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Banknote
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A banknote or bank note[1] – also called a bill (North American English) or simply a note – is a type of paper money that is made and distributed ("issued") by a bank of issue, payable to the bearer on demand. Banknotes were originally issued by commercial banks, which were legally required to redeem the notes for legal tender (usually gold or silver coin) when presented to the chief cashier of the originating bank. These commercial banknotes only traded at face value in the market served by the issuing bank.[2] Commercial banknotes have primarily been replaced by national banknotes issued by central banks or monetary authorities.
By extension, the word "banknote" is sometimes used (including by collectors) to refer more generally to paper money, but in a strict sense notes that have not been issued by banks, e.g. government notes, are not banknotes.[3][better source needed]
National banknotes are often, but not always, legal tender, meaning that courts of law are required to recognize them as satisfactory payment of money debts.[4] Historically, banks sought to ensure that they could always pay customers in coins when they presented banknotes for payment. This practice of "backing" notes with something of substance is the basis for the history of central banks backing their currencies in gold or silver. Today, most national currencies have no backing in precious metals or commodities and have value only by fiat. With the exception of non-circulating high-value or precious metal issues, coins are used for lower valued monetary units, while banknotes are used for higher values.
History
[edit]Issue of banknotes
[edit]
Today, a central bank or treasury is generally solely responsible within a state or currency union for the issue of banknotes. However, this is not always the case, and historically, private banks frequently handled all of a country's paper currency. Thus, many different banks or institutions may have issued banknotes in a given country. Commercial banks in the United States had legally issued banknotes before there was a national currency; however, these became subject to government authorization from 1863 to 1932. In the last of these series, the issuing bank would stamp its name and promise to pay, along with the signatures of its president and cashier on a preprinted note. By this time, the notes were standardized in appearance and not too different from Federal Reserve Notes.

In a small number of countries, private banknote issuing continues to this day. For example, by virtue of the complex constitutional setup in the United Kingdom, certain commercial banks in two countries (Scotland and Northern Ireland) continue to print their own banknotes for domestic circulation, even though they are not fiat money or declared in law as legal tender anywhere. The UK's central bank, the Bank of England, prints notes which are legal tender in England and Wales; these notes are also usable as money (but not legal tender) in Scotland and Northern Ireland (see Banknotes of the pound sterling). The Bank of Scotland was the first bank in Europe to successfully print its own paper banknotes, and entered circulation in 1696. The Bank of Scotland is currently the longest continuous issuer of banknotes in the world.[5]
In the two special administrative regions of the People's Republic of China, arrangements are similar to those in the UK; in Hong Kong, three commercial banks are licensed to issue Hong Kong dollar notes,[6] and in Macau, banknotes of the Macanese pataca are issued by two different commercial banks. In Luxembourg, the Banque Internationale à Luxembourg was entitled to issue its own Luxembourgish franc notes until the introduction of the Euro in 1999.[7]
As well as commercial issuers, other organizations may have note-issuing powers; for example, until 2002, the Singapore dollar was issued by the Board of Commissioners of Currency, Singapore, a government agency that was later taken over by the Monetary Authority of Singapore.[6]
As with any printing, there is also a chance for banknotes to have printing errors. For U.S. banknotes, these errors can include board break errors, butterfly fold errors, cutting errors, dual denomination errors, fold over errors, and misalignment errors.[8]
Materials used for banknotes
[edit]Paper banknotes
[edit]
Until recently, most banknotes were made from cotton paper with a weight of 80 to 90 grams per square meter. The cotton is sometimes mixed with linen, abaca, or other textile fibres. Generally, the paper used is different from ordinary paper: it is much more resilient, resists wear and tear (the average life of a paper banknote is two years),[9] and also does not contain the usual agents that make ordinary paper glow slightly under ultraviolet light. Unlike most printing and writing paper, banknote paper is infused with polyvinyl alcohol or gelatin, instead of water, to give it extra strength. Early Chinese banknotes were printed on paper made of mulberry bark. Mitsumata (Edgeworthia chrysantha) and other fibers are used in Japanese banknote paper[10] (a kind of Washi).
Most banknotes are made using the mould-made process, in which a watermark and thread are incorporated during the paper forming process. The thread is a simple-looking security component found in most banknotes. It is, however, often rather complex in construction, comprising fluorescent, magnetic, metallic, and microprint elements. By combining it with watermarking technology, the thread can be made to surface periodically on one side only. This is known as windowed thread and further increases the counterfeit resistance of the banknote paper. This process was invented by Portals, part of the De La Rue group in the UK. Other related methods include watermarking to reduce the number of corner folds by strengthening this part of the note. Varnishing and coatings reduce the accumulation of dirt on the note for longer durability in circulation.

Another security feature is based on windows in the paper, which are covered by holographic foils to make it very hard to copy. Such technology is applied as a portrait window for the higher denominations of the Europa series (ES2) of the euro banknotes.[11] Windows are also used with the Hybrid substrate from Giesecke+Devrient which is composed of an inner layer of paper substrate with thin outer layers of plastic film for high durability.[12]
History of counterfeiting and security measures
[edit]When paper bank notes were first introduced in England, they resulted in a dramatic rise in counterfeiting.[citation needed] The attempts by the Bank of England and the Royal Mint to stamp out currency crime led to new policing strategies, including the increased use of entrapment.[13]
The characteristics of banknotes, their materials and production techniques (as well as their development over history) are topics that are not usually thoroughly examined by historians, even though there are now a number of works detailing how bank notes were actually constructed. This is mostly because historians tend to be more interested in a theoretical understanding of how money worked rather than how it was produced.[14] The first great deterrent against counterfeiting was the death penalty for forgers, but this was not enough to stop the rise of counterfeiting. Over the 18th century, far fewer banknotes were circulating in England compared to the boom of bank notes in the 19th century; because of this, improved note-making techniques were not considered a compelling issue.
In the 18th century, banknotes were produced mainly by copper-plate engraving and printing, and they were single-sided. Note-making technologies remained largely unchanged during the 18th century.[15] The first banknotes were produced by intaglio printing: this involved engraving a copper plate by hand and then covering it in ink to print the bank notes. Only with this technique, at that time, could one force the paper into the lines of the engraving to make suitable banknotes. Another difficulty in counterfeiting banknotes was the paper, as the type of paper used for banknotes was rather different from the paper commercially available at that time. Despite this, some forgers successfully forged notes by dealing with and consulting paper makers, in order to make a similar kind of paper themselves.[16] Furthermore, watermarked paper has also been used since banknotes first appeared; it involved the sewing of a thin wire frame into paper mould. Watermarks for notes were first used in 1697, by Rice Watkins, a Berkshire paper maker.[16] Watermarks and special paper made it harder and more expensive to forge banknotes, since more complex and expensive paper-making machines were needed.
In the early 19th century (the so-called Bank Restriction Period, 1797–1821), the dramatically increased demand for bank notes slowly forced the banks to refine the technologies employed.[16] In 1801, watermarks, which previously were straight lines, became wavy—an idea of William Brewer, a watermark mould maker. This made counterfeiting bank notes harder still, at least in the short term, and in 1803 the number of forged bank notes fell to just 3000, compared to 5000 the previous year.[17] Banks asked skilled engravers and artists to help them make their notes more difficult to counterfeit during the same time period, which historians refer to as "the search for the inimitable banknote." During this time, bank notes also began to be double-sided and have more intricate patterns.[18]
The ease with which paper money can be created, by both legitimate authorities and counterfeiters, has led to a temptation in times of crisis such as war or revolution, or merely a spendthrift government, to produce paper money which was not supported by precious metal or other goods; this often led to hyperinflation and a loss of faith in the value of paper money, e.g. the Continental Currency produced by the Continental Congress during the American Revolution, the Assignats produced during the French Revolution, the paper currency produced by the Confederate States of America and the individual states of the Confederate States of America, the financing of World War I by the Central Powers (by 1922 1 gold Austro-Hungarian krone of 1914 was worth 14,400 paper Kronen), the devaluation of the Yugoslav dinar in the 1990s, etc. Banknotes may also be overprinted to reflect political or economic changes that occur faster than new currency can be printed.
In 1988, Austria produced the 5000 Schilling banknote (Mozart), which is the first foil application (Kinegram) to a paper banknote in the history of banknote printing. The application of optical features is now common throughout the world. Many countries' banknotes now have embedded holograms.
Polymer banknotes
[edit]
In 1983, Costa Rica and Haiti issued the first Tyvek and the Isle of Man issued the first Bradvek polymer (or plastic) banknotes; these were printed by the American Banknote Company and developed by DuPont. These early plastic notes were plagued with issues such as ink wearing off, and they were discontinued. In 1988, after significant research and development in Australia by the Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation (CSIRO) and the Reserve Bank of Australia, Australia produced the first polymer banknote made from biaxially-oriented polypropylene (plastic), and in 1996, Australia became the first country to have a full set of circulating polymer banknotes of all denominations, completely replacing its paper banknotes. Since then, many other countries have adopted circulating polymer banknotes, including Bangladesh, Brazil, Brunei, Canada, Chile, Guatemala, Dominican Republic, Hong Kong SAR (China), Indonesia, Israel, Malaysia, Mexico, Nepal, New Zealand, Nigeria, Papua New Guinea, Paraguay, the Philippines, Saudi Arabia, Romania, Samoa, Singapore, the Solomon Islands, Thailand, Trinidad and Tobago, the United Kingdom, Uruguay, Vietnam, and Zambia. Other countries have issued commemorative polymer notes, including China, Kuwait, the Northern Bank of Northern Ireland, the Bank of Scotland in Scotland,[19] and Taiwan.[20] In 2005, Bulgaria issued the world's first hybrid paper-polymer banknote.
Polymer banknotes were developed to improve durability and prevent counterfeiting through incorporated security features, such as optically variable devices that are extremely difficult to reproduce.
Other materials
[edit]Over the years, a number of materials other than paper have been used to print banknotes. This includes various textiles, including silk, and materials such as leather.[21]

Silk and other fibers have been commonly used in the manufacture of various banknote papers, intended to provide both additional durability and security. Crane and Company patented banknote paper with embedded silk threads in 1844 and has supplied paper to the United States Treasury since 1879. Banknotes printed on pure silk "paper" include "emergency money" Notgeld issues from a number of German towns in 1923 during a period of fiscal crisis and hyperinflation. Most notoriously, Bielefeld produced a number of silk, leather, velvet, linen and wood issues. These issues were produced primarily for collectors, rather than for circulation. They are in demand by collectors. Banknotes printed on cloth include a number of Communist Revolutionary issues in China from areas such as Xinjiang, or Sinkiang, in the United Islamic Republic of East Turkestan in 1933. Emergency money was also printed in 1902 on khaki shirt fabric during the Boer War.
Cotton fibers, together with 25% linen, are the material of the banknotes in the United States. Leather banknotes (or coins) were issued in a number of sieges, as well as in other times of emergency. During the Russian administration of Alaska, banknotes were printed on sealskin. A number of 19th-century issues are known in Germanic and Estonia, including the places of Dorpat, Pernau, Reval, Werro, and Woiseck. In addition to the Bielefeld issues, other German leather Notgeld from 1923 is known from Borna, Osterwieck, Paderborn and Pößneck.
Other issues from 1923 were printed on wood, which was also used in Canada in 1763–1764 during Pontiac's Rebellion, and by the Hudson's Bay Company. In 1848, in Bohemia, wooden checkerboard pieces were used as money.
Even playing cards were used for currency in France in the early 19th century, and in French Canada from 1685 until 1757, the Colony of Louisiana, Dutch Guiana, and in the Isle of Man in the beginning of the 19th century, and again in Germany after World War I.
Most recently, Bisphenol S (BPS), has been frequently used in the production of banknotes worldwide. BPS is an endocrine disruptor that is subject to human dermal absorption through handling banknotes.[22]
Vertical orientation
[edit]Vertical currency is a type of currency in which the orientation has been changed from the conventional horizontal orientation to a vertical orientation. Dowling Duncan, a self-touted multidisciplinary design studio, conducted a study in which they determined people tend to handle and deal with money vertically rather than horizontally, especially when the currency is processed through ATM and other money machines. They also note how money transactions are conducted vertically, not horizontally.[23] Bermuda, Cape Verde, the Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States, Switzerland, and Venezuela have adopted vertically oriented currency, though Cape Verde has now reverted to horizontal orientation.
Since 1979, Sri Lanka has printed the reverse of its banknotes vertically. Between 1993 and 2013, Brazil has printed banknotes of 5000 and 50000 cruzeiros reais and the first Brazilian real series of banknotes has the obverse in traditional horizontal layout, while the reverse is in vertical format. The 2018 Hong Kong dollar banknotes series too has the obverse in traditional horizontal layout, while the reverse is in vertical format.[24]
Early Chinese banknotes were also vertical, due to the direction of Chinese writing.
The 2018 Canadian $10 bill featuring a portrait of Canadian civil rights pioneer Viola Desmond is presented in a vertical format.[25][26] The Northern Irish £5 and £10 notes issued by Ulster Bank for 2019 were also presented in this way.[27]
Vending machines and banknotes
[edit]In the late 20th century, vending machines were designed to recognize banknotes of smaller values long after they were designed to recognize coins distinct from slugs.[where?] This capability has become inescapable in economies where inflation has not been followed by introduction of progressively larger coin denominations (such as the United States, where several attempts to make dollar coins popular in general circulation have largely failed). The existing infrastructure of such machines presents one of the difficulties in changing the design of these banknotes to make them less counterfeitable, that is, by adding additional features so easily discernible by people that they would immediately reject banknotes of inferior quality, for every machine in the country would have to be updated.[citation needed]
Destruction
[edit]
A banknote is removed from circulation because of everyday wear and tear from its handling. Banknotes are passed through a banknote sorting machine to assess their authenticity and fitness for circulation, or may be classified unfit for circulation if they are worn, dirty, soiled, damaged, mutilated or torn. Unfit notes are returned to the central bank for secure online destruction by high-speed banknote sorting machines using a cross-cut shredder device similar to a paper shredder with security level P-5 (pieces smaller than 30 mm2) according to the standard DIN 66399–2. This small size decomposes a banknote into typically more than 500 tiny pieces and rules out reconstruction like a jigsaw puzzle because the shreds from many banknotes are commingled.
A subsequent briquettor compresses shredded paper material into a small cylindrical or rectangular form for disposal (e.g. landfill or burning).[28] Before the 1990s, unfit banknotes were destroyed by incineration, with a higher risk of manipulations.
When a Federal Reserve Bank of the United States receives a cash deposit from a commercial bank or another financial institution, it checks the individual notes to determine whether they are fit for future circulation.[29] About one-third of the notes that the Fed receives are unfit, and the Fed destroys them. US dollar banknotes last an average of more than five years.[30]
Contaminated banknotes are also decommissioned and removed from circulation, primarily to prevent the spread of diseases. A Canadian government report indicates:
Types of contaminants include: notes found on a corpse, stagnant water, contaminated by human or animal body fluids such as urine, feces, vomit, infectious blood, fine hazardous powders from detonated explosives, dye pack and/or drugs...[31]
In the US, the nickname "Fed Shreds" refers to paper money which has been shredded after becoming unfit for circulation. Although these shredded banknotes are generally landfilled, they are sometimes sold or given away in small bags as souvenirs or as briquettes.[32] Since 2012, the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis has also donated shredded banknotes to local farms for use in composting.[33]
Polymer banknotes may be shredded and then melted down and recycled to form plastic products like building components, plumbing fittings, or compost bins.[34]
- Shredded Banknotes
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Fed Shreds as souvenir from the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco
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Shreds of unfit US dollar notes with a typical size of less than 1.5 mm × 16 mm
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Shredded and briquetted US dollar notes from the Federal Reserve Bank of New York (approx. 1000 pieces, 1 kg)
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Shredded and briquetted US dollar notes from the Federal Reserve Bank of New York (approx. 1000 pieces, 1 kg)
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Shredded and briquetted euro banknotes from the Deutsche Bundesbank, Germany (approx. 1 kg)
Intelligent banknote neutralisation systems
[edit]Intelligent banknote neutralisation systems (IBNS) are security systems which render banknotes unusable by marking them permanently as stolen with a degradation agent. Marked (stained) banknotes cannot be brought back into circulation easily and can be linked to the crime scene. Today's most used degradation agent is a special security ink which cannot be removed from the banknote easily and not without destroying the banknote itself, but other agents also exist. Today IBNSs are used to protect banknotes in automated teller machines, retail machines, and during cash-in-transit operations.
Dynamic Intelligent Currency Encryption
[edit]Dynamic Intelligent Currency Encryption (DICE) is a security technology introduced in 2014 by the British company EDAQS that devalues banknotes remotely that are illegal or have been stolen. The technology is based on identifiable banknotes—that could be an RFID chip or a barcode—and connects to a digital security system to verify the validity of the banknote. The company claims that the banknotes are unforgeable and contribute to solving cash-related problems as well as fighting crime and terrorism. On a related note, governments consider the DICE benefits to be a driving force behind the progressive abolition of cash because they cover and resolve almost all cash-related issues.[35]
Confiscation and asset forfeiture
[edit]In the United States, there are many laws that allow the confiscation of cash and other assets from the bearer if there is suspicion that the money came from an illegal activity.[36] Because a significant amount of U.S. currency contains traces of cocaine and other illegal drugs, it is not uncommon for innocent people searched at airports or stopped for traffic violations to have cash in their possession sniffed by dogs for drugs and then have the cash seized because the dog smelled drugs on the money. It is then up to the owner of the money to prove where the cash came from at his own expense. Many people simply forfeit the money.[37] In 1994, the United States Court of Appeals, Ninth Circuit, held in the case of United States of America v. U.S. Currency, $30,060.00 (39 F.3d 1039 63 USLW 2351, No. 92-55919) that the widespread presence of illegal substances on paper currency in the Los Angeles area created a situation where the reaction of a drug-sniffing dog would not create probable cause for civil forfeiture.[38]
See also
[edit]References
[edit]- ^ "bank note". Collins. Retrieved 22 January 2025.
- ^ Atack & Passell (1994), p. 469.
- ^ "banknote". Merriam-Webster. Retrieved 22 January 2025.
- ^ "Legal Tender Guidelines". British Royal Mint. Archived from the original on 17 December 2008. Retrieved 2 September 2007.
- ^ "Lloyds Banking Group - Bank of Scotland". www.lloydsbankinggroup.com. Retrieved 9 February 2025.
- ^ a b Committee on Payment and Settlement Systems (August 2003). "The Role of Central Bank Money in Payment Systems" (PDF). Bank for International Settlements. p. 96. Archived (PDF) from the original on 9 September 2008. Retrieved 14 August 2008.
Although historically not the case, these days banknotes are usually issued only by the central bank. This is broadly the case in all CPSS economies, except Hong Kong SAR, where banknotes are issued by three commercial banks. Singapore and the United Kingdom are more limited exceptions. Singapore dollar banknotes have been issued by the Board of Commissioners of Currency, a government agency, although following the merger of the Board into the MAS in October 2002 this is no longer the case. In the United Kingdom, Scottish banks retain the right to issue banknotes alongside those of the Bank of England and three banks currently still do so.
- ^ "BIL's history". Banque Internationale à Luxembourg. Archived from the original on 27 April 2015. Retrieved 13 December 2013.
- ^ "Error Is Human: Part I – PMG". www.pmgnotes.com. Archived from the original on 9 May 2018. Retrieved 16 April 2018.
- ^ "The Banknote Lifecycle – from Design to Destruction". De La Rue. Archived from the original on 13 May 2012.
- ^ "Banknote Production Process". www.npb.go.jp. [Japanese] National Printing Bureau. Archived from the original on 17 April 2018. Retrieved 16 April 2018.
- ^ "Security features. Europa series €100 banknote". European Central Bank. 2019. Archived from the original on 12 November 2018. Retrieved 11 July 2019.
- ^ "Hybrid Banknote Substrate". Papierfabrik Louisenthal. Archived from the original on 13 April 2019. Retrieved 11 July 2019.
- ^ Crymble, Adam (2018). "How Criminal were the Irish? Bias in the Detection of London Currency Crime, 1797–1821". The London Journal. 43 (1): 36–52. doi:10.1080/03058034.2016.1270876. hdl:2299/19710.
- ^ Mockford, 2014; pp. 118–119 quote="Detailed discussion of the material characteristics of Bank Notes, as well as the methods used in their construction, have therefore tended to constitute merely a footnote in historical works that have often prioritised both contemporary and modern theoretical understandings of money and exchange."
- ^ Mockford, 2014; p. 121 quote="The technologies employed by the Bank in the making of its notes were ones that altered very little throughout the course of the long eighteenth century, with major changes not occurring until well after the close of this period."
- ^ a b c Mockford, 2014; pp. 122–123
- ^ Mockford, 2014; p. 126
- ^ Mockford, 2014; p. 127
- ^ "And finally… Forth Bridges £20 notes enter circulation". Scottish Construction Now. 28 February 2020. Retrieved 9 February 2025.
- ^ "Our Currency". About Australia. Australian Government. Archived from the original on 7 June 2011. Retrieved 19 July 2011.
- ^ S.K. Singh, Bank Regulation, Discovery Publishing House, New Delhi, 2009, pp. 26–27.
- ^ Liao C; Liu F; Kannan K (2012). "Bisphenol S, a New Bisphenol Analogue, in Paper Products and Currency Bills and Its Association with Bisphenol A Residues". Environmental Science & Technology. 46 (12): 6515–6522. Bibcode:2012EnST...46.6515L. doi:10.1021/es300876n. PMID 22591511.
- ^ "Dowling Duncan redesign the US banknotes". Dowling | Duncan. 14 August 2010. Archived from the original on 23 April 2011. Retrieved 15 August 2012.
- ^ "2018 New Series Hong Kong Banknotes" (Press release). Hong Kong Monetary Authority. 24 July 2018. Retrieved 24 July 2018.
- ^ Brett Bundale (8 March 2018). "Canada unveils $10 bill featuring civil rights icon Viola Desmond". The Star. Toronto Star Newspapers. Archived from the original on 8 March 2018. Retrieved 16 April 2018.
- ^ "New $10 bank note featuring Viola Desmond unveiled on International Women's Day" (Press release). Bank of Canada. 8 March 2018. Retrieved 16 April 2018.
- ^ "Ulster Bank reveals 'vertical' banknotes". The Irish News. 24 May 2018. Archived from the original on 25 May 2018. Retrieved 25 May 2018.
- ^ Hungarians burn shredded money to stay warm (Motion picture). Agence France-Presse. 2012. Archived from the original on 2 November 2021.
- ^ "Fitness Guidelines for Federal Reserve Notes" (PDF). Federal Reserve System Cash Product Office (CPO). 7 February 2019. Archived (PDF) from the original on 9 July 2019. Retrieved 10 July 2019.
- ^ "How Currency Gets into Circulation". Federal Reserve Bank of New York. 2013. Archived from the original on 17 July 2019. Retrieved 9 July 2019.
- ^ Trichur, Rita (28 September 2007). "Bankers wipe out dirty money". Toronto Star. Archived from the original on 16 October 2007. Retrieved 28 September 2007.
- ^ "Currency Processing and Destruction". Federal Reserve Bank of New York. 2014. Archived from the original on 6 July 2019. Retrieved 9 July 2019.
- ^ ""Black Gold" Begins with Reams of Green: How Retired Dollars End Up as Compost". www.stlouisfed.org. Retrieved 22 January 2025.
- ^ "Recycling". Reserve Bank of Australia. Archived from the original on 9 July 2019. Retrieved 9 July 2019.
- ^ "The Future of Banknotes & How One Company Is Working To Prevent A Cashless Economy". LinkedIn Pulse. 18 May 2015. Archived from the original on 8 November 2020. Retrieved 18 May 2015.
- ^ "International Society for Individual Liberty". Archived from the original on 9 June 2012.
- ^ "Drug Dog's "Alert" to Cash Not Grounds for Forfeiture When Up to 75 percent of Currency Tainted With Drugs". ndsn.org. Archived from the original on 11 October 2012. Retrieved 5 June 2012.
- ^ "Resource.org". Archived from the original on 3 June 2013. Retrieved 16 April 2018.
Bibliography
[edit]- Atack, Jeremy; Passell, Peter (1994). A New Economic View of American History. New York: W.W. Norton and Co. ISBN 978-0-393-96315-1.
- Bowman, John S. (2000). Columbia Chronologies of Asian History and Culture. New York: Columbia University Press. ISBN 978-0-2311-1004-4.
- Ebrey; Walthall; Palais (2006). East Asia: A Cultural, Social, and Political History. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company. ISBN 978-0-6181-3384-0.
- Gernet, Jacques (1962). Daily Life in China on the Eve of the Mongol Invasion, 1250–1276. Stanford University Press.
- Needham, Joseph (1986). Science and Civilisation in China: Volume 5, Part 1. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-5218-7566-0.
- Mockford, Jack (2014). "They are Exactly as Banknotes are": Perceptions and Technologies of Bank Note Forgery During the Bank Restriction Period, 1797–1821 (PDF) (PhD). University of Hertfordshire. Archived from the original (PDF) on 17 February 2022. Retrieved 20 September 2018.
External links
[edit]- Counterfeit money was a major problem in the 1850s – Pantagraph (Bloomington, Illinois newspaper)
- What are banknotes and how are they used?
Banknote
View on GrokipediaA banknote is a promissory note issued by a central bank or authorized institution, payable to the bearer on demand without interest, and functioning as legal tender for payments alongside coins.[1][2] Banknotes originated in China during the Song Dynasty in the 11th century as jiaozi, paper certificates backed by deposits of iron coins to address shortages of metallic currency, marking the first widespread use of paper money.[3] In Europe, the first true banknotes appeared in Sweden in 1661, issued by the Stockholms Banco, though they faced challenges like over-issuance leading to collapse; the Bank of England began issuing notes in the late 1690s, promising payment in gold or silver, which helped establish modern fiat currency systems.[4][5] Contemporary banknotes are produced using specialized paper made from cotton and linen fibers or, in some countries, durable polymer substrates to enhance longevity and resistance to wear.[6] They incorporate advanced security features such as watermarks, security threads, holograms, and color-shifting inks to deter counterfeiting, with production involving intaglio printing and other techniques managed by central banks or their contractors.[7] Banknotes facilitate efficient exchange in economies by reducing the need to transport heavy coins, though their value derives ultimately from public trust in the issuing authority rather than intrinsic worth, enabling central banks to influence monetary policy through issuance volumes.[8] While universally accepted as legal tender for debt settlement in their jurisdictions, private entities are not obligated to accept them beyond minimal amounts in some legal frameworks.[9][10]
Definition and Fundamental Characteristics
Legal and Functional Definition
A banknote is a promissory note issued by an authorized bank or central bank, obligating the issuer to pay the bearer a specified sum of money on demand without interest.[1] Legally, it qualifies as a negotiable instrument, transferable by mere delivery to the holder, who is entitled to its face value upon presentation.[11] This structure originated from early banking practices where notes represented claims on deposits, evolving into standardized currency under governmental oversight to prevent counterfeiting and ensure uniformity.[2] In most jurisdictions, banknotes hold the status of legal tender, meaning they must be accepted by creditors for discharge of public and private debts at their nominal value.[2] For example, under United States law, [Federal Reserve](/page/Federal Reserve) notes and other circulating notes serve as legal tender for all debts, a designation codified in 31 U.S.C. § 5103 and upheld by federal policy regardless of issuance date or design changes.[12] [13] This legal enforceability underpins their role, distinguishing them from mere promises by imposing acceptance obligations, though private parties may negotiate alternatives for transactions.[14] Functionally, banknotes operate as a bearer instrument facilitating exchange without the need for endorsement or identification, enabling efficient circulation as paper-based currency alongside coins.[15] Their utility stems from portability, divisibility into denominations, and durability for repeated handling, serving primarily as a medium of exchange in economies where they represent fiat money—value derived from issuer credibility and legal mandate rather than intrinsic commodity backing.[2] Central banks maintain functionality through monopolistic issuance controls, quality standards, and destruction of unfit notes to preserve public trust and prevent debasement.[16]Physical and Design Features
Banknotes are typically rectangular sheets, with dimensions varying by issuing authority but often standardized within a currency series for ease of handling and vending machine compatibility. United States Federal Reserve Notes measure 156.1 mm in length by 66.3 mm in width, a size adopted in 1928 to reduce production costs from larger prior formats.[17] Euro banknotes increase in length with denomination, from 120 mm for the €5 note to 160 mm for the €500 note, while maintaining a consistent 62-68 mm width to aid visual differentiation. These sizes balance portability, durability, and aesthetic proportionality, with many modern notes optimized around 133 mm by 73 mm for printing efficiency on standard presses.[18] Physically, traditional banknotes use a crisp, durable substrate such as a cotton-linen blend, providing a distinctive texture from intaglio printing that raises ink elements like portraits for tactile verification.[19] Polymer substrates, adopted by over 40 countries including Australia since 1988 and the United Kingdom in 2016, offer enhanced longevity—up to 2.5 times that of paper—with a flexible, low-lint feel resistant to folding damage.[20] Notes weigh approximately 1 gram each, with thickness around 0.11 mm, ensuring stackability in automated systems.[21] Design elements emphasize national identity through motifs like historical figures, landmarks, and symbols, printed on obverse and reverse sides with denomination clearly indicated in numerals and script.[22] Colors are denomination-specific—e.g., green for US dollars, multicolored gradients for euros—to facilitate quick recognition, often incorporating architectural or cultural themes to evoke heritage without political controversy.[23] Serial numbers, unique to each note, aid tracking and authentication, while fine-line patterns and guilloché engravings deter reproduction via standard printers.[24] Security features integrate seamlessly into design for public and machine verification, categorized by accessibility: Level 1 for unaided checks like watermarks—light-transmissive images formed by paper density variations—and security threads embedded strips visible under light or UV.[25] Tilt-activated elements include color-shifting inks and 3D ribbons, as in the US $100 note's blue band with moving bells and numerals.[19] Advanced holograms, used in over 97 currencies, provide kinetic effects like shifting images, while microprinting and intaglio relief resist scanning and photocopying.[26] These multilayered defenses, combining overt aesthetics with covert technologies, evolve via central bank collaborations to counter counterfeiting rates below 0.01% in high-security currencies like the euro.[27]Historical Development
Ancient and Early Modern Origins
The earliest precursors to banknotes appeared in China during the Tang Dynasty (618–907 CE), where merchants issued private promissory notes or "flying cash" (feiqian) as lightweight certificates redeemable for coin deposits, facilitating trade amid copper shortages and transport difficulties.[28] These were not yet full-fledged currency but functioned as transferable credit instruments backed by stored metals.[29] True paper money emerged in the Song Dynasty (960–1279 CE), with jiaozi notes first printed around 997 CE in Sichuan province by 16 wealthy merchant families, who deposited copper coins in associations and issued paper certificates in denominations from 1 to 10 guan (each guan equaling 1,000 coins) to simplify bulk transactions.[30] By 1023–1024 CE, the imperial government monopolized issuance through state-supervised bureaus, standardizing designs with mulberry paper, woodblock printing, and anti-counterfeiting seals, while decreeing death penalties for forgeries; these notes circulated nationwide by the mid-11th century, backed initially by reserves but later leading to overissuance and inflation.[31][32] The Song system's success stemmed from China's advanced papermaking technology—perfected since Cai Lun's innovations circa 105 CE—and the practical need to replace cumbersome bronze coinage weighing up to 50 pounds per guan, enabling economic expansion in commerce and taxation.[3] Paper currency persisted under the Mongol Yuan Dynasty (1271–1368 CE), where Kublai Khan's administration issued chao notes in 1260 CE, enforced as legal tender with severe punishments for using coins instead, though unchecked printing fueled hyperinflation by the 14th century, eroding trust and contributing to dynastic collapse.[28] No comparable paper money systems existed in ancient Western civilizations, where reliance on metal coins, leather tallies, or clay tokens prevailed; claims of precursors like Roman or Carthaginian notes lack archaeological or textual substantiation beyond informal credit memos.[33] In early modern Europe, banknotes evolved from medieval bills of exchange—transferable debt instruments used by Italian bankers since the 13th century for international trade—but printed, bearer-style notes appeared first in Sweden with Stockholms Banco, founded in 1657 by Johan Palmstruch.[34] In 1661, the bank issued kreditivsedlar (credit notes) in denominations from 10 to 1,000 copper dalers, promising redemption in heavy copper plates or coins, which gained popularity for convenience but collapsed in 1667–1668 due to overissuance exceeding reserves by a factor of 10, triggering a credit crisis and the bank's nationalization as Sveriges Riksbank, the world's oldest central bank.[35] This failure highlighted risks of fiat-like issuance without metallic backing, yet spurred adoption elsewhere: the Bank of Amsterdam (1609) provided deposit receipts akin to proto-notes, while the Bank of England began issuing circulating promissory notes in 1694, backed by government debt and gold, establishing a model for state-monopolized paper currency.[36] Early modern notes thus represented a causal shift from commodity money to credit-based systems, driven by trade volume and metallurgical constraints, though prone to speculative bubbles absent strict reserve disciplines.[4]European Expansion and Standardization
The issuance of banknotes in Europe commenced in 1661 with Stockholms Banco, a private bank chartered by the Swedish state under Johan Palmstruch, which produced the continent's first circulating paper currency to address the impracticality of transporting heavy copper-based coinage.[35] These kreditivsedlar (credit notes) were denominated in daler silver or copper coin equivalents, initially redeemable in metal and bearing no interest, facilitating easier transactions amid Sweden's copper-heavy monetary system.[37] The notes gained rapid acceptance, but overissuance without sufficient metallic reserves led to depreciation and a banking crisis, culminating in the bank's collapse by 1668 and a temporary ban on private note issuance in Sweden.[38] This Swedish experiment, despite its failure due to unchecked credit expansion unsupported by real assets, demonstrated paper money's potential for economic convenience and influenced subsequent European adoptions, though with greater caution regarding convertibility.[38] In England, the Bank of England—established in 1694 via royal charter to finance William III's war against France—began issuing promissory notes as receipts for gold and silver deposits, marking a more stable model backed by government credibility and fractional reserves.[39] These early English notes, handwritten and payable to the bearer on demand in coin, circulated in denominations starting at £20, evolving to include partial printing by 1725 to standardize formats and reduce forgery risks through copper-plate engraving techniques.[40] By the early 18th century, banknote issuance expanded beyond state-chartered institutions to private banks, particularly in Scotland where over 20 banks issued competing notes convertible to specie, fostering competition but also periodic instability from overcirculation.[38] France attempted widespread adoption in 1716 under John Law's Banque Royale, which issued notes backed initially by land and shares in the Mississippi Company, but rapid monetary expansion to fund colonial ventures triggered hyperinflation and the scheme's collapse in 1720, reinforcing European wariness of unanchored paper currency.[41] Similar ventures emerged in Saxony and the Netherlands, often tied to trade companies, yet limited to specific regions due to persistent distrust rooted in convertibility failures. Standardization efforts in the 18th century focused on production and security to mitigate counterfeiting, with transitions from fully handwritten notes to fixed-denomination printed forms using intaglio methods for raised ink textures, as seen in Bank of England practices by mid-century.[40] Notes typically featured serial numbers, cashier signatures, and watermarks, though lacking uniform sizing across issuers; single-sided designs predominated until bilateral printing advanced in the late 1700s.[38] This period's expansions, averaging issuance growth tied to trade volumes—such as England's notes circulating at about 10% of metallic money stock by 1750—laid groundwork for national monopolies, as repeated crises from private overissuance underscored the need for centralized control to maintain public confidence in redeemability.[38]19th-Century National Systems and Crises
![Five dollar banknote of Citizens Bank of Louisiana][float-right] In the early 19th century, many European nations and the United States relied on decentralized systems where provincial or state-chartered banks issued their own notes, leading to a proliferation of varieties that facilitated counterfeiting and eroded public confidence during economic downturns.[42] To address these instabilities, governments increasingly centralized banknote issuance under national authorities, aiming for uniformity and backing by sovereign assets, though such systems often proved rigid in responding to liquidity demands. The United States exemplified this shift with the National Banking Acts of 1863 and 1864, signed into law by President Abraham Lincoln on February 25, 1863, and amended the following year. These acts created federally chartered national banks authorized to issue uniform "National Bank Notes" secured by deposits of U.S. government bonds with the Treasury, replacing the chaotic "free banking" era under state laws that had produced over 10,000 distinct note types prone to bank failures.[42] The Office of the Comptroller of the Currency (OCC) was established to charter banks, supervise operations, and manage note circulation, financing Civil War efforts while standardizing currency. Despite reducing note diversity, the system's dependence on bond-backed issuance created an inelastic currency supply, amplifying panics such as those in 1873—triggered by railroad overexpansion and European financial strains—and 1893, where widespread bank runs led to over 500 bank failures and a severe depression.[43][44] In the United Kingdom, the Bank Charter Act of 1844, enacted under Prime Minister Robert Peel, curtailed provincial banknote issuance by granting the Bank of England an effective monopoly in England and Wales, limiting country banks to pre-existing fixed quotas of notes backed by securities.[45] This reform responded to recurrent crises, including the panics of 1825 and 1837, where unchecked note expansion by joint-stock banks fueled speculative bubbles and suspensions of specie payments.[46] The act separated the Bank's issue and banking departments to enforce convertibility discipline, though it faced suspensions during later strains like the 1847 and 1857 crises, highlighting tensions between restrictive rules and elastic credit needs.[45] France's Banque de France, founded in 1800 under Napoleon Bonaparte, initiated national banknote production in June-July of that year with high-denomination issues of 500 and 1,000 francs, primarily for commercial use rather than everyday circulation.[47] By the mid-19th century, following the 1848 Revolution—which prompted temporary note suspensions and assignat revivals—the bank consolidated a monopoly on issuance, expanding to lower denominations and nationwide distribution amid industrialization.[47] Crises like the 1870-1871 Franco-Prussian War necessitated emergency measures, including regional "necessity notes" from affiliates, as the bank's Paris-centric operations strained under siege conditions, underscoring vulnerabilities in centralized yet geographically limited systems.[48] These national frameworks mitigated some fragmentation risks but often intensified cyclical vulnerabilities, as fixed issuance rules clashed with fluctuating economic demands, paving the way for 20th-century central banking innovations.[43]20th-Century Fiat Transition and Global Adoption
![US $100 Federal Reserve Note series of 1928][float-right] The 20th century witnessed the widespread shift of banknotes from redeemable claims on gold or silver to fiat currencies, declared legal tender by government decree without commodity backing. This transition, driven by economic pressures including world wars and depressions, enabled central banks to expand money supplies more flexibly but decoupled notes from fixed reserves. By mid-century, most developed economies had suspended gold convertibility, paving the way for global fiat dominance.[49] The process accelerated during the Great Depression, as nations prioritized economic recovery over adherence to the gold standard. The United Kingdom suspended gold convertibility on September 21, 1931, devaluing the pound and issuing unbacked banknotes to stimulate exports and domestic activity.[50] This move influenced others; Nordic countries including Sweden, Denmark, Norway, and Finland abandoned the standard between September and October 1931.[51] In the United States, President Franklin D. Roosevelt enacted Executive Order 6102 on April 5, 1933, requiring citizens to surrender gold holdings, followed by congressional legislation on April 20, 1933, that nullified gold clauses in contracts and suspended dollar convertibility, transforming Federal Reserve Notes into fiat instruments domestically.[52] World War II further entrenched fiat systems, as governments financed deficits through note issuance without reserve constraints. The 1944 Bretton Woods Agreement temporarily restored a modified gold anchor by pegging currencies to the U.S. dollar, which remained convertible to gold at $35 per ounce, but this hybrid regime strained under U.S. balance-of-payments deficits.[53] On August 15, 1971, President Richard Nixon unilaterally ended dollar-gold convertibility—the "Nixon Shock"—forcing floating exchange rates and completing the fiat transition for major currencies.[49] Globally, the abandonment spread to developing nations post-decolonization, with central banks issuing sovereign fiat banknotes replacing colonial or commodity-tied systems. By 1973, the collapse of fixed rates under Bretton Woods led to widespread adoption of managed floats, where banknotes circulated as fiat legal tender backed solely by state faith and credit.[54] This era saw banknote circulation surge; for instance, U.S. currency in circulation grew from $49 billion in 1971 to over $100 billion by 1980, reflecting fiat-enabled monetary expansion.[55] Today, all national banknotes operate as fiat, with over 180 currencies unpegged from gold.[53]Issuance Mechanisms
Central Bank Authority and Monopoly
Central banks hold the exclusive legal authority to issue banknotes designated as legal tender within their jurisdictions, a monopoly typically codified in national central bank statutes to maintain control over the monetary base and prevent inflationary overissuance by private entities.[56] This prerogative enables central banks to regulate the supply of circulating currency, thereby influencing broader monetary policy objectives such as price stability and economic growth, as unregulated private issuance historically contributed to financial instability through excessive note proliferation.[57] The monopoly extends to fiat banknotes, which derive value from government decree rather than commodity backing, distinguishing them from earlier private promissory notes redeemable in specie.[58] In the United Kingdom, the Bank Charter Act of 1844 granted the Bank of England a monopoly on note issuance in England and Wales by imposing strict limits on private banks' note circulation, requiring them to maintain fixed reserves of Bank of England notes or gold, effectively curtailing competitive issuance to avert banking crises like those in 1825 and 1837.[59] Similarly, the United States Federal Reserve Act of 1913 empowered the Federal Reserve System to issue Federal Reserve notes under Section 16, establishing it as the sole issuer of this form of national currency to provide an elastic money supply responsive to economic demands while eliminating fragmented private banknote systems prevalent before 1863.[60] These frameworks reflect a causal progression from decentralized private banking—prone to runs and uneven redemption—to centralized authority, where the central bank acts as lender of last resort and guarantor of note convertibility.[61] Exceptions to this monopoly persist in limited jurisdictions, primarily where commercial banks issue notes fully collateralized by central bank liabilities, ensuring no net expansion of the monetary base. In Scotland and Northern Ireland, authorized private banks such as the Royal Bank of Scotland continue to produce their own pound sterling notes, backed 100% by holdings at the Bank of England, a practice originating from pre-1844 tolerances but now subordinate to central oversight.[62] In Hong Kong, private issuers like HSBC produce notes backed by equivalent securities from the Hong Kong Monetary Authority, maintaining parity without independent monetary creation.[58] Such arrangements, rare globally, underscore the monopoly's robustness elsewhere, as evidenced by laws in over 90% of surveyed central banks explicitly reserving note issuance to the sovereign entity.[63] Violations or encroachments, such as unauthorized digital replicas, are curtailed to preserve this authority amid emerging challenges like cryptocurrencies.[64]Historical Private and Competing Currencies
Private banknote issuance emerged prominently in Scotland following the establishment of the Bank of Scotland in 1695, which began circulating notes redeemable in specie to address coin shortages.[65] Subsequent private banks, such as the Royal Bank of Scotland in 1727, joined in issuing competing denominations, often starting at £20 and later smaller values like £1, backed by gold reserves and regulated by market discipline rather than central authority.[66] This system persisted with stability, as note-holders discounted or rejected unreliable issues, resulting in fewer failures compared to contemporaneous systems elsewhere; by the 18th century, Scottish private notes circulated widely without significant inflation or collapse.[67] In the United States, private banks issued circulating notes from 1781 until 1935, initially without federal oversight, leading to diverse local currencies.[68] The Free Banking Era (1837–1863), enacted in states following New York's 1838 model, permitted any chartered bank to issue notes backed by specified assets like state bonds, fostering competition but also risks.[69] Over 2,500 state and private banks produced more than 30,000 note varieties between 1782 and 1866, traded at discounts reflecting issuer solvency, monitored by private "bank note detectors" and reporters that published reliability ratings.[70] While proponents highlight entrepreneurial innovation and constraint via market arbitrage, critics note elevated failure rates—up to 50% in some states—and periodic panics, such as the 1857 crisis, though empirical studies indicate lower overall instability than popularly assumed when adjusted for fraud detection.[71][72] Elsewhere in Europe, private issuance appeared sporadically; Sweden's commercial banks, starting with Skånska Privatbanken in 1831, emitted notes until centralization under the Riksbank.[73] In colonial and early America, while initial paper money comprised colony-issued bills of credit rather than private banknotes due to absent incorporated banks, post-independence private notes filled gaps amid specie scarcity.[74] These systems declined with national banking acts—U.S. National Banking Act of 1863 imposed taxes on state notes, effectively favoring federal issues, culminating in the Federal Reserve's 1913 monopoly and 1935 prohibition on private notes.[68][69] Historical private currencies demonstrated viability through redeemability and competition but faced challenges from asymmetric information and redemption runs, informing modern debates on monetary decentralization.[75]Denominations, Production, and Distribution
Banknotes are issued in standardized denominations selected by central banks to optimize transaction efficiency, minimize production costs, and align with public demand patterns derived from economic data and circulation statistics. Denominations typically progress in geometric or arithmetic series to facilitate change-making and higher-value exchanges, with lower values for everyday use and higher ones for bulk transactions. For example, the United States Federal Reserve issues Federal Reserve Notes in seven denominations: $1, $2, $5, $10, $20, $50, and $100, reflecting historical stability and demand forecasts showing dominance of $20 and $100 notes in circulation volume.[76] In the euro area, the European Central Bank oversees production of €5, €10, €20, €50, €100, €200, and €500 notes, though €500 issuance ceased in 2019 due to low usage and anti-crime measures, with remaining stock still legal tender.[77] [78] Central banks assess denomination needs annually via econometric models incorporating GDP growth, inflation, cash velocity, and return rates of unfit notes, often retaining series unchanged for decades unless hyperinflation or digitization shifts demand significantly.[79] Banknote production is a high-security operation conducted by central banks' in-house facilities or specialized contractors, emphasizing durability, authenticity features, and volume scalability. Quantities are forecasted collaboratively: for euros, national central banks (NCBs) and the ECB calculate needs to replace worn notes (about 20-30% annual return rate), accommodate seasonal peaks, and buffer against surges, allocating orders across 11 European printing works producing over 8 billion notes yearly as of recent data.[6] The process begins with substrate preparation—75% cotton and 25% linen blend for U.S. notes for tensile strength—and proceeds through offset printing for color tints, intaglio for raised portraits and vignettes under 20 tons of pressure per sheet, and finishing with serial numbering, cutting into 50-subject sheets (or 16-subject for some), and quality inspection via optical character recognition to cull defects at rates below 1%.[80] Security elements like watermarks, security threads, and color-shifting inks are integrated during printing, with polymer substrates increasingly adopted for longevity in currencies like the British pound (£5, £10, £20, £50).[81] Distribution mechanisms ensure equitable access while controlling money supply, with central banks acting as wholesalers to depository institutions rather than direct public issuers. In the U.S., the Bureau of Engraving and Printing delivers finished notes to Federal Reserve Bank vaults, from which 12 Reserve Banks fulfill orders from commercial banks via armored transport or electronic credits, processing over 40 billion notes annually to match net demand after verifying returned fit notes.[82] [83] Eurosystem NCBs similarly stockpile logistical reserves for routine redistribution and strategic stocks for disruptions, transferring notes inter-NCB via ECB-coordinated logistics to balance regional surpluses—e.g., higher €50 demand in southern Europe—while institutions access via settlement accounts.[6] This tiered system minimizes idle inventory costs, with central banks monitoring circulation via returned note data to adjust future production and demonetize unfit currency, which comprises 5-10% of annual volume depending on handling wear.[82]Materials and Manufacturing
Substrate Materials: Paper vs. Polymer
Traditional banknotes primarily utilize paper substrates made from cotton and linen rag fibers, which provide tactile quality, ink absorption, and resistance to folding compared to wood-based papers. These materials, often 75-100% cotton content, endure circulation for 6 to 18 months on average, with lower denominations wearing faster due to higher handling volumes. Wear manifests as soil accumulation, tears, and fiber breakdown, necessitating frequent replacement and contributing to production costs.[84][85] Polymer substrates, consisting of biaxially oriented polypropylene (BOPP) film with an opacifying layer and print-receptive coating, were first commercially issued by Australia in 1988 as a $10 commemorative note to combat counterfeiting vulnerabilities in paper. By 1996, Australia fully converted its series, becoming the first nation to do so; as of 2025, approximately 76 countries, including Canada, the United Kingdom, and New Zealand, have adopted polymer for at least some denominations. Polymer notes resist tearing, moisture, and dirt adhesion, extending average lifespan to 2.5-4 years—up to four times longer than paper equivalents—due to their non-fibrous structure and chemical stability.[86][87][85]| Aspect | Paper Substrates | Polymer Substrates |
|---|---|---|
| Durability | 6-18 months circulation; prone to tearing, soiling, and abrasion | 2.5-4 years; waterproof, tear-resistant, withstands temperatures from -40°C to 50°C |
| Production Cost | Lower per-note initial cost (e.g., cotton rag processing) | 1.5-2 times higher per note, offset by 40-60% fewer replacements over lifecycle |
| Security | Relies on watermarks, fibers; vulnerable to high-quality reproductions | Enables transparent windows, holograms; reduced counterfeiting rates (e.g., Australia's pass rate dropped post-adoption) |
| Environmental Impact | High replacement frequency increases resource use; soiled notes shredded, limiting recycling | Lower overall footprint (e.g., 30% less in Canada per lifecycle analysis) from longevity, though production emits more upfront; recyclable into pellets for non-currency plastics |
Printing Techniques and Durability
Banknotes employ specialized printing techniques to integrate security features while enhancing resistance to wear from circulation. Intaglio printing, the cornerstone of modern banknote production, involves incising designs into metal plates and forcing ink into the recesses under high pressure, resulting in raised, tactile ink layers that provide both visual depth and a distinctive "feel" for authentication.[80] This method is applied to portraits, vignettes, and borders, using durable inks that withstand repeated handling.[97] Offset lithography complements intaglio by printing fine-line backgrounds, guilloche patterns, and color gradients in multiple layers, enabling precise registration for anti-counterfeiting complexity.[98] These techniques are sequenced in production: for instance, the United States Bureau of Engraving and Printing applies intaglio to the reverse side in green ink, allows three days for drying, followed by offset and intaglio on the obverse.[80] Durability in banknotes arises from the interplay of printing methods, inks, and post-print coatings that mitigate soiling, abrasion, and tearing during use. Intaglio's thick ink deposits and specialized varnishes form protective barriers, while optically variable inks (OVI) integrated via intaglio shift colors under tilt, maintaining visibility despite soil accumulation.[99] Circulation simulators replicate real-world stress through cycles of folding, crumpling, soiling with dirt analogs, and mechanical abrasion to assess retention of optical and tactile properties.[100] Empirical lifespans vary by denomination and substrate; in the United States, a $1 note averages 7.2 years, $20 notes 11.1 years, and $100 notes longer due to less frequent handling, reflecting lower turnover rates for higher values.[101] Eurozone data indicate lower denominations endure about four years on average, with higher ones lasting longer from reduced transactions.[102] Advanced processes, such as those by the Banque de France's EverFit series, incorporate surface protections post-printing to extend lifespan in harsh environments, tested via accelerated aging protocols.[103] These methods prioritize inks and finishes resistant to chemical exposure and mechanical fatigue, ensuring notes remain functional until shredding, typically after 3–15 years depending on national data.[104] Overall, printing techniques not only deter forgery through complexity but causally extend usability by embedding resilient layers that delay degradation from empirical wear factors like friction and contaminants.[105]Environmental and Cost Considerations
Polymer banknotes, typically made from biaxially oriented polypropylene, exhibit a lower overall environmental footprint compared to traditional cotton-paper substrates when assessed across their full lifecycle, primarily due to their extended durability reducing replacement frequency. Lifecycle analyses conducted by central banks, such as the Bank of Canada's evaluation, indicate that polymer notes consume approximately 30 percent less total energy than paper notes, despite higher initial manufacturing demands, as fewer notes need production and distribution over time.[106][107] Similarly, the Bank of England's life cycle assessment found polymer substrates superior in categories like global warming potential and resource depletion.[108] Cotton-paper banknotes, derived from non-wood fibers, require significant water and agricultural inputs for production, contributing to higher upstream environmental burdens, whereas polymer's petroleum-based origin raises concerns over fossil fuel dependency, though its recyclability—via processes like chemical depolymerization or energy recovery through incineration—mitigates end-of-life impacts. A 2017 carbon footprint study by the Bank of England reported that a £5 polymer note has a 16 percent lower emissions profile than its paper equivalent, factoring in usage and disposal phases. In Mexico, a comparative study of high-durability cotton paper versus polymer showed the latter reducing acidification and eutrophication potentials by virtue of lower circulation turnover. Polymer notes' resistance to wear also curtails waste volume; unfit paper notes are typically shredded and landfilled or incinerated, generating approximately 1 kg of briquetted waste per 1,000 notes, while polymer variants enable higher recovery rates in waste-to-energy systems.[109][104] From a cost perspective, polymer substrates incur 20-50 percent higher per-unit production expenses than cotton paper due to specialized extrusion and coating processes, but their lifespan—often 2 to 4 times longer, averaging 2.5 to 7.5 years versus 6-18 months for paper—yields net savings through reduced printing and logistics demands. The Reserve Bank of Australia's cost-benefit analysis of its polymer series, introduced progressively from 1988, demonstrated breakeven within 5-6 years, with ongoing annual savings from diminished replacement volumes equating to millions in avoided expenditures. Lifecycle modeling confirms that in high-circulation scenarios, polymer's durability offsets initial premiums, lowering total ownership costs by up to 30 percent for denominations in frequent use.[89][90][92]Security Features and Counterfeiting Challenges
Evolution of Anti-Counterfeiting Measures
Early anti-counterfeiting measures for banknotes relied on paper-making techniques and printing methods that were difficult to replicate without specialized equipment. Watermarks, created by varying paper thickness during production, were first applied to banknotes in 1661 by Stockholms Banco, featuring the word "BANCO" in a scroll design visible when held to light. [110] Intaglio printing, involving incised plates to produce raised ink with fine details and tactile relief, became prominent for currency around 1840 through advancements by the American Banknote Company, which employed teams of engravers to create intricate portraits and guilloche patterns resistant to photographic reproduction. [111] In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, features like serial numbering and complex vignettes were standardized to aid verification, with the U.S. Secret Service established in 1865 partly to combat widespread counterfeiting that affected up to one-third of circulating notes by the 1860s. [112] Security threads, thin metallic or plastic strips embedded in paper, originated from a 1867 U.S. patent by Crane & Co. but saw practical deployment in 1940 on Bank of England notes to thwart Nazi Operation Bernhard forgeries. [113] [114] Post-World War II innovations incorporated optically variable elements; the first hologram on a circulating banknote appeared in 1988 on Australian notes via a diffractive device, followed by Kinegram foils on Austrian schilling notes. [115] Microprinting—text too small for casual reproduction—and fluorescent inks detectable under UV light were introduced in U.S. Federal Reserve notes starting with Series 1990 $100 bills, extending to other denominations by 1993. [116] Color-shifting inks and embedded threads with denomination-specific glows further evolved in the 1990s, as seen in redesigned U.S. $100 notes of 1996. [117] Into the 21st century, multilayered features like see-through registers and latent images combined with digital verification tools have proliferated, with polymer substrates introduced in Australia in 1988 enhancing durability and enabling transparent windows with embedded holograms. [118] These measures reflect a progression from mechanical replication barriers to multifaceted, machine-readable defenses, driven by advancing counterfeiter technologies like high-resolution scanning. [119]Historical and Modern Counterfeiting Incidents
During the American Civil War, counterfeiting of currency proliferated, with estimates indicating that up to one-third of circulating notes in the United States were fake by the 1860s, exacerbating economic instability and prompting the creation of the U.S. Secret Service in 1865 specifically to combat it.[112] Union operatives also produced counterfeit Confederate notes to undermine the Southern economy, with Philadelphia printer Samuel Upham issuing over 1.5 million imitation Confederate bills marketed as "fac-similes for the curious," which inadvertently flooded markets and contributed to hyperinflation in the Confederacy, where note values depreciated by over 9,000% by war's end.[120][121] In 1925, Portuguese fraudster Alves dos Reis orchestrated the Portuguese Bank Note Crisis by forging official letters to induce British printer Waterlow & Sons to produce 200,000 genuine 500-escudo notes—equivalent to about 0.88% of Portugal's gross domestic product—without Bank of Portugal authorization, leading to a liquidity crisis, bank runs, and temporary suspension of note convertibility until the forgeries were detected through serial number discrepancies.[122][123] The largest state-sponsored counterfeiting effort occurred during World War II with Nazi Germany's Operation Bernhard, launched in 1942 at Sachsenhausen concentration camp, where skilled Jewish prisoners forged approximately £134 million in British pounds (equivalent to billions today) using seized Bank of England plates and intaglio presses to fund espionage, bribe officials, and potentially destabilize the UK economy, though most notes were dumped in Austrian lakes rather than circulated widely.[124][125] In modern times, "superdollars"—exceptionally high-quality counterfeit U.S. $100 bills featuring advanced intaglio printing, cotton-linen blend paper, and security strips—first surfaced in 1989 and have been attributed by U.S. authorities to North Korea's state operations, with seizures totaling over 350,000 notes by the early 2000s and ongoing detections linked to DPRK diplomats passing them for foreign currency to evade sanctions.[126] U.S. Secret Service data show counterfeit detections rising post-2020, with over $500 million seized in fiscal year 2020 alone and $102 million passed in 2023, fueled by accessible digital printers and organized crime networks, though representing less than 0.01% of genuine currency in circulation.[127][128] Canadian criminal Frank Bourassa produced and laundered $250 million in fake U.S. $20 bills between 2009 and 2012 using commercial presses and bleach-washed notes, marking one of the largest individual operations before his 2012 arrest.[129]Detection Technologies and Economic Impacts
Detection technologies for banknotes encompass a range of manual and automated methods designed to verify authenticity by examining security features such as watermarks, security threads, inks, and substrates. Manual tools include counterfeit detection pens, which apply an iodine-based ink that reacts differently to the starch content in genuine cotton-linen paper versus wood-pulp-based counterfeits, turning black on fakes but yellow on real notes. Ultraviolet (UV) lamps reveal fluorescent elements absent or mismatched in counterfeits, while basic visual inspections check for raised intaglio printing and microprinting. These low-cost methods are widely used in retail but have limitations against sophisticated fakes.[130][131] Automated detection relies on high-speed sorters and validators equipped with multisensor arrays, including visible light, infrared (IR), UV, and magnetic sensors to analyze spectral signatures, ink magnetism, and thread conductivity. For instance, commercial systems from Giesecke+Devrient employ tailored sensors to authenticate features like color-shifting inks and holograms, achieving near-real-time verification in banking and vending applications. The European Central Bank (ECB) maintains a list of validated authentication devices tested for euro banknotes, emphasizing combined optical and machine-readable checks to minimize false positives. Advanced techniques, such as short-wave infrared (SWIR) hyperspectral imaging, enable subsurface analysis to detect anomalies in polymer substrates or embedded fibers, with studies showing efficacy in distinguishing high-fidelity counterfeits. Covert taggants, like those in Authentix's Jewel system, provide machine-readable markers invisible to the naked eye, integrated into central bank sorters for bulk processing.[132][133][134] Economic impacts of counterfeiting include direct losses from passed fakes, which represent seigniorage theft and consumer harm, alongside indirect costs like eroded public confidence and enforcement expenses. In the United States, the Secret Service recorded $102 million in counterfeit currency passed during fiscal year 2023, though seizures totaled $21 million, indicating active interdiction but ongoing circulation risks. For the eurozone, 467,000 counterfeit notes were withdrawn in 2023 and 554,000 in 2024, primarily €20 and €50 denominations, yet these constitute a minuscule fraction—less than 0.002%—of the 28 billion genuine notes in circulation, suggesting low systemic risk relative to total monetary stock. Globally, currency counterfeiting undermines economic stability by facilitating illicit finance, but direct losses pale compared to other frauds like credit card scams, with U.S. estimates framing it as a minor threat to overall financial integrity.[135][128][136] Detection investments yield net benefits by reducing these losses and preserving trust, though they impose upfront costs for central banks in R&D and equipment deployment. Enhanced technologies have correlated with declining counterfeit rates post-euro redesigns, as seen in ECB data showing stabilized low incidences after 2019 series introductions. However, persistent low-quality fakes, often produced via consumer printers, highlight that while advanced detection protects high-volume handlers, public education remains crucial to mitigate retail-level impacts. Broader enforcement, including international cooperation via Interpol, addresses organized operations that amplify economic distortions through money laundering ties.[137][138]Economic Functions and Effects
Role in Transactions and Monetary Velocity
Banknotes function as a tangible medium of exchange in economic transactions, enabling direct payments without reliance on electronic infrastructure, which is particularly valuable for small-value exchanges, informal sectors, and populations lacking access to banking or digital tools. In the euro area, cash accounted for 52% of point-of-sale transactions by number in 2023, though this share declined from 59% in 2022, reflecting persistent use despite digital alternatives. Globally, cash usage stood at approximately 80% of 2019 levels as of 2024, underscoring its role in maintaining transactional continuity in regions with uneven digital adoption or during disruptions like power outages. This physical form supports anonymity and finality in peer-to-peer transfers, reducing intermediation costs compared to card-based systems, where fees can exceed 2% per transaction in some markets.[139][140] In the United States, cash comprised 14% of consumer payments by number in 2024, trailing credit (35%) and debit cards (30%) but remaining integral for low-value and in-person dealings, where it avoids network dependencies. Empirical data indicate that banknotes facilitate higher transaction speeds in cash-intensive economies; for instance, in developing markets, cash circulates more rapidly for daily necessities, supporting economic activity where credit creation is limited. However, their role varies by context: in high-trust, digitized settings like Sweden, cash transactions fell below 1% of retail volume by 2023, shifting reliance to traceable digital flows.[141][142] Banknotes influence monetary velocity—the ratio of nominal GDP to money supply, capturing how frequently currency changes hands—by enabling repeated use in sequential transactions within a period. Velocity of narrow money aggregates like M1, which include circulating banknotes, tends to exceed that of broader measures due to their transactional primacy; for example, U.S. M1 velocity averaged around 5-7 pre-2008 but declined amid hoarding post-financial crisis, partly as physical cash was stored rather than spent. In France, banknote circulation velocity slowed between 2010 and 2022 despite rising issuance volumes, attributed to increased domestic hoarding and cross-border flows, where exported notes yield zero domestic velocity. Empirical models show that a 10% velocity drop, potentially from reduced cash turnover via digital substitutes, correlates with subdued inflationary pressure in transaction-cost sensitive economies like Indonesia. Conversely, in cash-dominant informal sectors, banknotes sustain high velocity by bypassing banking frictions, though overall declines in cash use globally—coupled with digital money's potential to lower holding costs—may compress aggregate velocity by encouraging retention over recirculation.[143][144][145]Contributions to Inflation and Seigniorage
Seigniorage from banknotes arises as the profit earned by central banks from the difference between the face value of issued currency and its low production and distribution costs, typically amounting to a fraction of a cent per note for high denominations. This revenue accrues when banks acquire banknotes from the central bank at face value, effectively providing interest-free funding that the central bank invests in interest-bearing assets, with net earnings remitted to the government after expenses.[146][147] In fiscal year 2022, for example, the Bank of Canada reported seigniorage earnings exceeding CAD 2 billion, primarily from banknote circulation minus operational costs.[147] Such income represents a form of non-distortionary taxation, as it leverages the monopoly on currency issuance without direct levies, though it diminishes as a share of GDP in advanced economies with low cash usage.[148] In the United States, the Federal Reserve's issuance of Federal Reserve Notes generates seigniorage through similar mechanics, with the Bureau of Engraving and Printing producing notes at costs averaging about 5.6 cents per $100 bill in recent years, yielding near-total face value as profit upon circulation. These earnings contribute to the Fed's remittances to the U.S. Treasury, which totaled $109 billion in 2021 before shifting to losses amid higher interest rates.[149] Globally, seigniorage from physical currency remains significant in emerging markets with higher cash reliance, where it can fund up to 1-2% of GDP in some cases, contrasting with fractional contributions in digital-heavy systems.[150] Banknotes contribute to inflation when their issuance expands the monetary base excessively relative to economic output, embodying the quantity theory of money where money supply growth outpaces real goods and services, eroding purchasing power. Physical currency forms the currency component of the monetary base (M0), which influences broader aggregates like M2 through bank lending; rapid banknote printing to monetize deficits injects liquidity that, if unsterilized, accelerates velocity and price rises.[151][152] In modern economies, this effect is moderated by fractional reserve banking and policy tools, but historical over-issuance demonstrates direct causality: Weimar Germany's Reichsbank printed marks to cover World War I reparations and deficits, driving monthly inflation to 29,500% by November 1923 as money supply surged without productivity gains.[153] Extreme cases underscore banknotes' inflationary potential through unchecked seigniorage pursuit, often termed an "inflation tax" on cash holders. In Zimbabwe, from 2006 onward, the Reserve Bank printed trillions in Zimbabwean dollars to finance expenditures, culminating in hyperinflation of 79.6 billion percent monthly by November 2008, rendering banknotes worthless and prompting abandonment of the currency.[154] Hungary's post-World War II pengő issuance similarly escalated, achieving the record monthly hyperinflation rate of 41.9 quadrillion percent in July 1946 due to wartime printing and reconstruction costs, before stabilization via the forint.[153] These episodes reveal that while seigniorage provides fiscal relief—equivalent to taxing money holders proportionally to holdings—sustained abuse erodes confidence, accelerates velocity, and spirals into hyperinflation, as real money demand collapses.[148] Empirical analyses confirm that in high-inflation environments, seigniorage maximization correlates with output drops of 10-20% due to distorted incentives and uncertainty.[148]Impacts on Financial Inclusion and Crises
Banknotes serve as a fundamental medium for financial inclusion in regions with limited banking infrastructure, particularly among unbanked populations who constitute approximately 75% of the world's poorest adults. In low- and middle-income countries, where formal account ownership remains below 50% in many areas, physical cash facilitates everyday transactions, remittances, and savings for individuals lacking access to digital or institutional financial services. Empirical data from the World Bank's Global Findex database indicate that cash reliance persists in rural and informal economies, enabling economic participation without prerequisites like identification or credit history, which often exclude marginalized groups. This accessibility contrasts with digital alternatives, which require reliable electricity, internet, and devices—factors absent for over 1 billion people in developing regions.[155] During financial crises, demand for banknotes surges as a hedge against institutional instability, reflecting a preference for tangible assets over deposits vulnerable to bank runs or digital disruptions. Historical evidence from the 2008 global financial crisis shows elevated currency withdrawals across major economies, driven by eroded confidence in banks and a flight to liquidity, with U.S. currency in circulation rising by about 10% in the immediate aftermath. Similarly, analyses of crises over the past three decades, including the Eurozone debt turmoil and the COVID-19 pandemic, reveal consistent increases in cash hoarding regardless of crisis type—financial, inflationary, or political—due to its role as a low-risk store of value and medium of exchange when electronic systems falter. In natural disasters or pandemics, cash enables immediate transactions amid power outages or network failures, underscoring its resilience.[156][157][158] In hyperinflationary episodes, however, banknotes exacerbate economic distress by necessitating rapid issuance of ever-higher denominations, which fail as stable units of account and erode public trust in fiat currency. Cases like Zimbabwe's 2008-2009 hyperinflation, where monthly inflation exceeded 79 billion percent, saw banknotes become functionally worthless, prompting shifts to barter or foreign cash, while Weimar Germany's 1923 crisis involved wheelbarrows of notes for basic goods, illustrating how excessive printing fuels velocity collapse and social unrest. Such scenarios highlight banknotes' dual-edged impact: they provide short-term liquidity but amplify crises when monetary policy loses credibility, often leading to dollarization or asset substitutions. Central banks' responses, like redenomination, mitigate logistical chaos but do not address underlying fiscal imbalances.[159]Controversies and Policy Debates
Enabling Illicit Finance and Tax Evasion
Banknotes facilitate illicit finance primarily through their inherent anonymity, enabling transactions that evade detection by financial surveillance systems. Unlike digital payments, which generate traceable records via banks or payment processors, physical cash allows peer-to-peer transfers without intermediaries, making it a preferred medium for money laundering across nearly all crime types, including drug trafficking and organized crime.[160] The Financial Action Task Force (FATF) identifies cash as a core instrument for criminals due to its untraceability, with bulk cash smuggling—often involving high-denomination banknotes—remaining a dominant method for moving illicit proceeds internationally, as evidenced in the U.S. Treasury's 2024 National Money Laundering Risk Assessment, which highlights U.S. dollar notes' role in domestic and cross-border laundering.[161] Similarly, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) estimates that drug traffickers laundered approximately US$1.6 trillion globally in 2009, equivalent to 2.7% of world GDP, with cash serving as the initial and persistent vector for integrating proceeds into legitimate channels before more complex layering.[162] In terrorist financing, banknotes support low-value, high-volume operations by permitting discreet funding of operatives without digital footprints, as noted in FATF typologies where cash couriers and physical stockpiles underpin non-profit and charitable diversions for extremist groups.[163] Europol reports underscore cash's persistence in criminal ecosystems, even amid digital alternatives, due to its fungibility and resistance to real-time monitoring, with criminals exploiting cash-intensive businesses like casinos or remittances to "place" dirty money.[164] UNODC data further links cash to broader illicit flows, estimating annual laundering volumes at 2-5% of global GDP (roughly €715 billion to €1.8 trillion), predominantly from drug markets where banknotes bridge production sites to consumer endpoints.[165] Regarding tax evasion, banknotes underpin shadow economies by enabling unreported cash transactions that bypass invoicing and taxation, particularly in informal sectors like retail, construction, and services. The World Bank notes that cash dealings, absent receipts, amplify evasion risks, with empirical models linking higher cash circulation to expanded underground activities that erode tax bases.[166] Currency demand approaches to shadow economy estimation reveal that elevated cash holdings correlate with tax morale deficits, as agents opt for anonymous bilateral trades to underreport income; for instance, studies across OECD countries show average personal income tax evasion rates declining modestly from 2% in 1999 to 1.5% in 2010, yet persisting via cash in high-evasion environments.[167][168] IMF analyses of underground growth attribute a significant portion to cash-facilitated barter and evasion in illicit trades, including smuggling and unreported labor, where physical notes allow circumvention of value-added tax (VAT) and income reporting.[169] Policies capping cash payments, such as those studied in evasion models, demonstrate causal reductions in shadow activity by forcing traceable alternatives, confirming cash's enabling role.[170]High-Denomination Notes and Criminal Use
High-denomination banknotes, such as the €500 note and the US $100 bill, facilitate the transport and storage of large sums with minimal bulk, making them attractive for illicit activities including money laundering, drug trafficking, and tax evasion. For instance, €1 million in €500 notes weighs approximately 2 kilograms and occupies a volume of about 1 liter, compared to 10 kilograms and 5 liters for the same amount in €100 notes, enabling criminals to move significant value discreetly across borders.[171] Europol has noted that while not all cash use is criminal, criminals universally rely on cash at some stage of money laundering, with high-value notes disproportionately seized in operations targeting organized crime.[172] In response to these associations, the European Central Bank ceased production and issuance of the €500 note in May 2016, citing its potential to aid illegal activities, though existing notes retain legal tender status indefinitely.[173] Law enforcement agencies, including the UK's Serious Organised Crime Agency, reported in 2010 that up to 90% of seized criminal cash in some cases consisted of €500 notes, prompting earlier restrictions in certain jurisdictions.[174] Similarly, the US $100 bill, which surpassed the $1 bill in circulation volume by 2017 with much of the stock held abroad, has been linked to corruption and illicit finance in emerging markets, where its stability and anonymity outweigh lower denominations for storing untraceable wealth.[175][176] Empirical evidence tying high-denomination notes directly to crime volumes remains circumstantial, as criminals adapt to alternatives like digital transfers or lower denominations, and legitimate uses—such as savings in unstable economies—persist.[177] Nonetheless, economists like Kenneth Rogoff argue that the net social cost of such notes outweighs benefits, given their role in enabling underground economies estimated to evade taxes at rates of 6-70% of potential revenue in various countries.[177] Proposals to eliminate the $100 bill in the US, akin to historical discontinuations of higher US denominations post-1969, have gained traction among anti-corruption advocates but face resistance due to seigniorage revenues and privacy concerns.[178]Demonetization Policies and Their Outcomes
Demonetization policies declare specific banknote denominations no longer legal tender, compelling exchange for new currency within a deadline, often to eradicate black money, counterfeit notes, or excess liquidity. These measures, implemented in various nations, aim to disrupt illicit economies but frequently cause acute short-term disruptions like cash shortages and transaction halts in cash-reliant sectors. Empirical analyses reveal mixed outcomes, with successes in curbing high-value hoarding but limited efficacy against broader underground activities due to rapid recirculation of funds via exemptions or laundering.[179] In the United States, President Richard Nixon's 1969 executive order demonetized bills of $500, $1,000, $5,000, and $10,000—denominations last printed in 1945—to combat inflation, organized crime, and tax evasion linked to large cash holdings. This policy effectively reduced circulation of these notes to under 0.01% of total currency by the 1970s, minimizing their use in illegal transactions without widespread economic fallout, as lower denominations sufficed for legitimate purposes. Outcomes included enhanced traceability of high-value dealings and negligible inflationary pressure from hoarded bills, though critics noted it did not eradicate crime, merely shifting tactics.[180] India's November 8, 2016, demonetization invalidated ₹500 and ₹1,000 notes, representing 86% of currency in circulation by value (approximately $220 billion), targeting undeclared wealth, terrorism financing, and counterfeits. The policy triggered immediate chaos: bank queues, agricultural sales drops of up to 30%, and formal sector output declines, with GDP growth contracting by at least 3 percentage points in November–December 2016 due to curtailed activity in construction and informal trade. Nearly 99.3% of demonetized notes returned to banks by mid-2017, suggesting minimal black money annihilation as holders exploited exemptions, loans, or hawala networks to launder funds. Counterfeit detection rose initially but counterfeit ₹500 notes surged post-policy, per Reserve Bank of India data.[181][182][183] Longer-term effects in India included a 20–30% spike in digital transactions and tax base expansion, with individual income tax returns rising 25% in fiscal year 2017–2018, attributed to coerced formalization amid cash scarcity. However, peer-reviewed studies indicate persistent informal economy resilience, with employment in cash-intensive sectors like textiles falling 2 million jobs by early 2017 and no sustained corruption decline, as structural incentives for evasion remained. Independent assessments, such as from the National Bureau of Economic Research, emphasize that while demonetization exposed cash dependency vulnerabilities, its net economic cost outweighed benefits for core goals like wealth redistribution.[184][185] Other instances, like India's 1978 demonetization of ₹1,000, ₹5,000, and ₹10,000 notes (0.5–1% of currency), yielded modest black money recovery of ₹7 crore but highlighted recurring implementation flaws, including elite exemptions that undermined equity. In Nigeria's 1984 reform, withdrawing high notes curbed speculation but fueled inflation to 40% amid supply mismanagement. These cases underscore a pattern: demonetization disrupts liquidity more effectively in digitized economies but falters where cash predominates, often failing to address root causes like weak enforcement without complementary reforms.[186]Privacy vs. Surveillance Trade-offs
Banknotes facilitate transactions that inherently preserve user privacy, as physical exchanges leave no centralized digital record accessible to third parties, limiting surveillance to direct observation by involved parties.[187] This anonymity contrasts with electronic payments, where data on payer, payee, amount, and timing are routinely logged by intermediaries, enabling potential government access for monitoring purposes.[188] In jurisdictions like the United States, existing financial surveillance laws, such as the Bank Secrecy Act, mandate reporting of cash transactions exceeding $10,000, illustrating how even cash use is partially tracked while digital systems amplify traceability.[189] The shift toward cashless systems exacerbates surveillance risks, as evidenced by Sweden, where cash accounted for less than 1% of GDP by 2019, with over 90% of transactions digital, resulting in comprehensive logging of routine purchases and heightened vulnerability to data breaches or state overreach.[190] This transition has excluded segments like the elderly and unbanked, who face barriers to participation without digital infrastructure, while enabling real-time profiling of spending patterns.[191] Proponents of reduced cash circulation argue it curbs illicit finance, citing estimates that anonymous cash enables up to 10-20% of transactions in high-crime economies to evade detection, yet empirical analyses indicate that eliminating cash may redirect criminal activity to harder-to-trace digital methods like cryptocurrency, without proportionally reducing overall illegality.[192][193] Central bank digital currencies (CBDCs) represent a pivotal trade-off, promising efficiency but posing amplified surveillance threats through programmable features that could enforce spending limits, expirations, or geo-fencing, as explored in designs balancing auditability against privacy.[194] European Central Bank discussions on the digital euro emphasize offline capabilities to approximate cash's privacy—where transactions remain untraceable to the issuer—but acknowledge that online variants risk aggregating user data for anti-money laundering, potentially mirroring cash's anonymity only in limited scenarios.[195] Critics, including analyses from the Cato Institute, contend that CBDCs could enable total financial visibility, eroding the bulwark against authoritarian controls seen in historical cash-dependent dissident economies, where digital alternatives facilitated account freezes during political unrest.[196] While cash's privacy facilitates tax evasion—estimated at 2-3% of GDP in advanced economies—it also safeguards against systemic risks like cyber outages, as demonstrated in Sweden's 2015-2020 banking disruptions that left cash-dependent users resilient.[197][198] Policy debates underscore causal realism in these trade-offs: empirical data from declining cash use correlates with rising financial exclusion rates (up to 5% in low-digitalization groups), yet surveillance advocates prioritize crime reduction, overlooking long-term incentives for state expansion via data monopolies.[199] Banknotes thus embody a decentralized check on centralized power, with their persistence tied to public resistance against traceable alternatives, as seen in ongoing European efforts to mandate cash acceptance amid privacy advocacy.[187]Contemporary Trends and Future Prospects
Global Demand Fluctuations and Production Shifts
Global demand for banknotes has demonstrated resilience amid the rise of digital payments, with the value of currency in circulation increasing in many jurisdictions due to cash's role as a store of value, medium for informal transactions, and hedge against uncertainty.[200] [201] The global banknotes market, valued at $8.1 billion in 2024, is projected to reach $9.6 billion by 2030, reflecting a compound annual growth rate (CAGR) of 2.7%, driven by persistent circulation needs in emerging economies and non-transactional hoarding.[202] Alternatively, estimates place the market at $14.9 billion in 2024 with a higher CAGR of 5.5% through 2034, attributing growth to security enhancements and replacement demands.[203] Demand fluctuates significantly during economic shocks, with crises consistently elevating cash holdings as individuals seek liquidity and distrust electronic systems.[204] In 2020, the COVID-19 pandemic triggered an abnormally high surge in euro banknote circulation, a pattern echoed in prior crises like the 2008 financial meltdown, where cash served precautionary motives beyond transactional use.[200] Inflation's return in 2022 temporarily suppressed global demand by eroding real purchasing power, but early 2024 data indicate a rebound, with production of new banknotes expanding at a 3.7% CAGR from 2019 to 2024 despite declining point-of-sale cash usage in advanced economies.[205] [206] Emerging markets sustain higher demand volumes due to limited banking access and preference for physical currency in remittances and savings, contrasting with digital-heavy regions like Scandinavia.[207] Banknote production has shifted toward durable substrates and advanced printing technologies to address wear and counterfeiting, reducing long-term output needs while maintaining supply. The adoption of polymer notes, pioneered in Australia in 1988 and now used in over 30 countries including Canada and the United Kingdom, extends lifespan to 2.5 times that of traditional cotton-linen paper, lowering replacement rates—for instance, polymer bills circulate 4–5 years versus 1–2 years for paper.[208] This transition supports a projected 6% CAGR in the global banknote market through 2028, fueled by polymer's security features like transparent windows.[208] Central banks forecast production volumes collaboratively; the European Central Bank, for example, bases euro note output on national central bank inputs and internal projections, while the U.S. Bureau of Engraving and Printing produced 7.3 billion notes in fiscal year 2023, predominantly $20 and $100 denominations.[209] [210]| Year | U.S. Notes Printed (millions) | Key Denominations Focus |
|---|---|---|
| 2020 | 7,256 | $100 (4.9B), $20 (1.7B) |
| 2021 | 6,785 | $100 (4.1B), $20 (1.9B) |
| 2022 | 7,179 | $100 (4.0B), $20 (2.3B) |
| 2023 | 7,329 | $100 (4.1B), $20 (2.2B) |
