Fall of Tenochtitlan
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| Fall of Tenochtitlan | |||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Part of the Spanish conquest of the Aztec Empire | |||||||||
"Conquista de México por Cortés". An Unknown artist, second half of the 17th century. Library of Congress, Washington, DC. | |||||||||
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| Belligerents | |||||||||
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Spanish Empire (Governorate of Cuba) Confederacy of Tlaxcala Tetzcoco Otomis Chalco Mixquic Huejotzingo Iztapalapa[1] | |||||||||
| Commanders and leaders | |||||||||
|
Hernán Cortés Gonzalo de Sandoval Pedro de Alvarado Cristóbal de Olid Chichimecatecuhtli Xicotencatl II Ixtlilxochitl II |
Cuauhtémoc (POW) Coanacoch (POW) | ||||||||
| Strength | |||||||||
|
50,000-200,000 Native allies 900–1,300 Spanish infantry 90–100 cavalry 16 cannons[2] 13 lake brigantines [2] |
80,000 warriors[3] 400 war canoes[4] | ||||||||
| Casualties and losses | |||||||||
|
450–860 Spanish[2] 20,000 Natives |
100,000 killed in action[5] 300 war canoes sunk[4] At least 40,000 Aztecs civilians killed and captured,[6] other sources claim 100,000[7] to 240,000[8][9] were killed in the campaign overall including warriors and civilians | ||||||||
| Aztec civilization |
|---|
| Aztec society |
| Aztec history |
The fall of Tenochtitlan, the capital of the Aztec Empire, was an important event in the Spanish conquest of the empire. It occurred in 1521 following extensive negotiations between local factions and Spanish conquistador Hernán Cortés. He was aided by La Malinche, his interpreter and companion, and by thousands of indigenous allies, especially Tlaxcaltec warriors.
Although numerous battles were fought between the Aztec Empire and the Spanish-led coalition, which was composed mainly of Tlaxcaltec men, it was the siege of Tenochtitlan that directly led to the fall of the Aztec civilization and the ensuing sacking and violence against the survivors. The indigenous population at the time was devastated due to a smallpox epidemic, which killed much of its leadership. Because smallpox had been endemic in Spain for centuries, the Spanish had developed an acquired immunity and were affected relatively little in the epidemic.
The conquest of the Aztec Empire was a critical stage in the Spanish colonization of the Americas.
Early events
[edit]Cortés goes to Tenochtitlan
[edit]In April 1519, Hernán Cortés, a nobleman recently landed in present-day Cuba and the leader of the third Spanish expedition to the coast of what is now known as Mexico, landed at San Juan de Ulúa, a high-quality harbour on Mexico's east coast, with 508 soldiers, 100 sailors, and 14 small cannons. (Survivors of the previous two expeditions directed him to this harbour.) Diego Velázquez de Cuéllar, the Governor of Cuba, called for Cortés to lead an expedition into Mexico after favourable reports from two previous expeditions to Yucatán caught the interest of the Spanish in Cuba.[10] Under pressure by his relatives, who had a different leader in mind, Velázquez revoked Cortés's mandate to lead the expedition before the man left Cuba. Thus Cortés had to struggle to persist as expedition leader while still in Cuba; twice messengers from Velázquez arrived to depose him, and twice they were dissuaded from executing their mission. After Cortés sailed, Velázquez sent an army led by Pánfilo de Narváez to take him into custody.[citation needed]
But after reaching Mexico, Cortés used the same legal tactic as had been used by Governor Velázquez when he invaded Cuba years before: he created a local government and had himself elected as the magistrate. He was thus theoretically responsible only to the King of Spain. Cortés followed this tactic when he and his men established the city of Villa Rica de la Vera Cruz, also known as Veracruz, seven miles from the harbour of San Juan de Ulúa on the east coast of the area. An inquiry into Cortés' action was conducted in Spain in 1529 and no action was taken against him.[citation needed]
Cortés happened to land at the borders of Cempoala, a vassal state to the Aztecs that had many grievances against them. As he encountered several polities who resented Aztec rule, Cortés told them he had arrived on orders of his Emperor to improve conditions, abolish human sacrifices, teach the locals the true faith, and "stop them from robbing each other".[citation needed] He was successful in enforcing excellent behaviour by his army when among potential allies. Cortés clashed with some of these polities, among them the Totonac and Tlaxcalan. The latter gave him two good day battles and one night battle, and kept up a strong defence, holding off his army on a hilltop for two weeks. His numerically inferior force finally triumphed when the Tlaxcalan began to consider his ceaseless offers of peace. Notably Xicotencatl the Elder wanted to form an alliance with the Spaniards against the Aztecs, which was the goal of Cortés as well.[citation needed]
It once was widely believed that the Aztecs first thought Cortés was Quetzalcoatl, a mythical god prophesied to return to Mexico—coincidentally in the same year Cortés landed and from the same direction he came. This is now believed[when?] to have been a myth of the conquerors, and perhaps of natives who wished to rationalize the actions of the Aztec tlatoani, Moctezuma II. Most scholars[who?] agree that the Aztecs, especially the inner circle around Moctezuma, did not believe that Cortés was a god in any shape or form.[11] Messages between Cortés and Moctezuma, however, frequently allude to the legend, which was widely known across the Aztec dominions to both Aztecs and their subjects. It strongly influenced them, as Bernal Díaz del Castillo repeatedly attests.[citation needed]
Moctezuma sent a group of noblemen and other emissaries to meet Cortés at Quauhtechcac. These emissaries brought golden jewellery as a gift, which greatly pleased the Spaniards.[12] According to the Florentine Codex, Lib. 12, f.6r., Moctezuma also ordered his messengers to carry the highly symbolic penacho (headdress) of Quetzalcoatl de Tula to Cortés and place it on him. As news about the strangers reached the capital city, Moctezuma became increasingly fearful and considered fleeing the city. He reportedly resigned himself to what he considered to be the fate of his people.[13]
Cortés continued on his march toward Tenochtitlan. Before entering the city, on November 8, 1519, Cortés and his troops prepared for battle by armoring themselves and their horses, and arranging into military rank with four leading horsemen followed by five contingents of foot soldiers. The contingents had iron swords and wooden or leather shields; horsemen in cuirasses, armed with iron lances, swords, and wooden shields; crossbowmen; more horsemen; soldiers armed with arquebus guns; and lastly, indigenous soldiers from Tlaxcalan, Tliliuhquitepec, and Huexotzinco armed with cotton armor and shields and crossbows, many of whom carried provisions in baskets or bundles or escorted the cannons on wooden carts.[citation needed]
Cortés's army entered the city on the flower-covered causeway from Iztapalapa, associated with the god Quetzalcoatl. Cortés was amicably received by Moctezuma. The captive woman Malinalli Tenépal, also known as Doña Marina, translated from Nahuatl to Chontal Maya; the Spaniard Gerónimo de Aguilar translated from Chontal Maya to Spanish.[citation needed]
There were numerous instances of miscommunication, specifically regarding the first interaction between Cortes and Moctezuma. There were also variations in the different accounts of this first contact specifically between the accounts of Cortes and Bernal Díaz. As there was a difference in the accounts regarding whether or not Cortes was able to touch Moctezuma when they first met. Doña Marina also was not always accurate in her translation, as her primary objectives were to avoid war, and also obtain gold, which was promised to her by Cortes. This led to Marina and Jeronimo De Aguilar having numerous instances of miscommunication, which led to numerous different accounts of the interaction between the Spaniards and the Aztecs in Tenochtitlan.[14]
The Spanish soon took Moctezuma hostage on November 14, 1519, as a safety measure because they were so outnumbered by the Aztec. Secondly they learned that Moctezuma had heard from a messenger, a few days before Cortes, that at least eight hundred more Spaniards in thirteen great ships had arrived on the coast. Cortés had been communicating to the Crown that he already had control of the territory and was practically running the city of Tenochtitlan. He was at risk of having his commission revoked, because the vast new Spanish forces were sent by his enemy Diego Velázquez. If they competed for power, they could have ended his campaign in Mexico and might have doomed the try for a lightning conquest.[citation needed]
Cortés attempted to take Moctezuma hostage in an effort to ensure his cooperation.[15] According to all eyewitness accounts, Moctezuma initially refused to leave his palace but after a series of threats from and debates with the Spanish captains, and assurances from Doña Marina, he agreed to move with his retinue to the Axayáctal palace. The first captain assigned to guard him was Pedro de Alvarado. Other Aztec lords were also detained by the Spanish, when they started questioning the authority of their captive tlatoani.[12] The palace was surrounded by over 100 Spanish soldiers in order to prevent any attempt at rescue.[16]
Tensions mount between Aztecs and Spaniards
[edit]It is uncertain why Moctezuma cooperated with the Spaniards. It is possible he feared losing his life or political power; however, one of the effective threats wielded by Cortés was the destruction of the city in the case of fighting between Spaniards and Aztecs (which ultimately came to pass). This Moctezuma at all costs wanted to avoid, vacillating and deferring the rupture until this policy claimed his life. From the perspective of the tlatoani, the Spaniards might have been assigned some decisive role by fate. It could also have been a tactical move: Moctezuma may have wanted to gather more information on the Spaniards, or to wait for the end of the agricultural season and strike at the beginning of the war season.[clarification needed] However, he did not carry out either of these actions even though high-ranking military leaders such as his brother Cuitlahuac and nephew Cacamatzin urged him to do so.[2][page needed]
With Moctezuma as his captive, Cortés did not need to worry about being cut off from supplies or being attacked, although some of his captains had such concerns. He also assumed that he could control the Aztecs through Moctezuma. However, Cortés had little knowledge of the ruling system of the Aztecs; Moctezuma was not all-powerful as Cortés imagined. Being appointed to and maintaining the position of tlatoani was based on the ability to rule decisively; he could be replaced by another noble if he failed to do so. At any sign of weakness, Aztec nobles within Tenochtitlan and in other Aztec tributaries were liable to rebel. As Moctezuma complied with orders issued by Cortés, such as commanding tribute to be gathered and given to the Spaniards, his authority was slipping, and quickly his people began to turn against him.[2][page needed]
Cortés and his army were permitted to stay in the Palace of Axayacatl, and tensions continued to grow. While the Spaniards were in Tenochtitlan, Velázquez assembled a force of nineteen ships, more than 1400 soldiers with twenty cannons, eighty horsemen, one-hundred and twenty crossbowmen, and eighty arquebusiers under the command of Pánfilo de Narváez to capture Cortés and return him to Cuba. Velázquez felt that Cortés had exceeded his authority, and had been aware of Cortés's misconduct for nearly a year. He had to wait for favorable winds, though, and was unable to send any forces until spring. Narváez's troops landed at San Juan de Ulúa on the Gulf of Mexico coast around April 20, 1520.[17]
After Cortés became aware of their arrival, he left Pedro de Alvarado in charge in Tenochtitlan with 80 soldiers, and brought all his forces (about two hundred and forty men) by quick marches to Narváez's camp in Cempohuallan on May 27. Several negotiations between the two Spaniards took place on the way, in which Cortés was able to persuade many persons of weight in Narváez's camp to incline to his side. Cortés attacked Narváez's camp late at night; his men, much superior in experience and organization, wounded Narváez in the eye and took him as a hostage quickly; also taken were his principal adherents, de Salvatierra and Diego Velasquez (the nephew of the Governor of Cuba). Evidence suggests that the two were in the midst of negotiations at the time, and Narváez was not expecting an attack. Cortés then completed winning over Narváez's captains with promises of the vast wealth in Tenochtitlan, inducing them to follow him back to the Aztec capital. Narváez was imprisoned in Vera Cruz, and his army was integrated into Cortés's forces.[2][page needed]
Rapid deterioration of relations
[edit]Massacre at the festival of Tóxcatl
[edit]
During Cortés's absence, Pedro de Alvarado was left in command in Tenochtitlan with 80 soldiers.[18]
At this time, the Mexica (Aztecs) began to prepare for the annual festival of Toxcatl in early May, in honor of Tezcatlipoca, otherwise known as the Smoking Mirror or the Omnipotent Power. They honored this god during the onset of the dry season so that the god would fill dry streambeds and cause rain to fall on crops. Moctezuma secured the consent of Cortés to hold the festival, and again confirmed permission with Alvarado.[19]
Alvarado was commissioned by Cortés to take over his post and to foresee everything related to interactions among Spaniards and the Mexica, right at the time when the Toxcatl festival was to occur. Cortés expressly instructed Alvarado to not perform any military action, during his absence. Alvarado however had an unstable temperament and engaged in inquiring where the gold of the nobility was stored.[20]
He tortured priests and nobles and discovered that the Aztecs were planning a revolt. Unable to assert control over events, he sequestered Moctezuma and increased the guards around the tlatoani.[21]
By the day of the festival, twenty days after Cortés' departure,[22] the Aztecs had gathered on the Patio of Dances. Alvarado had sixty of his men as well as many of his Tlaxcalan allies stationed in positions around the patio. The Aztecs initiated the Serpent Dance. The euphoric dancing as well as the accompanying flute and drum playing disturbed Alvarado about the potential for revolt. He ordered the gates closed and initiated the killing of many thousands of Aztec nobles, warriors and priests.[23]
Alvarado, the conquistadors and the Tlaxcalans retreated to their base in the Palace of Axayacatl and secured the entrances. Alvarado ordered his men to shoot their cannons, crossbows, and arquebuses into the gathering crowd. The result either preempted or triggered the Aztec revolt, which was, however, inevitable from the moment of Moctezuma's capture and was accelerated by the split of the Spanish forces. Alvarado forced Moctezuma to appeal to the crowd outside the Palace and this appeal temporarily calmed them.[24]
The massacre had the result of resolutely turning all the Aztecs against the Spanish and completely undermining Moctezuma's authority.[25]
Aztec revolt
[edit]Alvarado sent word to Cortés of the events, and Cortés hurried back to Tenochtitlan on June 24 with 1,300 soldiers, 96 horses, 80 crossbowmen, and 80 arquebusiers. Cortés also came with 2,000 Tlaxcalan warriors on the journey.[2] Cortés entered the palace unscathed, as the hostilities had not started yet, although the Aztecs had probably planned to ambush him. The Aztecs had already stopped sending food and supplies to the Spaniards. They became suspicious and watched for people trying to sneak supplies to them; many innocent people were slaughtered because they were suspected of helping them.[26] A few days after the great forces of Cortés got into Tenochtitlan, the roads were shut and the causeway bridges were raised. The Aztecs halted any Spanish attacks or attempts to leave the palace. Every Spanish soldier that was not killed was wounded.[2]
Cortés failed to grasp the full extent of the situation, as the attack on the festival was the last straw for the Aztecs, who now were completely against Moctezuma and the Spanish. The military gains of the attack therefore had a serious political cost for Cortés. His new followers were greatly disturbed at the power of the Aztecs, and held Cortés to be a liar since nobody revered them and brought them food and gifts as Cortés had promised.[2]
Cortés attempted to parlay with the Aztecs, and after this failed he sent Moctezuma to tell his people to stop fighting. However, the Aztecs refused.[26] The Spanish asserted that Moctezuma was stoned to death by his own people as he attempted to speak with them. Three stones hit him, one of them on the head, so cerebral hematoma is possible. Moctezuma refused all medical help as well as food, and died soon after the attack.[27] The Aztecs later claimed that Moctezuma had been murdered by the Spanish.[2][26] Two other local rulers were found strangled as well.[28] Moctezuma's younger brother Cuitláhuac, who had been ruler of Ixtlapalapan until then, was chosen as the Tlatoani.[2]
Initially, Cortés resolved to fight the Aztec troops opposed to him and win the city in direct conflict. This stemmed from three errors of judgment:[citation needed]
1. Underestimation of the Aztecs. Cortés fought the Tabascans, the Cempoalans, the Tlaxcalans and found them strong opponents, but always prevailed. He had never fought an Aztec army before and did not expect such resolve and martial skill as he encountered – although all his previous foes warned that the Aztecs were the greatest warriors they had ever seen and could not be withstood within their city.
2. Overrating his forces. Since Cortés won all his battles in Mexico before this while at the head of much inferior forces, being in charge of a nearly full Spanish tercio must have made him feel invincible. In fact, the only serviceable portion of his army were his old followers with great experience of Aztec warfare, who were by this time severely whittled down by wounds and disease. The newly arrived Narvaéz's men did not have experience in local fighting and were worth much less in combat - and eventually perished in much greater numbers than the veterans.
3. Unprepared for enemy tactics. The Aztecs had fought for the lake cities many times before and their tactics were excellent - the use of canoes, the use of flat roofs with prepared missiles, dropping down into the lake when cornered, and destroying bridges. Cavalry could not operate in these conditions and control of the water was crucial, which Cortés did not realize at first.
With this mindset, Cortés launched an attack directly at the chief temple of the city, the Cue of Huichilopotzli. In spite of determined opposition, the Spanish push got them to the top of the temple's 114 steps, but at a great loss. Cortés aimed at routing the Aztecs and by holding both Moctezuma and the great temple - being able to offer peace once again. However, the Spanish attack encountered such fierce resistance and numerous fatalities among his men, that the plan fell apart. The retreat to Spanish quarters was as hard as the attack, and part of their quarters were plundered in the meantime. The direct loss of nearly a hundred men dead and the fierce spirit of the Aztecs who refused to be cowed by his ascent of the temple convinced Cortés that a night escape was now his only option for survival.[citation needed]
La Noche Triste and the Spanish flight to Tlaxcala
[edit]
The flight of the Spanish from Tenochtitlan was a crushing setback for Cortés, and his army came just short of annihilation. It is still remembered as "La Noche Triste," The Night of Sorrows. Popular tales say Cortés wept under a tree the night of the massacre of his troops at the hands of the Aztecs.[citation needed]
Though a flight from the city would make Cortés appear weak before his indigenous allies, it was this or death for the Spanish forces. Cortés and his men, in the center of the city of Tenochtitlan, would most likely have to fight their way out, no matter what direction they took.
Cortés wanted to flee to Tlaxcala, so a path directly east would have been most favorable. But this would have required hundreds of canoes to move all of Cortés's people and supplies. He was unable to procure the required canoes in his position.[2][page needed]
Cortés therefore had to choose among three land routes: north to Tlatelolco, which was the least dangerous path but required the longest trip through the city; south to Coyohuacan and Iztapalapa, two towns that would not welcome the Spanish; or west to Tlacopan, which required the shortest trip through Tenochtitlan, though they would not be welcome there either. Cortés decided on the west causeway to Tlacopan, needing the quickest route out of Tenochtitlan with all his provisions and people.[2][page needed]
Heavy rains and a moonless night provided some cover for the escaping Spanish.[28] On that "Sad Night," July 1, 1520, the Spanish forces exited the palace first with their indigenous allies close behind, bringing as much treasure as possible. Cortés had hoped to go undetected by muffling the horses' hooves and carrying wooden boards to cross the canals. The Spanish forces successfully crossed the first three canals, the Tecpantzinco, Tzapotlan, and Atenchicalco.[26][page needed]
However, they were discovered at the fourth canal at Mixcoatechialtitlan. One account says a woman fetching water saw them and alerted the city, another says it was a sentry. Some Aztecs set out in canoes, others by road to Nonchualco then Tlacopan to cut off the Spaniards. Aztecs in canoes attacked the fleeing Spanish on the Tlacopan causeway, shooting arrows at them. The Spanish fired their crossbows and arquebuses back, but were unable to see their attackers or get into formation. Many Spaniards leaped into the water and drowned, weighed down by armor and booty.[26][page needed]
When faced with a gap in the causeway, Alvarado made the famous "leap of Alvarado" using a spear to get to the other side. Approximately a third of the Spaniards succeeded in reaching the mainland, while the others died in battle or were captured and later sacrificed on Aztec altars - these were reported to be mostly the followers of Narváez, less experienced and more weighted down with gold, which was handed out freely before the escape.[citation needed]
After the surviving Spanish crossed over the bridge, the Aztecs attacked them and chased them towards Tlacopan. Many Spaniards were killed, as well as most of the indigenous warriors, and some of the horses before the army could get to their goal, Tlacopan; all of the cannons and most of the crossbows and other weapons were lost. In all battles with main Aztec forces after that, Spaniards noted their lost arms being used against them.[2][page needed]
The Spanish finally found refuge in Otancalpolco, where they got aid from the Teocalhueyacans. The morning after, the Aztecs returned to recover the spoils from the canals.[26][page needed]
To reach Tlaxcala, Cortés had to bring his troops around Lake Texcoco. The Spanish were under attack the entire trip. Because Cortés took his troops through the northern towns, they were at an advantage. The northern valley was less populous, travel was difficult, and it was still the agricultural season, so the attacks on Cortés's forces were not very heavy. When Cortés and his soldiers arrived at more densely inhabited areas east of the lake, the attacks became more forceful.[2][page needed]
Battle of Otumba
[edit]
Before reaching Tlaxcala, the scanty Spanish forces arrived at the plain of Otumba Valley (Otompan), where they were met by a vast Aztec army intent on their destruction. The Aztecs intended to cut short the Spanish retreat from Tenochtitlan and annihilate them. Here, the Aztecs made their own errors of judgement by underestimating the shock value of the Spanish caballeros because all they had seen was the horses traveling gingerly on the wet paved streets of Tenochtitlan. They had never seen them used in open battle on the plains. By marshalling on an open plain, they also allowed experienced Spanish commanders to bring to bear their own tactics, weaponry, and the know-how of European warfare.[28][page needed]
Despite the overwhelming numbers of Aztecs and the generally poor condition of the Spanish survivors, Cortés snatched victory from the jaws of defeat. He spotted the Aztec commander in his ornate and colourful feather tlahuiztli and immediately charged him with several horsemen, killing the Aztec commander and most other leaders as they were clearly marked by their golden plumage and an easy target for a charge. The many Tlaxcalan allies of the Spanish are mentioned as playing an important role in the battle, armed with Spanish swords and shields. The Spanish suffered some losses, but were victorious over the Aztecs, who then retreated and were pursued by cavalry.[28][page needed]
When Cortés finally reached Tlaxcala five days after fleeing Tenochtitlan, he had lost over 860 Spanish soldiers, over a thousand Tlaxcalans, as well as Spanish women who had accompanied Narváez's troops.[2][page needed] Cortés claimed only 15 Spaniards were lost along with 2,000 native allies. Cano, another primary source, gives 1,150 Spaniards dead, though this figure was likely too high and might encompass the total loss from entering Mexico to arriving into Tlaxcala. Cortés' chaplain back in Spain, Francisco López de Gómara, estimated that 450 Spaniards and 4,000 allies had died. Other sources estimate that nearly half of the Spanish and almost all of the natives were killed or wounded.[28][page needed]
The women survivors included Cortés's translator and lover La Malinche, María Estrada, Beatriz de Palacios, and two of Moctezuma's daughters who had been given to Cortés, including the emperor's favorite and reportedly most beautiful daughter Tecuichpotzin (later Doña Isabel Moctezuma). A third daughter died, leaving behind her infant by Cortés, the mysterious second "María" named in his will.
Both sides attempt to recover
[edit]Shifting alliances
[edit]
Cuitláhuac had been elected as the emperor immediately following Moctezuma's death. It was necessary for him to prove his power and authority to keep the tributaries from revolting. Usually, the new king would take his army on a campaign before coronation; this demonstration would solidify necessary ties. However, Cuitláhuac was not in a position to do this, as it was not yet war season; therefore, allegiance to the Spanish seemed to be an option for many tributaries. The Aztec Empire was very susceptible to division: most of the tributary states were divided internally, and their loyalty to the Aztecs was based either on their own interests or fear of punishment.[citation needed]
It was necessary for Cortés to rebuild his alliances after his escape from Tenochtitlan before he could try again to take the city. He started with the Tlaxcalans. Tlaxcala was an autonomous state, and a fierce enemy of the Aztecs. Another strong motivation to join forces with the Spanish was that Tlaxcala was encircled by Aztec tributaries. The Tlaxcalans could have crushed the Spaniards at this point or turned them over to the Aztecs. In fact, the Aztecs sent emissaries promising peace and prosperity if they would do just that. The Tlaxcalan leaders rebuffed the overtures of the Aztec emissaries, deciding to continue their friendship with Cortés.[citation needed]
Cortés managed to negotiate an alliance; however, the Tlaxcalans required heavy concessions from Cortés for their continued support, which he was to provide after they defeated the Aztecs. They expected the Spanish to pay for their supplies, to have the city of Cholula, an equal share of any of the spoils, the right to build a citadel in Tenochtitlan, and finally, to be exempted from any future tribute. Cortés was willing to promise anything in the name of the King of Spain, and agreed to their demands. The Spanish did complain about having to pay for their food and water with their gold and other jewels with which they had escaped Tenochtitlan. The Spanish authorities would later disown this treaty with the Tlaxcalans after the fall of Tenochtitlan.[citation needed]
Cortés needed to gain other new allies as well. If the Spaniards were able to prove they could protect their new allies from the possibility of Aztec retribution, changing sides would not be too difficult for other tributaries. After Cortés' forces managed to defeat the smaller armies of some Aztec tributary states, Tepeyac, and later, Yauhtepec and Cuauhnahuac were easily won over. Cortés also used political maneuvering to assure the allegiance of other states, such as Tetzcoco. In addition, Cortés replaced kings with those who he knew would be loyal to him. Cortés now controlled many major towns, which simultaneously bolstered Cortés's forces while weakening the Aztecs.[2][page needed]
Though the largest group of indigenous allies were Tlaxcalans, the Huexotzinco, Atlixco, Tliliuhqui-Tepecs, Tetzcocans, Chalca, Alcohua, and Tepanecs were all important allies as well, and had all been previously subjugated by the Aztecs.[2][page needed][28][page needed]
Even the former Triple Alliance member city of Tetzcoco (or Texcoco) became a Spanish ally. As the rebellion attempt led by the Tetzcocan Tlatoani, Cacamatzin, in times of Moctezuma's reclusion was conjured by the Spanish,[29] Cortés named one of Cacamatzin's brothers as new tlatoani. He was Ixtlilxóchitl II, who had disagreed with his brother and always proved friendly to the Spanish. Later, Cortés also occupied the city as base for the construction of brigantines. However, one faction of Tetzcocan warriors remained loyal to the Aztecs.[30]
Cortés had to put down internal struggles among the Spanish troops as well. The remaining Spanish soldiers were somewhat divided; many wanted nothing more than to go home, or at the very least to return to Vera Cruz and wait for reinforcements. Cortés hurriedly quashed this faction, determined to finish what he had started. Not only had he staked everything he had or could borrow on this enterprise, he had completely compromised himself by defying his superior Velázquez. He knew that in defeat he would be considered a traitor to Spain, but that in success he would be its hero. So he argued, cajoled, bullied, and coerced his troops, and they began preparing for the siege of Mexico. In this Cortés showed skill at exploiting the divisions within and between the Aztec states while hiding those of his own troops.[2][page needed]
Smallpox reduces the local population
[edit]While Cortés was rebuilding his alliances and garnering more supplies, a smallpox epidemic struck the natives of the Valley of Mexico, including Tenochtitlan. According to Spanish sources, the disease was carried by a black slave from Narváez's forces, Francisco de Eguía, who had stayed in Cempoal due to illness, accidentally infecting the local natives.[31] Smallpox played a crucial role in the Spanish success during the Siege of Tenochtitlan from 1519 to 1521, a fact not mentioned in some historical accounts. The disease broke out in Tenochtitlan in late October 1520. The epidemic lasted sixty days, ending by early December.[32][page needed]
Cuitlahuac contracted the disease and died after ruling for eighty days. The disease also affected the Spanish-aligned forces, killing the Tlaxcalan chieftain Maxixcatl, but it had more dire consequences on the side of the Aztecs, enclosed in the cramped Tenochtitlan.[31] After learning about the disease in the allied city of Tepeaca, the Spaniards instructed their allies on how to prevent contagion among them, advising them to avoid bathhouses and not to scratch their skin sores, which lowered the impact among them.[33]
Firsthand accounts were recorded in the Florentine Codex concerning the adverse effects of the smallpox epidemic of the Aztecs, which stated, "many died from this plague, and many others died of hunger. They could not get up and search for food, and everyone else was too sick to care for them, so they starved to death in their beds. By the time the danger was recognized, the plague was well established that nothing could halt it".[32][page needed] The smallpox epidemic caused not only infection to the Mexica peoples, but it weakened able bodied people who could no longer grow and harvest their crops, which in turn led to mass famine and death from malnutrition.[32][page needed] While the population of Tenochtitlan was recovering, the disease continued to Chalco, a city on the southeast corner of Lake Texcoco that was formerly controlled by the Aztecs but now aligned to the Spanish.[12]
Reproduction and population growth declined since people of child-bearing age either had to fight off the Spanish invasion or died due to famine, malnutrition or other diseases.[34] Diseases like smallpox could travel great distances and spread throughout large populations, which was the case with the Aztecs having lost approximately 50% of its population from smallpox and other diseases.[35] The disease killed an estimated forty percent of the native population in the area within a year. The Aztecs codices give ample depictions of the disease's progression. It was known to them as the huey ahuizotl (great rash).[citation needed]
Aztecs regroup
[edit]It is often debated why the Aztecs took little action against the Spanish and their allies after they fled the city. One reason was that Tenochtitlan was certainly in a state of disorder: the smallpox disease ravaged the population, killing still more important leaders and nobles, and a new king, Cuauhtémoc, son of King Ahuitzotl, was placed on the throne in February 1521. The people were in the process of mourning the dead and rebuilding their damaged city. It is possible that the Aztecs truly believed that the Spanish were gone for good. In addition, Cortés astutely directed his forces in multiple directions in preparing his encirclement of the Aztec capital, and knew how to use the military initiative that he gained after the battle of Otumba.[2][page needed]
Staying within Tenochtitlan as a defensive tactic may have seemed like a reliable strategy at the time. This would allow them the largest possible army that would be close to its supplies, while affording them the mobility provided by the surrounding lake. Any Spanish assault would have to come through the causeways, where the Aztecs could easily attack them. As the only Aztec victory against the Spanish was won in the city using their peculiar urban warfare tactics, and as they counted on retaining control over the water, it seems natural that they wanted to risk their main army only to defend their capital. However, it would not be correct to infer that the Aztecs were passive observers of their fate - they did send numerous expeditions to aid their allies against Cortés at every point, with 10 to 20 thousand forces risked in every engagement, such as in Chalco and Chapultepec. They were driven back every time, and some of the native allies won their own victories over the Aztecs, as their dread of their invincible overlords faded with every success of Cortés.[2][page needed]
Siege of Tenochtitlan
[edit]Cortés plans and preparations
[edit]Cortés's overall plan was to trap and besiege the Aztecs within their capital. Cortés intended to do that primarily by increasing his power and mobility on the lake, while protecting "his flanks while they marched up the causeway", previously one of his main weaknesses. He ordered the construction of thirteen sloops or brigantines in Tlaxcala, by his master shipbuilder, Martín López. Cortés continued to receive a steady stream of supplies from ships arriving at Veracruz, one ship from Spain loaded with "arms and powder", and two ships intended for Narváez. Cortés also received one hundred and fifty soldiers and twenty horses from the abandoned Panuco River settlement, as well as fifty soldiers and seven horses also from Panuco led by Miguel Díez de Aux, a fellow conquistador and the first mestizo in the history of America.[31]
A large source of succour for Cortés were the misguided expeditions by Francisco de Garay, the Governor of Jamaica, who kept sending ship after ship to aid his original Panuco venture long after it had been destroyed and abandoned; all of these ships and forces ended up reinforcing Cortés before the siege.[31]: 309, 311, 324
Cortés then decided to move his army to Texcoco, where he could assemble and launch the sloops in the creeks flowing into Lake Texcoco. With his main headquarters in Texcoco, he could stop his forces from being spread too thin around the lake, and there he could contact them where they needed. Xicotencatl the Elder provided Cortés with over ten thousand Tlaxcalan warriors under the command of Chichimecatecuhtli. Cortés departed Tlaxcala on the day after Christmas 1520. When his force arrived at the outskirts of Texcoco, he was met by seven chieftains stating their leader Coanacotzin begs "for your friendship". Cortés quickly replaced that leader with Ixtlilxochitl II, the son of Nezahualpilli, baptized as Don Hernán Cortés.[31]: 311–16
After winning over Chalco and Tlalmanalco, Cortés sent eight Mexican prisoners to Cuauhtemoc stating, "all the towns in the neighborhood were now on our side, as well as the Tlaxcalans". Cortés intended to blockade Mexico and then destroy it. Once Martin López and Chichimecatecuthli brought the logs and planks to Texcoco, the sloops were built quickly.[31]: 321–25 Cuauhtemoc's forces were defeated four times in March 1521, around Chalco and Huaxtepec, and Cortés received another ship load of arms and men from the Emperor.[31]: 326–32
On 6 April 1521, Cortés met with the caciques around Chalco, and announced he would "bring peace" and blockade Mexico. He wanted all of their warriors ready the next day when he put thirteen sloops into the lake (misleadingly called "launches" in some translations). He was then joined at Chimaluacan by twenty thousand warriors from Chalco, Texcoco, Huejotzingo, and Tlaxcala.[31]: 333 Cortés fought a major engagement with seventeen thousand of Cuauhtemoc's warriors at Xochimilco, before continuing his march northwestward.[31]: 340–47 Cortés found Coyoacan, Tacuba, Azcapotzalco, and Cuauhitlan deserted.[31]: 347–49
Returning to Texcoco, which had been guarded by his Captain Gonzalo de Sandoval, Cortés was joined by many more men from Castile.[31]: 349 Cortés then discovered a plot aimed at his murder, for which he had the main conspirator, Antonio de Villafana, hanged. Thereafter, Cortés had a personal guard of six soldiers, under the command of Antonio de Quiñones.[31]: 350–51 The Spaniards also held their third auctioning of branded slaves, Mexican allies captured by Cortés, "who had revolted after giving their obedience to His Majesty."[31]: 308, 352
Cortés had 84 horsemen, 194 arbalesters and arquebusiers, plus 650 Spanish foot soldiers. He stationed 25 men on every sloop, 12 oarsmen, 12 crossbowmen and musketeers, and a captain. Each sloop had rigging, sails, oars, and spare oars. Additionally, Cortés had 20,000 warriors from Tlaxcala, Huexotzinco, and Cholula. The Tlaxcalans were led by Xicotencatl II and Chichimecatecuthli. Cortés was ready to start the blockade of Mexico after Corpus Christi (feast).[31]: 353–54
Cortés put Alvarado in command of 30 horsemen, 18 arbalesters and arquebusiers, 150 Spanish foot soldiers, and 8,000 Tlaxcalan allies, and sent him, accompanied by his brother Jorge de Alvarado, Gutierrez de Badajoz, and Andrés de Monjaraz, to secure Tacuba. Cristóbal de Olid took 30 horsemen, 20 arbalesters and arquebusiers, 175 foot soldiers, and 8,000 Tlaxcalan allies, accompanied by Andrés de Tapia, Francisco Verdugo, and Francisco de Lugo, and secured Coyohuacan. Gonzalo de Sandoval took 24 horsemen, 14 arquebusiers and arbalesters, 150 Spanish foot soldiers, and 8,000 warriors from Chalco and Huexotzinco, accompanied by Luis Marin and Pedro de Ircio, to secure Ixtlapalapan. Cortés commanded the 13 sloops.[31]: 356 Cortés' forces took up these positions on May 22.[2]
First battles
[edit]-
Cortes builds the brigantines.
-
A battle in the shores of Lake Texcoco during the Siege of Tenochtitlan
-
Naval assault upon the city.
The forces under Alvarado and Olid marched first towards Chapultepec to disconnect the Aztecs from their water supply.[31]: 359 There were springs there that supplied much of the city's water by aqueduct; the rest of the city's water was brought in by canoe. The two generals then tried to bring their forces over the causeway at Tlacopan, resulting in the Battle of Tlacopan.[2] The Aztec forces managed to push back the Spanish and halt this assault on the capital with a determined and hard-fought land and naval counterattack.[26]: 94 [31]: 359–60
Cortés faced "more than a thousand canoes" after he launched his thirteen sloops from Texcoco. Yet a "favorable breeze sprang up", enabling him to overturn many canoes and kill or capture many. After winning the First Battle on the Lake, Cortés camped with Olid's forces.[26]: 94 [31]: 362
The Aztec canoe fleets worked well for attacking the Spanish because they allowed the Aztecs to surround the Spanish on both sides of the causeway. Cortés decided to make an opening in the causeway so that his brigantines could help defend his forces from both sides. He then distributed the sloops amongst his attacking forces, four to Alvarado, six for Olid, and two to Sandoval on the Tepeaquilla causeway. After this move, the Aztecs could no longer attack from their canoes on the opposite side of the Spanish brigantines, and "the fighting went very much in our favour", according to Díaz.[31]: 363
With his brigantines, Cortés could also send forces and supplies to areas he previously could not, which put a kink in Cuauhtémoc's plan. To make it more difficult for the Spanish ships to aid the Spanish soldier's advance along the causeways, the Aztecs dug deep pits in shallow areas of the lakes, into which they hoped the Spaniards would stumble, and fixed concealed stakes into the lake bottom to impale the launches. The Spanish horses were also ineffective on the causeways.[31]: 364
Cortés was forced to adapt his plans again, as his initial land campaigns were ineffective. He had planned to attack on the causeways during the daytime and retreat to camp at night; however, the Aztecs moved in to occupy the abandoned bridges and barricades as soon as the Spanish forces left. Consequently, Cortés had his forces set up on the causeways at night to defend their positions.[31]: 364–66 Cortés also sent orders to "never on any account to leave a gap unblocked, and that all the horsemen were to sleep on the causeway with their horses saddled and bridled all night long."[31]: 372 This allowed the Spanish to progress closer and closer towards the city.[2]
The Spaniards prevented food and water from reaching Tenochtitlan along the three causeways. They limited the supplies reaching the city from the nine surrounding towns via canoe, by sending out two of their launches on nightly capture missions. However, the Aztecs were successful in setting an ambush with thirty of their pirogues in an area in which they had placed impaling stakes. They captured two Spanish launches, killing Captains Juan de la Portilla and Pedro Barba.[31]: 368–69, 382–83
Spanish advance closer
[edit]
After capturing two chieftains, Cortés learned of another Aztec plot to ambush his launches with forty pirogues. Cortés then organized a counter-ambush with six of his launches, which was successful, "killing many warriors and taking many prisoners." Afterwards, the Aztec "did not dare to lay any more ambuscades, or to bring in food and water as openly as before." Lakeside towns, including Iztapalapa, Churubusco, Culuacan, and Mixquic made peace with the Spaniards.[31]: 374–75 The fighting in Tenochtitlan was described by the American historian Charles Robinson as "desperate" as both sides battled one another in the streets in a ferocious battle where no quarter was given nor asked for.[36]
Cuauhtemoc then attacked all three Spanish camps simultaneously with his entire army on the feast day of St. John. On the Tacuba Causeway across Lake Texcoco connecting Tenochtitlan to the mainland along a street now known as Puente de Alvarado (Alvarado's Bridge) in Mexico City, Pedro de Alvarado made a mad cavalry charge across a gap in the Causeway.[36] As Alvarado and his cavalry emerged on the other side of the gap with the infantry behind, Aztec canoes filled the gap.[36] Pedro de Alvarado was wounded along with eight men in his camp.[31]: 377 Alvarado escaped from the ambush, but five of his men were captured and taken off to the Great Temple to be sacrificed.[36] Much to their horror, the Spanish from their positions could see their captured comrades being sacrificed on the Great Pyramid, which increased their hatred of the Aztecs.[37] At the end of each day, the Spanish gave a prayer: "Oh, thanks be to God that they did not carry me off today to be sacrificed."[37]
Cortés then decided to push forward a simultaneous attack towards the Mexican market square, resulting in what is now known as the Battle of Colhuacatonco. However, he neglected to fill in a channel as he advanced, and when the Aztec counter-attacked, Cortés was wounded and almost captured. Cristóbal de Olea and Cristóbal de Guzmán gave their lives for Cortés, and sixty-five Spanish soldiers were captured alive. Cuauhtemoc then had five of their heads thrown at Alvarado's camp, four thrown at Cortés' camp, six thrown at Sandoval's camp, while ten more were sacrificed to the Huitzilopochtli and Texcatlipoca idols.[31]: 379–83
Díaz relates, "...the dismal drum of Huichilobos sounded again,...we saw our comrades who had been captured in Cortés' defeat being dragged up the steps to be sacrificed...cutting open their chests, drew out their palpitating hearts which they offered to the idols...the Indian butchers...cut off their arms and legs...then they ate their flesh with a sauce of peppers and tomatoes...throwing their trunks and entrails to the lions and tigers and serpents and snakes." Cuauhtemoc then "sent the hands and feet of our soldiers, and the skin of their faces...to all the towns of our allies..." The Aztec sacrificed a batch of Spanish prisoners each night for ten nights.[31]: 386–87, 391 The Aztec cast off the cooked limbs of their prisoners to the Tlaxcalans, shouting: "Eat the flesh of these teules ["Gods"-a reference to the early belief that Spanish were gods] and of your brothers because we are sated with it".[37]
The Aztec continued to attack the Spaniards on the causeways, "day and night". The Spanish allies in the cities surrounding the lake lost many lives or "went home wounded", and "half their canoes were destroyed". Yet, "they did not help the Aztec any more, for they loathed them." Yet, of the 24,000 allies, only 200 remained in the three Spanish camps, the rest deciding to return home. Ahuaxpitzactzin (later baptized as Don Carlos), the brother of the Texcoco lord Don Fernando, remained in Cortés' camp with forty relatives and friends. The Huejotzinco Cacique remained in Sandoval's camp with fifty men. Alvarado's camp had Chichimecatecuhtli, the two sons of Lorenzo de Vargas, and eighty Tlaxcalans.[31]: 388–89 To maintain the advance, Cortés razed every neighborhood he captured, using the rubble to fill up canals and gaps in the causeways to allow his infantry and cavalry to advance in formation, a fighting tactic that favored the Spanish instead of engaging in hand-to-hand street fighting, which favored the Aztec.[37]
Cortés then concentrated on letting the Aztec "eat up all the provisions they have" and drink brackish water. The Spaniards gradually advanced along the causeways, though without allies. Their launches had freedom of the lake, after devising a method for breaking the impaling stakes the Aztec had placed for them. After twelve days of this, the Spanish allies realized the prophecy by the Aztec idols, that the Spaniards would be dead in ten days, was false. Two thousand warriors returned from Texcoco, as did many Tlaxcan warriors under Tepaneca from Topeyanco, and those from Huejotzingo and Cholula.[31]: 390–91 Cuauhtemoc then enlisted his allies in Matlazingo, Malinalco, and Tulapa, in attacking the Spaniards from the rear. However, Cortés sent Andrés de Tapia, with 20 horsemen and 100 soldiers, and Gonzalo de Sandoval, with 20 horsemen and 80 soldiers, to help his allies attack this new threat. They returned with two of the Matlazingo chieftains as prisoners.[31]: 396
As the Spanish employed more successful strategies, their stranglehold on Tenochtitlan tightened, and famine began to affect the Aztecs. The Aztecs were cut off from the mainland because of the occupied causeways. Cortés also had the advantage of fighting a mostly defensive battle. Though Cuauhtémoc organized a large-scale attack on Alvarado's forces at Tlacopan, the Aztec forces were pushed back. Throughout the siege, the Aztecs had little aid from outside of Tenochtitlan. The remaining loyal tributaries had difficulty sending forces, because it would leave them vulnerable to Spanish attack. Many of these loyal tributaries were surrounded by the Spanish.[citation needed]
Though the tributaries often went back and forth in their loyalties at any sign of change, the Spanish tried hard not to lose any allies. They feared a "snowball effect": if one tributary left, others might follow. Therefore, they brutally crushed any tributaries who tried to send help to Tenochtitlan. Any shipments of food and water were intercepted, and even those trying to fish in the lake were attacked.[2] The situation inside the city was desperate: because of the famine and the smallpox there were already thousands of victims, women offered to the gods even their children's clothes, so most children were stark naked. Many Aztecs drank dirty, brackish water because of their severe thirst and contracted dysentery. The famine was so severe that the Aztecs ate anything, even wood, leather, and bricks for sustenance.[12]
The Spanish continued to push closer to Tenochtitlan. The Aztecs changed tactics as often as the Spanish did, preventing Cortés's forces from being entirely victorious. However, the Aztecs were severely worn down. They had no new troops, supplies, food, nor water. The Spanish received a large amount of supplies from Vera Cruz, and, somewhat renewed, finally entered the main part of Tenochtitlan.[2][31]: 396
Aztecs' last stand
[edit]
Cortés then ordered a simultaneous advance of all three camps towards the Tlatelolco marketplace. Alvarado's company made it there first, and Gutierrez de Badajoz advanced to the top of the Huichilopotzli cu, setting it afire and planting their Spanish banners. Cortés' and Sandoval's men were able to join them there after four more days of fighting.[31]: 396–98
The Spanish forces and their allies advanced into the city. Despite inflicting heavy casualties, the Aztecs could not halt the Spanish advance. While the fighting in the city raged, the Aztecs cut out and ate the hearts of 70 Spanish prisoners-of-war at the altar to Huitzilopochtli. By August, many of the native inhabitants had fled Tlatelolco.[26] Cortés sent emissaries to negotiate with the Tlatelolcas to join his side, but the Tlatelolcas remained loyal to the Aztecs.
Throughout the battles with the Spanish, the Aztecs still practiced their traditional ceremonies and customs. Tlapaltecatl Opochtzin was chosen to be outfitted to wear the quetzal owl costume. He was supplied with darts sacred to Huitzilopochtli, which came with wooden tips and flint tops. When he came, the Spanish soldiers appeared scared and intimidated. They chased the owl-warrior, but he was neither captured nor killed. The Aztecs took this as a good sign, but they could fight no more, and after discussions with the nobles, Cuauhtémoc began talks with the Spanish.[12]
At some point in the final days of the battle, a tornado struck the basin, over Tlatelolco, and then moved out over the lake.[38] This was the first tornado seen by Europeans in the Americas.
After several failed peace overtures to Cuauhtémoc, Cortés ordered Sandoval to attack that part of the city in which Cuauhtémoc had retreated. As hundreds of canoes filled the lake fleeing the doomed city, Cortés sent his brigantines out to intercept them.[39] Cuauhtémoc attempted to flee with his property, gold, jewels, and family in fifty pirogues, but was soon captured by Sandoval's launches, and brought before Cortés.[31]: 401–03
Surrender
[edit]
The Aztec forces were destroyed and the Aztecs surrendered on 13 August 1521, Julian Date.[31]: 404 Cortés demanded the return of the gold lost during La Noche Triste. Under torture, by burning their feet with oil, Cuauhtémoc and the lord of Tacuba confessed to dumping his gold and jewels into the lake. Yet, little gold remained, as earlier, a fifth had been sent to Spain and another kept by Cortés. "In the end...the remaining gold all fell to the King's officials."[31]: 409–10, 412
Cuauhtémoc was taken prisoner the same day, as related above, and remained the titular leader of Tenochtitlan, under the control of Cortés, until he was hanged for treason in 1525 while accompanying a Spanish expedition to Guatemala.[citation needed]
Casualties and atrocities
[edit]100,000[7] to 240,000[8][9] were killed in the campaign overall including warriors and civilians. As many as 40,000 Aztec bodies were floating in the canals or awaiting burial after the siege.[7] Almost all of the Aztec nobility were dead, and the remaining survivors were mostly young women and very young children.[28] At least 40,000 Aztec civilians were killed and captured.[6] The survivors marched out of the city for the next three days.[2]
The native allies of the Spanish, primarily the Tlaxcalans, continued to attack even after the surrender, slaughtering thousands of the remaining civilians and looting the city. They did not spare women or children: they entered houses, stealing all precious things they found, raping and then killing women and stabbing children.[26][failed verification] One source claims 6,000 were massacred in the town of Ixtapalapa alone.[40] This was part of a merciless campaign against the Aztecs who had long oppressed them, as for a hundred years the Tlaxcalans had been forced to hand over an annual quota of young men and women to be sacrificed and eaten at the Great Pyramid of Tenochtitlan, and now the Tlaxcalans saw their chance for revenge.[39] American historian Charles Robinson wrote: "Centuries of hate and the basic viciousness of Mesoamerican warfare combined in violence that appalled Cortés himself".[39] In letter to the Holy Roman Emperor Charles V, Cortés wrote:
"We had more trouble in preventing our allies from killing with such cruelty than we had in fighting the enemy. For no race, however savage, has ever practiced such fierce and unnatural cruelty as the natives of these parts. Our allies also took many spoils that day, which we were unable to prevent, as they numbered more than 150,000 and we Spaniards only some nine hundred. Neither our precautions nor our warnings could stop their looting, though we did all we could... I had posted Spaniards in every street, so that when the people began to come out [to surrender] they might prevent our allies from killing those wretched people, whose numbers was uncountable. I also told the captains of our allies that on no account should any of those people be slain; but there were so many that we could not prevent more than fifteen thousand being killed and sacrificed [by the Tlaxcalans] that day".[39]
Due to the wholesale slaughter after the campaign and the destruction of Aztec culture many sources such as Israel Charney,[41] John C. Cox,[42] and Norman Naimark[40] consider the siege a genocide.
Although some reports put the number as low as forty, the Spanish lost over 100 soldiers in the siege, while thousands of Tlaxcalans perished. It is estimated that around 1,800 Spaniards died from all causes during the two-year campaign—from Veracruz to Tenochtitlan. (Thomas, pp. 528–29) The remaining Spanish forces consisted of 800–900 Spaniards, eighty horses, sixteen pieces of artillery, and Cortés' thirteen brigantines.[2] Other sources estimate that around 860 Spanish soldiers and 20,000 Tlaxcalan warriors were killed during all the battles in this region from 1519 to 1521.[citation needed] It is well accepted that Cortés' indigenous allies, which may have numbered as many as 200,000 over the three-year period of the conquest, were indispensable to his success.[43] Cortés' lieutenant Bernal Díaz del Castillo especially credited La Malinche with their victory.[31]
See also
[edit]Notes
[edit]- ^ Teoría de la bandera.Guido Villa.1974 "The companies portentous discovery and conquest of the New World, met under the banners of Castile incarnate". Las portentosas empresas del descubrimiento y la conquista del Nuevo Mundo, se cumplieron bajo los encarnados pendones de Castilla.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab Hassig, Ross (1994). Mexico and the Spanish Conquest. New York: Longman. ISBN 0582068282.[page needed]
- ^ "PBS : Conquistadors – Cortés". www.pbs.org.
- ^ a b Clodfelter, Micheal (2017). Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures, 1492–2015 (4th ed.). McFarland. ISBN 978-1476625850.
- ^ Russell, Philip (2015). The Essential History of Mexico: From Pre-Conquest to Present. Routledge. ISBN 978-1135017217.
- ^ a b Paulkovich, Michael (2012). No Meek Messiah. Spillix Publishing. p. 117. ISBN 978-0988216112.
- ^ a b c Karin Solveig Björnson, Kurt Jonassohn. Genocide and Gross Human Rights Violations: In Comparative Perspective. Transaction Publishers. p. 202. ISBN 978-0415842785.
- ^ a b "Victimario Histórico Militar: Capítulo IX" (in Spanish). Archived from the original on 2018-07-01.
- ^ a b Singer, Gabrielle (2004). A Purple Bull page 68. Vantage Press. ISBN 978-0533148356.
- ^ there Conquistadors, with Michael Wood – website for 2001 PBS documentary
- ^ The Mexico Reader: History, Culture, Politics. Joseph, Gilbert M. and Henderson, Timothy J. Duke University Press, 2002.[page needed]
- ^ a b c d e "General History of The Things of New Spain." de Sahagun, Bernardino. The Human Record: Sources of Global History, Volume II. Andrea, Alfred J. and James H. Overfield. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 2005. 128–33.
- ^ Visión de los vencidos. León-Portilla, Miguel (Ed.) [1959] (1992). The Broken Spears: The Aztec Account of the Conquest of Mexico, Ángel María Garibay K. (Nahuatl-Spanish trans.), Lysander Kemp (Spanish-English trans.), Alberto Beltran (illus.), Expanded and updated edition, Boston: Beacon Press. ISBN 0-8070-5501-8.
- ^ Restall, Matthew (2003). Seven Myths of the Spanish Conquest. Oxford University Press. p. 218. ISBN 0-19-516077-0.
- ^ Camilla Townsend, Malintzin's Choices, University of New Mexico Press, 2006
- ^ Cervantes de Salazar, Francisco. Crónica de la Nueva España. Madrid: Linkgua Ediciones, 2007.[page needed]
- ^ Hassig (2006, p. 107).
- ^ León Portilla, Miguel, ed. (1992). The Broken Spears: the Aztec account of the Conquest of Mexico. Translated by Lysander Kemp. Boston: Beacon Press. pp. 70–71, 80. ISBN 9780807055007. OCLC 80748732.
- ^ Levy, Buddy, Conquistador: Hernan Cortes, King Montezuma, and the Last Stands of the Aztecs, (New York: Bantam Books, 2008), 163–64.
- ^ Diaz del Castillo, Bernal, The True History of the Conquest of New Spain,(Facsimile, 1904)
- ^ Levy, Buddy, Conquistador: Hernan Cortes, King Montezuma, and the Last Stands of the Aztecs, (New York: Bantam Books, 2008), 166.
- ^ León Portilla, Miguel, ed. (1992). The Broken Spears: the Aztec account of the Conquest of Mexico. Translated by Lysander Kemp. Boston: Beacon Press. p. 131. ISBN 9780807055007. OCLC 80748732.
- ^ Levy, Buddy, Conquistador: Hernan Cortes, King Montezuma, and the Last Stands of the Aztecs, (New York: Bantam Books, 2008), 168–70.
- ^ Levy, Buddy, Conquistador: Hernan Cortes, King Montezuma, and the Last Stands of the Aztecs, (New York: Bantam Books, 2008), 170–71.
- ^ Levy, Buddy, Conquistador: Hernan Cortes, King Montezuma, and the Last Stands of the Aztecs, (New York: Bantam Books, 2008), 171.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j *León-Portilla, Miguel (Ed.) (1992) [1959]. The Broken Spears: The Aztec Account of the Conquest of Mexico. Ángel María Garibay K. (Nahuatl-Spanish trans.), Lysander Kemp (Spanish-English trans.), Alberto Beltran (illus.) (Expanded and updated ed.). Boston: Beacon Press. ISBN 0-8070-5501-8.
- ^ Smith 1996, 2003, p. 275.
- ^ a b c d e f g Gruzinski, Serge. The Aztecs: Rise and Fall of an Empire, "Abrams Discoveries" series. New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1992.[page needed]
- ^ "Capitulo cuarenta y cuatro de Historia verdadera de la conquista de la Nueva España, de Bernal Diaz del Castillo. Captura y diseño, Chantal Lopez y Omar Cortes para la Biblioteca Virtual Antorcha". www.antorcha.net.
- ^ "Identidad Mexiquense". 9 February 2007. Archived from the original on 2007-02-09.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac ad ae af ag ah ai aj Diaz, B., 1963, The Conquest of New Spain, London: Penguin Books, ISBN 0140441239
- ^ a b c León, Portilla Miguel. 2006 The Broken Spears: the Aztec Account of the Conquest of Mexico. Boston: Beacon
- ^ Francisco Cervantes de Salazar, Chronicle of New Spain, its description, its quality and temperament, the property and nature of the Indians, 1575, chapter XXVIII
- ^ (Leon-Portilla 1962: 117, León, Portilla Miguel. 2006 The Broken Spears: the Aztec Account of the Conquest of Mexico. Boston: Beacon
- ^ (Diamond 1999: 210), Diamond, Jared M. 1999 Guns, Germs, and Steel: the Fates of Human Societies. New York: Norton.
- ^ a b c d Robinson, Charles The Spanish Invasion of Mexico 1519–1521, London: Osprey, 2004 p. 58.
- ^ a b c d Robinson, Charles The Spanish Invasion of Mexico 1519–1521, London: Osprey, 2004 p. 59.
- ^ Fuentes, Oscar Velasco (1 November 2010). "The Earliest Documented Tornado in the Americas". Bulletin of the American Meteorological Society. 91 (11). Jstor.org by Oscar Velasco Fuentes Bulletin of the American Meteorological Society: 1515–1524. Bibcode:2010BAMS...91.1515F. doi:10.1175/2010BAMS2874.1. JSTOR 26233054.
- ^ a b c d Robinson, Charles The Spanish Invasion of Mexico 1519–1521, London: Osprey, 2004 p. 60.
- ^ a b M. Naimak, Norman (2017). Genocide: A World History. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780199765263.
- ^ Charney, Israel W. (1999). Encyclopedia of Genocide, Volumes 1-2. Bloomsbury Academic. p. 278. ISBN 9780874369281.
- ^ Cox, John M. In Adam Jones, ed, Evoking Genocide (2009), pp. 5 Diego Rivera, La Gran Tenochtitlán Lost Worlds (PDF).
- ^ Black, Jeremy, ed. World History Atlas. London: Dorling Kindersley, 2000.[page needed]
References
[edit]Primary sources
[edit]- Cervantes de Salazar, Francisco. Crónica de la Nueva España. Madrid: Linkgua Ediciones, 2007. ISBN 84-9816-211-4
- Hernán Cortés, Letters – available as Letters from Mexico translated by Anthony Pagden (1986) ISBN 0-300-09094-3
- Francisco López de Gómara, Hispania Victrix; First and Second Parts of the General History of the Indies, with the whole discovery and notable things that have happened since they were acquired until the year 1551, with the conquest of Mexico and New Spain
- Bernal Díaz del Castillo, The Conquest of New Spain – available as The Discovery and Conquest of Mexico: 1517–1521 ISBN 0-306-81319-X
- León-Portilla, Miguel (Ed.) (1992) [1959]. The Broken Spears: The Aztec Account of the Conquest of Mexico. Ángel María Garibay K. (Nahuatl–Spanish trans.), Lysander Kemp (Spanish–English trans.), Alberto Beltran (illus.) (Expanded and updated ed.). Boston: Beacon Press. ISBN 0-8070-5501-8.
Secondary sources
[edit]- Sheppard, Si. Tenochtitlan 1519–21: Clash of Civilizations. Oxford: Osprey, 2018.
- Andrea, Alfred J. and James H. Overfield. The Human Record: Sources of Global History, Volume II. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 2005.
- Black, Jeremy, ed. World History Atlas. London: Dorling Kindersley, 2000.
- Gruzinski, Serge. The Aztecs: Rise and Fall of an Empire, "Abrams Discoveries" series. New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1992.
- Hassig, Ross. Mexico and the Spanish Conquest. New York: Longman, 1994.
- Hassig, Ross. Mexico and the Spanish Conquest. 2nd ed., Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2006. ISBN 0-8061-3793-2 OCLC 64594483
- Conquest: Cortés, Montezuma, and the Fall of Old Mexico by Hugh Thomas (1993) ISBN 0-671-51104-1
- Cortés and the Downfall of the Aztec Empire by Jon Manchip White (1971) ISBN 0-7867-0271-0
- History of the Conquest of Mexico. by William H. Prescott ISBN 0-375-75803-8
- The Rain God cries over Mexico by László Passuth
- Seven Myths of the Spanish Conquest by Matthew Restall, Oxford University Press (2003) ISBN 0-19-516077-0
- The Conquest of America by Tzvetan Todorov (1996) ISBN 0-06-132095-1
- "Hernando Cortés" by Fisher, M. & Richardson K. [ISBN missing]
- "Hernando Cortés" Crossroads Resource Online. [ISBN missing]
- "Hernando Cortés" by Jacobs, W.J., New York: Franklin Watts, Inc., 1974. [ISBN missing]
- "The World's Greatest Explorers: Hernando Cortés." Chicago, by Stein, R.C., Illinois: Chicago Press Inc. 1991.
- Davis, Paul K. (2003). "Besieged: 100 Great Sieges from Jericho to Sarajevo." Oxford: Oxford University Press.
- History of the Conquest of Mexico, with a Preliminary View of Ancient Mexican Civilization, and the Life of the Conqueror, Hernando Cortes By William H. Prescott [1]
- The Aztecs by Michael E. Smith (1996, 2003), Blackwell Publishing, ISBN 0-631-23016-5
- Leibsohn, Dana, and Barbara E. Mundy, "The Political Force of Images," Vistas: Visual Culture in Spanish America, 1520–1820 (2015). http://www.fordham.edu/vistas.
External links
[edit]- Hernando Cortes on the Web – web directory with thumbnail galleries
- Catholic Encyclopedia (1911)
- Conquistadors, with Michael Wood – website for 2001 PBS documentary
- Ibero-American Electronic Text Series presented online by the University of Wisconsin Digital Collections Center
- Página de relación
Fall of Tenochtitlan
View on GrokipediaThe event's aftermath saw the systematic destruction of temples and pyramids, the enslavement or execution of survivors, and the foundation of Spanish Mexico City atop the ruins, initiating three centuries of colonial extraction while fracturing Mesoamerican polities; though framed in some modern scholarship as unmitigated catastrophe, the coalition's victory stemmed from pre-existing fractures in the Triple Alliance's hegemonic system, where allied groups calculated that Spanish aid offered strategic relief from Aztec dominance rather than mere subjugation to Europeans.[2][3][6]
Pre-Conquest Context
Aztec Empire: Imperial Structure and Internal Dynamics
The Aztec Empire, known as the Triple Alliance, emerged in 1428 CE when the city-states of Tenochtitlan, Texcoco, and Tlacopan allied to overthrow the dominant Tepanec confederacy led by Azcapotzalco, establishing a hegemonic structure over central Mexico.[7] This alliance divided conquered territories into shares, with Tenochtitlan receiving the largest portion, reflecting its growing dominance; by the reign of Moctezuma II (r. 1502–1520 CE), Tenochtitlan had effectively become the imperial core, coordinating military campaigns and tribute extraction across an estimated 500–600 km radius.[8] The empire's expansion involved over 300 documented conquests between 1428 and 1519 CE, prioritizing strategic alliances and intimidation over sustained occupation, which allowed local rulers to persist as long as they submitted tribute and military service.[9] Imperial administration operated through indirect rule, classifying provinces as either strategic outposts with Aztec garrisons and governors (calpixque) or tributary client states governed by indigenous elites under Aztec oversight.[10] Tribute demands, recorded in documents like the Matrícula de Tributos and Codex Mendoza, encompassed luxury goods such as cacao beans (up to 8,400 loads annually from some provinces), quetzal feathers, jade, and cotton mantles, alongside periodic warrior captives for sacrifice, sustaining the core cities without full economic integration of peripheries.[11] This system fostered efficiency in resource flow—estimated at sustaining 200,000–300,000 residents in Tenochtitlan alone—but relied on periodic "flower wars" to secure captives and test loyalties, revealing underlying fragility as unsubdued regions like Tlaxcala remained independent strongholds.[12] Internally, Aztec society was rigidly stratified, with the tlatoani (ruler) holding semi-divine authority advised by a noble council (cihuacoatl and pipiltin), while commoners (macehualtin) were organized into calpulli—kin-based clans managing land tenure, labor drafts (tlacotin), and local temples.[13] Nobility, comprising warriors, priests, and officials, monopolized high-status roles and land, enabling social mobility through battlefield prowess but entrenching inequalities; calpulli leaders mediated tribute obligations, yet growing noble estates eroded communal holdings, sparking tensions evident in legal codes curbing elite land grabs by the 15th century.[14] Military imperatives unified the core, with professional orders like the Jaguar and Eagle warriors enforcing discipline, but this militarism amplified demands on subjects, breeding resentment in provinces burdened by tribute arrears and sacrificial quotas—factors that later enabled defections to Spanish forces, as seen in Tlaxcala's alliance with Cortés amid pre-existing grudges from Aztec incursions.[15] Such dynamics underscored the empire's cohesion through coercion rather than consent, with core-periphery frictions undermining unified resistance during the 1521 siege.[16]Aztec Religious and Sacrificial Practices
The Aztec religion was polytheistic, centered on a pantheon of deities who governed natural forces, agriculture, and warfare, with rituals permeating daily life and state functions. Central to this worldview was the concept of teotl, an impersonal divine energy manifesting through gods like Huitzilopochtli, the sun and war god, and Tlaloc, the rain deity, whose favor ensured cosmic stability and societal prosperity. Priests conducted ceremonies tied to a 260-day ritual calendar (tonalpohualli) and a 365-day solar year (xiuhpohualli), involving offerings of food, incense, and blood to avert catastrophe. Human sacrifice emerged as the paramount rite, viewed not as cruelty but as a sacred exchange to nourish gods who had previously immolated themselves to create the world.[17][18] Aztec cosmology posited that the current era, the Fifth Sun, followed four previous worlds destroyed by cataclysms, each sustained and ended by divine sacrifice. Gods like Quetzalcoatl and Tezcatlipoca had sacrificed to form humanity from bones and blood, incurring a perpetual debt that humans repaid through ritual bloodshed to propel the sun's daily journey and prevent universal collapse. Primary indigenous accounts, corroborated by Spanish chroniclers like those drawing from Nahuatl informants, describe sacrifices as essential to "feeding" deities whose vitality waned without human essence, particularly heart blood symbolizing life force. This belief underpinned annual cycles of festivals, such as Toxcatl for Tezcatlipoca, where a chosen youth was honored before immolation.[17][19] Sacrificial methods were ritualized and public, often atop pyramids like the Templo Mayor in Tenochtitlan, dedicated jointly to Huitzilopochtli and Tlaloc. Victims, typically war captives (tlacalaquimilli) to embody noble defeat, ascended temple stairs in processions, were stretched over a stone altar (techcatl), and had their chests incised with an obsidian knife to extract the still-beating heart (yollotl), which priests offered to the god's image. Bodies were then dismembered, skulls mounted on tzompantli racks, and flesh sometimes consumed in ceremonial meals by elites, though archaeological and textual evidence indicates this was selective rather than widespread cannibalism. Children were sacrificed to Tlaloc by drowning or flaying, their tears believed to summon rain.[17][20] Archaeological excavations at the Templo Mayor since the 1970s have unearthed layers of sacrificial remains, including over 7,000 artifacts linked to immolations across phases from 1325 to 1521, confirming the practice's intensity. A 2018 discovery of a tzompantli beneath Mexico City revealed hundreds of skulls from diverse victims—men, women, children—indicating structures capable of displaying thousands, far exceeding Spanish eyewitness claims in verified scale. While accounts like the 1487 temple dedication alleging 80,000 victims likely inflated for propaganda, annual sacrifices numbered in the thousands, driven by "flower wars" (xochiyaoyotl) staged to procure captives from subjugated peoples, fostering resentment that later aided Spanish alliances. This ritual economy reinforced imperial control but horrified European observers, framing Aztec practices as demonic idolatry.[19][21][17]Spanish Motivations: Gold, Glory, and Gospel
The Spanish expeditions to the Americas, including Hernán Cortés' 1519 voyage from Cuba, were propelled by intertwined incentives of economic enrichment, personal and imperial prestige, and religious proselytization.[22] These motivations aligned with broader Castilian objectives following Christopher Columbus's 1492 discoveries, where initial reports of gold and spices fueled investor interest and royal patronage under the Catholic Monarchs.[23] Cortés, initially commissioned by Cuban governor Diego Velázquez for reconnaissance, exceeded his mandate by founding Veracruz on April 22, 1519, and scuttling his ships to commit to inland conquest, driven by ambitions for vast riches reported from Juan de Grijalva's 1518 expedition, which returned with gold artifacts from Yucatán and the Gulf Coast.[24] Gold: Economic gain through plunder, tribute, and land grants formed the primary impetus for individual conquistadors like Cortés, who viewed the Aztec domains as sources of precious metals and exploitable labor. In his second letter to Charles V dated October 30, 1520, Cortés detailed the opulence of Tenochtitlan, emphasizing its markets teeming with gold ornaments and cacao-based currency to underscore the territory's potential for yielding immense wealth via the encomienda system, which allocated indigenous laborers to Spanish settlers for tribute extraction. This system, formalized in the 1500s, incentivized conquest by promising fifths of spoils to the crown while allowing captains like Cortés to retain the bulk for personal enrichment and expedition funding; by 1521, the fall of Tenochtitlan enabled shipment of over 100,000 pesos in gold and silver to Spain, exemplifying how such hauls financed further ventures and alleviated Castile's fiscal strains from European wars.[25] Historians note that while royal decrees like the 1503 Casa de Contratación regulations aimed to regulate trade, conquistadors often prioritized immediate looting, as evidenced by Cortés' seizure of Moctezuma II's treasury in 1519, reflecting a causal chain where rumors of Mesoamerican wealth—amplified by native informants—drove risk-laden overland marches despite numerical inferiority.[26] Glory: Personal fame and expansion of the Spanish Empire motivated Cortés to frame his actions as loyal service to Charles V, seeking titles, governorship, and noble status amid competition with rivals like Velázquez. In his letters, Cortés positioned the conquest as augmenting Habsburg dominion, claiming by 1520 to have subdued over 30 provinces encompassing millions of subjects, thereby justifying his autonomy and appealing to the emperor's imperial aspirations rooted in Reconquista legacies.[27] This pursuit of glory manifested in deliberate defiance, such as founding La Villa Rica de la Veracruz on July 10, 1519, to swear direct fealty to Spain, bypassing Cuban oversight, and in alliances with Tlaxcalans to portray himself as a liberator from Aztec tribute demands, enhancing his reputation as a heroic figure in European courts.[24] Empirical outcomes, including Cortés' ennoblement as Marquis of the Valley of Oaxaca in 1522 with estates spanning 23,000 square kilometers, underscore how glory translated into tangible power, though contemporary chroniclers like Bernal Díaz del Castillo critiqued such ambitions as self-serving amid shared hardships.[28] Gospel: Religious zeal, sanctioned by papal bulls like Inter caetera (1493) granting Spain evangelization rights, provided ideological justification, with Cortés invoking Christian duty to eradicate Aztec practices such as human sacrifice, which he decried in dispatches as diabolical idolatry warranting intervention.[29] Upon landing, Cortés erected crosses and conducted masses, ordering the Requerimiento proclamation—requiring native submission to Christianity and the Church—before engagements, as documented in his 1519-1521 campaigns where he destroyed idols in Cholula and Tenochtitlan to symbolize spiritual conquest.[26] While genuine revulsion at Aztec rituals, involving up to 20,000 annual sacrifices per some estimates, aligned with Thomistic just war theory permitting coercion for salvation, critics argue religion served as a post-hoc rationale for material goals, evidenced by delayed missionary arrivals until Franciscans in 1524 and Cortés' pragmatic tolerance of native customs to secure alliances.[30] Nonetheless, the conquest facilitated mass baptisms, with over 200,000 reported conversions by 1530, tying gospel imperatives to demographic collapse via disease and warfare, which Spaniards interpreted as divine providence clearing paths for faith.[31]Technological and Military Disparities
The Spanish conquistadors possessed steel swords, lances, and crossbows that inflicted deeper wounds and were more durable than Aztec obsidian-edged macuahuitl clubs, which, despite their sharpness capable of decapitating horses, often failed to penetrate Spanish steel armor effectively.[32][33] Spanish plate and chainmail armor provided substantial protection against Aztec slashing and piercing weapons, such as atlatl darts and arrows, while Aztec cotton-padded ichcahuipilli armor offered resistance to projectiles but little against thrusting steel blades.[32][33] Cavalry represented a profound disparity, as the approximately 16-20 horses accompanying Hernán Cortés' force of around 500 men enabled shock charges that terrorized Aztec warriors unfamiliar with mounted warfare, proving decisive in open-field battles like Otumba on July 7, 1520, where cavalry broke Aztec encirclement.[32][34] However, in the urban and lacustrine environment of the 1521 siege of Tenochtitlan, horses were less effective due to terrain constraints, though they still amplified Spanish mobility.[34] Firearms, including arquebuses and cannons, played a psychological role more than a lethal one, with slow reloading limiting their impact in close combat; yet, during the siege, 13 brigantines armed with cannons controlled Lake Texcoco, cutting Aztec supply lines and bombarding defenses, contributing to the city's fall on August 13, 1521.[32] Aztec forces, numbering up to 300,000 including allies, relied on numerical superiority and coordinated canoe warfare but could not overcome these technological edges, which, combined with disease and indigenous alliances, enabled a force of fewer than 1,000 Spaniards to prevail.[34]Initial Spanish Arrival and Alliances
Cortés' Expedition from Cuba to Veracruz
In late 1518, Diego Velázquez, the governor of Cuba, commissioned Hernán Cortés to lead an expedition to explore and trade along the mainland coast of Mexico, following reports from prior voyages of rich lands and potential for conquest. Velázquez initially provided five ships but later expanded support amid growing ambitions, though tensions arose as Cortés, a seasoned encomendero with legal training, asserted greater autonomy in preparations.[35] By early 1519, Cortés had assembled a force in Santiago de Cuba, recruiting additional men, acquiring arms, and securing livestock despite Velázquez's eventual revocation of the commission on February 17, 1519, due to fears of Cortés' independence.[36] Ignoring the order in an act of defiance, Cortés departed from Trinidad, Cuba, on February 18, 1519, with a fleet of 11 ships carrying approximately 508 soldiers, 100 sailors, 16 horses, 10 field pieces or cannons, and provisions including crossbows and arquebuses.[37] The expedition included a mix of hidalgos, adventurers, and indigenous slaves, motivated by prospects of gold and evangelization under the Spanish crown's auspicices.[38] The voyage across the Gulf of Mexico lasted about two months, navigating trade winds and avoiding storms, with the fleet making landfall near the island of San Juan de Ulúa on April 21, 1519.[39] Upon arrival, Cortés encountered coastal Chontal Maya and Totonac peoples, establishing initial contacts through interpreters like Jerónimo de Aguilar, a survivor from a prior expedition.[40] To solidify Spanish presence and prevent retreat, Cortés ordered the scuttling or dismantling of most ships shortly after landing, committing his men to inland advance while leaving a small vessel for communication with Cuba. In early July 1519, Cortés founded the settlement of Villa Rica de la Vera Cruz ("Rich Town of the True Cross") near Cempoala, formally placing it under the Spanish Crown's direct authority via procuration to bypass Velázquez's governorship.[39] This act, supported by alliances with local Totonac leaders resentful of Aztec tribute demands, marked the expedition's transition from maritime exploration to territorial claim, with a garrison of about 150 men and two horses left to fortify the site.[41]Encounters and Victories En Route to Tlaxcala
Following the establishment of Villa Rica de la Vera Cruz near Cempoala in July 1519, Hernán Cortés organized his forces for the inland march, departing on August 16 with approximately 400 Spanish infantrymen, 15 cavalrymen, 13 crossbowmen and arquebusiers, 10 field pieces, 200 Totonac warriors, and over 2,000 Totonac porters to carry supplies through rugged terrain.[42] The route covered roughly 150 miles northwest, ascending into the highlands via paths controlled by Aztec tributaries but lacking significant garrisons, allowing unimpeded progress for the first week as local groups either submitted or avoided confrontation, influenced by prior diplomacy at Cempoala where Cortés had seized Aztec tribute enforcers to secure Totonac loyalty.[43] Upon reaching the southeastern frontier of Tlaxcala around September 2, 1519—independent polities long resistant to Aztec dominance—the expedition encountered initial resistance from Otomi warriors allied to Tlaxcala, who launched ambushes with superior numbers but inferior arms of obsidian-edged clubs and arrows. In the first skirmish near modern-day Santa María Zotitlán, the Spaniards formed a defensive square, repelling attacks with coordinated volleys from crossbows, muskets, and cannons, followed by cavalry charges that exploited the natives' unfamiliarity with horses, resulting in hundreds of Otomi killed and no Spanish fatalities despite being outnumbered at least 10-to-1.[43] Bernal Díaz del Castillo, an eyewitness, estimated the enemy force at 5,000–10,000, emphasizing how steel swords cleaved through cotton armor and caused panic among unarmored foes, though Cortés' own report inflated figures to 40,000 attackers with 6,000 slain to underscore his prowess for the Spanish crown.[44] Subsequent encounters over the next three days escalated, with Tlaxcalan reinforcements under Xicotencatl the Younger mounting larger assaults, including a night attack on September 4 where Spanish sentinels repelled infiltrators using pikes and gunfire. In these victories, technological edges—full plate armor deflecting projectiles, firearms providing ranged shock, and horses enabling rapid counterattacks—proved decisive against massed infantry tactics reliant on close-quarters macuahuitl strikes, inflicting disproportionate casualties (thousands dead on the native side per combined accounts) while the Spaniards lost only four men total and several horses to exhaustion or wounds. These clashes, totaling three major engagements before deeper penetration into Tlaxcala proper, demonstrated the causal impact of European metallurgy, gunpowder, and mounted warfare on pre-Columbian forces organized for ritualized combat rather than sustained field battles.[27]Forging Indigenous Alliances Against Aztec Hegemony
Upon reaching the Gulf Coast town of Cempoala in early July 1519, Hernán Cortés encountered the Totonac people, subjects of the Aztec Empire who bore heavy tribute burdens including maize, cotton, and captives for ritual sacrifice. The Totonac lord, seeking relief from Aztec overlords, pledged alliance to the Spaniards, providing food, porters, and initial warriors while complaining of Moctezuma II's tax collectors.[45] This pact enabled Cortés to found the settlement of Veracruz on July 10, 1519, as a base independent of Cuban governor Diego Velázquez, with Totonac support numbering around 200 auxiliaries in early campaigns.[46] As Cortés advanced inland toward Tenochtitlan, crossing into Tlaxcalan territory in late August 1519, his force of approximately 500 Spaniards clashed with Tlaxcalan warriors in a series of battles, including the fierce engagement at Tecoac on September 5, where Spanish steel weapons, horses, and firearms inflicted heavy losses despite numerical inferiority. Tlaxcala, a confederation of Nahua city-states that had resisted Aztec subjugation for over a century, viewed the intruders as potential liberators from the Triple Alliance's incessant "flower wars"—ritual conflicts designed to harvest captives for Tenochtitlan's altars—and exorbitant tribute demands exceeding 7,000 loads of goods annually.[39] Despite advocacy from the hawkish noble Xicotencatl the Younger for total extermination of the Spaniards, Tlaxcalan elders, led by Maxixcatzin and others, opted for alliance after assessing the outsiders' resolve and technology, formalizing the pact around September 23, 1519, in the Tlaxcalan capital of Tlaxcala.[47] This Tlaxcalan commitment proved pivotal, as their warriors—estimated at 6,000 to 10,000 in the subsequent march—outnumbered Cortés's Europeans by over 10:1, furnishing not only manpower but also intelligence on Aztec vulnerabilities and logistical support like cotton armor and obsidian-tipped weapons.[42] Smaller groups, such as the neighboring Huexotzinco, joined opportunistically, motivated by similar grievances against Aztec hegemony, which had reduced many polities to vassal status through coercion rather than outright conquest. These coalitions exploited fractures in Mesoamerican geopolitics, where Aztec dominance relied on a fragile network of fearful tributaries rather than unified loyalty, enabling the improbable Spanish thrust toward the imperial core.[22] Primary accounts, including those from conquistador Bernal Díaz del Castillo, emphasize how interpreters like the Nahua noblewoman Malinche facilitated negotiations, translating promises of emancipation from sacrificial demands into actionable pacts.[2]March to Tenochtitlan and Meeting Moctezuma II
Following the alliance with Tlaxcala in late September 1519, Hernán Cortés departed their capital around mid-October with roughly 400 Spanish infantrymen, 15 horsemen, 13 crossbowmen and arquebusiers, 50 Totonac porters, and about 4,000 Tlaxcalan warriors.[48] The expedition aimed to advance on the Aztec capital, Tenochtitlan, traversing allied territories hostile to Aztec dominance. En route, the force reached Cholula, a pilgrimage center and Aztec tributary city of approximately 30,000 inhabitants, on October 18, 1519, where locals initially provided hospitality including food and guides.[49][50] Intelligence from interpreter Doña Marina (La Malinche) and Tlaxcalan informants indicated a planned ambush by Cholulan leaders under Aztec orders, prompting Cortés to seize the initiative.[50] During a mass gathering of nobility, priests, and civilians at the Great Pyramid—ostensibly for a ritual offering—Spanish troops, supported by Tlaxcalan allies, launched a coordinated assault, barring exits and killing unarmed participants with swords, gunfire, and allied spears.[48] Estimates of Cholulan deaths range from 3,000 (contemporary Spanish accounts like Bernal Díaz del Castillo) to 6,000 or more, corroborated by archaeological excavations uncovering over 650 skeletons with trauma consistent with massacre victims, though inflated figures like 27,000 likely include non-massacre burials.[51][52] Spanish losses were minimal, with no fatalities reported.[50] The action, justified by Cortés as defensive in his letters to Charles V, terrorized the region, neutralized a threat, and demonstrated European weaponry's lethality, while Tlaxcalans looted the city.[48] Post-Cholula, the army looted gold and provisions, then proceeded northwest through Huexotzingo and over the Paso de Cortés mountain pass, receiving tribute from wary locals intimidated by the prior violence.[53] By November 7, the expedition camped near Iztapalapa on Lake Texcoco's southern shore, observing Tenochtitlan's island splendor—canals, chinampas, and temples—from afar.[54] On November 8, 1519, Cortés led about 500 Spaniards and 1,000 Tlaxcalan allies across the Iztapalapa causeway into the city, a two-mile engineered structure with bridges and towers, under watchful Aztec surveillance.[55][56] Moctezuma II, the tlatoani (ruler), emerged midway along the causeway to greet Cortés personally, flanked by 200 barefooted nobles in cotton livery bearing gifts of gold, feathers, and jewels.[57] Through interpreters, Moctezuma delivered a formal address acknowledging the Spaniards' arrival as prophesied, offered submission to Charles V, and presented symbolic items like necklaces and a helmet filled with gold dust.[58][59] Cortés reciprocated with beads, a velvet chair, and a promise of peace, though primary accounts like those of Cortés and Bernal Díaz emphasize the emperor's deference amid visible Aztec military arrays.[60] The delegation proceeded to the palace of Axayacatl near the Templo Mayor, provided with quarters, servants, and daily provisions, marking an uneasy pax where Aztec oversight masked strategic restraint.[61] This encounter highlighted asymmetries: Spanish steel, horses, and gunpowder versus Aztec numerical superiority and urban fortifications, setting the stage for escalating control.[60]Breakdown of Relations
Initial Hospitality and Rising Suspicions
On November 8, 1519, Hernán Cortés and his expedition of approximately 500 Spaniards, along with thousands of Tlaxcalan allies, crossed the causeway into Tenochtitlan, the island capital of the Aztec Empire.[57] Moctezuma II, the tlatoani, personally emerged from his palace to greet them, accompanied by about 200 high-ranking nobles dressed in fine cotton garments and barefoot in a sign of deference.[57] According to Cortés' account in his second letter to Charles V, Moctezuma extended a formal welcome, declaring the city open to the visitors and providing immediate gifts of gold ornaments, jewelry, and fine cloths weighing several thousand pesos.[57] The Aztec ruler housed the Spaniards in a large, fortified palace previously belonging to his predecessor Axayacatl, complete with extensive quarters, baths, and gardens, while assigning servants, cooks, and guards to attend their needs.[57] Provisions included daily supplies of fowl, game, fish, fruits, vegetables, and chocolate, sufficient for the entire force and their horses.[62] Bernal Díaz del Castillo, a participant in the expedition, recorded the initial reception as one of apparent courtesy and abundance, with the city's canals, floating gardens, and bustling markets evoking comparisons to Venice or Seville, though he noted the underlying scale of Aztec military presence, including war canoes and disciplined warriors.[62] Despite the hospitality, mutual suspicions emerged rapidly. The Spaniards, aware of their numerical inferiority amid a population exceeding 200,000 and surrounded by lake waters controllable via drawbridges, grew wary of potential encirclement or betrayal, especially following the recent Cholula massacre where they had preemptively killed thousands of locals suspected of plotting against them. Moctezuma's gifts of gold, while generous, fueled Spanish avarice but also prompted Aztec courtiers to question the visitors' intentions, as the influx of treasure contrasted with prior omens and prophecies of upheaval.[63] By November 14, 1519, Cortés exploited a reported Aztec plan to attack by seizing Moctezuma and relocating him to Spanish quarters under guard, framing it as protective custody to avert rebellion while effectively holding the ruler as a hostage to ensure compliance and safe passage. Over the ensuing months through early 1520, relations deteriorated amid cultural clashes. Spanish demands for temple access revealed Aztec religious sites adorned with altars stained by human blood and tzompantli racks displaying an estimated 136,000 skulls from sacrifices, horrifying the conquistadors and confirming their perceptions of ritual savagery.[62] In response, Cortés insisted on erecting a cross and image of the Virgin Mary atop the main pyramid, removing some idols, to which Moctezuma acquiesced under duress, further eroding his authority among Aztec nobles who viewed the concessions as weakness. Frequent Aztec visits to the Spanish quarters masked intelligence gathering, while Cortés' retention of Moctezuma isolated the tlatoani, breeding resentment and whispers of resistance among the Mexica populace.[63]Massacre During Tóxcatl Festival
In mid-May 1520, Hernán Cortés departed Tenochtitlan to confront the forces of Pánfilo de Narváez near the coast, leaving Pedro de Alvarado in command of approximately 80 Spanish soldiers and allied Tlaxcalan warriors.[64] Alvarado permitted the Aztecs to proceed with the Tóxcatl festival, a major annual rite dedicated to the god Tezcatlipoca, which featured processions, dances by elite warriors and nobles, and the ritual sacrifice of a youth impersonating the deity.[65][66] As a diplomatic gesture amid tense relations, Aztec leaders invited the Spaniards to observe the ceremonies at the Great Temple courtyard.[65] Alvarado's decision to allow the event followed an initial prohibition on human sacrifices, but reports of hidden arms, fresh sacrificial remains, and a newly erected statue of Huitzilopochtli fueled suspicions of a plot to attack the Spanish garrison and remove Christian icons.[66][64] Spanish chronicler Bernal Díaz del Castillo, an eyewitness, described how Alvarado and his men, positioned on rooftops with crossbows and arquebuses, suddenly sealed the courtyard exits and unleashed a assault on the unarmed celebrants engaged in the Serpent Dance.[64] Tlaxcalan allies joined the fray, targeting Aztec elites; the violence included beheadings and dismemberments, leaving the temple precinct littered with corpses and pools of blood described in indigenous accounts as flowing like water.[65][66] Estimates of casualties vary, with Spanish sources suggesting hundreds to low thousands of Aztec nobles and warriors slain, while Aztec records in the Florentine Codex emphasize the scale of the slaughter without precise counts, portraying it as a treacherous interruption of a sacred observance rather than a defensive measure.[64][66] The Florentine Codex, compiled from indigenous testimonies under Spanish friar Bernardino de Sahagún, depicts the event as unprovoked brutality that desecrated holy sites and decimated leadership, though its post-conquest origins introduce potential interpretive biases favoring victimhood narratives.[66] Spanish justifications, rooted in participant accounts like Díaz del Castillo's The True History of the Conquest of New Spain, frame the action as necessary preemption against an imminent revolt, yet Cortés later condemned Alvarado upon his return, arguing the massacre irreparably shattered fragile alliances and diplomacy with Moctezuma II.[64][66] The killings ignited widespread outrage, prompting Aztecs to besiege the Spanish quarters, stone Moctezuma to death amid the chaos, and force the Europeans into a desperate retreat known as La Noche Triste on June 30, 1520.[64][65] This incident marked a pivotal rupture, transforming tentative coexistence into open warfare and accelerating the empire's collapse by eliminating key military and noble figures while galvanizing resistance.[65][66]Aztec Uprising and Expulsion of Spaniards
Following the massacre perpetrated by Pedro de Alvarado and his contingent during the Tóxcatl festival in mid-May 1520, which targeted unarmed Aztec nobility gathered to honor the deity Tezcatlipoca and resulted in the deaths of several thousand participants according to Spanish eyewitness estimates, the population of Tenochtitlan erupted in rebellion against the approximately 80 Spaniards left as a garrison.[65][67] The uprising began immediately, with enraged warriors and civilians assaulting the Spanish-held quarter around the palace of Axayacatl, where the intruders had quartered themselves; Aztec forces severed aqueducts to cut off fresh water, bombarded the compound with projectiles from surrounding rooftops, and engaged in relentless close-quarters combat, filling streets with barricades and debris to hinder Spanish sorties.[68] Hernán Cortés, having defeated and incorporated the forces of Pánfilo de Narváez near Cempoala around May 28 and swelling his ranks to over 1,300 Spaniards plus indigenous allies, returned to Tenochtitlan by late June, only to find the city in full revolt under the leadership of nobles and priests who viewed the foreigners as existential threats following the festival slaughter. Initial attempts at negotiation failed, as Aztec leaders rejected overtures and intensified the siege, prompting Cortés to release Moctezuma II in a bid to restore order; the emperor, long held captive, addressed the crowds from a palace balcony around June 27 but was met with hostility, suffering mortal wounds from stones and darts hurled by his own subjects who deemed him a collaborator.[68][69] Moctezuma succumbed to these injuries on June 30, 1520, though native accounts such as those compiled by Bernardino de Sahagún later claimed the Spaniards had strangled or stabbed him in retribution, a discrepancy unresolved in primary records but highlighting tensions in post-conquest historiography.[70][69] With Moctezuma's death catalyzing further defiance, his brother Cuitláhuac was swiftly elected tlatoani and rallied the Aztecs to expel the invaders, declaring war on the "white gods" who had desecrated temples and slain elites without provocation; the besieged Spaniards, facing dwindling supplies, mounting casualties from attrition and skirmishes—estimated in the dozens over the multi-week standoff—and no prospect of reinforcement amid the lake-encircled island city's fortifications, resolved on evacuation, setting the stage for their forced departure amid overwhelming numerical inferiority, as Aztec warriors numbered in the tens of thousands.[68] This uprising underscored the fragility of Spanish control, reliant on coerced indigenous compliance and Moctezuma's nominal authority, which shattered under the causal weight of the festival atrocity's retaliatory fury.[67]La Noche Triste: The Sorrowful Night Retreat
Following the Aztec uprising and Moctezuma II's death or deposition in late June 1520, Hernán Cortés determined to evacuate Tenochtitlan secretly at night to avoid encirclement by hostile forces. The retreat commenced shortly before midnight on June 30–July 1, 1520, involving approximately 1,000 Spaniards (including soldiers, sailors, and retainers) and several thousand Tlaxcalan and other indigenous allies, who carried a newly constructed portable bridge of beams and planks borne by 400 Tlaxcalans and 150 Spaniards to cross the gaps in the causeways.[71] [72] The column was organized with Gonzalo de Sandoval's vanguard, Cortés and principal captains in the center protecting Aztec nobility and treasures destined for King Charles V, and Pedro de Alvarado commanding the rearguard.[71] As the force advanced along the Tacuba causeway toward Tlacopan (Tacuba), Aztec sentinels detected the movement, triggering widespread alarms, the sounding of conch shells, and immediate assaults by warriors from rooftops, the causeway, and canoes swarming Lake Texcoco. The portable bridge lodged in the first major gap, creating a fatal choke point clogged with dead horses, men, and baggage; many Spaniards drowned weighed down by looted gold and armor, while Aztec missiles rained down relentlessly.[71] [73] Intense hand-to-hand combat persisted through the night, with the Spaniards unable to recover abandoned artillery and suffering the near-total destruction of their indigenous allies.[73] Cortés, leading a sally of five horsemen and 100 foot soldiers across a subsequent breach, fought to rally the survivors amid "incalculable" suffering. By dawn, the remnants reached Tacuba, having lost, by Cortés' account in his second letter to Charles V, 150 Spaniards, 45 horses, and over 2,000 allies (including Moctezuma's children), alongside all seized gold, jewels, and cannons—figures likely understated to mitigate perceptions of failure before the Spanish crown. Eyewitness Bernal Díaz del Castillo, participating as a soldier, depicted even greater devastation at the bridges, with chaos claiming most of the army before scattered survivors pushed beyond immediate pursuit.[73] [71] The profound grief led Cortés to weep beneath an ahuehuete tree in Tacuba, immortalizing the episode as La Noche Triste, or the Sorrowful Night.[74]Recovery Phase
Spanish Regrouping in Tlaxcala
Following the retreat from Tenochtitlan during La Noche Triste on June 30–July 1, 1520, and the subsequent Battle of Otumba on July 7 (or 14, per some accounts), Hernán Cortés led the remnants of his force—approximately 420–440 Spaniards, 17–20 horses, 12 crossbows, and 7 muskets—into Tlaxcala territory in mid-to-late July 1520.[68][42] All survivors were wounded, with ammunition nearly exhausted and no oil available for wound dressings, forcing reliance on local remedies such as animal fats.[68][42] The Tlaxcalans, longstanding allies against Aztec dominance since their initial pact in September 1519, received the Spaniards hospitably despite minor clashes with subordinate Otomi groups en route.[68] Leaders including Xicotencatl the Elder, Maxixcatzin, and Chichimeclatecl provided quarters, food (such as fowls, bread, figs, and maize to counter regional drought), and support, honoring prior alliances that had included Tlaxcalan daughters in marriages to Spaniards and mutual warfare commitments.[68][74] This reception contrasted with the Tlaxcalans' earlier 1519 hostilities, resolved through diplomacy, and reflected strategic calculations against shared Aztec foes.[68] Recovery spanned 17–22 days of rest, during which four Spaniards died from injuries but most gradually healed with Tlaxcalan provisions and aid, supplemented by reinforcements of 25 men and 3 horses arriving from vessels under Diego Velázquez.[68] Cortés used this interval to bury salvaged treasures temporarily, negotiate deepened commitments (securing thousands of warriors over time), and launch preliminary campaigns, such as the incursion into Tepeaca with 420 Spaniards, 17 horses, 6 crossbowmen, and 5,000 Tlaxcalans to subdue Aztec tributaries and prevent encirclement.[68][42] Longer-term regrouping extended over five months, enabling Cortés to order the felling of timber for 13 brigantines—sourced partly from Veracruz and built with Tlaxcalan labor—for future lake assaults on Tenochtitlan, while replenishing arms, training forces, and expanding alliances.[68] By December 26, 1520, the Spaniards departed Tlaxcala with over 10,000 Tlaxcalan warriors, their numbers and morale restored through this sanctuary.[74] Eyewitness Bernal Díaz del Castillo, a participant, emphasized the Tlaxcalans' pivotal role in averting total defeat, though his account reflects conquistador perspectives prioritizing Spanish agency over indigenous motivations.[68]Battle of Otumba and Tactical Withdrawal
Following the disastrous retreat during La Noche Triste on June 30, 1520, Hernán Cortés and his surviving forces, numbering approximately 500 Spaniards and a small number of indigenous allies with only 15-20 horses remaining, faced relentless pursuit by Aztec warriors across the plains near Otumba, east of Tenochtitlan.[75] The Aztec army, estimated at 20,000 to 40,000 warriors under the command of a high-ranking noble or cihuacoatl, employed swarm tactics to overwhelm the exhausted Spaniards, who formed a defensive square with infantry protecting the cavalry and using crossbows and swords to hold off waves of attackers armed with obsidian-edged macuahuitl clubs and spears.[75] [76] On July 7, 1520, as the battle reached a critical point with Spanish ammunition nearly depleted and casualties mounting, Cortés led a desperate cavalry charge targeting the Aztec leadership, personally lancing the enemy commander—identified in Spanish accounts as a standard-bearer or general whose ornate banner symbolized command—causing disarray and a subsequent rout among the Aztecs, who relied on hierarchical leadership for cohesion.[75] [76] Bernal Díaz del Castillo, a participant, recorded Spanish losses at 60 to 75 men, while Aztec casualties were far higher, potentially 10,000 or more, though exact figures remain uncertain due to the chaos and reliance on conquistador narratives.[77] The psychological impact of steel weapons, horses, and the decapitation strike exploited Aztec vulnerabilities in command structure, unfamiliar to their massed infantry tactics.[75] This improbable victory at Otumba shattered the immediate Aztec pursuit, allowing Cortés to execute a tactical withdrawal eastward toward Tlaxcala, covering about 100 kilometers over several days while fending off minor skirmishes with reduced Aztec forces demoralized by the loss of their leader.[75] [78] Upon reaching Tlaxcala around July 13, 1520, the Spaniards were received by their former enemies-turned-allies, who provided refuge, medical aid, and reinforcements, marking the end of the immediate flight and the beginning of recovery.[78] The battle demonstrated the effectiveness of combined arms—cavalry shock, infantry discipline, and targeted leadership strikes—against numerically superior foes, preserving the expedition's viability despite prior devastation.[75]Smallpox Epidemic's Demographic Impact
The smallpox epidemic of 1520, introduced to Mexico via a diseased member of Hernán Cortés's expedition—likely an African slave of the Narváez forces—first manifested in Veracruz around April and reached Tenochtitlan by September, coinciding with the brief rule of Cuitláhuac following Moctezuma II's death.[79][80] The disease, to which indigenous populations had no prior exposure or immunity, spread rapidly through the densely populated Valley of Mexico, exacerbated by Aztec practices of ritual bathing and close communal living, resulting in pustular outbreaks described in native accounts as hueyzahuatl (great leprosy).[79][81] Demographic losses were catastrophic, with estimates indicating 5 to 8 million deaths across Mesoamerica during this initial wave, representing roughly one-quarter to one-half of the regional population in affected areas.[79][80] In Tenochtitlan alone, the epidemic immobilized the city for over 70 days, striking warriors, nobles, and commoners alike, and decimating the ruling elite; Cuitláhuac succumbed to the disease around November 1520 after a 80-day reign, disrupting Aztec command structures and succession.[80][81] This leadership vacuum, combined with high mortality among military-age males, reduced the Aztec forces' effective strength by an estimated 30-50% in central Mexico, hindering coordinated defenses and enabling Cuauhtémoc's subsequent rule to inherit a weakened polity amid ongoing Spanish preparations.[82][83] The outbreak's toll extended beyond immediate fatalities to compound starvation and social disarray, as unburied corpses and abandoned fields amplified secondary crises during the 1520-1521 period, marking it as one of the century's worst demographic events in Mexico with death rates rivaling later cocoliztli epidemics.[84] While European observers like Bernal Díaz del Castillo noted the Spaniards' relative immunity (with mortality under 10%), the asymmetric impact underscored the role of novel pathogens in altering pre-conquest population dynamics, facilitating the eventual siege by eroding Tenochtitlan's manpower reserves.[82][83]Aztec Reorganization Under Cuauhtémoc
Following the death of Cuitláhuac from smallpox in late August 1520, Cuauhtémoc, a nephew and son-in-law of Moctezuma II, was elected huey tlatoani of Tenochtitlan by the city's noble council in early September 1520.[85] His selection emphasized military competence amid ongoing threats, as he had previously advocated resistance against the Spanish presence.[86] Cuauhtémoc prioritized restoring the city's infrastructure damaged during the Spanish occupation and La Noche Triste, directing repairs to bridges, aqueducts, and temples to sustain urban functions and morale.[85] Defensive preparations included reinforcing causeways with wooden barricades and palisades, constructing additional breastworks at key access points, and dredging canals to improve maneuverability for war canoes.[34] Warriors were mobilized from surviving noble houses and calpulli units, estimated at up to 300,000 combatants including auxiliaries, though smallpox had reduced the able-bodied population significantly.[87] Diplomatically, Cuauhtémoc dispatched emissaries to vassal states and potential allies like Texcoco and Tlacopan to rebuild the Triple Alliance's cohesion, but defections among subject peoples—alienated by prior Aztec tribute demands—limited reinforcements.[85] Food stockpiles of maize, amaranth, and preserved meats were amassed in granaries, with fishing intensified on Lake Texcoco to counter anticipated blockades. These measures reflected a strategy of attrition warfare, leveraging Tenochtitlan's lacustrine geography for prolonged defense.[88] Despite these efforts, internal challenges from disease and factionalism constrained full implementation.[89]Preparations for Siege
Spanish Engineering: Brigantine Construction
Following the Spanish retreat during La Noche Triste on June 30, 1520, Hernán Cortés regrouped in Tlaxcala and initiated the construction of thirteen brigantines to secure naval superiority on Lake Texcoco, recognizing the lake's dominance by Aztec canoes as a critical vulnerability in prior engagements.[90] In September 1520, Cortés commissioned his experienced shipwright, Martín López from Seville, to oversee the project, designing portable vessels that could be disassembled for overland transport and reassembled lakeside.[91] These brigantines, each approximately 18 meters long and capable of carrying 25 men plus artillery, were constructed using local timbers felled under Spanish direction, with Spanish carpenters directing Native laborers in shaping hulls, masts, and rigging to Spanish specifications.[92] [93] The engineering feat required integrating European shipbuilding techniques with indigenous manpower, as the brigantines incorporated iron fittings, sails, and falconets for firepower absent in Aztec watercraft.[90] Construction proceeded in Tlaxcala through late 1520 and early 1521, with components like keels and planking prefabricated to facilitate transport.[94] By February 1521, a caravan of approximately 30,000 Tlaxcalan allies transported the disassembled parts overland to a shipyard near Texcoco, where final assembly occurred alongside the digging of canals by Native engineers to launch the vessels into the lake.[93] This logistical innovation, blending Spanish design with massive indigenous support, enabled the brigantines to be operational by May 1521, providing Cortés with mobile platforms for bombardment and troop deployment during the ensuing siege.[91] The success of this endeavor underscored the strategic adaptation of naval engineering to inland warfare, compensating for the Spaniards' limited numbers through technological asymmetry.[92]Recruitment of Additional Indigenous Forces
Cortés, having retreated to Tlaxcala following the expulsion from Tenochtitlan on June 30, 1520, leveraged the Tlaxcalans' historical animosity toward the Aztecs—stemming from repeated failed Aztec conquest attempts and tribute impositions—to secure their full military commitment. Tlaxcalan leaders, including Xicotencatl the Elder, convened councils that formalized an alliance, providing not only refuge and resources for Spanish recovery but also committing warriors for a renewed campaign against the Aztec capital. This recruitment was facilitated by demonstrations of Spanish military technology, such as firearms and steel weapons, which impressed Tlaxcalan nobles during prior battles, and by promises of autonomy and shared spoils from Aztec territories.[74][15] By late December 1520, as Cortés prepared to march on December 28, Tlaxcalan forces numbered over 10,000 warriors, supplemented by auxiliary labor for constructing 13 brigantines in Tlaxcala under Spanish supervision. These vessels, essential for lake warfare, were built with Tlaxcalan timber, ropes, and manpower, underscoring the depth of the alliance. En route to Tenochtitlan, Cortés expanded recruitment by subduing and allying with intermediate city-states like Chalco in April 1521, whose warriors joined to evade Aztec reprisals, adding several thousand fighters motivated by relief from Aztec dominion.[74] A pivotal recruitment occurred at Texcoco in early May 1521, where internal divisions allowed Cortés to support Ixtlilxochitl, a claimant to the throne opposed to Aztec overlordship, against pro-Aztec factions. After a short siege and negotiated surrender on May 13, Texcoco defected, contributing up to 50,000 warriors and laborers—though active combatants were fewer—drawn from Acolhua lineages resentful of Aztec tribute demands and ritual sacrifices. Combined with Tlaxcalans, Huexotzincans, and others, indigenous allies swelled to an estimated 80,000–110,000 for the siege commencing May 26, 1521, vastly outnumbering the roughly 1,300 Spaniards and enabling the blockade strategy. Primary accounts from participants, such as Cortés' letters, emphasize these alliances as decisive, though numbers vary due to logistical attrition and source biases toward exaggeration.[95][24]Aztec Defensive Fortifications and Strategies
Tenochtitlan's location on an island in Lake Texcoco provided a formidable natural defense, with access limited to three main causeways connecting the city to the mainland: the Iztapalapa causeway to the south, the Tacuba causeway to the west, and the Tepeyac causeway to the north. These causeways, typically 6 to 9 meters wide, incorporated strategic gaps bridged by removable wooden drawbridges that could be raised or destroyed to block enemy advances, channeling attackers into kill zones vulnerable to ambushes from elevated positions or canoes.[96][97] Under Cuauhtémoc, who assumed leadership in late June 1520 after the Aztec expulsion of the Spaniards during La Noche Triste, defensive preparations intensified in anticipation of a siege. The Aztecs demolished bridges along the causeways, constructed barricades of stone and timber across streets and canal intersections, and deepened adjacent canals to impede infantry and artillery movement. To counter the Spanish brigantines, they deposited large stones, caltrops, and sharpened stakes in shallow lake areas, aiming to ground or damage the vessels during naval engagements.[98][99] Aztec strategies emphasized terrain exploitation and attrition warfare, leveraging the city's grid of canals for rapid canoe-based mobility—employing up to 1,000 war canoes for sorties and flanking maneuvers against isolated Spanish columns. Warriors, organized into professional units such as the Jaguar and Eagle orders, conducted fierce close-quarters combat on causeways and rooftops, using obsidian-edged macuahuitl clubs, atlatl-launched darts, and slings for volleys of stones that could penetrate Spanish armor at close range. This defensive posture, while effective in prolonging resistance through May to August 1521, prioritized holding the urban core over offensive sorties, reflecting Cuauhtémoc's focus on inflicting maximum casualties amid dwindling food and water supplies.[98][87]Logistical Challenges for Both Sides
The Spanish forces under Hernán Cortés faced significant logistical hurdles in sustaining their campaign against Tenochtitlan, primarily due to the absence of draft animals, wheeled vehicles, and reliance on human porters for transport across Mesoamerican terrain. Supply lines stretched from Tlaxcala, approximately 100 kilometers away, through potentially hostile regions, requiring daily provisions for roughly 900 Spaniards and up to 200,000 indigenous allies, including vast quantities of maize, fowl, and other staples carried by porters in tumplines.[100][74] A paramount challenge was the construction and deployment of 13 brigantines to control Lake Texcoco, essential for blockading the island city. Materials such as iron fittings, anchors, and sails were retrieved from Veracruz—over 400 kilometers distant—and transported overland to Tlaxcala using native labor, followed by the assembly of the vessels there under master shipwright Martín López. The completed or partially disassembled brigantines were then hauled across mountain passes to the lakeshore by thousands of indigenous bearers, after which a canal was excavated to launch them into the lake, enabling their operational debut around June 1521.[91][93][94] The Aztecs, besieged from May 26 to August 13, 1521, encountered acute logistical strain from the Spanish blockade, which severed canoe access to mainland food sources and chinampa gardens, their primary supply routes across Lake Texcoco. With the city's population exceeding 200,000, compounded by refugees and warriors, and exacerbated by prior smallpox epidemics that decimated agricultural labor, residents faced rapid depletion of stored maize and other crops, resorting to consuming dogs, rodents, and even saltwater by late siege stages.[74][101][102] Water procurement worsened as the lake became polluted with decomposing bodies and debris, forcing reliance on increasingly contaminated sources, while Spanish advances captured peripheral aqueducts and causeway access points, further isolating the defenders. These intertwined deprivations—starvation affecting combat effectiveness and morale—critically undermined Aztec resistance, as documented in contemporary accounts emphasizing the blockade's role in precipitating surrender.[74][101]The Siege and Fall
Opening Moves and Causeway Battles
The siege of Tenochtitlan commenced with initial assaults on May 22, 1521, as Hernán Cortés directed coordinated attacks along the three main causeways connecting the island city to the mainland: the southern route from Iztapalapa under his personal command, the western causeway to Tlacopan led by Pedro de Alvarado, and the northern approach via Tepeyacac assigned to Gonzalo de Sandoval.[101] Supported by thirteen brigantines armed with cannons and crossbows that patrolled Lake Texcoco to interdict Aztec canoe traffic and resupply efforts, the Spanish columns—comprising approximately 800 European soldiers bolstered by tens of thousands of indigenous allies, primarily Tlaxcalans—advanced methodically against fierce resistance.[101] Aztec defenders, under Cuauhtémoc's leadership, exploited the causeways' narrow width (typically 20-30 feet) by demolishing sections to create gaps flooded by the lake, forcing attackers to deploy portable bridges while exposed to volleys of arrows, spears, and stones from elevated positions and flanking canoes.[103] Combat on the causeways devolved into brutal, close-quarters engagements, where Spanish steel swords and armor conferred a decisive edge over Aztec macuahuitl clubs and cotton padding, though the latter's numerical superiority and tactical ambushes inflicted significant attrition.[104] Cortés's southern column encountered particularly stubborn opposition near the initial breaches, with warriors pouring from adjacent canals and rooftops, but brigantine fire support disrupted Aztec concentrations and enabled incremental progress of mere hundreds of meters per day.[101] Alvarado's force at Tlacopan faced sorties that temporarily repelled advances, yet the Spaniards methodically razed structures to deny cover and filled gaps with debris, establishing forward camps amid ongoing skirmishes.[103] These opening battles highlighted the siege's grinding nature, with Spanish casualties limited by superior technology—fewer than 100 Europeans lost in the early phases—contrasted against thousands of Aztec dead from direct combat and failed counterattacks.[101] By early June 1521, renewed pushes, including assaults on June 10 and 15, saw the columns consolidate gains, though full penetration remained elusive due to the city's labyrinthine layout and defenders' resolve; the causeway fighting underscored the causal role of logistical encirclement, as brigantines severed aqueducts and food routes, amplifying attrition beyond battlefield losses.[103] Eyewitness accounts, such as those in Bernal Díaz del Castillo's chronicle, emphasize the intensity of these encounters, where retreating Aztecs often swam to safety under fire, preserving forces for subsequent defenses.[1] The initial phase thus set the pattern for the 93-day campaign, prioritizing blockade and erosion over rapid conquest.[101]Incremental Advances and Blockade Effects
The Spanish forces, numbering around 1,000 to 1,400 men supplemented by tens of thousands of indigenous allies, initiated the siege of Tenochtitlan on May 26, 1521, positioning themselves along the three main causeways leading to the island city.[102] Under Hernán Cortés's direction, the attackers divided their efforts: Cortés led the central advance toward the Mexico-Texcoco causeway, Pedro de Alvarado commanded the Tacuba route, and Gonzalo de Sandoval oversaw the Iztapalapa approach.[1] These forces progressed incrementally by methodically destroying Aztec homes along the causeways, filling breaches created by defenders with debris and bodies, and constructing forward barricades or "houses of victory" to secure each gained district.[102] Aztec warriors mounted fierce counterattacks, reopening gaps in the causeways with sweeps and boiling water, but the Spanish steel weapons, crossbows, and artillery allowed them to repel these sorties and push forward yard by yard over the ensuing weeks.[102] By early July 1521, the besiegers had captured significant portions of the southern and western districts, isolating Aztec holdouts in the northern Tlatelolco area, though progress remained slow and costly due to the narrow terrain and relentless urban combat.[1] Complementing the land advances, the thirteen brigantines launched by Cortés dominated Lake Texcoco, enforcing a naval blockade that severed Tenochtitlan's primary supply routes from surrounding chinampa farms and allied communities.[102] These vessels intercepted Aztec canoes attempting nighttime resupply runs and restricted fishing efforts essential to the city's sustenance, bombarding shore defenses with cannons while ferrying troops to vulnerable points.[102] The blockade's tightening grip exacerbated food shortages, as defenders could no longer reliably access maize, fish, or fresh water, compelling reliance on diminishing reserves and leading to widespread malnutrition among the estimated 200,000 inhabitants by mid-siege.[1] The synergistic effects of these incremental terrestrial gains and aquatic isolation eroded Aztec resilience, with starvation weakening fighters and civilians alike, though disease and combat inflicted parallel tolls.[102] Aztec attempts to break the encirclement through desperate waterborne raids largely failed against the brigantines' firepower, accelerating the city's descent into famine and hastening the collapse of organized resistance.[1]Starvation, Disease, and Desertions in Tenochtitlan
The Spanish blockade, enforced by troops on the three main causeways and brigantines patrolling Lake Texcoco from late May 1521, cut off Tenochtitlan's aqueducts and supply routes, leading to acute shortages of maize, fresh water, and other staples.[105] By early July, Aztec warriors and civilians alike subsisted on dogs, rats, insects, tree roots, and boiled leather from shields and armor, with eyewitness accounts describing emaciated survivors gnawing on anything edible amid streets littered with unburied corpses.[74] Bernal Díaz del Castillo, a participant in the siege, documented the "terrible famine" that left the city's markets empty and forced inhabitants to consume whatever remained, exacerbating combat losses as weakened defenders struggled to fight.[106] Disease further eroded the Aztec population during the 75-day encirclement, building on the prior smallpox outbreak of 1520 that had already claimed up to 40 percent of Tenochtitlan's roughly 200,000 residents, including Emperor Cuitláhuac.[107] Contaminated lake water, used for drinking after the aqueducts were severed, spread dysentery and other gastrointestinal illnesses, while overcrowding and malnutrition fostered secondary infections; indigenous accounts in the Florentine Codex record that "many died of hunger" with survivors too debilitated to bury the dead or care for the sick.[79] Hernán Cortés reported in his third letter to Charles V that the besiegers witnessed masses perishing from these combined afflictions, estimating that disease and starvation alone accounted for the majority of non-combat deaths inside the city.[108] Desertions intensified as desperation mounted, with non-combatants—primarily women, children, and the elderly—attempting mass escapes under darkness via canoes or shallow lake sections, often intercepted by Spanish-allied forces ringing the lake.[74] Cuauhtémoc's forces, initially numbering tens of thousands of warriors, saw morale collapse as hunger and illness prompted defections; by mid-August, fragmented units fled en masse, culminating in the emperor's capture on August 13 while evacuating with his retinue across Lake Texcoco.[106] Overall, these factors contributed to a population collapse, with at least 40,000 Aztecs killed or captured during the siege, though primary estimates vary due to the chaos of distinguishing combat from attrition deaths.[109]Final Assault, Capture of Cuauhtémoc, and Surrender
The final assault on Tenochtitlan intensified on August 7, 1521, as Hernán Cortés directed Spanish infantry, cavalry, and thousands of Tlaxcalan and other indigenous allies to advance simultaneously along the three main causeways from the south, west, and north, supported by brigantines controlling Lake Texcoco.[34] These combined forces overwhelmed the remaining Aztec barricades and canals, exploiting the city's starvation-weakened defenders who fought desperately from rooftops and elevated positions with spears, arrows, and stones.[34] [74] By August 13, after six days of relentless house-to-house combat, the attackers breached the core district of Tlatelolco, reaching the Templo Mayor—the religious and political center—where Aztec priests and warriors made their last stand amid pyramids and sacred precincts.[34] Spanish artillery and steel weapons inflicted heavy casualties on the malnourished and disease-ravaged Aztecs, whose numbers had dwindled from prior attrition, while indigenous allies looted and burned structures to flush out resistors.[34] [110] As defeat became inevitable, Cuauhtémoc, who had ruled as tlatoani since July 1520 following the smallpox deaths of Moctezuma II and Cuitláhuac, ordered a desperate evacuation; he and several nobles, including priests carrying sacred items, fled southward by canoe across Lake Texcoco under cover of night.[111] [34] Their vessels were spotted and pursued by a brigantine commanded by Spanish captain García Holguín, who captured Cuauhtémoc after a brief exchange, seizing him along with his entourage including the priest Tencuhtli.[34] This event, corroborated in conquistador accounts, marked the effective collapse of Aztec command.[89] Presented to Cortés on August 14, Cuauhtémoc surrendered formally, reportedly addressing the conqueror with dignity and requesting death by sacrifice—a traditional warrior's end—though Cortés refused and initially treated him as a puppet ruler to legitimize Spanish authority.[89] [111] Scattered pockets of resistance persisted briefly in the ruins, but the capture extinguished coordinated defense, allowing Cortés to claim the island city after 93 days of siege.[110] [34] Primary indigenous accounts, such as those in the Florentine Codex, describe the surrender amid widespread devastation, emphasizing the tlatoani's role in ceasing hostilities.[89]Aftermath and Consolidation
Destruction of Tenochtitlan and Casualty Estimates
Following the surrender of Tenochtitlan on August 13, 1521, after the 93-day siege, Hernán Cortés's forces systematically razed much of the city to dismantle Aztec imperial symbols and repurpose materials for colonial construction. Temples, including the great pyramid of Huitzilopochtli, were toppled and their stones quarried; palaces looted for gold and valuables before being burned or demolished; and causeways and chinampas (floating gardens) damaged or flooded during the final assaults, exacerbating structural collapse. This destruction erased key religious and administrative centers, with Cortés explicitly ordering the leveling to prevent resurgence of Mexica resistance and to clear space for a new Spanish-style grid city.[112][113] The razing continued into late 1521 and 1522, as indigenous laborers under Spanish oversight cleared debris and filled canals, transforming the island city's hydraulic layout into a terrestrial foundation for Mexico City. While not total annihilation—some peripheral structures survived initially—the core urban fabric was irreparably altered, with archaeological evidence from modern excavations confirming widespread burning layers and structural debris datable to this period. Spanish chroniclers like Bernal Díaz del Castillo described the process as vengeful retribution for earlier Mexica atrocities, though it also served pragmatic colonial goals amid ongoing skirmishes.[1][22] Casualty estimates for the siege remain contested, relying heavily on biased primary accounts from Spanish participants, who likely inflated enemy figures for heroic narrative, contrasted with later indigenous codices emphasizing demographic catastrophe but lacking precise tallies. Spanish and allied indigenous forces suffered around 450–860 deaths, including roughly 600 Spaniards from combat, disease, and exhaustion, with Tlaxcalan allies losing up to 20,000. Mexica warriors and civilians faced far higher tolls, with scholarly analyses converging on 40,000–100,000 direct deaths from battle, starvation, and dysentery during the blockade, though some estimates incorporating broader famine effects reach 200,000 when excluding prior smallpox epidemics. These figures underscore the siege's attritional nature, where blockade-induced shortages caused most non-combat losses, as corroborated by logistical records in Cortés's letters.[1][108][99]| Side | Estimated Deaths | Primary Causes | Key Sources |
|---|---|---|---|
| Spanish & Allies | 450–860 Spaniards; ~20,000 Tlaxcaltecs | Combat on causeways, disease | Cortés's dispatches; Díaz del Castillo accounts[112] |
| Mexica (Aztecs) | 40,000–200,000 total (warriors & civilians) | Starvation, dysentery, house-to-house fighting | Indigenous codices; modern demographic studies[1][108] |