "Abc-Clio". Greenwood.com. Archived from the original on July 9, 2011. Retrieved November 5, 2011.
- ^ Thurber, James; White, E. B. (1929). Is sex necessary? or, why you feel the way you do. Harper & Row. ISBN 9780060911027. OCLC 877647. Retrieved March 22, 2021 – via Internet Archive Digital Library.
{{cite book}}: ISBN / Date incompatibility (help) - ^ Solovyova, Julia (October 28, 1997). "Mustering Most Memorable Quips". The Moscow Times. Archived from the original on May 4, 2008. Retrieved March 22, 2021.
- ^ The First Sexual Revolution: The Emergence of Male Heterosexuality in Modern America. Kevin White (New York: New York University Press: 1992)
- ^ Kyle Harper (January 2018). "The First Sexual Revolution / How Christianity transformed the ancient world".
- ^ Faramerz Dabhoiwala (2012). The Origins of Sex: A History of the First Sexual Revolution. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0199892419.
- ^ "The Origins of Sex: A History of the First Sexual Revolution". HistoryExtra. February 14, 2012. Retrieved March 22, 2021.
- ^ Kevin F. White (1992). The First Sexual Revolution: The Emergence of Male Heterosexuality in Modern America. New York University Press. ISBN 978-0814792582.
- ^ a b c Francis, Andrew (2013). "The Wages of Sin: How the Discovery of Penicillin Reshaped Modern Sexuality". Archives of Sexual Behavior. 42 (1): 5–13. doi:10.1007/s10508-012-0018-4. PMID 23054260. S2CID 24253086.
- ^ Turner, Christopher (July 8, 2011). "Wilhelm Reich: The Man Who Invented Free Love". The Guardian. Retrieved March 22, 2021.
- ^ Brown, Theodore M.; Fee, Elizabeth (1948). "Sexual Behavior in the Human Male". American Journal of Public Health. 93 (6): 896–897. doi:10.2105/AJPH.93.6.896. PMC 1447862. PMID 12773347.
- ^ a b c d e "Sexual Revolution, 1960 – 1980". Archived from the original on January 8, 2013. Retrieved December 14, 2012.
- ^ Kevin Slack, "Liberalism Radicalized: The Sexual Revolution, Multiculturalism, and the Rise of Identity Politics," "Liberalism Radicalized: The Sexual Revolution, Multiculturalism, and the Rise of Identity Politics". Archived from the original on October 2, 2013. Retrieved October 10, 2013.
- ^ Isserman, Maurice (2012). America Divided. New York, NY: Oxford University Press. pp. 138–140. ISBN 978-0-19-976506-5.
- ^ "A Brief History of Birth Control in the U.S." Our Bodies Our Selves: Information Inspires Action. December 14, 2013. Archived from the original on March 26, 2021. Retrieved March 22, 2021.
- ^ "Did Penicillin Kickstart the Sexual Revolution?". January 29, 2013. Archived from the original on October 5, 2013. Retrieved October 4, 2013.
- ^ Brown, Callum G. "Sex, Religion, and the Single Woman c.1950–75: The Importance of a 'Short' Sexual Revolution to the English Religious Crisis of the 1960s." 20th-Century British History, 22, 2, 2010, pp. 189–215
- ^ a b c d e f Kahn, Ashley (1998). Rolling Stone: The 1970s. Boston: Little, Brown and Co. pp. 54–57. ISBN 9780316759144.
- ^ "Psychoanalysis". Psychology Today. Retrieved March 22, 2021.
- ^ a b McLeod, Saul (2019). "Freud's 5 Stages of Psychosexual Development". SimplyPsychology. Retrieved March 22, 2021.
- ^ Mead, Margaret. "Coming of Age in Samoa (Photograph and Scholarly Text)". Children & Youth in History. Archived from the original on March 31, 2015. Retrieved February 4, 2023.
- ^ Sullivan, Gerald (2006), "Freeman, Derek (1916–2001)", Encyclopedia of Anthropology, SAGE Publications, Inc., doi:10.4135/9781412952453.n356, ISBN 9780761930297, retrieved March 21, 2019
- ^ Carnot, Sadi (2017). "Joseph Unwin". www.eoht.info. Hmolpedia. Retrieved December 4, 2018.
- ^ Unwin, Joseph D. (1934). Sex and Culture. Oxford University Press. p. 412. ISBN 1979867046.
{{cite book}}: ISBN / Date incompatibility (help) - ^ Unwin, J. D. (1927). "Monogamy as a Condition of Social Energy,” The Hibbert Journal, Vol. XXV, p. 662.
- ^ Unwin, J. D. Sex and culture, page 431-432.
- ^ a b c Gathorne-Hardy, Jonathan (2000). Sex the Measure of All Things: A Life of Alfred C. Kinsey. Indian University Press. ISBN 0253337348.
- ^ Marklund, Carl (2009). "Hot Love and Cold People. Sexual Liberalism as Political Escapism in Radical Sweden". NORDEUROPAforum. 19 (1): 83–101. Archived from the original on December 17, 2012.
- ^ "Monokini". Archived from the original on August 18, 2015. Retrieved August 20, 2015.
- ^ "Bikini Science". Archived from the original on January 27, 2018. Retrieved January 27, 2018.
- ^ "Monokini". Free Dictionary. Retrieved August 20, 2015.
- ^ Rosebush, Judson. "Peggy Moffitt Topless Maillot in Studio". Bikini Science. Archived from the original on January 27, 2018. Retrieved January 27, 2018.
- ^ a b Alac, Patrik (2012). Bikini Story. Parkstone International. p. 68. ISBN 978-1780429519. Archived from the original on January 29, 2018.
- ^ "Bikini Styles: Monokini". Everything Bikini. 2005. Archived from the original on July 29, 2012. Retrieved January 13, 2013.
- ^ Nangle, Eleanore (June 10, 1964). "Topless Swimsuit Causes Commotion". Chicago Tribune. Archived from the original on September 14, 2015. Retrieved August 20, 2015.
- ^ "Fit Celebrates the Substance of Style". Elle. July 5, 2009. Archived from the original on September 24, 2015. Retrieved August 23, 2015.
- ^ Kassorla, Irene (1980). Nice Girls Do -- And Now You Can Too!. Los Angeles: Stratford Press. ISBN 0-936906-01-4.
- ^ Stuever, Hank (February 25, 2003). "'Joy of Sex': Back on Top?". Washington Post. ISSN 0190-8286. Retrieved November 21, 2023.
- ^ a b Garlick, Steve (August 2011). "A New Sexual Revolution? Critical Theory, Pornography, and the Internet". Canadian Review of Sociology. 48 (3): 221–239. doi:10.1111/j.1755-618X.2011.01264.x. PMID 22214041.
- ^ "'Sexual freedom' parade at Jantar Mantar this weekend – Times of India". The Times of India. April 11, 2012. Archived from the original on December 30, 2016. Retrieved August 8, 2016.
- ^ a b c d e Farber, David (2004). The 1960s Chronicles. Legacy Publishing. p. 30. ISBN 978-1412710091.
- ^ Les Harding (August 23, 2012). They Knew Marilyn Monroe: Famous Persons in the Life of the Hollywood Icon. McFarland. p. 75. ISBN 9780786490141.
- ^ Garcia-Navarro, Lulu (October 1, 2017). "Marilyn Monroe Helped Hugh Hefner, But Not By Choice". NPR. Retrieved May 21, 2018.
- ^ Valenti, Jessica (September 28, 2017). "Hugh Hefner Didn't Start the Sexual Revolution—He Profited from It". Marie Claire. Archived from the original on September 28, 2023.
- ^ Canby, Vincent (July 22, 1969). "Movie Review – Blue Movie (1968) Screen: Andy Warhol's 'Blue Movie'". New York Times. Archived from the original on December 31, 2015. Retrieved December 29, 2015.
- ^ a b Comenas, Gary (2005). "Blue Movie (1968)". WarholStars.org. Archived from the original on December 30, 2015. Retrieved December 29, 2015.
- ^ Canby, Vincent (August 10, 1969). "Warhol's Red Hot and 'Blue' Movie. D1. Print. (behind paywall)". New York Times. Archived from the original on December 31, 2015. Retrieved December 29, 2015.
- ^ Blumenthal, Ralph (January 21, 1973). "Porno chic; 'Hard-core' grows fashionable-and very profitable". The New York Times Magazine. Archived from the original on March 13, 2014. Retrieved February 8, 2016.
- ^ a b Corliss, Richard (March 29, 2005). "That Old Feeling: When Porno Was Chic". Time. Archived from the original on February 24, 2016. Retrieved January 27, 2016.
- ^ Ebert, Roger (June 13, 1973). "The Devil In Miss Jones – Film Review". RogerEbert.com. Archived from the original on February 7, 2015. Retrieved February 7, 2015.
- ^ Bentley, Toni (June 2014). "The Legend of Henry Paris". Playboy. Archived from the original on February 4, 2016. Retrieved January 26, 2016.
- ^ Bentley, Toni (June 2014). "The Legend of Henry Paris" (PDF). Playboy. Archived (PDF) from the original on February 1, 2016. Retrieved January 26, 2016.
- ^ Bannon, Ann (October 28, 2003). Sexual Revolution (9781560255253): Jeffrey Escoffier, Fred W. McDarrah, Erica Jong: Books. Running Press. ISBN 978-1-56025-525-3. Retrieved November 5, 2011 – via Amazon.
- ^ Koedt, Anne. "The Myth of the Vaginal Orgasm". Archived from the original on January 6, 2013. Retrieved December 16, 2012.
- ^ a b c Urban, Hugh B. (2007) [2003]. "The Cult of Ecstasy: Meldings of East and West in a New Age of Tantra". Tantra: Sex, Secrecy, Politics, and Power in the Study of Religion (1st ed.). Berkeley and Delhi: University of California Press/Motilal Banarsidass. pp. 203–263. doi:10.1525/california/9780520230620.003.0007. ISBN 9780520236561. JSTOR 10.1525/j.ctt1pp4mm.12.
- ^ a b c d e Pike, Sarah M. (2004). "Part II – "All Acts of Love and Pleasure Are My Rituals": Sex, Gender, and the Sacred". New Age and Neopagan Religions in America. Columbia Contemporary American Religion Series. New York: Columbia University Press. pp. 115–144. ISBN 9780231508384. JSTOR 10.7312/pike12402.10. LCCN 2003061844.
- ^ a b Hooks, Bell (1984). Feminist Theory, From Margin To Centre. Cambridge, MA: South End Press classics. p. 149. ISBN 978-0-89608-613-5.
- ^ Baumgardner and Richards. "What Is Feminism". Archived from the original on April 6, 2013. Retrieved March 27, 2013.
- ^ Cudd, Ann (2005). Feminist Theory A Philosophical Anthology. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing Ltd. p. 74. ISBN 978-1-4051-1660-2.
- ^ Hooks, Bell (1984). Feminist Theory, From Margin To Centre. Cambridge, MA: South End Press classics. p. 155. ISBN 978-0-89608-613-5.
- ^ "Fri, Jul 25, 2008 – 'Humanae Vitae' birth control ban set off a wave of dissent". The Irish Times. July 7, 2008. Archived from the original on November 22, 2011. Retrieved November 5, 2011.
- ^ McElroy, Wendy. "The Free Love Movement and Radical Individualism." Libertarian Enterprise .19 (1996): 1.
- ^ Brink, Susan (June 5, 2006). "From free love to safe sex". The Los Angeles Times. Retrieved August 8, 2021.
- ^ For an analysis and facts about how technological advance in contraception changed the cost/benefit analysis for engaging in premarital sex, see Fernández-Villaverde, Greenwood, and Guner (2014) "From Shame to Game in One Hundred Years: An Economic Model of the Rise in Premarital Sex and its De-Stigmatization," Journal of the European Economic Association, 12 (1): 25–61. The research is summarized in this video: "From Shame to Game in One Hundred Years - Nezih Guner". YouTube. July 5, 2010. Archived from the original on October 26, 2015. Retrieved July 1, 2016.
- ^ Marcuse 1964, pp. 59, 75–82.
- ^ Willis, Ellen (1984). "Radical Feminism and Feminist Radicalism". Social Text. 9/10: The 1960s without Apology (9/10): 91–118. doi:10.2307/466537. JSTOR 466537.
- ^ Zoftig, Sarah (1982), "Coming out", in SAMOIS (ed.), Coming to power: writings and graphics on lesbian S/M: S/M, a form of eroticism based on a consenual exchange of power (2nd ed.), Boston, Massachusetts: Alyson Publications, p. 88, ISBN 9780932870285.
- ^ Vance, Carole S. (1992). Pleasure and danger: exploring female sexuality. London New York: Pandora Press. p. 302. ISBN 9780044408673.
- ^ Egerton, Jane (1993), "Sheila Jeffreys", in Gilbert, Harriett (ed.), The sexual imagination from Acker to Zola: a feminist companion, London: Jonathan Cape, p. 133, ISBN 9780224035354.
- ^ Denfeld, Rene (1995), "The antiphallic campaign: male bashing and sexual politics", in Denfeld, Rene (ed.), The new Victorians: a young woman's challenge to the old feminist order, St Leonards, New South Wales: Allen & Unwin, p. 35, ISBN 9781863737890.
- ^ "Resource Library". Archived from the original on September 30, 2011. Retrieved July 28, 2011.
- ^ Beckford, Martin (February 23, 2011). "Teenage pregnancies at lowest level since 1980s". The Daily Telegraph. London. Archived from the original on June 27, 2012.
- ^ United Nations Statistics Division (2014). Demographic Yearbook 2012: "Live births by age of mother". New York: United Nations. Retrieved January 15, 2015, from "Live births by age of mother and sex of child, general and age-specific fertility rates (2003 - 2012)" (PDF). Archived (PDF) from the original on November 10, 2014. Retrieved January 15, 2015.
- ^ a b Abidin 2007.
Works cited
[edit]- Abidin, Danial (2007). Islam The Misunderstood Religion. PTS MILLENNIA SDN BIID. ISBN 9789674110086.
- Allyn, David (2000). Make Love, Not War: The Sexual Revolution: An Unfettered History. Little, Brown and Company. ISBN 0-316-03930-6.
- Escoffier, Jeffrey, ed. (2003). Sexual Revolution. Running Press. ISBN 1-56025-525-0.
- Marcuse, Herbert (1964). One-Dimensional Man. Routledge. pp. 59, 75–82. ISBN 0-415-28977-7.
{{cite book}}: ISBN / Date incompatibility (help) - Pike, Sarah M. (2004). "Part II – "All Acts of Love and Pleasure Are My Rituals": Sex, Gender, and the Sacred". New Age and Neopagan Religions in America. Columbia Contemporary American Religion Series. New York: Columbia University Press. pp. 115–144. ISBN 9780231508384. JSTOR 10.7312/pike12402.10. LCCN 2003061844.
Further reading
[edit]- Reich, Wilhelm (1936). Die Sexualität im Kulturkampf (Sexuality in the Culture Clash). Erre emme (pub).
- Klepacki, Linda (2008). "A Look at the Sexual Revolution in the United States" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on October 8, 2007. Retrieved April 20, 2008.. Focus on the Family Action, Inc. Retrieved 2008-04-20.
- 70's Origin War & Sex Archived April 1, 2022, at the Wayback Machine — Seventies Origin History war & sex.
- Richardson, Diane (2000). Critical Social Policy, Vol. 20, No. 1, 105–135. "Constructing sexual citizenship: theorizing sexual rights". Sage Journals Online. Retrieved 2008-04-20.
- Time (1967-07-07). "The Hippies". Retrieved 2008-04-20.
- Mahdavi, Pardis (2008). Passionate Uprisings. Stanford University Press. Retrieved 2021-12-30.
- Hekma Gert; Giami Alain, eds. (2014). Sexual Revolutions. London: Palgrave Macmillan. pp. XIII, 292. doi:10.1057/9781137321466. ISBN 978-1-137-32146-6.
- Wheeler, Leigh Ann (2013). How Sex Became a Civil Liberty. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-975423-6.
Sexual revolution
View on GrokipediaThe Sexual Revolution refers to the profound sociocultural shift in Western societies during the 1960s and 1970s, characterized by a liberalization of attitudes toward sexuality, including increased acceptance of premarital sex, extramarital relations, contraception, abortion, and non-heterosexual orientations, driven by technological innovations such as the oral contraceptive pill and intellectual influences like the Kinsey Reports.[1][2][3] This era decoupled sexual activity from reproduction and marriage, fostering a cultural ethos of personal liberation from traditional moral constraints, often encapsulated in the slogan "free love" amid the counterculture movements of the time.[4] Key legal milestones, including the U.S. Supreme Court's Griswold v. Connecticut decision in 1965 affirming contraceptive rights and subsequent rulings on abortion and sodomy laws, institutionalized these changes, while popular media like Playboy magazine normalized explicit sexual expression.[1] Pioneered by figures such as Alfred Kinsey, whose empirical surveys revealed widespread deviation from professed norms, and enabled by the 1960 FDA approval of the birth control pill, the revolution challenged Victorian-era repressions and promoted sexual experimentation as a path to individual fulfillment.[3][4] Achievements included greater female autonomy over reproduction, reduced stigma around homosexuality leading to early gay rights activism, and broader public discourse on pleasure-oriented sex, which empirical data later showed correlated with rising rates of cohabitation and delayed marriage.[1] However, controversies persist regarding its causal role in societal disruptions, with studies linking higher premarital sexual partners to elevated divorce risks and evidence of increased sexually transmitted diseases amid relaxed partner selectivity.[5][6] While proponents hailed it as emancipatory, critics argue it eroded family structures, contributing to father absence and single parenthood, as divorce rates surged from about 2.2 per 1,000 in 1960 to over 5 per 1,000 by 1980 in the U.S., patterns substantiated by longitudinal data rather than mere correlation.[5][6] The movement's legacy endures in contemporary debates over pornography deregulation, hookup culture, and gender relations, underscoring tensions between individual liberty and collective stability.[2]
Preconditions and Origins
Pre-20th Century Sexual Norms
In Western societies, sexual norms prior to the 20th century were largely defined by religious doctrines, particularly those of Judaism and Christianity, which restricted sexual intercourse to lifelong, monogamous heterosexual marriage oriented toward procreation and family formation. Biblical texts, such as those in the Old and New Testaments, portrayed extramarital sex as sinful, with adultery warranting severe condemnation; for instance, the Seventh Commandment explicitly prohibited adultery, viewing it as a violation of covenantal bonds and property rights over one's spouse.[7] Early Christian teachings reinforced this by idealizing virginity and celibacy while deeming non-procreative acts, including contraception within marriage, incompatible with divine intent, a stance maintained consistently across nearly two millennia of church doctrine.[8] During late antiquity and the medieval period, the Christian transformation of Roman sexual ethics shifted emphasis from social shame to theological sin, imposing rigorous controls that rejected pagan practices like pederasty and temple prostitution. Church councils, such as the Council of Elvira in 306 CE, excommunicated participants in extramarital sex, while secular laws in medieval Europe criminalized adultery and fornication, often under ecclesiastical courts. Punishments for adulterous women frequently included public humiliation—whipping, head-shaving, and ritual parading—aimed at restoring communal honor and deterring breaches that threatened lineage and inheritance stability.[9][10] Male offenders faced fines or mutilation in some jurisdictions, though enforcement varied by class and region, with nobility sometimes evading full penalties through compensation. Homosexual acts were likewise proscribed, drawing from Levitical prohibitions and Pauline epistles, and punished harshly, including execution in cases involving non-Christians.[11] By the early modern era through the 19th century, these norms persisted amid Enlightenment influences but were codified in legal and social frameworks emphasizing female chastity as a prerequisite for marriageability. In England, adultery remained a ground for divorce only under specific parliamentary acts until 1857, with common law allowing husbands limited recourse against paramours but prioritizing family preservation over dissolution. Victorian standards amplified public restraint, promoting ideals of self-control and domestic purity, particularly for women, whose premarital virginity was socially enforced to safeguard paternity and economic alliances; deviations risked ostracism or institutionalization.[12] While male infidelity tolerated brothels and mistresses under a double standard—evident in urban prostitution rates exceeding 50,000 in London by 1850—the prevailing ethic subordinated sexual desire to marital duty and reproduction, fostering societal structures reliant on stable kinship ties.[12]Early 20th Century Intellectual Shifts
In the early 1900s, the field of sexology emerged as a distinct scientific endeavor, driven by efforts to study human sexuality empirically rather than through moralistic lenses. Pioneers documented sexual behaviors and variations, challenging Victorian-era prohibitions on open discourse. This intellectual movement coincided with broader societal changes, including women's suffrage and urbanization, which facilitated questioning traditional norms.[13] Sigmund Freud's Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality (1905) marked a pivotal advance, arguing that sexuality originates in infancy through psychosexual stages and constitutes a fundamental drive (libido) influencing psychological development. Freud contended that repression of these drives could lead to neurosis, thereby framing sexual expression as essential to mental health rather than mere procreation. His theories permeated cultural discussions, normalizing the idea of innate, non-reproductive sexual impulses despite criticisms of overemphasis on pathology.[14][15][16] Parallel developments in Europe included Havelock Ellis's multi-volume Studies in the Psychology of Sex (published from 1897 but influential into the 1910s and 1920s), which cataloged sexual diversity, including autoeroticism and homosexuality, as natural variations rather than deviations. Ellis advocated for decriminalization and education, influencing reformist circles. Magnus Hirschfeld, founding the Scientific-Humanitarian Committee in 1897 and later the Institute for Sexual Science in 1919, conducted clinical research on gender and sexual orientation, coining terms like "transvestite" and pushing for legal protections for homosexuals based on biological evidence. Hirschfeld's work, drawing from thousands of case studies, emphasized innate sexual types, though his activism blurred lines between science and advocacy.[17][18] In the Anglosphere, the birth control advocacy of Margaret Sanger and Marie Stopes decoupled sexuality from reproduction intellectually. Sanger, motivated by observations of maternal mortality, opened the first U.S. birth control clinic in Brooklyn on October 16, 1916, distributing diaphragms despite arrests under obscenity laws; her efforts coalesced into the American Birth Control League (1921), framing contraception as a tool for women's autonomy and population control. Stopes's Married Love (1918), which sold 2,000 copies in weeks despite bans, instructed couples on mutual sexual satisfaction and periodic abstinence for spacing births, asserting women's right to pleasure within marriage. These texts, grounded in personal and observational data, shifted elite and middle-class views toward contraception as rational family planning.[19][20] Collectively, these contributions—spanning psychoanalysis, empirical surveys, and reformist tracts—eroded taboos by evidencing sexuality's complexity and universality, setting precedents for later liberalization. However, they often reflected era-specific eugenic undertones, prioritizing "fit" reproduction, and faced resistance from religious and conservative institutions.[13][21]Post-World War II Catalysts
World War II disrupted traditional sexual and family structures through mass mobilization, which separated partners and fostered transient relationships. Military service exposed servicemen to diverse sexual experiences across cultures, while stateside women entered the workforce in unprecedented numbers, reaching 36.1% female labor force participation by 1945. This shift provided women with economic independence and social interactions outside domestic spheres, contributing to elevated premarital sexual activity and out-of-wedlock births during the war years. Postwar data indicated persistence of these behaviors, with premarital intercourse rates among women rising from 25% in earlier cohorts to higher figures by the 1940s, laying groundwork for broader norm erosion despite official pushes for reconventionalization.[22][23][24] The postwar economic boom amplified these shifts by enabling greater privacy and leisure. Surging GDP growth, from defense spending and consumer demand, fueled suburban expansion and the GI Bill's homeownership incentives, creating isolated nuclear families with automobiles facilitating youth mobility. This affluence supported a "silent" sexual revolution in the 1940s and 1950s, marked by increased masturbation, petting, and nonmarital sex despite surface-level conservatism, as evidenced by rising single motherhood rates that contradicted public rhetoric. Divorce rates doubled from prewar levels, reaching 2.5 per 1,000 population by 1946, reflecting strained marital expectations amid rapid societal reintegration.[25][22] Alfred Kinsey's reports provided empirical catalysts by quantifying deviations from Victorian ideals. Sexual Behavior in the Human Male (1948) documented that 37% of men had engaged in same-sex activity to orgasm and 92% had masturbated, while Sexual Behavior in the Human Female (1953) found 50% of women admitting to premarital sex—figures far exceeding prior assumptions. Though Kinsey's sampling drew criticism for overrepresenting urban, criminal, and non-representative groups, the reports sold over 250,000 copies initially and influenced public discourse by portraying sexual variation as statistically normal rather than aberrant.[3] Cultural artifacts like Playboy magazine, launched in December 1953 by Hugh Hefner, normalized male sexual consumerism. The inaugural issue sold 54,000 copies featuring Marilyn Monroe, escalating to over one million circulation by 1960 through aspirational depictions of bachelor lifestyles and erotic imagery. Hefner framed this as liberating men from puritanical constraints, aligning with postwar individualism and prefiguring 1960s hedonism.[26]
Technological and Medical Enablers
Development of Reliable Contraception
Prior to the mid-20th century, contraceptive methods such as vulcanized rubber condoms, introduced in the 1830s, and vaginal diaphragms, invented in 1842, provided partial reliability but were limited by inconsistent use, variable effectiveness rates around 80-90% with typical application, and dependence on correct fitting and spermicide application.[27][28] These barrier methods required anticipation and mechanical intervention during intercourse, reducing spontaneity and contributing to higher unintended pregnancy rates, with U.S. fertility data showing limited decline until broader technological advances.[29] The breakthrough in reliable contraception came with the development of the oral contraceptive pill in the 1950s, driven by endocrinologist Gregory Pincus, Catholic physician John Rock, and funding from philanthropist Katherine McCormick, who provided over $2 million through the Planned Parenthood Federation.[30] Clinical trials began in 1954 in Puerto Rico and Haiti, testing synthetic progestins like norethynodrel combined with estrogen mestranol to suppress ovulation, achieving near-100% efficacy with perfect adherence in early studies.[31] G.D. Searle & Company marketed Enovid initially in 1957 for menstrual regulation, as direct contraceptive labeling faced regulatory hurdles.[32] On May 9, 1960, the U.S. Food and Drug Administration approved Enovid-10 (9.85 mg norethynodrel and 150 μg mestranol) as the first oral contraceptive for preventing ovulation, marking a shift to hormonal control with failure rates under 1% for consistent users, far surpassing prior methods.[33][34] By 1962, over 1.2 million American women were using it, enabling predictable fertility control independent of coital acts and facilitating greater sexual autonomy.[31] Subsequent refinements, such as lower-dose formulations by the late 1960s, addressed side effects like thrombosis risks while maintaining efficacy, solidifying the pill's role as a cornerstone of modern contraception.[35]Legalization of Abortion and Related Policies
In the mid-20th century, abortion remained illegal in most Western countries, with laws typically permitting it only to save the life of the mother, reflecting prevailing moral and religious views that equated elective abortion with homicide.[36] In the United States, by 1960, all states had criminalized abortion except in such narrow circumstances, though underground procedures were estimated to number in the hundreds of thousands annually, often with significant health risks including infection and hemorrhage.[37] These restrictions reinforced norms tying sexual activity closely to reproduction and marriage, as unintended pregnancies carried severe social, legal, and physical consequences. Legal reforms accelerated in the late 1960s amid growing advocacy from medical professionals, feminists, and civil libertarians who argued for abortion as a necessary component of women's autonomy and public health. In the United Kingdom, the Abortion Act of October 27, 1967, permitted abortions up to 28 weeks if two physicians certified risks to the woman's physical or mental health or to existing children, leading to a rapid increase in procedures from fewer than 1,000 legal cases in 1968 to over 80,000 by 1973.[38] Similar shifts occurred elsewhere in Europe; Sweden expanded access in 1975 to on-request abortions up to the 18th week, following earlier partial liberalization in 1938, while West Germany legalized it under limited indications in 1976 after contentious debates.[39] In the United States, momentum built through state-level changes: California, Colorado, and others adopted reforms by 1970 allowing abortions for health reasons or rape, with New York fully legalizing the procedure up to 24 weeks on July 1, 1970, resulting in over 180,000 abortions statewide in the first two years.[40] The pivotal federal shift came with the Supreme Court's Roe v. Wade decision on January 22, 1973, which struck down state bans by recognizing a constitutional right to privacy encompassing abortion in the first trimester, shifting regulation to states in later trimesters; this prompted a surge from an estimated 200,000 to 1.2 million annual abortions by the late 1970s.[37] Related policies included expanded federal funding via the 1970 Title X Family Planning Services Act, which supported clinics providing abortion referrals, though Hyde Amendment restrictions from 1976 limited direct taxpayer financing for most cases.[40] These legalizations decoupled sexual intercourse from obligatory parenthood more definitively than contraception alone, as abortion served as a backup for contraceptive failures, estimated at 10-20% failure rates for methods like the pill in typical use during the era.[4] Empirical analyses indicate that such reforms lowered the effective costs of unprotected sex, correlating with heightened sexual activity; for instance, states legalizing abortion earlier saw gonorrhea incidence rise by 12-16% compared to non-reforming states, serving as a proxy for increased partner counts and risky behaviors.[41] Critics, including some demographers, contended that widespread access incentivized behavioral changes akin to moral hazard, with post-legalization data showing premarital sex rates climbing from 30% among women in 1965 to over 70% by 1975, though causation remains debated amid concurrent cultural shifts.[42] Proponents viewed these policies as essential for gender equality, yet longitudinal studies highlight downstream effects like elevated maternal mortality in some contexts and societal debates over fetal rights, underscoring the trade-offs in prioritizing individual choice over traditional familial structures.[43]Intellectual and Cultural Drivers
Key Academic and Scientific Contributions
Alfred Kinsey's 1948 report Sexual Behavior in the Human Male and 1953 follow-up Sexual Behavior in the Human Female provided extensive survey data on American sexual practices, revealing high rates of premarital sex, extramarital affairs, and homosexual experiences that challenged prevailing moral norms.[3] These findings, drawn from interviews with over 18,000 individuals, suggested that 37% of men and 13% of women had experienced orgasm with another person of the same sex to the point of orgasm, framing such behaviors as part of a spectrum rather than aberrations.[44] However, the reports faced methodological criticism for non-representative sampling, including disproportionate reliance on prison inmates, prostitutes, and volunteers from urban, non-religious backgrounds, which likely inflated estimates of atypical behaviors.[45] William Masters and Virginia Johnson's 1966 book Human Sexual Response marked a shift to empirical, laboratory-based observation of physiological sexual reactions in over 10,000 cycles from 382 women and 312 men, establishing a four-phase model—excitement, plateau, orgasm, and resolution—that emphasized similarities in male and female responses.[46] Their work debunked myths, such as the harmfulness of masturbation and the primacy of vaginal over clitoral orgasms, by documenting orgasmic potential through direct measurement of physiological markers like vaginal lubrication and penile tumescence.[47] This research facilitated the development of sex therapy protocols and influenced clinical understandings of sexual dysfunction, though it was limited by its focus on volunteers willing to perform in a clinical setting, potentially skewing toward higher-functioning participants.[48] Earlier, Havelock Ellis's multi-volume Studies in the Psychology of Sex (1897–1928) compiled anthropological, historical, and clinical data to normalize sexual variations, including homosexuality and autoeroticism, arguing they represented natural instincts rather than pathologies.[49] Ellis's documentation of cross-cultural practices and rejection of punitive Victorian attitudes laid groundwork for destigmatizing non-procreative sex, influencing later sexologists despite facing obscenity trials that delayed publications.[50] Wilhelm Reich's psychoanalytic writings, such as The Function of the Orgasm (1927), posited that sexual repression caused neuroses and authoritarianism, advocating genital satisfaction as essential for psychological health and societal reform.[51] His clinics in Vienna provided counseling on contraception and abortion while promoting "sexual hygiene" to liberate libido, ideas that resonated in countercultural circles but devolved into pseudoscientific claims about "orgone" energy, leading to professional ostracism.[52] These contributions collectively shifted discourse from moral judgment to scientific inquiry, enabling the sexual revolution's emphasis on empirical validation of diverse practices, though subsequent critiques highlighted overreliance on anecdotal or biased data in pre-Kinsey eras.[13]Influence of Literature, Media, and Popular Culture
Literature played a pivotal role in challenging pre-existing obscenity laws and promoting frank discussions of sexuality during the mid-20th century. The 1960 U.K. trial and subsequent publication of D.H. Lawrence's Lady Chatterley's Lover (originally 1928) marked a legal victory against censorship, with the jury's acquittal under the Obscene Publications Act emphasizing artistic merit over moral prudery, thereby easing restrictions on explicit content in print.[53] In the U.S., the 1961 Supreme Court decision in Grove Press v. Gerstein allowed unrestricted distribution of Henry Miller's Tropic of Cancer (1934), which depicted unfiltered sexual experiences, contributing to a broader erosion of Comstock-era prohibitions and fostering public debate on sexual expression as a form of free speech.[54] By the 1970s, sex manuals like Alex Comfort's The Joy of Sex (1973), which sold over 12 million copies worldwide by 1983, illustrated techniques for mutual pleasure and advocated non-monogamous experimentation, reflecting and reinforcing shifting norms toward recreational sex decoupled from reproduction.[55] Print media, particularly magazines, normalized visual depictions of nudity and critiqued traditional sexual mores. Hugh Hefner's Playboy, launched in December 1953 with a circulation reaching 1 million by 1960 and peaking at over 7 million in the 1970s, featured nude centerfolds alongside articles on topics like civil liberties, positioning sex as a sophisticated pursuit for the modern bachelor rather than a marital obligation.[56] Hefner framed Playboy as a vanguard of the sexual revolution, arguing it liberated men from Victorian repression while promoting contraceptive use and premarital sex, though critics noted its objectification of women contradicted egalitarian ideals.[57] This editorial stance influenced male attitudes, with surveys from the era indicating increased acceptance of casual sex among readers exposed to such content, though the magazine's emphasis on male pleasure often sidelined female agency.[58] In popular culture, music and film amplified countercultural challenges to sexual taboos, particularly from the mid-1960s onward. Rock musicians like Elvis Presley, whose hip-shaking performances on The Ed Sullivan Show in 1956-1957 drew 60 million viewers and provoked censorship for their erotic undertones, presaged youth rebellion against adult norms, paving the way for bands like The Beatles, whose 1960s hits evolved from innocent romance to themes of desire in albums like Sgt. Pepper's Lonely Hearts Club Band (1967).[59] The 1968 abolition of the Hays Production Code enabled films such as Midnight Cowboy (1969), which won the Academy Award for Best Picture despite portraying male prostitution and homosexuality, signaling mainstream tolerance for non-normative sexuality and grossing $44 million against a $3 million budget.[60] Television in the 1970s further embedded sexual themes through situational comedies like Three's Company (1977-1984), which used innuendo and cohabitation plots to humorously navigate post-revolution living arrangements, reaching audiences of 20-30 million per episode and desensitizing viewers to premarital intimacy.[61] These media forms not only mirrored but causally accelerated norm shifts by glamorizing liberation, as evidenced by longitudinal attitude surveys showing approval of premarital sex rising from 29% in 1969 to 53% by 1976 among young adults.[62]Core Manifestations in the 1960s-1970s
Free Love and Counterculture Movements
The free love ethos within the 1960s counterculture rejected traditional marital and monogamous constraints, advocating for consensual sexual relationships unbound by legal or social obligations. This principle, rooted in earlier bohemian ideas, gained prominence among hippies who viewed sexual expression as a pathway to personal liberation and communal harmony.[63] Hippie communities emphasized open relationships, often integrating sexual freedom with psychedelic experiences and anti-establishment sentiments, as seen in the widespread adoption of practices like group living and casual encounters.[64] A pivotal manifestation occurred during the Summer of Love in 1967, when an estimated 75,000 to 100,000 young people converged on San Francisco's Haight-Ashbury neighborhood, embodying ideals of free love alongside music, art, and drug use. This influx overwhelmed local resources, fostering spontaneous assemblies, anti-war protests, and public displays of affection that symbolized a break from conventional norms.[65] The event, centered on 25 blocks, highlighted countercultural aspirations for peace and sexual openness but also exposed challenges like overcrowding and exploitation, contributing to the media-stereotyped image of hippies.[65] Counterculture extended to rural communes in the late 1960s and 1970s, where groups numbering in the thousands pursued back-to-the-land lifestyles incorporating free love, social protest, and alternative economics. Examples include Drop City in Colorado and The Farm in Tennessee, which attracted participants seeking to actualize communal sexual and spiritual ideals away from urban society.[66] These intentional communities, often formed by disillusioned youth, numbered over 2,000 by 1970, though many dissolved due to internal conflicts and practical failures.[67] Events like Woodstock in 1969 further amplified these manifestations, drawing hundreds of thousands to celebrate music and uninhibited sexuality.[64]Feminist Perspectives on Sexual Liberation
Second-wave feminists in the 1960s and 1970s often framed sexual liberation as a cornerstone of women's emancipation, arguing that decoupling sex from reproduction and marriage would dismantle patriarchal controls over female autonomy.[4] Shulamith Firestone, in her 1970 book The Dialectic of Sex: The Case for Feminist Revolution, contended that biological reproduction enslaved women to a "sexual class system" predating other oppressions, advocating technological interventions like artificial wombs to enable true sexual freedom by eliminating pregnancy's risks and dependencies.[68] Similarly, Germaine Greer in The Female Eunuch (1970) asserted that sexual liberation was essential to women's liberation, urging females to reject social conditioning that rendered them passive objects and instead embrace active, unapologetic pursuit of desire, positing inherent biological differences between sexes as a basis for redefining relations beyond traditional monogamy.[69] These views aligned with broader second-wave efforts to normalize premarital and non-procreative sex for women, paralleling demands for contraception access and viewing single women's desires as equivalent to men's under patriarchal norms.[4] Kate Millett's Sexual Politics (1969) further linked sexual dynamics to power structures, critiquing literature and culture for perpetuating male dominance while calling for feminist reconfiguration of intimacy to erode such hierarchies.[70] Greer emphasized freedom from obligatory sexual performance for male satisfaction, arguing it perpetuated female subjugation, and advocated societal shifts to validate women's erotic agency without stigma.[71] However, fissures emerged within feminism, with figures like Betty Friedan expressing reservations about the sexual revolution's implications. While Friedan supported abortion as enabling "full self-determination" in a 1969 essay, she later critiqued unchecked sexual liberation—including pornography and casual encounters—as distractions from economic equality and potential enablers of male exploitation, regretting the women's movement's entanglement with broader promiscuity that burdened women disproportionately.[72][73] Radical strains, though initially supportive of liberation as anti-patriarchal, increasingly highlighted risks of objectification; for instance, early critiques anticipated later radical feminist arguments that male-centric sexual norms commodified women rather than empowering them.[74] Friedan's mainstream focus prioritized workplace and legal reforms over hedonistic freedoms, warning that the revolution could reinforce rather than resolve gender imbalances by prioritizing individual pleasure over collective structural change.[75]Emergence of Non-Heteronormative Visibility
The Mattachine Society, founded in 1950 by Harry Hay and other activists in Los Angeles, represented one of the earliest organized efforts to promote visibility for homosexual men through discreet discussions and advocacy against discrimination, though it operated largely underground amid widespread legal persecution.[76] The Daughters of Bilitis, established in 1955 in San Francisco as the first lesbian rights organization, similarly focused on mutual support and education, publishing The Ladder newsletter to foster a sense of community while emphasizing assimilation into mainstream society.[77] These "homophile" groups marked initial steps toward non-heteronormative visibility, predating the broader sexual revolution, but their influence remained limited by societal stigma and internal debates over radicalism.[78] Alfred Kinsey's reports, Sexual Behavior in the Human Male (1948) and Sexual Behavior in the Human Female (1953), documented significant same-sex experiences—estimating that 37% of men had engaged in homosexual activity to orgasm at some point—challenging the binary view of sexuality and prompting public discourse on the prevalence of non-heteronormative behaviors, though critics questioned sampling biases toward urban and incarcerated populations.[79] By the mid-1960s, influenced by countercultural shifts, homophile activism grew more confrontational, with protests like the 1965 picketing of the Pentagon and White House by members of the Mattachine Society's Washington chapter, drawing media attention to demands for employment protections and decriminalization.[80] These actions signaled a transition from private networking to public assertion, aligning with the sexual revolution's erosion of taboos, yet homosexuality remained pathologized in psychiatric manuals until later reforms.[81] The Stonewall riots, erupting on June 28, 1969, at the Stonewall Inn in New York City after a police raid, involved patrons—predominantly gay men, drag queens, and transgender individuals—resisting arrest with thrown objects and sustained clashes over six days, catalyzing a surge in visible activism by rejecting passive compliance.[82] This event spurred the formation of groups like the Gay Liberation Front, which adopted militant tactics inspired by anti-war and Black Power movements, emphasizing pride over assimilation.[83] Commemorative marches followed on June 28, 1970, in New York, Chicago, and Los Angeles—the inaugural "Christopher Street Liberation Day" parade in New York drew thousands despite fears of arrest—establishing annual pride events that normalized public displays of non-heteronormative identity and expanded visibility into mainstream awareness.[84] By the mid-1970s, such demonstrations had proliferated, correlating with increased media coverage, though empirical data on behavioral shifts versus mere outing of pre-existing practices remains debated among historians.[85]Changes in Sexual Behavior and Norms
Rise in Premarital and Non-Monogamous Sex
During the mid-20th century, premarital sexual intercourse remained relatively uncommon in the United States, particularly among women, with only 12% of those born before 1910 reporting such experience.[86] Rates began increasing among cohorts born in the 1930s and 1940s, influenced by post-World War II cultural shifts, but accelerated markedly during the 1960s and 1970s amid widespread availability of oral contraceptives and changing social norms.[87] For women born between 1933 and 1942, 55% had engaged in premarital sex by age 44, rising to 73% for those born 1943-1952 and 84% for those born 1953-1962, reflecting a near-doubling in prevalence over successive generations.[87] Comparable trends appeared among men, with 60% of the 1933-1942 cohort reporting premarital sex, increasing to 79% for 1943-1952 and 88% for 1953-1962.[87] National surveys from the era underscore this behavioral shift, with data from the 1982 National Survey of Family Growth indicating a 12.5% increase in premarital sexual activity attributable to changes in the 1960s and 1970s.[88] By the late 1970s, over 75% of young adults had experienced premarital intercourse, a stark contrast to earlier decades when nearly half of women marrying between 1960 and 1964 reported abstaining until marriage.[89] These patterns aligned with attitudinal changes, as approval for premarital sex—stable at low levels before the 1960s—rose sharply, with only 21% of Americans in 1969 viewing it as not wrong, compared to broader acceptance by the 1980s.[90][62] Non-monogamous sexual practices, including extramarital affairs and consensual arrangements like swinging, also gained cultural visibility during this period, often promoted within countercultural and experimental communities. The 1972 publication of Open Marriage by Nena and George O'Neill popularized the concept of negotiated non-exclusivity in relationships, framing it as a path to personal fulfillment, though empirical adoption remained marginal.[91] Swinging, which involved partner-swapping among couples, emerged prominently in the late 1960s and early 1970s, peaking alongside communes and group living experiments, but surveys suggest it affected only a small fraction of the population, with no large-scale quantitative data confirming widespread prevalence.[92] General Social Survey data from the era show low reported rates of extramarital sex, with most respondents affirming monogamy within marriage, indicating that non-monogamous behaviors, while ideologically championed, did not displace traditional exclusivity for the majority.[86]| Birth Cohort | % Women with Premarital Sex by Age 44 | % Men with Premarital Sex by Age 44 |
|---|---|---|
| 1933-1942 | 55% | 60% |
| 1943-1952 | 73% | 79% |
| 1953-1962 | 84% | 88% |
Shifts in Marriage, Divorce, and Family Structures
The sexual revolution contributed to a marked decline in marriage rates beginning in the late 1960s, as cultural acceptance of premarital sex and cohabitation delayed entry into marriage and reduced its perceived necessity. In the United States, the crude marriage rate fell from approximately 10 per 1,000 population in 1970 to 6.5 per 1,000 by 2018, the lowest recorded level since tracking began in 1900. [93] Among young adults aged 18-34, the share married dropped from 59% in 1978 to 30% by 2018, reflecting broader postponement of marriage. [94] The median age at first marriage rose from 20.8 for women and 23.2 for men in 1950 to 28.6 and 30.5, respectively, by 2023, aligning with norms emphasizing personal autonomy over early family formation. [95] Divorce rates surged concurrently, doubling from 9.2 per 1,000 married women in 1960 to 22.6 in 1980, before stabilizing and declining modestly thereafter. [96] This escalation was accelerated by the adoption of no-fault divorce laws, first enacted in California in 1969 and spreading nationwide by the mid-1970s, which simplified dissolution by removing requirements to prove adultery or cruelty. [97] [98] By 1980, over 1.2 million divorces occurred annually, up from under 400,000 in 1960, with the policy shift enabling unilateral termination and contributing to the phenomenon's rapid rise. [99] Cohabitation emerged as a widespread alternative, with the number of cohabiting U.S. adults reaching 18 million by 2016, a 29% increase from 2007 alone. [100] From 1960 to 2000, cohabitation rates grew more than previously estimated, comprising about 1% of coresidential couples in 1970 and rising sharply thereafter, as premarital cohabitation became normalized from under 10% of couples in the early 1970s to over 50% by the 2000s. [101] [102] Nonmarital childbearing increased dramatically, from 5% of U.S. births in 1960 to 40% by 2017, driven by acceptance of sex outside marriage and reduced stigma around single motherhood. [103] In 1965, the rate stood at 3.1% for white infants and 24% for black infants, escalating to over 40% overall by the 2010s, with vital statistics indicating nearly half of recent births initially occurring outside wedlock. [104] These trends reshaped family structures, with married-couple households declining from 78.8% of all households in 1949 to 46.8% in 2022. [105] Single-parent families, predominantly mother-led, proliferated, comprising about 25% of households with children by the 2010s, up from under 10% pre-1960s, alongside rises in blended families from remarriages and cohabiting partnerships with children. [106] The nuclear family model waned as cohabitation, serial monogamy, and non-coresidential parenting gained prevalence, reflecting broader deinstitutionalization of marriage tied to sexual liberalization. [107]| Metric | 1960 | Peak/1980 | Recent (2018-2023) | Source |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Marriage Rate (per 1,000 pop.) | ~10 | N/A | 6.5 | [93] |
| Divorce Rate (per 1,000 married women) | 9.2 | 22.6 | ~17 | [96] |
| Nonmarital Births (% of total) | 5% | N/A | 40% | [103] |
| Married-Couple Households (% of total) | ~70% | N/A | 46.8% | [105] |
Claimed Benefits and Achievements
Expansion of Personal Autonomy and Expression
The sexual revolution facilitated greater reproductive autonomy through key legal advancements in contraception access. The U.S. Food and Drug Administration approved the first oral contraceptive pill, Enovid, on May 9, 1960, enabling women to separate sexual activity from unintended pregnancy more effectively than prior methods. This was reinforced by the Supreme Court's 1965 Griswold v. Connecticut decision, which struck down bans on contraceptive use for married couples, recognizing a right to privacy in intimate decisions, and extended to unmarried individuals via Eisenstadt v. Baird in 1972. Proponents argue these changes empowered individuals, particularly women, to exercise control over family planning, reducing reliance on marital status for sexual freedom. Subsequent rulings expanded autonomy in reproductive choices, including Roe v. Wade in 1973, which legalized abortion nationwide until fetal viability, framing it as integral to personal liberty and equality. Advocates, including feminist organizations, contended that such access diminished coerced marriages and allowed pursuit of education and careers without fear of pregnancy, thereby enhancing self-determination.[108] Empirical trends support increased behavioral autonomy: premarital sex rates rose, with General Social Survey data showing acceptance of premarital sex among adults climbing from about 29% viewing it as "not wrong at all" in the early 1970s to over 50% by the 2000s, reflecting normalized exercise of personal choice.[86] The era also promoted freer sexual expression by challenging taboos on non-heteronormative identities and practices. Public attitudes toward homosexuality liberalized markedly, with Gallup polls indicating only 21% acceptance of premarital heterosexual sex in 1969, alongside near-universal disapproval of same-sex relations, shifting to 44% acceptance of same-sex relationships by 2012 per NORC surveys.[109] [110] This cultural pivot, influenced by events like the 1969 Stonewall riots, enabled greater visibility and self-identification, as documented in studies showing diversification of intimate partnerships beyond traditional monogamous heterosexual norms.[111] Scholars attribute this to a broader ethos of self-gratification, where sexuality became a domain of individual experimentation rather than communal prescription, fostering expressions like bisexuality and transgender identities through medical and social recognition.[111] Critics of traditional norms hailed these shifts as liberating self-expression from repressive structures, with surveys from the 1990s revealing widespread adoption of varied practices, such as masturbation integrated into relationships, unlinked from guilt.[111] However, empirical assessments of outcomes vary; while autonomy metrics like delayed marriage (median age rising from 20.8 for women in 1960 to 28.6 by 2020) suggest expanded options, some data indicate persistent gender disparities in casual sex satisfaction, with women reporting lower emotional fulfillment.[112] [113] Overall, the revolution's legacy includes institutionalized rights to bodily and relational choices, though sourced primarily from progressive legal and academic analyses that may underemphasize trade-offs in social cohesion.[114]Improvements in Public Health and Education
The introduction of the oral contraceptive pill in 1960, approved by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration for contraceptive use, enabled widespread family planning and contributed to declines in unintended pregnancies and associated maternal health risks.[115] By allowing women to space and limit births, it reduced complications such as ectopic pregnancies and improved overall reproductive health outcomes, including lower rates of endometrial and ovarian cancers among users.[116] Empirical data from the late 20th century show that modern contraception systems, accelerated by post-revolution access, further decreased maternal mortality by preventing high-risk pregnancies in women with pre-existing conditions.[117] The sexual revolution's emphasis on open discourse about sexuality facilitated the expansion of public sex education programs in schools during the 1960s and 1970s, which integrated information on contraception, anatomy, and disease prevention into curricula.[118] Comprehensive sexuality education, which emerged as a response to increased premarital sexual activity, has been associated with delayed sexual debut and reduced teen birth rates; for instance, adolescents receiving such education reported 60% lower odds of teen pregnancy compared to those without formal instruction.[119] U.S. teen birth rates, peaking at 61.8 per 1,000 females aged 15-19 in 1991, subsequently fell 78% by 2022, with studies attributing part of this decline to expanded education efforts that promoted contraceptive use over abstinence-only approaches.[120][121] These developments also advanced awareness of sexually transmitted infections (STIs), with education campaigns post-revolution contributing to early detection and treatment protocols, though initial surges in casual encounters challenged containment efforts.[118] Peer-reviewed analyses indicate that school-based programs increased knowledge of safe practices, correlating with lower unintended pregnancy rates among educated youth, independent of religiosity or state policies in some models.[122] Overall, the revolution's legacy in these areas lies in institutionalizing evidence-based reproductive health services, which peer-reviewed interventions continue to refine for broader efficacy.[123]Empirical Costs and Negative Outcomes
Public Health Consequences Including STDs
The sexual revolution of the 1960s and 1970s coincided with marked increases in sexually transmitted disease (STD) incidence across multiple pathogens, driven by expanded sexual partnering and reduced emphasis on monogamy or abstinence. Reported gonorrhea cases in the United States surged approximately 15% annually during the 1960s, with teenage infections alone escalating dramatically from the early 1960s to peak at around 276,000 cases by 1981.[124][125] Syphilis rates, which had declined post-penicillin introduction in the 1940s, reversed course amid these behavioral shifts, with primary and secondary cases rising 11.1% in subsequent monitoring periods reflective of the era's trends.[126][127] Chlamydia reporting, though systematically tracked later, showed rates climbing from 35.2 per 100,000 population in 1986 to 332.5 per 100,000 by 2005, aligning with broader post-1970s expansions in casual sexual networks that facilitated asymptomatic transmission.[127] Viral STDs exhibited parallel escalations, underscoring untreated or recurrent morbidity. Herpes simplex virus type 2 (HSV-2) seroprevalence rose 30% from the late 1970s to the mid-1990s, affecting roughly one in five individuals aged 12 and older by 1994, with quintupling rates among white teenagers and doubling among those in their twenties.[128] Clinically diagnosed genital herpes cases multiplied elevenfold from the 1970s to the 1980s, persisting at elevated levels thereafter due to the virus's latency and lack of curative therapy.[129] The human immunodeficiency virus (HIV), emerging visibly in the early 1980s within networks of heightened sexual activity—including urban gay male subcultures liberated by prior decades' norms—propelled an AIDS epidemic that claimed over 700,000 U.S. lives by 2023, with initial spread tied to unprotected multi-partner encounters.[130][131] These outbreaks imposed substantial public health burdens beyond acute infections, including pelvic inflammatory disease from untreated gonorrhea and chlamydia, which contributed to infertility rates rising to affect up to 10-15% of U.S. women by the 1980s.[125] Congenital syphilis resurged, with cases paralleling adult trends and risking neonatal mortality or disability. Antibiotic resistance further complicated bacterial STD control; gonorrhea strains developed widespread resistance to penicillin by the 1980s, necessitating treatment escalations.[132] Overall STD prevalence reached an estimated 20% of the U.S. population on any given day by 2018, with historical data attributing much of the 1960s-1980s acceleration to behavioral liberalization rather than diagnostic artifacts alone.[133][127]Sociological Data on Family Instability and Child Outcomes
The proportion of children born out of wedlock in the United States rose from approximately 5% in 1960 to over 40% by 2020, coinciding with the widespread adoption of sexual liberation norms that decoupled reproduction from marriage.[134] [104] This shift contributed to a surge in single-parent households, which increased from about 9% of families with children in 1960 to around 27% in recent decades, predominantly headed by mothers.[135] Divorce rates also escalated post-1960s, with the crude rate climbing from 2.2 per 1,000 population in 1960 to a peak of 5.3 in 1981 following no-fault divorce laws, before stabilizing at lower levels around 2.5 by 2020; refined measures show the share of ever-married women experiencing divorce rising from under 10% in the 1950s to over 40% for cohorts marrying in the 1970s.[136] [137] These trends in family instability have been associated with adverse child outcomes across multiple domains. Children in single-parent families face poverty rates exceeding 30%, compared to under 10% in intact two-parent families, even after controlling for income levels, due to factors like reduced parental investment and household resources. Educational attainment suffers similarly, with children from unstable families showing lower high school graduation rates (around 70% vs. 90% for intact families) and reduced college enrollment, as evidenced by longitudinal data tracking family transitions.[138] Behavioral and psychological risks are elevated, including higher incidences of depression, substance abuse, and delinquency; meta-analyses of family structure effects indicate that single-parenthood correlates with a 1.5-2 times greater likelihood of externalizing problems like aggression, independent of socioeconomic confounders.[139] Criminal involvement represents a particularly stark outcome, with family breakdown serving as a stronger predictor than poverty or race in some analyses. Approximately 85% of youth in U.S. prisons come from father-absent homes, and children from single-parent families are 2-3 times more likely to engage in violent crime, per cohort studies linking early family dissolution to long-term offending rates.[140] While high-conflict intact families can yield comparable risks to single-parent ones, the preponderance of empirical evidence from sources like the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth demonstrates that stable two-parent structures buffer against these vulnerabilities through mechanisms such as dual role modeling, supervision, and economic stability, rather than mere correlation with selection biases.[138] [141]| Metric | Intact Two-Parent Families | Single-Parent Families |
|---|---|---|
| Child Poverty Rate | ~5-10% | ~30-40% |
| High School Graduation Rate | ~90% | ~70% |
| Likelihood of Incarceration (Relative Risk) | Baseline | 2-3x higher |
Psychological and Happiness Metrics
Empirical measures of subjective well-being, drawn from longitudinal surveys such as the General Social Survey (GSS) initiated in 1972, indicate a decline in reported happiness among Americans since the 1970s, coinciding with the mainstreaming of sexual revolution ideals. Women, in particular, reported higher subjective well-being than men in the 1970s, but this gender gap has eroded, with women's happiness falling both absolutely and relative to men's through the early 2000s.[144] [145] By 2020, GSS data showed overall happiness at a five-decade low, with only 14% of respondents describing themselves as "very happy" compared to higher proportions in earlier decades.[146] This trend persists into the 2020s, with young adults (ages 18-29) reporting sharply lower happiness levels in 2022 than in 1990, dropping from around 25% "very happy" to under 15%.[147] Studies linking sexual behavior changes to psychological outcomes reveal pronounced gender disparities in regret following casual sex, a hallmark of post-revolution norms. In analyses of hookup experiences, women reported significantly higher rates of regret than men, with up to 65% of women expressing remorse over specific casual encounters versus 25% of men; factors included lower sexual satisfaction, perceived loss of respect, and emotional vulnerability.[148] [149] Cross-cultural data from Norway and the U.S. confirm this pattern, attributing women's greater regret to evolutionary costs like pregnancy risk and partner selection errors, alongside immediate experiences of disgust or pressure, while men more often regretted missed opportunities.[150] These regrets correlate with elevated anxiety and depressive symptoms, particularly among women engaging in non-committed sexual activity.[151] Broader mental health metrics show rising depression and anxiety rates post-1970s, with women disproportionately affected. U.S. data indicate that depression prevalence among women doubled from the 1980s to the 2010s, reaching 20-25% by 2020, amid stagnant or declining male rates.[152] This aligns with the "paradox of declining female happiness," where expanded autonomy in sexual and professional spheres has not translated to improved well-being, potentially due to heightened relational instability and unmet expectations from pair-bonding disruptions.[153] Among young women, especially those identifying with progressive views on sexuality, mental health deterioration is starkest, with 2023 surveys showing liberal females aged 18-29 reporting depression rates over 50%, far exceeding conservative counterparts.[154] Peer-reviewed analyses caution that while causation is multifaceted, the normalization of transient sexual partnerships contributes to chronic loneliness and attachment issues, undermining long-term psychological resilience.[155]| Decade | % Women Reporting "Very Happy" (GSS) | % Men Reporting "Very Happy" (GSS) | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1970s | ~36% | ~30% | Women happier pre-revolution peak |
| 1990s | ~32% | ~31% | Gap narrowing |
| 2010s | ~24% | ~25% | Women below men |
| 2020s | ~20% | ~22% | Continued decline, youth-driven |
