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Finnish Tatars
Finnish Tatars
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The Finnish Tatars (Tatar: Финляндия татарлары, romanized: Finləndiyə tatarları, Finnish Tatar: Finlandiya tatarları, Finnish: Suomen tataarit) are a Tatar ethnic group and minority in Finland, consisting of approximately 600–700 people. The community was formed between the late 1800s and the early 1900s, when Mishar Tatar merchants emigrated from the Nizhny Novgorod Governorate of the Russian Empire and eventually settled in Finland. Tatars have the main building of their congregation in Helsinki. They have also founded cultural associations in different cities. They are the oldest Muslim community in Finland.

Key Information

The identity of the Finnish Tatars has had different reference points throughout their history. In the early days, they were known by their religious identity (Muslims). When Republic of Turkey was established, Finnish Tatars, who speak a Turkic language, began identifying themselves as "Turks".[a] They were influenced by Turkish culture; for example, they adopted the Latin alphabet, which replaced the previously used Arabic one. Nowadays, Finnish Tatars once again identify as Tatars and are very connected to Tatarstan. Its head, Rustam Minnikhanov, has visited the community.

Finnish Tatars have also maintained their connections to Turkey, however. President of Turkey Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, among others, has visited their congregation. In 2024, a history of the Finnish Tatars by Dr. Ramil Belyayev, imam of the Finnish Tatar congregation, was translated into Turkish and released in Ankara.[1][2]

History

[edit]

The first Muslims in Finland

[edit]

It is believed that the first Turkic peoples who migrated to Finland during the early modern period were mostly Volga Tatars and Bashkirs, some of whom were also deployed in Cossack units during the Great Northern War, First Russo-Swedish War, and Second Russo-Swedish War.[3][4] There were also mullahs staying on Finnish soil in the 1800s; for example, Izzätulla Timergali, who was the mullah in Sveaborg from 1866 to 1906.[5]

Migration of Tatar merchants

[edit]
Tatars in Helsinki, year 1920.

The migration of Tatars to Finland happened in the late 1800s and early 1900s. Tradition tells that the first Tatar merchant in Finland was the grandfather of Hasan Hamidulla, who arrived from Saint Petersburg to Vyborg in 1868. Other Tatar merchants named as the first ones on Finnish soil are Alautdin Salavat and Samaletdin Yusuf. The last Tatar migration wave happened in the 1920s, when the merchants who had settled in the country brought their family members in.[6][7]

These merchants were mostly Mishar Tatars, who originated from neighboring villages in Nizhny Novgorod Governorate, Sergachsky District, Russia. Many of them were from Aktuk.[8][9] A few other Turkic peoples came as well, such as Bashkirs and Kazakhs, but they blended in quickly.[10] At their home villages, Mishars worked as farmers, but eventually they became merchants, due to lack of income. They usually sold fabrics, furs, clothes and soap.[11] Their trips reached Saint Petersburg at first, and eventually, Finland.[6]

Shop of Ymär Abdrahim, 1920s.

Finland (until 1917, Grand Duchy of Finland) therefore in the beginning was just a new territory to do business in. Already in the early 1880s, Tatar merchants were seen in the country, many dozens at once. Their trips had become regular especially after the Riihimäki-Saint Petersburg railway completing years before. In 1891, the railroads already reached for example to Oulu and Kemi. At first, they returned to their homes after earning enough, but after it became evident that the business conditions were better on Finnish soil, they started to settle in the country permanently. The relatively good reception of the Finns also helped. Many Tatars settled in Vyborg at first, but after it was lost to Soviet Union, they moved mainly to Helsinki, Turku and Tampere, where some fellow Tatars had already settled.[10][12] Soon, many of them transitioned into selling in halls. For example, in Vyborg halls, they sold cotton products, silk fabrics, carpets and furs. Terijoki was also an important place for business before it too was lost to Soviet Union. In Tampere, fabric was often the main product being sold. Many of them also set up their own shops.[10][13]

Migration of Tatar families

[edit]

Many Tatars who had settled into Finland started to arrange their family members to the country after the 1917 Russian revolution.[10] This however, was mostly possible only after 1921, because the border of Russia and Finland was closed until the Treaty of Tartu. The relatives of these Tatar merchants had to plead for a visa from the delegations of Moscow or Saint Petersburg. They also got help for example from professor Yrjö Jahnsson, who had connections that assisted them in the migration.[14] The migration was mainly possible until 1929. After that, some who came, came illegally or for big ransom.[15]

Finnish citizenship

[edit]

While Tatars in Finland started to apply for a Finnish citizenship soon after the country's independence in 1917, still in 1939, as many as half of the community stayed in the country with Nansen passports. One reason for this was that the Finnish government demanded them to prove that they had been in the country for at least five years without leaving, and that they can provide for themselves and their families. These things got easier to prove after the second world war. The first citizenship was granted to a Tatar named Sadik Ainetdin in 1919.[16]

Wartime

[edit]

Prisoners of war

[edit]

After the Winter War in 1940, there were 367 Russian prisoners in Turku central prison. These included Tatars. Some of them; Ibrahim Rahman, Halidulla Utarbai, Zekeriye Abdulla and Salih Zahidulla joined the Tatar congregation after being freed but by the end of the decade they had left Finland. The Finnish State Police made a search warrant for many Muslim soldiers who had not gone back to the Soviet Union.[17]

Kazan Tatar war prisoner Mahmut Rahim playing violin in Tampere, year 1944. He is accompanied by Fatih Arat (left), Letfulla Baibulat, Aisa Hakimcan and Bilaletdin Kaader.

In January 1945, most of the Muslims who had stayed on Finnish soil after the war returned to the Soviet Union "voluntarily but reluctantly". Some of the few who were able to stay for longer included an Avar named Halid Hamido, who during the war had married a Finnish woman and converted to Christianity. In Finland, the prisoners of war were employed by the Samaletdin and Ainetdin families, Ymär Sali, Zuhur Tahir, Ibrahim Hamidulla, Ibrahim Arifulla and also the two Muslims who themselves had recently emigrated to Finland; a Kazakh Ömmet Kenschahmet and a Lezgin Velibek Alibek. Thirty or so "war migrants" had been in under charge at the Helsinki Tatar congregation from February 1942. A Kazan Tatar, teacher Mahmut Rahim delivered prayers at the Tampere Tatar Congregation during 1942–1944.[17]

Tatars from Estonia

[edit]

At the turn of the twentieth century, five Tatar families lived in Estonia. In the 1920s, more of them had settled in Tallinn, Narva, Jõhvi and Rakvere, after which the number of Tatars was around 200–300. At the end of 1943, many came to Finland on motorboat rides. They registered as political refugees and applied to the Finnish military forces, where three Estonian Tatars, Ibrahim Zarip, Ahmed Haerdinov and Rafik Moks were admitted. Zarip was accepted as a sailor at the Turku naval station and after his service moved to Sweden and later lived his life in New York.[18][19] Haerdinov, after his service moved to Sweden; Moks on the other hand to Canada. Six Estonian Tatars and their families received residence permit and later on, two families acquired a citizenship. Their recommenders were the Samaletdin family, imam Weli-Ahmed Hakim and merchant Ymär Abdrahim.[20][21]

Due to the fear of deportation and the uncertain conditions in Finland, many Estonian Tatars who came to Finland continued their journey to Sweden, and especially to the Greater Stockholm area. Before their arrival, only one Tatar, a tanner named Ibrahim Umarkajeff is known to have lived in Sweden. In 1949, the Tatars who had settled in Sweden founded an association that was initially called Turk-Islam Föreningen i Sverige för Religion och Kultur ('Swedish Turkish-Islamic Religious and Cultural Association'), later shortened to Islam Församlingen i Sverige ('Swedish Islamic Congregation'). The association maintained a cemetery in the southern part of Stockholm. The Tatars lost their majority in the Islamic association in the 1960s and 1970s. In the 1980s, it was estimated that there were about 50 so-called full-blooded and 30 half-blooded Tatars in the country. Didar Samaletdin, a Tatar woman founded a restaurant called Djingis Khan in Södermalm with her husband in 1983.[20][21]

Connections to home

[edit]

By the beginning of the 20th century, Leningrad (Saint Petersburg) had its own Tatar community, largely formed by Mishars from Nizhny Novgorod region. Some of them continued their trip to Finland, others stayed in the city. The Tatars in Finland kept their connections with the Tatar relatives in Leningrad and elsewhere up until the 1930s, traveling across the border illegally through 1920's. Their ties were cut after tightened border control. Before this, they had also helped the Tatars in Leningrad by sending them money. They also personally helped theologian Musa Bigiev. When he got arrested in Moscow in 1923, the Finnish Tatar community sent a letter to the Turkish government, asking for help in releasing him. In 1930, the community also tried to bring Bigiev in the country.[22]

As correspondence and travel to the Soviet Union opened in the mid-1950s, it was possible for them to re-establish their broken connections. It wasn't until the turn of the 1960s and 1970s however that contacts with Kazan, the capital of Tatarstan began to strengthen as they received Tatar guests from across the border. They had Bashkir artists as their guests in 1967, a little before the Kazan Tatars. They were able to visit their home villages at the end of the 20th century.[22][23]

Tatars in Berlin

[edit]

Berlin served as a kind of meeting place for many Tatars and other Turkic exiles in the early 20th century. The Soviet intelligence agency Joint State Political Directorate was also aware of this; "The Muslims of Kazan, St. Petersburg and Finland maintain very active contacts with Berlin, where the head of the foreign Tatar counter-revolution currently gathers". Finnish professor Yrjö Jahnsson went to Berlin to meet the Bashkir activist Zeki Velidi Togan in 1925. According to him, Jahnsson's aim was to "unite the Finns and the Asian nations captured by the Russians against the Russian colonial interests". A year earlier, Finnish Tatars Zinnetullah Ahsen and Imad Samaletdin had traveled to meet Togan and Tatar activist Ayaz İshaki in the city to discuss their attempts to produce a Finnish translation of the Quran.[24]

Young Muslim emigrants also went to study in Berlin. In 1918, under the leadership of theologian Alimcan Idris, the "Assistance Society for Russian Muslim Students" was founded there, the purpose of which was to help students maintain connections with their homeland and bring new students to the city. In a 1972 interview with a Finnish sociologist Pertti Rautio, the Tatar couple Semiulla and Mahruse Wafin, who themselves had studied in Berlin described Tatar students in Germany as follows: "Many of them became scientists, teachers at the universities of Istanbul and Ankara. Most of them were Turkologists. Others were doctors, chemists, those who had attended the University of Economics and Business and these received employment in their field in Turkey and usually they were professors there."[24]

Religious formation

[edit]

The first registered Tatar and at the same time the first Islamic formation in Finland was founded in 1915. It was called "Helsingin musulmaanien hyväntekeväisyysseura" ("The Charity Club of Helsinki Moslem's"). During that time, terms like Moslem and Mohammedan were used, rather than Muslim or Islamic. An actual congregation they founded in 1925, after the Finnish laws had approved of given practices in 1922. Finland therefore became the first western country that gave Muslims official recognition. The congregation was at first named "Suomen muhamettilainen seurakunta" ("The Finnish Mohammedan Congregation") and later, from 1963 forwards, The Finnish-Islamic Congregation. They didn't get the right to wed their community members until 1932 however, because the authorities believed that it would lead to polygamy, even though it was not practiced among the Tatars.[25]

Elsewhere in Finland there were also religious formations, such as The Tampere Islamic Congregation, founded in 1942. During the same year, a wooden mosque was built in Järvenpää by the community members.[26]

The first pilgrimage to Mecca done by the community happened in the 1920s.[27]

Cultural formation

[edit]

In order to conserve and develop their culture in Finland, Tatars have established their own cultural associations. For example, in 1935, they established the Helsinki-based Suomen turkkilaisten seura (Association of Finnish Turks) and Tampereen Turkkilainen Yhdistys (Tampere Turkish Society), and two years later, the Turun Turkkilais-Tataarilainen Yhdistys (Turku Turko-Tatar Association).[28] These formations have mainly focused on organizing their own cultural events and publishing.[29] They and their religious congregation have also arranged language instruction for their children. In Helsinki, they had their own school, Turkkilainen kansakoulu (Turkish Volksschule), which was shut down in 1969 after lack of students.[30]

Identity in Finland

[edit]

Background

[edit]

The Tatar diaspora in Finland has always been very connected with each other, their roots leading mostly to the same areas. Yet, there has been conflict among them when it comes to their identity. These disagreements have mostly focused on their ethnonym, Tatars.

Under the Russian Empire, Volga Tatars generally did not identify as Tatars, but rather as Muslims (möselman) or by their own group names (qazanlı, mişär / meshcheryaki). The name Bolgar also appeared, which refers to the theory of them being at least partially the descendants of Bolgars. The second, main theory for their formation is them being descendants of "Tatars" of the Golden Horde, as in, mostly Kipchaks. Originally it was indeed the feudal nobility of Golden Horde that used the term to denote its citizens, and eventually, Russian feudals and the Tsarist government started to use it as well. In addition to possibly wanting to stick to their different group identities rather than be all lumped in together as Tatars (even until 1926 census), it is speculated that they avoided accepting the ethnonym because it created a negative reference to the "old enemies of the Russian state", the Mongols, and especially to the soldiers of Genghis Khan, who were known as "Tatars" during the 1200s.[31][32][33][34][35][36][37]

At the turn of the century, Tatars in Finland also mostly identified themselves by their religion (Muslim). After Turkey was established (1923), it became a kind of reference point to their "Turkic identity", and therefore they started to call themselves simply Turks, or alternatively, Volga Turks or Turks of North. (The name of the ancient Kipchaks was also referenced.)[38][36][39]

Some Tatars from Kazan ended up moving to Turkey. In Finland, there were such people as well, for example, the businessman-publisher Zinnetullah Ahsen Böre, who became a Turkish citizen, and hoped that others would also join the "Great Turkish nation". (In Finnish language, there is no one separate word for Turkish and Turkic; turkkilainen can technically mean both.)[40][41][42]

Not everyone approved of the idea. Some of them remained hopeful that the Tatars in Russia would be able to establish an independent nation, which was briefly represented by the Idel-Ural State (1918). This interest had been sparked by Idel-Ural figures visiting Finland and also by Finnish activists who were knowledgeable about Turkic peoples. Tatar activists Sarif Daher and Hasan Kanykoff were founding members of the association called Etuvartiokansojen klubi, which purpose was to help the minority peoples in Russia and create cooperation with them and independent Finland.[43][44][45]

Impact on culture

[edit]
Tatars in Tampere, year 1933. Celebrating the Republic of Turkey. Musa Bigiev can be seen peeping through the door on right; he did not want to appear in the picture and possibly cause trouble to his family left behind in the Soviet Union.[46]

The influence of Turkey had impact on the names of their establishments, personal names and language. Associations used name "Turkish", instead of "Tatar". Referring to their language, they called it "Turkish". In their personal names, the most noticeable change was the letter Ä, which was replaced with Turkish E (for example: Ahsän → Ahsen). In the footsteps of Atatürk's reforms, the Finnish Tatars replaced the previously used Arabic script for a Latin script. The Turkish language was appreciated within the community, and they partly tried to pronounce and write according to it.[28][41][47][48][49]

Current day

[edit]

The Tatar ethnonym has since solidified among the people. In Finland, after the era of Turkish influence, a new connection to "Tatar roots" started to form after they received visitors from Tatarstan in the late 1960s. The community itself also had the opportunity to visit Kazan, and eventually the villages of their ancestors. Also, the desire to not be confused with Turks of Turkey arriving to Finland might have played a part. The community identified themselves publicly as Tatars in 1974, when in Järvenpää they organized "a day of Tatar culture", open for Finns. After this, however, conflicts rose again inside the community. Tatar was still referred to as a "Russian epithet".[50][51][52][53]

Tatars during Finnish wars

[edit]
Monument for the Tatar soldiers at the Helsinki Islamic Cemetery.

In total, 156 members of the Finnish Tatar community took part in the Winter War and the Continuation War on the side of Finland. Ten of them died while serving. In addition, 26 were wounded, 7 of them permanently.[54] 21 Tatar women operated at the Lotta Svärd organization.[55]

In 1987, the names of the fallen Tatar soldiers were carved on a memory plate, which was placed inside on their congregation's main building wall. They have also been honored at the Islamic cemetery in Helsinki.[55]

The reception of Tatars in Finland

[edit]

The Tatar merchants who came to Finland were at times accused of trading without license and avoiding paying taxes. In general, however, Tatars were better thought of in Finland than in Russia, which is believed to have been their main reason for settling in the country.[56] According to the Finnish authorities, the motive for the majority of merchants to come to the country was not discrimination experienced in Russia, but apparently simply the pursuit of a better standard of living. The purpose in the beginning was usually to return home after having earned enough.[57]

If these Tatar emigrants experienced suspicions among the Finns, it usually did not focus on them being Muslim, rather, them being from Russia. From time to time, the Tatars came under accusations of a "communist spy". These were usually baseless accusations based on the alleged "pro-Bolshevik" opinions of individual Tatars. They gained trust from the law enforcers, because among them there were people who were on good terms with and worked together with Finnish university people and activists.[58] A clear example of this is Hasan Kanykoff (1880 – 1954).[45]

Based on individual interviews of later generations of Finnish Tatars, there has not been much discrimination in Finland apart from the occasional name calling, most notably tattari, a kind of intentionally distorted version of tataari. However, the epithet in question, led to an incident in 1961, as a result of which two Finnish Tatars were sent to prison and the third to payment for damages. The trio assaulted one metal shop operator, permanently damaging his sight. The man had allegedly called them "tattari" in a Helsinki restaurant on May Day night. The abusers together had to pay the victim a total of 1,105,000 Finnish marks.[59][60][61]

Two more serious attacks against the community are known in Finland: In 1942, soldier Siadetdin Samlihan, during his free time, was shot to death in Helsinki, while walking on the street with his friend. The shooter was never found. It was speculated that the killer may have thought that the Tatars spoke Russian and therefore were Russian spies. The second incident was in Tampere during the 1990s, when a firebomb was thrown into a Tatar home.[60][61]

Political refugees in the community

[edit]
Mohammad Amin Rasulzadeh among Tatar political refugees Abdullah Battal, Mustafa Salah and Lutfi Ishaki in Hyvinkää, Finland.
Sadri Maksudi (sitting middle) with Finnish Tatars in Tampere, year 1920.

After their failed pursuits of independence in 1918, many leaders of the Idel-Ural state began to settle in Finland. Their names were as follows; Yusuf Akçura, Ayaz Ishaki, Musa Bigiev, Zeki Velidi Togan, Sadri Maksudi Arsal, Alimcan Idris, Abdullah Battal Taymas, and the former imam of Saint Petersburg, Lutfi Ishaki. Idris and Battal stayed in the country for longer, due to operating as teachers and cultural influencers among the community, but the others shortly continued elsewhere, such as Germany, France or Turkey.[62] Some of them however returned to Finland later, for example Ayaz Ishaki, for whom the Tatar community of Tampere organized a three-day celebration in February 1937.[63] Ishaki in return organized a 20-year memory celebration of Idel-Ural state in Warsaw in 1938, where seven Finnish Tatars were present.[64]

In addition to Idel-Ural politicians, refugees among the Finnish Tatar community included also for example the later-theosophist and mason, Amina Syrtlanoff, who took part in establishing local Tatar congregation and made presentations on Islam.[65]

Academic interest of Tatars in Finland

[edit]

Tatars have been a subject of interest to many Finnish linguists. Researchers focused especially on Mishar Tatars are Martti Räsänen and Heikki Paasonen. Other curious ones include Mathias Alexander Castren, August Ahlqvist and Gustaf John Ramstedt.[66]

Culture

[edit]

Religion

[edit]
Building of The Finnish-Islamic Congregation in Helsinki.

The Finnish Tatars are Sunni Muslims.[67] They practice their religion at their own congregation, the Finnish-Islamic Congregation, which has its main building in Fredrikinkatu, Helsinki.[68] The congregation also owns a wooden mosque in Järvenpää.[69] The Tatars in Tampere have their separate congregation, which has its space in Hämeenkatu.[70][71] The congregations accept only Tatars as their members.[72]

In Finland, Tatars are known as an Islamic minority which keeps a low profile. They usually don't speak publicly about current topics regarding Islam in the country.[73]

Members of the Finnish Tatar community have been making pilgrimages to Mecca since the 1920s.[27] The international relations of the community have been deemed impressive. World leaders who have visited the community include Tunisian president Habib Bourguiba, Head of Tatarstan Rustam Minnikhanov and Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. The congregation has also received imams from abroad, such as the Crimean Tatar Abdurrahman Kaya and Enver Yıldırım from Turkey. In 2020, the imam of the congregation is Russian-born Ramil Belyayev (Bilal) became imam of the congregation, while economist Gölten Bedretdin became chairman of the board; the latter is the first female to hold that position.[74][75][76][77]

During the 1900s, The Tampere Tatar congregation also had a wide variety of guests as well. These include for example theologian Musa Bigiev, Idel-Ural president and refugee Sadri Maksudi Arsal, muftis Talgat Tadjuddin from Ufa and Rawil Gaynetdin from Moscow, Turkologist Reşit Rahmeti Arat and professor of Medina university, Abdullah Ahmed Zadri. Musicians include Haydar Bigichev. Chairman in 2020 is entrepreneur Vahit Wafin.[78][79]

Language

[edit]
Mishar Tatar Aisa Hakimcan, born in 1896 in Aktuk, speaking his native language (1952, Tampere).

The native language of Finnish Tatars is the Tatar language, more specifically its western dialect, Mishar.[80] It differs from the dialect of the Kazan Tatars, which is standard Tatar.[81] The current Finnish Tatar dialect differs also from the language of Mishars in Russia; for example, they do not use the letter X, only soft H.[82][83]

Finnish Tatar text in written in Arabic script.

Before adopting the Latin alphabet, Finnish Tatars, like the Tatars in Russia, used the Arabic script. In Finland also, the Tatars modified the script to better fit their language. (See: İske imlâ, Yaña imlâ.) Reformers include especially the writer-teacher Abdullah Battal (Later Battal-Taymas, 1883–1969), who adapted the spelling to a more phonetic manner. Battal strove to make the Tatar vowels clearly and consistently visible in the Arabic script and also to standardize the marking of consonants.[84]

From 1930s forwards, the gradual transition to the Latin script began. Reasons for this were mainly the influence of Turkish culture that saturated the community at that time (Turkey had begun using the Latin alphabet in 1928[85]), and at the same time, the similar movement called the Yanalif movement, which was happening in Soviet Union among the Tatars. By the 1950s, the publications of Finnish Tatars had mostly switched to the Latin alphabet. Before this, during the transition period, both were still used. In the teaching of the community's children, they changed to the Latin alphabet during the 1960s.[86][87] The Tatars in Russia use the Cyrillic alphabet nowadays.[88]

First version of Latin script was borrowed directly from Turkish. Over time, the script has been modified in different ways.[89]

Example of Finnish Tatar language in the Latin alphabet in 2021:[90]

Finlandiyä tatarlarınıñ törki cämiyäte 1800 nçe yıllarnın ahırında oyışkan. Ul vakıtta Tübän Novgorod guberniyäse Sergaç öyäzeneñ avıllarınnan tatar säüdägärläreneñ törkeme Finlandiyägä kilgän. Finlandiyä ul zaman Rusiyä kulastında bulgan.

— Kadriye Bedretdin

Names

[edit]

Tatar names are mostly of Arabic, Persian and Turkic origin.[91] Tatars who settled in the country usually adopted their patronymic as a surname. (Example: Hakimov = Son of Hakim.) However, Tatars who traveled together with their father adopted their father's patronymic; in other words, their grandfather's name. Due to this, brothers who traveled at a different time might have ended up using a different surname. These Russian suffixes were mostly removed from their names during the time of Finnish independence (1917). It is speculated that with this, they tried to avoid the negative attitudes the Finns had towards Russians at the time. In Russia, some Tatars have used their surname without such a suffix as well, though usually in unofficial terms, such as an artist name. (Ğabdulla Tuqayev – Ğabdulla Tuqay).[92][93][94][95]

Until early to mid 1900s, given names were often two part (Hamidulla, Gölbanu), or in general were Quranic (Ahmed, Hamide).[96][97]

Later (second half of the 1900s and into the 2000s), names are often either Turkish (Erkan, Meral), or Turkic-Persian/Arabic hybrids (Ildar, Aynur).[98][99][100][101]

The sound [æ], which is abundant in Tatar language, appears often marked with either A or E in Finland. (Cyrillic Ә in Russia - Latin script: Ä or Ə). In general, the spelling of Tatar names in the country varies a lot.[102][103][104][105]

Art

[edit]

Music

[edit]
Deniz Bedretdin, the frontman of Finnish Tatar ensemble Başkarma, early 1970s.

The musical tradition, which is largely based on old folk songs, originates from Nizhny Novgorod Oblast, where the first generation was born. Often in Tatar folk music, there is a longing for home and relatives left behind. Musical style called "dance song" (tanssilaulu in Finnish) however is described as "rhythmic, brisk and happy". Modern Tatar music in Finland has been represented by the local ensemble Başkarma, whose frontman Deniz Bedretdin has founded two other bands in Kazan and in 1968 in Helsinki established the "first Tatar rock band" called The Sounds of Tsingiskhan.[106][107][108][109]

Tatars in Finland have had their own choirs. Talented singers among the community have been especially Hamit Hairedin, Zeituna Abdrahim, Naim Sadik, Hamdurrahman Hakimcan, Aliye Hakimcan, Hamide Çaydam, Dina Abdul and Betül Hairetdin. Musicians include Halid Kurbanali, Batu Alkara and Ädhäm Kanykoff. (who was a close friend of Finnish composer Jean Sibelius).[110][111][112]

Ever since the 1960s, Russian Tatar musicians have performed among the community. First ones to come were Röstäm Yäxin, İlham Şakirov, Venera Şäripova, Ayrat Arslanov, Marat Äxmätov and Mars Makarov. The trip was arranged by cultural worker Ymär Daher. Together they performed in Helsinki and Tampere and during this time met Finnish president Urho Kekkonen.[113][114]

Poetry

[edit]

Mishar poetry is often described as wistful. Most prominent Finnish Tatar poet was Sadretdin "Sadri" Hamid (1905–1987), whose speciality was humorous and rhyming chronicles. Female poet Gäühär Tuganay (1911–1998) was known for her nature-themed poetry. Aisa Hakimcan wrote often about his longing for home village Aktuk. Imam Habiburrahman Shakir and publisher Hasan Hamidulla expressed themselves through poetry as well.[115][116][117]

Fazile Nasretdin's Tuksan tugız haiku ('Ninety-nine haiku), the first ever Tatar language haiku collection (according to researched Sabira Stahlberg) was published for free on website Aybagar in 2022. It includes an English version as well.[118][119]

The national Volga Tatar poet Ğabdulla Tuqay (Abdulla Tukay for Mishars) is held in high regard among the community. Yearly celebrations in his name are held, a cultural association named after him established and publications honoring him published.[116][120]

Theater

[edit]
Handbill of a theater play "Aliyebanu", performed by Tampere Tatars in Helsinki, 1946.

The community in Finland has organized their own theater plays. The most active period was during the 1900s in Helsinki and Tampere. Some of the more larger shows were especially in The Tampere Theater, to where at best, over 300 Finnish Tatars per show were invited. Political refugees such as Musa Bigiev and Ayaz Ishaki were present at times as well.[121]

The first Tatar play in the country was in 1930. It was Ğäliyäbanu by playwright Mirxäydär Fäyzi (known as Mir-Hayder Feyzi and Aliyebanu in Finland). Other plays include for example Fäyzi's Asıl Yar, Zöleyha by Ayaz Ishaki, Bülek öçın, Bırınçı teater and Behıtsız Yıgıt by Ğäliäsğar Kamal. The Tatars of Helsinki performed Molière's The Miser in Tampere during the 1950s. The community has also performed abroad, such as in Estonia, Russia (Kazan), and New York. Russian Tatar artist Luara Şakircanova directed plays in Helsinki during the 1990s. Kazan Tatar Saniye İffet (Сания Гыйффәт, Saniyä Ğiffät; 1899–1957) wrote some plays while living in Finland in the late 1930s.[122][109][123][124]

Design

[edit]

Design artists among the community include jewelry designer Ildar Wafin (b. 1995), whose earrings the spouse of the president of Finland Jenni Haukio wore during the Independence Day Reception in 2018. Architect Pervin Imaditdin is known especially for her hotel and restaurant designs. Visual and textile designer Niran Baibulat was awarded in 2007 for her work.[100][125][126][127][128][129]

Cuisine

[edit]

The cuisine tradition of Finnish Tatars consists mainly of different types of soups, meat based foods, sweet and savory dough based foods, pies, pilaf and porridges.[130] The most known Tatar food in Finland is the spicy pastry called pärämäç (pärämätsi among the Finns). It was commercialized by a Finnish Tatar chef/hockey player Mönäyvär Saadetdin in Tampere during the 1960s.[131][132]

A traditional cuisine among the Finnish Tatars is also for example a sausage made from horsemeat, named kazı.[133]

Publishing

[edit]

Publishing work among the relatively small community of Tatars has been abundant. Given activity can be divided as such: history, memoirs, biographies, poetry, proverbs, music, religious literature, Tatar language textbooks, children's books and magazines.[134]

The most active Finnish Tatar publisher is considered Hasan Hamidulla. He wrote a historic on his home village Aktuk.[135]

Entrepreneur Zinnetullah Ahsen Böre published the first Finnish language Quran.[41]

In 2016, a Tatar-Finnish-dictionary was published by cultural influencer Okan Daher and a Finnish researcher Arto Moisio.[136][137]

Celebrations

[edit]

Traditional celebrations among the Tatar community include an every spring celebration of poet Abdulla Tukay named Balalar Bäyräme (Children's celebration), where the children and teenagers of the community perform songs, poems and stories. During the summer, camps are held for the young. For a long time, until 2020, the location was Kirkkonummi. In the early days the camps lasted a month, today it's ten days. The camp ends in the Tatar festival Sabantuy.[138]

Population

[edit]

Finnish Tatars are officially one of the seven national minority groups in the country.[139]

Ethnic Composition

[edit]

The Finnish Tatars are Mishars, and thus, Volga Tatars. The ethnic formation of Mishar Tatars has no consensus and their culture has been influenced by for example Russian and Mordvan tradition. The Mishars in Finland were also influenced by Turkish culture during the 1900s. Researchers such as Antero Leitzinger and Alimdzhan Orlov have stated, that while features of many different so called foreign influences can be found in Mishar culture, are they still one of the "purest representatives" of ancient Turkic Kipchaks today.[140][141]

As of 2020, the community consists approximately 600-700 members.[77] Most Tatars live in the cities of Helsinki, Tampere, Turku and Järvenpää.[142]

The Tatars themselves generally think they have conserved their cultural identity very well, but at the same time, worries about its future and assimilation have been raised.[143]

The first generation of Finnish Tatars (born in the late 1800s on average) consisted of approximately 160 families, of which two thirds married within their people. Already among the earliest generation there were mixed marriages between Finnish women and Tatar men. These women converted to Islam and usually learned to communicate in Tatar. Such cases were accepted as exceptions though, since traditionally mixed marriages are thought of negatively among the community, so much so that during the 1900s, it might have left the child without parental inheritance. Some Tatar men have found a wife among the Russian Tatars, but most marriages are between the Finns now. The younger generations have expressed having difficulties finding a spouse among the small community.[77][144][145][146]

Sports

[edit]
Pin of a Finnish Tatar sports team "Yolduz" - 1945.
Ahsen-Böre family

Tatars have been represented in different professional sports in Finland, especially in ice hockey. They have also established their own sports teams. Originally, the first generation encouraged their children to take part in sports at their new environment. Sports had been an important part of their every summer Sabantuy -celebrations in their home villages.[106][107][147]

Among the more meritorious Tatar athletes are footballer Atik Ismail, ice hockey players Lotfi Nasib and Räshid Hakimsan.[148][149][150][98]

Brothers Feyzi, Murat, Zeyd and Vasif Ahsen-Böre all played ice hockey in the 1930s and 1940s. Ali and his brother Mönäyvär Saadetdin played for Ilves, as did the brother of Lotfi Nasib, Naim, and his son, Erkan Nasib.[151][152]

More recent Tatar athletes include basketball player Meral Bedretdin (b. 1993).[153][154]

Finnish Tatar establishments

[edit]

Some of the following most likely don't exist anymore, but due to lack of information, only the formation year is mentioned.

  • Helsingin musulmaanien hyväntekeväisyysseura (1915)[25]
  • Suomen muhamettilainen seurakunta (1925, later The Finnish-Islamic Congregation, Finlandiya Islam Cemaatı)[25]
  • Suomalais-turkkilaisen kansakoulun kannatusyhdistys (Fin-Türk halkmektebin himaye cemiyeti, 1930)[155]
  • Suomen turkkilaisten seura (Finlandiya Türkleri Bırlıgı, 1935)[155]
  • Tampereen Turkkilainen Yhdistys (Tampere Türkleri Bırlıgı, 1935)[155]
  • Tampereen Islamilainen Yhdistys (1935)[155]
  • Tampereen Islamilainen Seurakunta (1943, Tampere Islam Mahallesı)[155]
  • Turun Turkkilais-Tataarilainen Yhdistys (1938, later. Turun turkkilainen yhdistys)[155]
  • Jalkapalloseura Altın Orda (Golden Orda)[155]
  • Urheiluseura Yolduz (Yolduz = Star, 1945)[155]
  • Turkkilaisen kansakoulun kannatusyhdistys (1948, Türk Halk Mektebi Himaye Kurumu)[155]
  • Abdulla Tukain kulttuuriseura (1968)[155]

Connections to Turkey

[edit]

The Finnish Tatar community has maintained their relationship with Turkey ever since the 1920s. The community has been visited for example by Turkish president (Prime Minister at the time) Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, who during his trip conveyed how impressed he was that such a small Turkic community had been able to conserve their tradition. Previous president of Turkey, Abdullah Gül paid a visit before this as well. In the congregation there has also been some imams from Turkey.[75][156]

Turkish network TRT filmed a documentary on the Finnish Tatar community in 2005 called "Finlandiya Tatarları".[157]

Notable Finnish Tatars

[edit]

See also

[edit]

Notes

[edit]

Sources

[edit]
  • Asikainen, Johannes: Tataareja, kasakoita, vai muslimeja?. Tampere: Tampereen Yliopisto, 2017. Trepo
  • Bedretdin, Kadriye (editor): Tugan Tel – Kirjoituksia Suomen Tataareista. Helsinki: Suomen Itämainen Seura, 2011. ISBN 978-951-9380-78-0.
  • Baibulat, Muazzez: Tampereen Islamilainen Seurakunta: juuret ja historia. Jyväskylä: Gummerus Kirjapaino Oy, 2004. ISBN 952-9167539.
  • Halikov, A. H.: Tataarit, keitä te olette?. Suom. Lauri Kotiniemi. Abdulla Tukain kulttuuriseura, 1991. ISBN 952-9031149.
  • Leitzinger, Antero: Mishäärit – Suomen vanha islamilainen yhteisö. (Sisältää Hasan Hamidullan "Yañaparin historian", suomentanut ja kommentoinnut Fazile Nasretdin). Helsinki: Kirja-Leitzinger, 1996. ISBN 952-9752083.
  • Leitzinger, Antero: Suomen tataarit - Vuosina 1968-1944 muodostuneen muslimiyhteisön menestystarina. East-West Books, Helsinki 2006. ISBN 952-99592-2-2
  • Suikkanen, Mikko: Yksityinen susi – Zinnetullah Ahsen Bören (1886–1945) eletty ja koettu elämä. Historian pro gradu -tutkielma. Tampere: Tampereen yliopisto, 2012. Trepo.
  • Tervonen, Miikka & Leinonen Johanna (editor.): Vähemmistöt muuttajina - Näkökulmia suomalaisen muuttoliikehistorian moninaisuuteen. Painosalama Oy, Turku 2021. ISBN 978-952-7399-09-5.

References

[edit]
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  6. ^ a b Suikkanen 2012, p. 21.
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  81. ^ Leitzinger 1996, p. 39.
  82. ^ Nisametdin 1974, p. 314.
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  102. ^ Okan Daher 1999, Tugan Tel 2011, s. 299
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[edit]
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from Grokipedia
constitute a small ethnic minority of Turkic-speaking in , descended primarily from who immigrated from the Volga-Ural region of the as merchants starting in the late and continuing into the early . Numbering approximately 900 individuals as of recent estimates, they represent one of 's oldest and most established communities, having formed the Finnish Islamic Congregation in to organize religious and cultural activities. Despite their modest size, have preserved distinctive elements of their heritage, including the , traditional dress, cuisine, and Islamic practices adapted to a Nordic context, while achieving socioeconomic integration through trade, business, and participation in Finnish society. Recognized as a national minority, the community maintains ties to Tatar cultural centers in and , fostering intergenerational transmission of identity amid broader immigration trends that have diversified 's population.

History

Early Muslim Presence in Finland

Historical records indicate isolated instances of Muslim individuals in Finland dating back to the , primarily documented in archival references to arrivals via trade routes, maritime activities, or as captives during Sweden's conflicts with the . These encounters involved small numbers, such as sailors from North African or Ottoman ports or prisoners from naval skirmishes in the Baltic, but lacked any organized religious practice or community formation. Under Swedish rule until , Finland's peripheral position in limited sustained Islamic contact, with no evidence of mosques, burial grounds, or enduring populations; such visitors typically departed or assimilated without leaving descendants who preserved . Permanent Muslim settlement remained absent, as Finland's harsh , Lutheran dominance, and isolation from Muslim heartlands deterred residency. Finland's incorporation as an autonomous of the in introduced more consistent Muslim presence through imperial military garrisons, where soldiers from Muslim regions of —potentially including , , or others—performed worship in fortresses like those in or Sveaborg. An army initiated a by 1836, facilitating basic religious observance among troops, though this military context precluded civilian communities. These developments reflected Russia's multi-ethnic empire rather than indigenous Finnish-Islamic ties, setting a precedent for later migrations without establishing roots.

Migration Waves from the Russian Empire

The initial wave of Tatar migration to Finland originated from Mishär Tatar villages in the Sergach district south of Nizhny Novgorod, with smaller contingents from Kazan and Simbirsk governorates, beginning in the late 1860s. These Volga Tatars, primarily Muslim merchants, were driven by Tsarist economic restrictions limiting their access to Russian trade fairs, prompting them to exploit opportunities in the Grand Duchy's more permissive markets amid rising consumer demand for imported goods. Facilitated by the opening of the railway in 1870 and subsequent steamer links such as those from to and Rauma in 1883, early arrivals traveled via to reach Finnish territories. Initial groups numbered in the dozens, focusing on seasonal peddling of textiles, furs, carpets, cloths, leather goods, and sundry items like tablecloths, toys, and brass candlesticks in rural southwestern areas including and , where door-to-door sales targeted agricultural households. By the , Finnish and Swedish-language newspapers documented their increasing visibility, with a few hundred active as pedlars by the late , adapting to local conditions through mobile networks while navigating legal barriers for non-citizens and sporadic opposition from established merchants. This economic migration persisted into the early , distinct from later familial or wartime movements, as traders evaded imperial constraints to sustain livelihoods in Finland's expanding commercial landscape.

Acquisition of Citizenship and Settlement

Following Finland's in 1917, Tatar merchants and their families, previously transient pedlars under Russian rule, began applying for to secure their status amid the ensuing political upheavals. The process was protracted, with applications scrutinized by security authorities due to suspicions of political affiliations; religious freedom enshrined in the 1919 constitution facilitated claims, but opposition persisted, as evidenced by a 1924 essay by Wilhelm Hagfors decrying non-Christian . In September 1924, the Finnish Muslim congregation submitted an application to the Ministry of for official bylaws confirmation, marking a step toward communal recognition intertwined with citizenship efforts. By the mid-1920s, many pursued citizenship urgently to evade potential deportation to the , with several applications granted around 1925; however, acquisition remained costly and incomplete, as only approximately 400 out of 740 held Finnish citizenship by 1939. This legal consolidation paralleled familial shifts, with post-revolutionary inflows—including 215 crossing the between 1921 and 1924—enabling reunifications of separated kin from the . These arrivals fostered the transition from individual traders to rooted family units, evidenced by the birth of second-generation in , who increasingly participated in endogamous marriages to preserve community cohesion. Permanent settlement concentrated in urban centers, particularly , where around 50 Muslim family members had established roots by 1870, expanding into textile and fur trades that anchored familial presence. From 1925, pioneers like furrier Hasan Kanykoff and felt-maker Beshar Schamaletdin initiated a secondary hub in , approximately 40 kilometers north of , drawn by affordable land; this suburban expansion solidified the community's transition to sedentary life, with Helsinki's Muslim congregation formalized that year encompassing 528 members predominantly from the Sergach Tatar district. These patterns underscored a deliberate rooting distinct from earlier nomadic commerce, prioritizing familial stability over mobility.

Contributions During Finnish Wars

Finnish Tatars demonstrated strong loyalty to Finland during the (1939–1940) and (1941–1944) by enlisting in significant numbers relative to their small community size of approximately 850 individuals. A total of 177 Tatars served, comprising 152 men and 25 women, across various roles in the Finnish armed forces, , and Civil Guard. This participation rate exceeded 20 percent of the community, reflecting a commitment to defend their adopted homeland against Soviet invasion despite earlier challenges with citizenship status, which had been granted to most by the late 1920s. In the , at least three were or related incidents. Feyzi Kayenuk, a in the Regiment, died on December 20, 1939, at Ägläjärvi. Ämrulla Fethulla, a 16-year-old air spotter, perished in a Soviet air raid on on December 26, 1939. Hasan Abdrahim, a private in Infantry Regiment 11, was killed on March 5, 1940, on . served in units such as Separate Battalion 9 and Infantry Regiment 11, contributing to defensive efforts amid harsh winter conditions. During the , the remaining seven Tatar fatalities occurred, bringing the total wartime deaths to ten, with nine killed in combat and one in an air raid. Their service extended to frontline duties and support roles, underscoring integration into Finnish military structures. Women participated in auxiliary capacities, further evidencing communal mobilization. This active involvement in repelling Soviet aggression played a causal role in enhancing societal acceptance of the minority, as their sacrifices aligned with national defense imperatives and dispelled potential suspicions of disloyalty due to ethnic and religious differences. memorials, including plaques and cemetery monuments, commemorate their contributions, reinforcing community bonds with Finnish society.

Post-Independence Community Formation

After the of 1944 concluding Finland's involvement in , the Tatar community redirected efforts toward economic recovery and social consolidation, building on wartime contributions that included service by 156 men and 21 women. Trade networks centered on textiles, clothing, and furs—transitioned from mobile peddling to established retail—were rebuilt during Finland's post-war reconstruction, leveraging the community's entrepreneurial heritage for stability. In the 1950s through 1970s, familial expansion strengthened community cohesion, with second- and third-generation members forming bilingual, bicultural households amid rising intermarriages that deepened ties to Finnish society while prompting preservation of ethnic identity. High educational levels facilitated diversification beyond traditional commerce into , municipal roles, private businesses, and , exemplifying effective integration metrics. Soviet policies enforced stringent border controls and minority persecutions, disrupting homeland connections until the late thaw permitted renewed family contacts; by the , exchanges with Soviet bolstered resilience against assimilation pressures. Financial self-sufficiency and organized communal structures underpinned this period's solidification, enabling sustained growth despite external geopolitical strains.

Mid-20th Century Religious and Cultural Organization

The Finnish-Islamic Congregation, registered in 1925, played a central role in mid-20th century religious organization by completing construction of Finland's first purpose-built in in 1943, after acquiring the land in 1935. This wooden structure, distinguished by its topped with a , hosted prayers, weddings, and special occasions, while also serving as a venue for teaching , culture, and history. Complementing religious activities, the Tatar Cultural Society, founded in 1935 and supported by the congregation, organized Tatar-language events such as theatrical performances, poetry recitals, sessions, and dancing in the and . In 1945, the community established the Yolduz Sports Club, which fielded a and fostered ethnic identity through sports. These initiatives extended to education with the opening of a bilingual Tatar-Finnish primary school in in 1948, funded partly by the city and the congregation, operating until 1969 to transmit linguistic and traditional knowledge. Through these formal structures, Finnish Tatars preserved their Sunni Hanafi Islamic practices and amid a secularizing Finnish society dominated by , ensuring continuity despite a small and assimilation pressures.

Demographics

Current Population Estimates

The of Finnish Tatars is estimated at approximately 900 individuals as of the mid-2020s. This figure derives from analyses by public health authorities tracking ethnic minorities, with the majority affiliated with the Finnish Islamic Congregation founded in 1925. Congregation records and community studies indicate a historical peak of around 938 members in the mid-20th century, followed by gradual decline due to low fertility rates mirroring broader Finnish trends and an aging demographic structure. The community's limited size reflects minimal external recruitment or immigration, as the congregation restricts membership primarily to and their spouses after a probationary period, preserving ethnic continuity over expansion. In contrast to Finland's overall Muslim population, which expanded to about 130,000 by 2022 through post-1990s inflows from , the , and other areas, Finnish exhibit stasis, with growth constrained by , assimilation, and below-replacement birth rates. These dynamics underscore the position as a legacy minority rather than a recipient of recent migratory surges.

Geographic Distribution and Urban Concentration

The Finnish Tatar community is predominantly concentrated in the Helsinki metropolitan area, where the majority of its members reside, including in suburbs such as Järvenpää. Smaller populations maintain presence in other urban centers like and , reflecting historical merchant networks along Finland's southern and western coasts. This distribution aligns with the community's activities under the Finnish Islamic Congregation, which operates in , Järvenpää, , and . Historically, Tatar settlements expanded from eastern border regions like Terijoki and Viipuri westward to coastal trading hubs including , , , , , , and during the late 19th and early 20th centuries, driven by rail development and commerce. Post-World War II relocations further centralized the group in the region, with secondary clusters in and , as evidenced by dedicated Islamic cemeteries in , , and . Finnish Tatars exhibit urban assimilation characterized by residential dispersal rather than ethnic enclaves, integrating into broader Finnish cityscapes while preserving communal ties through religious and cultural institutions. This pattern stems from over a century of socioeconomic adaptation, with the community numbering fewer than 1,000 and embedding within host society structures without spatial segregation.

Ethnic and Familial Composition

The Finnish Tatar community consists predominantly of ethnic , specifically members of the Mishar subgroup, who trace their origins to a limited number of villages in the Volga-Ural region of the , particularly in the Governorate. These migrants, primarily traveling merchants, established family lineages that form the core of the contemporary community, with many current members able to identify direct descent from these specific locales. Familial structures within the community have historically emphasized to sustain ethnic and religious cohesion amid a small population and host society integration pressures. Marriages within the Tatar group were prevalent in the early , reinforcing ties based on shared village origins rather than formal subclans or sectarian divisions. Over time, as the community stabilized post-independence, these patterns contributed to a relatively homogeneous network, though recent generations have seen a gradual increase in exogamous unions due to demographic constraints and societal openness. The absence of pronounced internal subdivisions distinguishes Finnish Tatars from broader Tatar groups; affiliations remain tied to ancestral villages without evidence of competing subclans or factional structures that might fragment . This village-centric lineage system has fostered unity, enabling collective responses to external challenges while minimizing intra-community conflicts.

Culture

Religious Beliefs and Practices

Finnish Tatars adhere to of the , a juridical dominant among their Volga Tatar forebears who adopted the faith following the Bulgar conversion around 922 CE. Core practices encompass the five daily salat prayers, Sawm fasting during Ramadan, almsgiving, and pilgrimage for those able, conducted in alignment with orthodox interpretations emphasizing and primacy over folk innovations. Imams emerge from within the community, delivering sermons and guiding in a unmarred by Wahhabi or Salafi infusions, preserving a moderate adapted to Nordic conditions such as winter prayer timings via qibla-oriented adaptations. The mosque functions as a and communal nexus, hosting Jumu'ah congregational prayers alongside meals and nikah ceremonies, without documented or , underscoring the group's integrous fidelity to Finnish societal norms. Halal observance demands vigilance in Finland's pork-prevalent cuisine, prompting reliance on certified imports from or self-slaughter per Hanafi rites when feasible, though secular drift among youth tempers strict adherence in daily life.

Language Preservation and Naming Conventions

The Finnish Tatar community speaks a variety of the Mishar of Tatar, which has evolved over the past century with influences from Finnish and standard Kazan Tatar while developing somewhat independently due to limited contact with other Tatar speakers after 1917. This remains the mother tongue transmitted across five generations, a notable achievement for a small immigrant group of fewer than 1,000 individuals. Community members exhibit high proficiency in Finnish as the primary of daily life and integration, with many also fluent in Swedish owing to Finland's bilingual framework and historical exposure. Despite these successes, the number of fluent native Tatar speakers is declining, particularly among younger generations, as intergenerational transmission weakens amid dominant national languages and . Preservation efforts emphasize family-based oral transmission, supplemented by community-organized language classes and educational activities sustained for over a century. Recent initiatives include documentation projects, audiovisual resources, and teaching materials to support learning and potential revitalization, underscoring the urgency of safeguarding this heritage dialect. Finnish Tatars maintain traditional naming conventions rooted in Tatar customs, featuring given names predominantly of , Persian, and Turkic origins, often reflecting Islamic influences. Upon settlement, many adopted patronymics as fixed surnames, adapting to Finnish administrative practices while preserving ethnic identifiers, such as suffixes modified from Russian-influenced forms to align with local . This retention supports cultural continuity, with trilingual dictionaries aiding name-related linguistic bridges between Tatar and Finnish.

Artistic Expressions

Finnish Tatars preserve traditional artistic expressions through folk music, poetry recitals, and folk dancing at community events, supported by cultural organizations like the Finnish Islamic Congregation. Folk songs often evoke themes of longing for ancestral homelands, reflecting the diasporic experience of the community. The community has produced literary works in the Tatar language, including poetry, songbooks, and fiction, contributing to cultural continuity despite the small population size of approximately 600-700 members. These outputs, alongside religious texts adapted for local use, demonstrate efforts to maintain performative and written traditions. Theater performances in Tatar, such as the play Ğäliyäbanu staged by Tampere Tatars in Helsinki in 1946, highlight early 20th-century performative arts within the community. Limited repertoire, with repeated stagings of select plays, underscores the challenges of sustaining such activities in a minority context. In contemporary settings, artists like Nurbak Batulla integrate Tatar cultural motifs into dance, interlacing them with Finnish folklore to create modern fusions. These expressions remain niche, focused on internal community preservation rather than widespread public dissemination.

Culinary Traditions

The culinary traditions of Finnish Tatars, descendants of Volga region's Mishär Tatars, emphasize halal-compliant meat-based dishes, pastries, and sausages derived from their Turkic heritage, adapted over a century in through local ingredient substitutions and modern conveniences. These practices prioritize , lamb, or horsemeat—avoiding per Islamic norms—combined with grains, onions, and potatoes, reflecting resource availability in urban Finnish settings like and . Traditional home slaughtering of horses for meat has largely shifted to purchasing from stores, with sausages dried in home attics using salt, sugar, and occasionally garlic. A hallmark dish is pärämäç (also known as peremech), an individual-sized fried or oven-baked dough pastry stuffed with minced and onions, often spiced for flavor, which serves as a evoking ancestral ties. This preparation, rooted in Volga-Ural customs, has been scaled for communal events and even introduced to broader Finnish audiences in during the via family recipes adapted for larger production. Variations now include fillings or vegetarian options to align with contemporary diets, while maintaining unleavened or leavened dough bases fried in oil. Similarly, bäleş pies, filled with or es, represent shared Eurasian influences and are prepared collectively to reinforce ethnic identity. Horsemeat holds cultural significance, featured in sausages like kazy—dried or smoked tubes of lean meat and fat—or salted cuts used in soups and fried preparations, utilizing the entire animal including internals. Though slaughter was historically observed under Sunni Muslim rites, explicit terminology like "" was seldom used, with adaptations focusing on ritual cleanliness rather than strict certification amid Finland's limited supply. Food preparation fosters familial and communal bonds, as joint cooking sessions transmit recipes and memories, sustaining cohesion despite dietary modernization with added and imported spices.

Festivals and Social Customs

Finnish Tatars, as , observe major Islamic festivals such as , which concludes the fast with communal prayers, family gatherings, and feasting, a practice maintained since their early 20th-century settlement in . These events emphasize community solidarity, with prayers often held at mosques like the one in , followed by shared meals featuring traditional Tatar dishes adapted to local availability. , commemorating Abraham's sacrifice, involves similar rituals including animal sacrifice and distribution of meat to family and the needy, aligning with practices prevalent among . Culturally, the community holds an annual spring festival known as Balalar Bäyräme (Children's Celebration), typically in to honor the birth of Tatar poet Abdulla Tukay (1886–1913), featuring children's recitations of poems and songs in the to foster linguistic and cultural transmission. This event, organized within the Helsinki Tatar community, includes performances that reinforce ethnic identity while accommodating Finland's secular environment, often held in community halls rather than religious sites to emphasize its secular-poetic focus. Social customs center on family milestones like weddings, which preserve Tatar traditions through the Nikah ceremony—an Islamic contract solemnized by an —while incorporating Finnish civil registration and receptions with mixed customs, such as speeches and dances blending Tatar folk elements with local norms. These gatherings prioritize within the community to maintain heritage, yet show low friction with Finnish national holidays; Tatars participate in events like Juhannus () and Vappu alongside their own, reflecting empirical integration without reported conflicts over observances.

Integration and Society

Economic Participation and Professional Achievements

Finnish Tatars initially arrived in the Grand Duchy of Finland as pedlars specializing in s and during the late nineteenth century, capitalizing on and growing demand for consumer products. These early entrepreneurs established fixed retail outlets in urban areas such as by the early twentieth century, transitioning from itinerant trade to settled commerce amid Finland's industrialization. Over subsequent generations, occupational diversification occurred, mirroring patterns observed in other minority groups like Finnish Jews, with Tatars entering , transportation, and service sectors while maintaining a core in . By the mid-twentieth century, community members had expanded into professional roles, including photographers and pharmacists, reflecting to modern economic structures. In contemporary Finland, Finnish Tatars occupy a broad spectrum of professions, encompassing civil servants, entrepreneurs, physicians, and attorneys, indicative of high socioeconomic integration within a community numbering around 800 individuals. This success is attributed to a cultural emphasis on industriousness, with the group maintaining and minimal reliance on social welfare systems. Their entrepreneurial legacy persists in family-run businesses, complemented by participation in and specialized fields like and banking.

Military and Civic Loyalty

Finnish Tatars, as full citizens of , have continued to fulfill obligations in the following through the country's universal system, which mandates service for all able-bodied male citizens aged 18 to 60. This participation underscores their integration into national defense structures, with no exemptions sought on religious grounds, reflecting a commitment to shared civic responsibilities rooted in long-term residency and citizenship acquired progressively from the onward. The maintain recognition of the community's historical and ongoing contributions by annually laying wreaths at the Finnish-Tatar in Helsinki's Islamic during observances for fallen soldiers, symbolizing enduring ties between the Tatar minority and Finland's military traditions. Reservist training, a key post-conscription element of Finland's defense posture, further involves Tatar men alongside ethnic Finns, fostering loyalty through practical involvement in territorial defense exercises. Civic loyalty manifests in voluntary engagements that align with Finnish societal values, such as community support for national commemorations and preservation of identity within the welfare state framework, where Tatars exemplify minority integration without assimilation pressures eroding their distinct heritage. This pattern of participation, evidenced by low-profile yet consistent alignment with state institutions, derives from pragmatic adaptation to Finland's emphasis on collective security and reciprocity, rather than ideological conformity.

Public Reception and Historical Stereotypes

In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Finnish press often portrayed arriving as exotic itinerant peddlers and horse traders, emphasizing their foreign dress, Muslim faith, and nomadic origins from the , which reinforced of otherness and transience. These depictions persisted into the , with visual in newspapers highlighting turbans, caftans, and market scenes to evoke curiosity and mild suspicion among the Finnish public, despite the Tatars' initial economic role in cross-border trade. Such stereotypes were gradually undermined by of Tatar integration, as families settled permanently from the 1920s onward, adopted Finnish surnames by 1925, and demonstrated loyalty through in Finland's armed forces during the (1939–1940) and (1941–1944), with over 200 Tatars enlisting and suffering casualties comparable to the national average. This shift from perceived marginality to acceptance was aided by proactive community strategies, including and business diversification into textiles and , which aligned with Finnish societal values of industriousness and civic participation. By the late 20th and early 21st centuries, public reception evolved into viewing Finnish Tatars as a paradigmatic "success story" among minorities, characterized by high socioeconomic attainment, negligible , and cultural adaptability without radicalism, in contrast to perceptions of later Muslim immigrant groups. Academic analyses note this positive framing stems from the community's small size—approximately 600 to 800 individuals—and century-long presence, fostering familiarity rather than alienation. Surveys on Finnish attitudes toward minorities, while not isolating Tatars specifically, correlate their low-profile assimilation with minimal reported discrimination, as their practices blend seamlessly into secular Finnish norms. Anti-Muslim sentiment in Finland, which intensified post-2001 and amid 2015 refugee inflows, has largely bypassed Tatars due to their historical invisibility and rejection of politicized Islam, with public discourse occasionally invoking them as a counterexample to integration failures elsewhere. This reception reflects causal factors like demographic scale and behavioral conformity, rather than inherent tolerance, as evidenced by the community's strategic emphasis on discretion and loyalty to mitigate biases inherent in majority-minority dynamics.

Internal Identity Debates

Within the Finnish Tatar , self-perception has centered on a dual framework, wherein members identify as in civic and professional spheres while upholding Tatar linguistic, religious, and familial traditions domestically, a dynamic described as a "double identity" that has persisted across generations without reported ethnic schisms. This endogenous balance reflects strategic preservation efforts amid assimilation pressures, including restrictions on membership to Tatar speakers, which limit broader Muslim influx and reinforce ethnic boundaries. Tensions arise from fluid historical reference points for identity, evolving from early religious (Islamic) affiliations and Volga Turkic origins to a consolidated "Finnish Tatar" designation, with occasional pan-Turkic orientations influencing subgroup self-concepts, as seen in during the 1970s when local materials emphasized broader Turkic ideological ties over strictly local or national ones. Such pan-Turkic leanings, rooted in mid-20th-century transnational networks, contrast with the community's overarching allegiance to Finnish statehood, prompting internal deliberations on ethnic distinctiveness versus hyphenated national loyalty, particularly as ancestral village ties from regions wane in favor of unified communal structures. Generational dynamics underscore shifts toward Finnish primacy, with first-generation identity anchored in and mother-tongue proficiency, while fifth-generation members exhibit declining literary production and home-language use, incorporating Finnish accents, loanwords, and occasional full switches to Finnish amid mixed marriages. Empirical sociolinguistic data indicate sustained but eroding Tatar fluency, with preservation initiatives like family-based transmission countering assimilation, yet revealing debates over cultural dilution as younger cohorts prioritize national integration.

Institutions

Religious and Community Organizations

The Finnish Islamic Congregation (Suomen Islam-seurakunta), founded in 1925, functions as the central religious body for Finnish Tatars, preserving Sunni Islamic practices adapted to local conditions. Registered on April 24, 1925, it became Finland's inaugural officially recognized Islamic community, initially serving Tatar merchants and their descendants who had settled since the late . The organization maintains prayer facilities, including a modest wooden structure with a in , and oversees rituals such as burials at dedicated Islamic cemeteries established for the community. As the national representative for Finnish Tatars, the congregation's board comprises a chair and five members, coordinating religious services, heritage preservation, and interfaith relations without reliance on external ideological influences. It emphasizes self-sustained operations funded through community contributions, reflecting the historical economic independence as traders. Ongoing activities include regular sermons by imams of Tatar descent and support for familial , ensuring continuity amid Finland's secular context. Subsidiary groups within the broader Tatar network, such as local associations in , extend the congregation's reach for regional worship, though the entity remains the focal point for national cohesion. These bodies prioritize doctrinal adherence to Hanafi , inherited from Tatar roots, while fostering integration through civic participation rather than isolationist structures. The congregation's endurance, with membership tied to approximately 800 Tatars as of recent estimates, underscores its role in sustaining ethnic-religious identity without state subsidies dominating its framework.

Educational and Publishing Initiatives

Finnish Tatars have maintained community-led Tatar-language education for over a century, targeting children, youth, and adults to transmit linguistic and cultural knowledge. These efforts include kindergartens, weekend schools, summer camps, sports and cultural gatherings, online meetings, and pensioners' clubs, with adaptations such as virtual sessions during the COVID-19 pandemic to ensure continuity. A notable secular initiative was the Turkish Primary School in Helsinki, operational from 1948 to 1969, which taught Tatar language and Turkic peoples' history alongside the standard Finnish curriculum; it received support from a dedicated association, community contributions, and Helsinki City funding. Supplementary programs, such as children's play groups and mother-tongue courses, further reinforce language acquisition outside formal religious settings. Publishing initiatives complement these educational activities by producing accessible materials in Tatar, often self-financed by community organizations like the Finlandiya Turkleri Birligi cultural society, founded in 1935. Key resources include the "Ana tele" textbook series (volumes 1–6, published 2016–2020) for structured language learning and the 2020 book Äkiyätlär ilendä focused on cultural narratives. The recurring newsletter Mähallä Habärläre ("Community News") disseminates updates, preserves oral histories through written form, and promotes language use among readers. Secular literary output extends to poetry, fiction, songbooks, and a bilingual Finnish-Tatar cookbook documenting traditional recipes, all aimed at intergenerational knowledge sharing without reliance on external institutional backing. These endeavors remain largely autonomous, with limited formal collaborations between Tatar groups and Finnish academia, though community-produced resources have informed broader sociolinguistic studies of minority languages in Finland.

International Ties

Connections to Tatarstan

Finnish Tatars trace their ethnic origins to from the Volga-Ural region, including areas now within , fostering a historical and cultural affinity with the republic as a symbolic homeland despite their long-standing integration into Finnish society. Following the in 1991, these ties revived through cultural and diplomatic channels, with emerging as an promoting Tatar identity and that resonated with the . Exchanges included community leaders facilitating visits and collaborations on heritage projects, though empirical data on participant numbers or remains sparse in . A notable instance of direct engagement occurred in December 2018, when , then-Rais (, met with representatives of 's Tatar community during an official visit, discussing cultural preservation amid an estimated 950 Tatars residing primarily in and surrounding areas. Earlier, bilateral state-level interactions supported these links: Finnish President visited in November 2010 to enhance economic and cultural relations, while announced plans in 2011 to open a in the Tatar capital, signaling institutional bridges that indirectly benefited the minority group. Such delegations and high-level underscored Tatarstan's role in diaspora outreach, distinct from economic remittances, for which no verified aggregate figures exist specific to Finnish Tatars. Geopolitical tensions, particularly Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, have imposed constraints on these connections, as severed most bilateral ties with —including —imposing sanctions, closing borders to Russian tourism, and acceding to in April 2023. This shift, driven by 's alignment with Western security amid the conflict, likely curtailed travel and exchanges for Finnish Tatars, who maintain Finnish citizenship and loyalty, though no quantitative data on disrupted visits or remittances post-2022 is publicly documented. Tatarstan's own efforts and economic reorientation toward during the further distanced routine cultural flows, prioritizing domestic stability over engagement. Despite these challenges, core cultural affinities persist through language maintenance and occasional virtual or indirect heritage initiatives, reflecting the community's balanced identity as of Tatar descent rather than active political actors in Russian federal dynamics.

Relations with Turkey

Finnish Tatars, united with Turks by shared Turkic linguistic roots and adherence to Sunni Islam, established formal ties with Turkey in 1926, fostering cultural and diplomatic affinities distinct from their connections to Tatarstan. These relations emphasize mutual recognition of ethnic and religious heritage, with Finnish Tatars adopting the Latin alphabet in the 1920s, inspired by Turkey's 1928 script reform to align with modern Turkic standards. Diplomatic engagements have included high-level visits, such as Turkish President Abdullah Gül's trip to the community in 2008 and Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's meeting with approximately 70 Finnish Tatar representatives in on October 21, 2010. During the 2010 visit, Erdoğan commended the for preserving their language, identity, and faith amid integration into Finnish society, while inviting them to to strengthen bonds. Turkish , including TRT's 2005 documentary on the community, has highlighted these efforts in cultural preservation. In reciprocity, Finnish Tatars have advocated for Turkey's accession, leveraging their position within to promote bilateral understanding amid EU-Turkey dynamics. Recent initiatives include the 2024 translation and launch in of a history of Finnish Tatars by Ramil Belyayev, attended by Finnish President , underscoring ongoing heritage collaboration.

Notable Individuals

Sadri Maksudi Arsal (1880–1972), a Volga Tatar politician, lawyer, and scholar, fled to in 1918 following the collapse of the short-lived , residing initially in with local Tatar families. He drafted the statute for the Finnish Islamic Congregation, enabling its official recognition by the in 1925, thereby laying foundational legal structure for the community's religious organization. Zinnetullah Ahsen Böre (1886–1945) served as a prominent businessman, publisher, and within the Finnish Tatar community, engaging in intellectual debates over script reform and publishing efforts to preserve and Islamic texts. His family included multiple sons who pursued careers in sports, reflecting the community's integration into Finnish society. Deniz Bedretdin (born 1952), a , , , and manager of Tatar descent, has contributed to Finland's rock and music scene, including performances and production work. Atik Ismail, a footballer of Finnish Tatar origin, represented the Finnish national team, exemplifying athletic participation by community members.

References

  1. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Finnish_Tatar_theater.jpg
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