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The Tomb of Salim Chishti at Fatehpur Sikri, India was built in 1581 during the reign of Mughal Emperor Akbar.

A Sufi shrine or dargah (Persian: درگاه dargâh or درگه dargah, Turkish: dergâh, Hindustani: dargāh दरगाह درگاہ, Bengali: দরগাহ dôrgah) is a shrine or tomb built over the grave of a revered religious figure, often a Sufi saint or dervish. Sufis often visit the shrine for ziyarat, a term associated with religious visitation and pilgrimages. Dargahs are often associated with Sufi eating and meeting rooms and hostels, called khanqah or hospices. They usually include a mosque, meeting rooms, Islamic religious schools (madrassas), residences for a teacher or caretaker, hospitals, and other buildings for community purposes.

The same structure, carrying the same social meanings and sites of the same kinds of ritual practices, is called maqam in the Arabic-speaking world.

Dargah today is considered to be a place where saints prayed and mediated (their spiritual residence). The shrine is modern day building which encompasses of actual dargah as well but not always.

Etymology

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Dargah is derived from a Persian word which literally means "portal" or "threshold."[1] The Persian word is a composite of "dar (در)" meaning "door, gate" and "gah (گاه)" meaning "place". It may have a connection or connotation with the Arabic word "darajah (دَرَجَة)" meaning "stature, prestige, dignity, order, place" or may also mean "status, position, rank, echelon, class". Some Sufi and other Muslims believe that dargahs are portals by which they can invoke the deceased saint's intercession and blessing (as per tawassul, also known as dawat-e qaboor[2][Persian: da‘wat-i qabũrدعوتِ قبور, "invocations of the graves or tombs"] or ‘ilm-e dawat [Persian: ‘ilm-i da‘wat عِلمِ دعوت, "knowledge of invocations"]). Still others hold a less important view of dargahs, and simply visit as a means of paying their respects to deceased pious individuals or to pray at the sites for perceived spiritual benefits.

However, dargah is originally a core concept in Islamic Sufism and holds great importance for the followers of Sufi saints. Many Muslims believe their wishes are fulfilled after they offer prayer or service at a dargah of the saint they follow. Devotees tie threads of mannat (Persian: منّت, "grace, favour, praise") at dargahs and contribute to langar and pray at dargahs.

Over time, musical offerings of dervishes and sheikhs in the presence of the devout at these shrines, usually impromptu or on the occasion of Urs, gave rise to musical genres like Qawwali and Kafi, wherein Sufi poetry is accompanied by music and sung as an offering to a murshid, a type of Sufi spiritual instructor. Today they have become a popular form of music and entertainment throughout South Asia, with exponents like Nusrat Fateh Ali Khan and Abida Parveen taking their music to various parts of the world.[3][4]

Throughout the non-Arab Muslim world

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Sufi shrines are found in many Muslim communities throughout the world and are called by many names. The term dargah is common in the Persian-influenced Islamic world, notably in Iran, Turkey and South Asia.[5]

In South Africa, the term is used to describe shrines in the Durban area where there is a strong Indian presence, while the term kramat is more commonly used in Cape Town, where there is a strong Cape Malay culture.[6]

In South Asia, dargahs are often the site of festivals (milad) held in honor of the deceased saint on the anniversary of his death (urs). The shrine is illuminated with candles or strings of electric lights at this time.[7] Dargahs in South Asia, have historically been a place for all faiths since the medieval times; for example, the Ajmer Sharif Dargah was a meeting place for Hindus and Muslims to pay respect and even to the revered Saint Mu'in al-Din Chishti.[8][9]

In China, the term gongbei is usually used for shrine complexes centered around a Sufi saint's tomb.[10]

Worldwide

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There are many active dargahs open to the public worldwide where aspirants may go for a retreat. The following is a list of dargahs open to the public.

Opposition by other Sunni groups

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The Ahl-i Hadith, Deobandi, Salafi and Wahhabi religious scholars argue against the practice of constructing shrines over graves, and consider it as associating partners with God, which is called shirk.[14] They believe Islamic prophet Muhammad strongly condemned the practice of turning graves into places of worship and even cursed those who did so.[15][16][17][18][19] Although visiting graves is encouraged for the sake of visiting not to worship in the manner that many Sufi go to do ziyarat and make dua with the intercessions of saints which is not rooted within Islam to remember death and the Day of Judgment.[19][20][21]

Sufi defence on permissibility of Dargah

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Sufis, refute such claims on the basis of misquotation of hadith. The hadith "Let there be curse of Allah upon the Jews and the Christians for they have taken the graves of their apostles as places of worship." (Sahih Muslim),[22] is directed towards the disbelievers not the Muslims who took graves as place of worship i.e. they prayed facing towards the graves, this is not the practice of Sufis as they do not take graves as their Qibla (direction). As for constructing structure over grave, it is refuted on the basis that the grave of Prophet Muhammad and the first two Khalifa, Abu Bakr and Umar, itself have a structure over it.

To construct a building, shelter or edifice around the graves of the Auliya Allah (Friends of Allah) and Scholars of Islam or nearby is proven to be permissible from the Quran and practice and rulings of the Sahaba.

Narrating the incident of the People of the Cave [Ashaab-e-Kahf), the Holy Quran states, “The person who was dominant in this matter said, “We shall build a Masjid over the People of the Cave.””– [Surah Kahf. Verse 21]

Imam Fakhr al-Din al-Razi explains the above Quran verse in his famous Tafsir al-Kabeer, "And when Allah said 'Those who prevailed over their affair' this refers to the Muslim ruler or the friends of Ashaab al-Kahf (i.e. believers) or the leaders of town. 'We will surely build a Mosque over them' so that we can worship Allah in it and preserve the relics of companions of the cave due to this mosque." [Tafsir al-Kabeer, 5/475]

Imam Abu al-Walid al-Baji, quotes in his book Al-Muntaqa Sharh al-Muwatta (commentary of Muwatta Imam Malik), "Hadrat Umar built a dome over the grave of Hadrat Zainab bint Jahsh, and Sayyidah Aisha on the grave of her brother Hadrat Abdur-Rahman and Hadrat Muhammad ibn al-Hanafiyya on the grave of Hadrat Ibn Abbas. So Whoever has classified building domes to be disliked (Makrooh) has said so if they are built in order to show off." (Imam Badr al-Din al-Ayni, also writes the same in his book Umdat al-Qari – commentary of Sahih Bukhari.)[23]

See also

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References

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Bibliography

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Dargah

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A dargah is the or constructed over the of a revered Sufi in Islamic tradition, particularly prevalent in where it functions as a focal point for and . The term derives from the Persian word meaning "court" or "portal," signifying a threshold to the associated with the saint's spiritual legacy. Dargahs emerged as central institutions in , enabling devotees to perform —ritual visitation—to seek intercession () from the saint, believed to hold or blessings post-mortem, though this practice draws criticism from stricter Sunni interpretations as potential innovation or associationism. Prominent dargahs, such as Ajmer Sharif in honoring Moinuddin Chishti and in for Hujwiri, attract millions annually for festivals commemorating the saints' death anniversaries, featuring devotional music and communal feasts that blend Persianate with local customs. These sites underscore Sufism's role in disseminating through personal piety and miracle narratives rather than doctrinal enforcement, fostering enduring cultural synthesis in regions like the despite theological debates over saint veneration's .

Origins and Historical Development

Early Islamic Precedents for Grave Veneration

The Prophet Muhammad initially prohibited visitation to graves during the early Medinan period to curb pre-Islamic practices of excessive mourning and potential , but subsequently permitted it as a reminder of mortality and the hereafter. A narrated by Ibn Mas'ud states: "I had prohibited you from visiting graves, but now visit them, for they will remind you of the Hereafter," recorded in (no. 976). This shift, occurring around 630–632 CE, established visitation (ziyarah) as a sanctioned practice focused on supplication for the deceased and personal reflection, rather than ritual excess. The himself modeled grave visitation by regularly going to the burial site of the martyrs from the in March 625 CE, where he greeted them with salutations such as "Peace be upon you, O abode of a believing people" and invoked blessings upon them. Historical reports indicate he performed this annually or whenever possible, emphasizing remembrance of sacrifice and divine reward, as transmitted through chains including . Such acts by the provided direct precedents for honoring the graves of the righteous, including companions (sahabah), through verbal address and prayer, without erecting structures or seeking . Following the Prophet's death in 632 CE, companions began visiting his grave in the in , located in Aisha's chamber adjacent to his prayer niche, continuing the practice of greeting and supplicating at sacred sites associated with prophetic figures. Early accounts, such as those from Imam Malik (d. 795 CE), recommend facing the grave during visitation while turning from the to invoke blessings, reflecting a normative for sahaba tombs without elaboration into shrines. These precedents—rooted in prophetic example and —laid the groundwork for later expansions in grave-related devotion, though orthodox sources stress they were confined to simplicity and avoidance of worship-like veneration to prevent shirk (). Archaeological and textual from the formative period shows no widespread monumentalization, aligning with hadiths forbidding building mosques over graves.

Rise with Sufi Orders and Spread

The institutionalization of Sufi orders, known as tariqas or silsilas, from the 12th century onward facilitated the rise of dargahs as permanent shrines over the graves of spiritual masters, or pirs, shifting from transient ascetic practices to structured centers of devotion and transmission of esoteric knowledge. These orders created hierarchical chains of succession, where the legacy of deceased leaders was preserved through tomb veneration, drawing pilgrims seeking barakah (spiritual blessing) and fostering communal gatherings at khanqahs that often adjoined gravesites. This development built on earlier 8th-9th century Sufi mysticism but gained momentum as orders like the Chishti and Suhrawardiyya formalized rituals around saintly intercession, embedding dargahs within broader Islamic social structures. In the , the played a central role in this expansion, introduced by Khwaja Moinuddin Chishti (1142–1236 CE), who arrived in around 1192 CE during the establishment of Muslim rule under the Ghurids and settled in , . After his death in 1236 CE, his mausoleum became the Ajmer Sharif Dargah, one of the earliest and most influential Chishti shrines, attracting devotees from diverse backgrounds and exemplifying how dargahs served as hubs for sama' (spiritual music) and charity. Successors like (d. 1235 CE) in further propagated the order, with their tombs evolving into pilgrimage sites that symbolized spiritual authority parallel to political power during the (1206–1526 CE). Parallel growth occurred with the order, founded by (d. 1234 CE) in , which reached via (1170–1262 CE), whose shrine became a major center by the 13th century, emphasizing sobriety and adherence to alongside mysticism. The spread accelerated under sultanate patronage, with rulers granting waqf lands and madad-i-ma'ash stipends to sustain dargahs, enabling their proliferation across northern , , and the Deccan by the 14th–15th centuries through orders like the . This geographic expansion, numbering hundreds of notable dargahs by the Mughal era, supported Islam's dissemination among rural and non-Muslim populations via tolerant outreach, though reliant on state support for economic viability.

Evolution in Non-Arab Regions

In non-Arab regions, particularly and , dargah veneration evolved from early individual Sufi migrations into institutionalized shrine complexes by the , adapting to local political patronage and cultural absent in core Islamic practices. Sufi missionaries, often from Persianate backgrounds, arrived in as early as the mid-12th century, with Khwaja Moinuddin Chishti settling in around 1192 and establishing the 's presence until his death in 1236 CE. However, systematic tomb-based devotion and architectural elaboration, such as transforming khanqahs into pilgrimage dargahs, gained momentum in the under rulers, who provided endowments (waqfs) to legitimize their authority through saintly . This period marked a shift from unattached shaykhs to formalized silsilahs (lineages), evidenced by biographical texts like Fawa'id al-Fu'ad (late 13th-early ) documenting Chishti networks and the of monumental tombs, such as that of Fariduddin Ganj-i Shakar in , completed circa 1330 CE. In , dargahs incorporated indigenous elements like devotional music () and inclusive rituals attracting Hindu and Muslim pilgrims, fostering conversions and social cohesion amid conquests, though orthodox critics viewed such adaptations as deviations from prophetic norms. By the Mughal era (16th-19th centuries), imperial grants amplified dargah economies, with sites like Ajmer Sharif managing vast lands and annual festivals drawing thousands. In , parallel developments occurred under rulers, who elevated mazars (synonymous with dargahs) as symbols of spiritual and temporal power; for instance, commissioned the mausoleum of Ahmad Yasavi in between 1397 and 1405 CE, blending Persian architecture with regional nomadic influences to centralize piety. These shrines evolved into waqf-supported hubs by the , as seen in Balkh's complexes managing economic resources until the , reflecting state-Sufi alliances that sustained veneration despite periodic Wahhabi-influenced purges. Unlike regions' restraint on grave markers, non- dargahs emphasized perpetual saintly presence (haziri), integrating folk healing and , which amplified their role in rural but invited reformist condemnations as polytheistic accretions.

Architectural Features and Design

Core Elements of Dargah Structures

The central element of a dargah is the mazar, the of the Sufi , typically located in an underground mortuary chamber known as the magbarah. This grave is marked above ground by a , a latticed , situated within a vaulted hall or chamber called the astanah or huzrah. A prominent dome crowns the chamber housing the , often a single large structure supported by thick brick walls measuring up to 0.9 meters in thickness, symbolizing spiritual elevation and serving as the architectural focal point. Surrounding the domed chamber, dargahs commonly feature four minarets at the corners for and visual emphasis, though some variations omit domes entirely in favor of flat roofs or additional minarets. The overall layout follows a rectangular plan, enclosed by walls and often incorporating a spacious or for pilgrim gatherings, with adjacent facilities such as a in larger complexes to support devotional activities. Intricate screens or jalis frequently surround the area, allowing visibility while maintaining sanctity and providing ventilation, as seen in prominent examples where floral carvings and inscriptions enhance the spiritual ambiance.

Regional Variations and Influences

Dargahs exhibit regional variations arising from the integration of Persianate and Central Asian Islamic architectural principles with local vernacular traditions, resulting in diverse expressions of form, materials, and ornamentation across Muslim-majority regions. In , these shrines typically feature core elements like domed mausoleums and courtyards but adapt to indigenous styles, such as the use of and screens in northern Indian examples influenced by Mughal patronage. In northern , dargahs like the Ajmer Sharif incorporate arcades, layered gateways, and hemispherical domes on square bases, blending Persian geometric forms with local motifs to symbolize spiritual gateways. Southern Indian variants, such as the built in the , diverge by adopting Dravidian elements including tall minarets akin to gopurams, constructed with contributions from Hindu artisans and reflecting syncretic cultural exchanges. In , particularly —known as the "City of Saints"—shrines emphasize elaborate blue-glazed tilework (kashi-kari) derived from Persian techniques, as seen in the 13th-century tomb of , which uses enameled bricks for geometric patterns and Quranic inscriptions to evoke paradise gardens. Central Asian and Persian dargahs, such as the 14th-century mausoleum in , prioritize turquoise tiling, iwans, and layouts symbolizing cosmic order, with Iranian gunbads featuring vertical tower forms that accentuate domical roofs over enclosed tombs. These contrasts highlight how Sufi architectural diffusion adapted to climatic, material, and cultural contexts while preserving underlying symmetries rooted in Islamic cosmology.

Rituals, Practices, and Cultural Role

Pilgrimage and Devotional Activities

Pilgrims visiting dargahs engage in , a form of religious visitation aimed at honoring the deceased Sufi saint and seeking spiritual blessings or . This practice involves approaching the (mazar) to recite prayers such as the Fatiha, offer floral tributes, , or a chadar (ceremonial sheet draped over the grave), and perform or prostration in devotion. Devotees often wash their hands and feet before entry as a , reflecting embodied acts of humility and attunement to the shrine's . Devotional activities frequently include communal (remembrance of God through rhythmic chanting) and sama sessions featuring , a form of Sufi devotional music that invokes and the saint's (spiritual grace). At major sites like the Ajmer Sharif Dargah, daily rituals encompass khidmat (service to the shrine), (lighting of lamps at sunset), Quran recitation, and evening performances, which draw crowds for ecstatic worship. These practices foster a sense of ethical and spiritual renewal, with pilgrims attributing physical, mental, or spiritual healing to the saint's enduring influence. Langar, the provision of free communal meals, serves as a key devotional act, symbolizing charity and equality among visitors regardless of or background, and reinforces the dargah's role as a site of social and spiritual sustenance. Votive offerings, such as tying threads or crawling to the in extreme devotion, occur particularly among South Asian pilgrims seeking fulfillment of personal vows or resolution of afflictions. Thousands visit prominent dargahs like those of in or Muinuddin Chishti in annually, blending individual piety with collective rituals that sustain Sufi traditions amid diverse regional influences.

Urs Ceremonies and Associated Customs

The , derived from the Arabic term meaning "wedding," annually commemorates the death anniversary of a Sufi , interpreted as the soul's mystical union with . These observances at dargahs typically last from three to nine days, depending on the shrine's traditions, with the Ajmer Sharif Dargah marking the of Moinuddin Chishti over six nights from the 1st to 6th of . Central ceremonies include the hoisting of a ceremonial to inaugurate proceedings, followed by night-long performances and sama sessions featuring devotional poetry recitation to invoke spiritual ecstasy. Devotees participate in collective prayers, recitations, and fatiha offerings at the saint's tomb, seeking intercession and blessings. Associated customs encompass presenting chadars—embroidered sheets draped over the —as symbols of devotion, alongside floral tributes and burning. Langar, communal free meals, is distributed to attendees, reflecting the saint's emphasis on charity, while temporary bazaars form outside shrines, blending spiritual and local economic activities. These practices, often inclusive of diverse religious participants, adapt to regional cultures but maintain core Sufi elements of remembrance and .

Socio-Economic Functions

Dargahs function as local economic engines through pilgrimage-driven , sustaining ancillary industries such as hospitality, transportation, and retail in surrounding areas. The Ajmer Sharif Dargah, for example, anchors a vibrant economy where vendors sell religious artifacts, food, and services to millions of annual visitors, bolstering commerce in Rajasthan's . Similarly, shrine complexes in , like those of the order, operate as trading hubs exchanging money, goods, and foodstuffs, integrating spiritual activity with market dynamics. Donations and offerings collected at dargahs enable economic redistribution, funding shrine upkeep, welfare programs, and community infrastructure. At Ajmer Sharif, princely devotee contributions were valued at approximately Rs 60 crore annually as of , with oversight mandated for transparent accounting to support charitable ends. In rural South Asian contexts, such as Mitthan Kot in Pakistan's Upper Indus Basin, Sufi shrines stimulate micro-economies by drawing pilgrims who patronize local artisans and farmers, while endowment revenues () historically irrigated lands and built markets. Socially, dargahs promote cohesion via inclusive services like langar, communal kitchens distributing free meals to visitors regardless of class, faith, or origin, as practiced at shrines such as Baba Farid's darbar in . This provision extends to aid during crises, offering temporary shelter and resources that mitigate hardship for the economically vulnerable. Beyond charity, these sites generate employment for (caretakers), qawwali performers, and support staff, embedding dargahs in regional labor networks while serving as neutral venues for social interaction across divides. In essence, dargahs blend devotional economies with welfare mechanisms, redistributing wealth through pilgrimage inflows to reinforce community resilience.

Geographical Distribution and Notable Examples

Prominence in South Asia

Dargahs occupy a central place in South Asian Muslim devotional life, particularly in India and Pakistan, where they function as major pilgrimage sites drawing millions of visitors annually from Muslim and non-Muslim communities alike for spiritual intercession, healing, and communal rituals. The Ajmer Sharif Dargah in Rajasthan, India, enshrining the 13th-century Sufi saint Moinuddin Chishti of the Chishti order, exemplifies this prominence as one of the subcontinent's holiest sites, with its annual Urs festival commemorating the saint's death attracting vast crowds, including organized groups of Pakistani pilgrims numbering in the hundreds during peak events. Similarly, the Nizamuddin Dargah in Delhi, dedicated to the 14th-century saint Nizamuddin Auliya, serves as a vibrant hub for qawwali performances and daily langar distributions, fostering interfaith participation and cultural continuity. In , dargahs underpin regional identities and mass devotion, with the in —tomb of the 11th-century scholar-saint Ali Hujwiri (Data Ganj Bakhsh)—recognized as a primary Sufi center hosting continuous pilgrim influxes and Thursday night gatherings. The in , a key figure in the order from the 13th century, further illustrates this, combining architectural grandeur with functions like free communal meals that support local economies and social welfare. These sites historically facilitated Islam's expansion in from the onward through localized, inclusive practices that integrated pre-Islamic customs, enabling widespread appeal amid diverse populations. Bangladesh features prominent examples like the in , burial place of the 14th-century saint credited with early Islamic propagation in , which continues to draw regional pilgrims for vows and festivities. Across , dargahs sustain cultural roles beyond theology, including economic sustenance via associated markets and accommodations, while embodying syncretic traditions such as shared rituals that bridge Hindu-Muslim divides, though they occasionally face tensions from reformist critiques. This enduring visibility underscores their embeddedness in everyday piety and regional heritage, with structures often evolving through Mughal-era patronage into multifaceted complexes.

Presence in Other Muslim Regions

In Turkey, Sufi shrines known as türbe serve functions analogous to dargahs, housing tombs of revered saints and attracting pilgrims for ziyarat despite historical bans on certain Sufi orders under secular reforms. For instance, the tomb of Yahya Efendi in Istanbul's Beşiktaş district, an Ottoman Sufi scholar who died in 1644, remains a site for devotional visits seeking intercession. Similarly, Istanbul features numerous such tombs of religious figures, including those of sheikhs from orders like the Halvetiyye, where rituals blend spiritual supplication with community gatherings, though official state policy since the 1920s has curtailed overt Sufi activities. Central Asia hosts prominent mazar complexes, equivalents to dargahs, centered on Sufi saints' graves that draw regional pilgrims for blessings and annual commemorations. The Mausoleum of Khoja Ahmad Yasawi in , , built in the 14th century under Timurid patronage and designated a in 2003, exemplifies this tradition; Yasawi (d. 1166), founder of the Yasawiyya order, is venerated through rituals including and offerings, reflecting pre-Soviet continuity despite Soviet-era suppressions. In , the Baha-ud-Din Naqshband complex near , tomb of the 14th-century founder (d. 1389), functions as a khanqah-shrine hybrid, supporting economies and silent practices central to the order's emphasis on sobriety over ecstatic rituals. In , zaouia institutions often incorporate Sufi saints' , fostering localized veneration amid networks, though varying with regional orthodoxy. Morocco's Zawiya of Ahmed al-Tijani in Fez, housing the founder of the Tijaniyya order (d. 1815), serves as a global pilgrimage hub for the 's millions of adherents, with rituals including collective salat al-fatih and vows of allegiance (). Algeria's Tidjania Zaouia in Tamaxine centers on the of a Tijaniyya figure, integrating educational and charitable roles typical of Maghrebi zaouias, which trace to medieval Almoravid and Almohad influences but faced 19th-century Wahhabi critiques. Iran maintains khanqah-shrine ensembles for Sufi figures, blending Persian architectural grandeur with devotional practices akin to dargah urs, though overlaid with Shi'i imamzadehs. The in , a site since 2010, enshrines the Safavid progenitor (d. 1334), founder of the Safaviyya order, and features octagonal tombs with iwans for , historically pivotal in linking to dynastic legitimacy. The Shah Nematollah Vali Shrine in Mahan near , for the 14th-15th century Nimatullahi founder (d. 1431), hosts annual gatherings with qawwali-like sama' sessions, underscoring 's enduring role despite post-revolutionary scrutiny.

Global Spread and Diaspora Instances

The dargah tradition has extended to diaspora communities in through the efforts of Sufi teachers who immigrated or were born there, establishing shrines that serve as focal points for spiritual practice among diverse followers. A prominent example is the mazar of M. R. in , built over the grave of the Sri Lankan Sufi teacher Muhammad Raheem (d. 1986), who arrived in the United States in 1971 and founded the Bawa Muhaiyaddeen Fellowship in . The structure, completed shortly after his death, functions as a pilgrimage site open to visitors daily, drawing adherents from Muslim immigrant communities and interfaith seekers for reflection and communal prayer, reflecting an adaptation of South Asian Sufi devotional culture to a Western context. Another instance is the Dargah of Murshid Samuel Lewis at Lama Foundation in , honoring Samuel Lewis (1896–1971), an American Sufi master and founder of the Dances of Universal Peace within the Chishtiyya-Inayati tradition. Established posthumously at this interfaith spiritual retreat, the shrine accommodates pilgrims year-round when the foundation is accessible, emphasizing universalist Sufi elements that resonate with Western seekers beyond ethnic Muslim diaspora. These North American examples, though fewer in number compared to , illustrate how dargah practices persist through transnational networks of Sufi orders, often integrating local customs while maintaining core rituals like visitation and at the saint's tomb. In , physical dargahs remain scarce, with South Asian Muslim diaspora communities—particularly Pakistani and Indian immigrants—primarily sustaining devotion via pilgrimages to ancestral shrines or through centers that emulate dargah functions without dedicated mausolea.

Theological and Juridical Perspectives

Sufi Arguments for Legitimacy

Sufi proponents maintain that dargahs serve as loci for tawassul (seeking nearness to through intermediaries) and tabarruk (seeking blessings from the remnants of pious individuals), practices rooted in Quranic injunctions such as Surah Al-Ma'idah 5:35, which commands believers to "seek the means of nearness to Him." This interpretation posits saints (awliya) as valid means due to their elevated spiritual status, with supplications directed ultimately to rather than the deceased, thereby preserving (divine unity). A foundational hadith evidence is the narration of ibn Hunayf, authenticated in , wherein the Muhammad instructed a blind companion to seek intercession through him by saying, "O , I ask You and turn to You through Your ." Sufis extend this to post-mortem through prophets or righteous saints, citing companion practices like Bilal ibn Rabah's visitation to the 's grave for similar supplication, as recorded in Al-Mu'jam al-Kabir by and affirmed by . This form is endorsed by the majority of Sunni jurists across Hanafi, Maliki, Shafi'i, and Hanbali schools, who differentiate it from shirk by emphasizing that no independent power is ascribed to the intermediary. Prominent Sufi scholars, such as Ahmad Raza Khan (d. 1921), a key figure in the Barelvi tradition, defended shrine visitation against reformist critiques by arguing it aligns with prophetic , including the encouragement to visit graves for remembrance of death (), while prohibiting excess like to tombs. Khan asserted that circumnavigating or kissing graves of awliya constitutes (ta'zim), not worship, provided the (intention) remains Allah-centric, and labeled outright prohibition as (innovation) deviating from early Muslim praxis. Such arguments invoke the metaphysical "presence" (hudur) of saints in the (intermediary realm), enabling their (shafa'ah), as souls of the pious retain awareness and efficacy per hadiths in and Muslim. Critics' accusations of grave-worship are rebutted by Sufis through causal distinctions: emanates from via the saint's locus, akin to prophetic relics, without implying dualism; empirical continuity in traditions like the Chishti and orders underscores its non-disruptive role in .

Orthodox Sunni Objections Based on

Orthodox Sunni scholars, particularly those following the Athari theological tradition, maintain that many dargah practices infringe upon tawhid al-uluhiyyah, the aspect of divine oneness requiring exclusive worship directed to alone, by incorporating elements of shirk (associating partners with ). These objections stem from prophetic hadiths prohibiting the elevation of graves into sites of ritual veneration, such as the Prophet Muhammad's curse upon those who "take the graves of their prophets as places of worship," as recorded in (1390) and (529). Constructing elaborate mausoleums or domes over graves, common in dargahs, is viewed as emulating the and in deifying the dead, thereby fostering that undermines the foundational Islamic prohibition against such structures to prevent their transformation into idols. A core critique targets istighathah (seeking aid) and tawassul (intercession) through the deceased saints buried at dargahs, practices often involving supplications like "O saint, fulfill my need" or circumambulating graves while invoking the buried figure's power. Ibn Taymiyyah (d. 1328 CE), a pivotal Hanbali scholar whose works influence Salafi thought, classified such acts as impermissible innovations bordering on or constituting major shirk, arguing that directing pleas for help—whether for healing, protection, or worldly benefits—to anyone besides Allah equates to ascribing divine attributes of response and provision to creation. He permitted limited grave visitation solely for reflection on mortality and supplication to Allah alone at the site, but condemned journeying specifically to graves for intercession as a sinful bid'ah (innovation) that mimics pagan customs. Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab (d. 1792 CE), founder of the 18th-century reform movement in , extended these arguments in Kitab al-Tawhid, dedicating chapters to how grave-centric rituals nullify by reviving pre-Islamic , where tribes venerated ancestors at tombs for (blessings). He issued rulings deeming persistent tawassul through saints' graves as major shirk expelling one from unless repented, prompting campaigns to demolish such structures to restore pure , as evidenced by alliances with the Al Saud family that razed hundreds of shrines between 1803 and 1806 CE in Arabia. Contemporary Salafi jurists, like Sulayman al-Al-Shaikh, reiterate that even non-worshipful veneration at dargahs—such as offerings, prostrations, or vows—violates by attributing rububiyyah (lordship) to the dead, contravening Quranic injunctions like "And do not call upon anyone besides " (72:18). These objections emphasize causal realism in worship: since the deceased lack awareness or agency post-death ( 35:22), relying on them for efficacy attributes powers to graves, eroding reliance on Allah's direct intervention. While acknowledging historical Sufi intent to commemorate , critics argue empirical outcomes—widespread talisman use, ecstatic rituals, and saint cults—demonstrate deviation into , as documented in fatwas prohibiting dargah pilgrimage as a gateway to .

Views from Other Islamic Sects and Modern Reforms

Salafi and Wahhabi adherents, drawing from the theology of (1703–1792), reject the construction of dargahs and associated practices such as seeking from saints as violations of (the oneness of ), classifying them as shirk () or (innovation). Influenced by earlier scholars like Ibn Taymiyyah (d. 1328), they argue that veneration at shrines diverts worship from alone, prohibiting pilgrimages to tombs and rituals like or offerings, which they view as remnants of pre-Islamic or Hindu influences rather than authentic . The movement, emerging in 19th-century India under figures like (d. 1902), similarly opposes saint veneration at dargahs, deeming it a breach of by elevating the dead to intermediaries, and advocates direct reliance on and without (imitation of schools). They criticize shrine-building as impermissible, urging Muslims to avoid such sites to preserve doctrinal purity, though they permit grave visitation solely for reflection on mortality without supplication to the deceased. Deobandi scholars, rooted in Hanafi but emphasizing reform, critique extravagant dargah practices—such as milad celebrations or fatiha offerings—as potential bordering on shirk, distinguishing them from permissible (seeking means) through living scholars or prophetic supplication. While not endorsing destruction, they oppose Barelvi-style devotion that attributes supernatural powers to saints, arguing it dilutes core Islamic tenets; Deobandis identify as Sufis in ascetic discipline but reject folk accretions, as seen in fatwas from founded in 1866. Shia perspectives permit ziyarah (visitation) to graves for remembrance and supplication, as recommended in narrations from Imams like (d. 765), but prioritize shrines of the and over Sunni Sufi dargahs, viewing the latter with caution if practices imply deification. Twelver Shia theology allows seeking proximity to God via the pure (ma'sum), yet Sufi saint cults are often seen as secondary or syncretic, with visitation justified for ethical reflection rather than guaranteed . Modern reformers like (1877–1938) critiqued stagnant Sufi shrine-centric piety as promoting passivity and escapism, urging a reconstructed (independent reasoning) to align with dynamic Quranic , rejecting dargah rituals that foster dependency on saints over self-reliant faith. (1903–1979), founder of in 1941, advocated "true" confined to Sharia-compliant moral discipline, condemning veneration as degenerative deviations from early ascetic models, emphasizing socio-political engagement over tomb pilgrimages to combat colonial-era cultural erosion.

Controversies, Criticisms, and Incidents

Historical and Contemporary Oppositions

Opposition to dargahs within Islamic traditions has roots in early prophetic injunctions against treating graves as sites of worship or supplication, as recorded in hadiths where warned against emulating predecessors who venerated the tombs of prophets and righteous figures. Such practices were viewed as deviations risking shirk, or association with , prompting calls for simplicity in and visitation. In medieval Islam, Hanbali scholar Ibn Taymiyyah (1263–1328) articulated systematic critiques of certain Sufi customs, including the construction of elaborate shrines and rituals at graves, which he argued fostered innovation () and potential contrary to tawhid's strict . He distinguished between ascetic Sufis aligned with and those engaging in excessive veneration, such as circumambulating tombs or seeking through the deceased, practices he deemed unsubstantiated by core texts and liable to corrupt pure worship. These views influenced later reformist strands, emphasizing scriptural fidelity over saintly mediation. Contemporary oppositions, often framed through Salafi and Wahhabi lenses, manifest in physical demolitions and doctrinal condemnations. In , Wahhabi authorities since the 18th-century alliance with the Al Saud family have razed numerous shrines, including over 300 historical sites in and by the early , justifying actions as eradicating polytheistic remnants to uphold . Notable instances include the 1806 destruction of domes in Medina's Baqi cemetery and later expansions bulldozing Prophet's companions' , driven by fears of . In , Deobandi scholars, emerging from the 19th-century seminary, reject dargah embellishments and associated rituals like or offerings as impermissible innovations, permitting only simple grave visits for to without saintly . This stance fuels tensions with Barelvi proponents of shrine veneration, evident in and where Deobandi-influenced groups decry dargahs as sites of shirk, occasionally leading to protests or calls for reform. Groups like the in have echoed these positions by targeting shrines deemed idolatrous, destroying Sufi mausoleums alongside non-Islamic artifacts since the 1990s to enforce perceived scriptural purity.

Instances of Destruction and Violence

In , Sufi shrines have faced repeated terrorist attacks by Islamist militants opposed to practices they deem unorthodox. The in , dedicated to Ali Hujwiri, was struck by two bombings on July 1, 2010, killing 41 people and injuring more than 170 during a period of high pilgrimage attendance. A bombing near the same on May 8, 2019, killed at least 10 people, including security personnel, and wounded 20 others, occurring during when crowds were dense. Similarly, on February 16, 2017, the conducted a bombing at the Lal Shahbaz Qalandar in province, killing over 80 devotees and injuring hundreds, explicitly targeting Sufi rituals as idolatrous. In and , the systematically demolished Sufi shrines as part of its campaign against perceived deviations from strict . In June 2015, ISIL forces used explosives to destroy several ancient shrines and tombs near , including those associated with Sufi figures, following their capture of the area and amid broader assaults on pre-Islamic and heterodox Islamic sites. Hardline groups like Jabhat al-Nusra and ISIL escalated attacks on Sufi shrines after their 2013 split, bulldozing or bombing structures in rebel-held territories to enforce Salafi interpretations of , with dozens of sites razed between 2013 and 2015. Following political upheaval in starting August 2024, over 100 Sufi shrines and dargahs were vandalized, looted, burned, or partially demolished by mobs, often under pretexts of or opposition to saint veneration. Police reports documented at least 44 violent incidents against 40 shrines by January 2025, amid broader sectarian tensions targeting moderate Islamic practices. These acts, linked to far-right Islamist factions, involved physical destruction such as torching mausoleums and desecrating graves, exacerbating communal divides in a country with deep Sufi heritage.

Responses and Defenses in Practice

In response to terrorist attacks on Sufi shrines in Pakistan, such as the July 1, 2010, suicide bombings at Data Darbar in Lahore that killed 42 people and the May 8, 2019, explosion nearby that claimed 10 lives including police officers, authorities have deployed enhanced security measures including barricades, bomb disposal squads, and routine patrols around major dargahs. These steps, often involving provincial police and counterterrorism units, aim to deter further assaults by groups like Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan, which have targeted shrines for their perceived promotion of unorthodox practices. Despite such incidents, annual urs festivals and pilgrimages persist, with millions attending events like those at Data Darbar, demonstrating communal resilience as a de facto defense against disruption. In , legal mechanisms have provided defenses against demolitions motivated by encroachment claims or ideological opposition, with courts enforcing and historical protections. For instance, on June 29, 2025, the issued contempt notices to municipal officials for razing a 300-year-old dargah in despite existing safeguards, underscoring judicial oversight to prevent arbitrary actions. The has similarly ruled that while illegal structures must be removed regardless of religious affiliation—applying to both temples and dargahs—demolitions require notice and cannot serve as punitive tools without evidence, as affirmed in October 2024 guidelines on bulldozer actions. Sufi organizations, such as the All India Sufi Shrines Conference, have supported Waqf Act amendments in 2024 to curb mismanagement while advocating for shrines as sites integral to pluralism, countering narratives of shirk from Salafi critics. Practically, Sufi communities maintain defenses through cultural continuity and counter-narratives, with performances and administrations rejecting Wahhabi-influenced clerics to preserve orthodox Sufi governance. In regions like , these practices affirm tawhid-compatible veneration by emphasizing the saints' role as intermediaries for spiritual guidance rather than , sustained amid threats as a form of ideological resistance. Such responses, including protests against selective targeting, highlight s' role in fostering interfaith harmony against extremist ideologies.

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