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Saraiki
سرائیکی
Saraiki in Shahmukhi script (Nastaʿlīq style)
Native toPakistan
RegionSouthern Punjab[1] Southern Khyber Pakhtunkhwa[2] and Northern Sindh[3]
EthnicitySaraikis[4]
Native speakers
28.84 Million[5]
Perso-Arabic (Saraiki alphabet)
Devanagari
Gurmukhi
Multani
Official status
Regulated bySaraiki area study centre (SASC), BZU Multan
Language codes
ISO 639-3skr
Glottologsera1259
The proportion of people with Saraiki as their mother tongue in each Pakistani District as of the 2017 Pakistan Census
This article contains IPA phonetic symbols. Without proper rendering support, you may see question marks, boxes, or other symbols instead of Unicode characters. For an introductory guide on IPA symbols, see Help:IPA.

Saraiki ( سرائیکی Sarā'īkī, IPA: [səɾaːiːkiː]; also spelt Siraiki, or Seraiki) is an Indo-Aryan language of the Lahnda group.[6] It is spoken by 28.84 million people, as per the 2023 Pakistani census, taking prevalence in Southern Punjab with remants in Northern Sindh and Southern Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.[7]

Saraiki has partial mutual intelligibility with Punjabi,[8] and it shares with it a large portion of its vocabulary and morphology. At the same time in its phonology it is radically different[9] (particularly in the lack of tones, the preservation of the voiced aspirates and the development of implosive consonants), and has important grammatical features in common with the Sindhi language spoken to the south.[10] Saraiki is closely related to Western Punjabi dialects.[6]

Due to effects of dominant languages in Pakistani media like Urdu, Punjabi and English and religious impact of Arabic and Persian, Saraiki like other regional varieties of Pakistan are continuously expanding its vocabulary base with loan words.[11]

Name

[edit]

The present extent of the meaning of Sirāikī is a recent development, and the term most probably gained its currency during the nationalist movement of the 1960s.[12] It has been in use for much longer in Sindh to refer to the speech of the immigrants from the north, principally Siraiki-speaking Baloch tribes who settled there between the 16th and the 19th centuries. In this context, the term can most plausibly be explained as originally having had the meaning "the language of the north", from the Sindhi word siro 'up-river, north'.[13] This name can ambiguously refer to the northern dialects of Sindhi, but these are nowadays more commonly known as "Siroli"[14] or "Sireli".[15]

An alternative hypothesis is that Sarākī originated in the word sauvīrā, or Sauvira,[16] an ancient kingdom which was also mentioned in the Sanskrit epic Mahabharata.

Currently, the most common rendering of the name is Saraiki.[a] However, Seraiki and Siraiki have also been used in academia until recently. Precise spelling aside, the name was first adopted in the 1960s by regional social and political leaders.[24]

[edit]
Further information: Punjabi dialects
Map of Punjabi dialects and language varieties, including Saraiki (Multani, Riasti and Derawali) in the south-west

Saraiki is a member of Western Punjabi sub family of the Indo-Aryan subdivision of the Indo-Iranian branch of the Indo-European language family.

In 1919, George Abraham Grierson maintained that the dialects of what is now the southwest of Punjab Province in Pakistan constitute a dialect cluster, which he designated "Southern Lahnda" within a putative "Lahnda language". Subsequent Indo-Aryanist linguists have confirmed the reality of this dialect cluster, even while rejecting the name "Southern Lahnda" along with the entity "Lahnda" itself.[25] Grierson also maintained that "Lahnda" was his novel designation for various dialects up to then called "Western Punjabi", spoken north, west, and south of Lahore. The local dialect of Lahore is the Majhi dialect of Punjabi, which has long been the basis of standard literary Punjabi.[26] However, outside of Indo-Aryanist circles, the concept of "Lahnda" is still found in compilations of the world's languages (e.g. Ethnologue). Saraiki appears to be a transitional language between Punjabi and Sindhi. Spoken in Upper Sindh as well as the southern Panjab, it is sometimes considered a dialect of either Sindhi or of Panjabi due to a high degree of mutual intelligibility.[27]

Dialects

[edit]

The following dialects have been tentatively proposed for Saraiki:[28]

The historical inventory of names for the dialects now called Saraiki is a confusion of overlapping or conflicting ethnic, local, and regional designations. One historical name for Saraiki, Jaṭki, means "of the Jaṭṭs", a northern South Asian ethnic group. Only a small minority of Saraiki speakers are Jaṭṭs, and not all Saraiki speaking Jaṭṭs necessarily speak the same dialect of Saraiki. However, these people usually call their traditions as well as language as Jataki. Conversely, several Saraiki dialects have multiple names corresponding to different locales or demographic groups. The name "Derawali" is used to refer to the local dialects of both Dera Ghazi Khan and Dera Ismail Khan, but "Ḍerawali" in the former is the Multani dialect and "Derawali" in the latter is the Thaḷi dialect.[30][31]

When consulting sources before 2000, it is important to know that Pakistani administrative boundaries have been altered frequently. Provinces in Pakistan are divided into districts, and sources on "Saraiki" often describe the territory of a dialect or dialect group according to the districts. Since the founding of Pakistan in 1947, several of these districts have been subdivided, some multiple times.

Status of language or dialect

[edit]

In the context of South Asia, the choice between the appellations "language" and "dialect" is a difficult one, and any distinction made using these terms is obscured by their ambiguity.[32] In a sense both Saraiki and Standard Panjabi are "dialects" of a "Greater Punjabi" macrolanguage.[33] The term "Saraiki" was first introduced for the Multani, Riasti and Derawali dialects of this "Greater Punjabi" macrolanguage in the 1960s as a result of a sociopolitical movement.[34] According to Pakistani politicians such as Hanif Ramay and Fakhar Zaman, the Saraiki linguistic movement was thought to have been pushed by feudal landowners of the Seraiki belt.[35]

Saraiki was considered a dialect of Punjabi by most British colonial administrators,[36] and is still seen as such by many Punjabis.[37] Saraikis, however, consider it a language in its own right[38] and see the use of the term "dialect" as stigmatising.[39] A language movement was started in the 1960s to standardise a script and promote the language.[24][40] The national census of Pakistan has tabulated the prevalence of Saraiki speakers since 1981.[41]

Geographical distribution

[edit]
Ashu Lal, A Saraiki poet and intellectual

Pakistan

[edit]

Saraiki is primarily spoken in the south-western part of the province of Punjab, in an area that broadly coincides with the extent of the proposed South Punjab Province. To the west, it is set off from the Pashto- and Balochi-speaking areas by the Suleiman Range, while to the south-east the Thar desert divides it from the Marwari language. Its other boundaries are less well-defined: Punjabi is spoken to the east; Sindhi is found to the south, after the border with Sindh province; to the north, the southern edge of the Salt Range is the rough divide with the northern varieties of Lahnda, such as Pothwari.[42]

Saraiki is the first language of approximately 29 million people in Pakistan according to the 2023 census.[7] The first national census of Pakistan to gather data on the prevalence of Saraiki was the census of 1981.[43] In that year, the percentage of respondents nationwide reporting Saraiki as their native language was 9.83. In the census of 1998, it was 10.53% out of a national population of 132 million, for a figure of 13.9 million Saraiki speakers resident in Pakistan. Also according to the 1998 census, 12.8 million of those, or 92%, lived in the province of Punjab.[44]

India

[edit]

After Partition in 1947, Hindu and Sikh speakers of Saraiki migrated to India, where they are currently widely dispersed, though with more significant pockets in the states of Punjab, Haryana, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, Delhi and Jammu and Kashmir.[45] There is also a smaller group of Muslim pastoralists who migrated to India, specifically Andhra Pradesh, prior to Partition.[46]

There are census figures available – for example, in the 2011 census, 29,000 people reported their language as "Bahawal Puri", and 62,000 as "Hindi Multani".[47] However, these are not representative of the actual numbers, as the speakers will often refer to their language using narrower dialect or regional labels, or alternatively identify with the bigger language communities, like those of Punjabi, Hindi or Urdu. Therefore, the number of speakers in India remains unknown.[48] There have been observations of Lahnda varieties "merging" into Punjabi (especially in Punjab and Delhi), as well as of outright shift to the dominant languages of Punjabi or Hindi.[49] One pattern reported in the 1990s was for members of the younger generation to speak the respective "Lahnda" variety with their grandparents, while communicating within the peer group in Punjabi and speaking to their children in Hindi.[50]

Phonology

[edit]

Saraiki's consonant inventory is similar to that of neighbouring Sindhi.[51] It includes phonemically distinctive implosive consonants, which are unusual among the Indo-European languages. In Christopher Shackle's analysis, Saraiki distinguishes up to 48 consonants and 9 monophthong vowels.[52]

Vowels

[edit]

The "centralised"[b] vowels /ɪ ʊ ə/ tend to be shorter than the "peripheral" vowels /i ɛ a o u/.[53] The central vowel /ə/ is more open and back than the corresponding vowel in neighbouring varieties.[54] Vowel nasalisation is distinctive: /'ʈuɾẽ/ 'may you go' vs. /'ʈuɾe/ 'may he go'.[55] Before /ɦ/, the contrast between /a/ and /ə/ is neutralised.[56] There is a high number of vowel sequences, some of which can be analysed as diphthongs.

Saraiki vowels[c]
Front Near-front Central Near-back Back
Close i u
Near-close ɪ ʊ
Mid e o
Near-open ɛ ə
Open a

Consonants

[edit]

Saraiki possesses a large inventory of consonants:[57]

Labial Dental/
Alveolar 		Retroflex Post-alv./
Palatal 		Velar Glottal
Stop/
Affricate 		voiceless p t̪ ʈ t͡ʃ k
aspirated pʰ t̪ʰ ʈʰ t͡ʃʰ kʰ
voiced b d̪ ɖ d͡ʒ ɡ
voiced aspirated bʱ d̪ʱ ɖʱ d͡ʒʱ ɡʱ
implosive ɓ ᶑ ʄ ɠ
Nasal plain m n ɳ ɲ ŋ
aspirated mʱ nʱ ɳʱ
Fricative voiceless f s ʃ x
voiced v z ɣ ɦ
voiced aspirated vʱ
Tap plain ɾ ɽ
aspirated ɾʱ ɽʱ
Approximant plain l j
aspirated lʱ

In its stop consonants, Saraiki has the typical for Indo-Aryan four-fold contrast between voiced and voiceless, and aspirated and unaspirated. In parallel to Sindhi it has additionally developed a set of implosives, so that for each place of articulation there are up to five contrasting stops, for example: voiceless /tʃala/ 'custom' ~ aspirated /tʃʰala/ 'blister' ~ implosive /ʄala/ 'cobweb' ~ voiced /dʒala/ 'niche' ~ voiced aspirate /dʒʰəɠ/ 'foam'.[58]

There are five contrasting places of articulation for the stops: velar, palatal, retroflex, dental and bilabial. The dentals /t tʰ d dʰ/ are articulated with the blade of the tongue against the surface behind the teeth. The retroflex stops are post-alveolar, the articulator being the tip of the tongue or sometimes the underside.[59] There is no dental implosive, partly due to the lesser retroflexion with which the retroflex implosive /ᶑ/ is pronounced. The palatal stops are here somewhat arbitrarily represented with [tʃ] and [dʒ].[d] In casual speech some of the stops, especially /k/, /g/ and /dʒ/, are frequently rendered as fricatives – respectively [x], [ɣ] and [z].[60]

Of the nasals, only /n/ and /m/ are found at the start of a word, but in other phonetic environments there is a full set of contrasts in the place of articulation: /ŋ ɲ ɳ n m/. The retroflex ɳ is a realised as a true nasal only if adjacent to a retroflex stop, elsewhere it is a nasalised retroflex flap [ɽ̃].[61] The contrasts /ŋ/ ~ /ŋɡ/, and /ɲ/ ~ /ɲdʒ/ are weak; the single nasal is more common in southern varieties, and the nasal + stop cluster is prevalent in central dialects. Three nasals /ŋ n m/ have aspirated counterparts /ŋʰ nʰ mʰ/.

The realisation of the alveolar tap /ɾ/ varies with the phonetic environment. It is trilled if geminated to /ɾɾ/ and weakly trilled if preceded by /t/ or /d/. It contrasts with the retroflex flap /ɽ/ (/taɾ/ 'wire' ~ /taɽ/ 'watching'), except in the variety spoken by Hindus.[62] The fricatives /f v/ are labio-dental. The glottal fricative /ɦ/ is voiced and affects the voice quality of a preceding vowel.[63]

Phonotactics and stress

[edit]

There are no tones in Saraiki.[64] All consonants except /h j ɳ ɽ/ can be geminated ("doubled"). Geminates occur only after stressed centralised vowels,[65] and are phonetically realised much less markedly than in the rest of the Punjabi area.[66]

A stressed syllable is distinguished primarily by its length: if the vowel is peripheral /i ɛ a o u/ then it is lengthened, and if it is a "centralised vowel" (/ɪ ʊ ə/) then the consonant following it is geminated. Stress normally falls on the first syllable of a word. The stress will, however, fall on the second syllable of a two-syllable word if the vowel in the first syllable is centralised, and the second syllable contains either a diphthong, or a peripheral vowel followed by a consonant, for example /dɪɾ'kʰan/ 'carpenter'. Three-syllable words are stressed on the second syllable if the first syllable contains a centralised vowel, and the second syllable has either a peripheral vowel, or a centralised vowel + geminate, for example /tʃʊ'həttəɾ/ 'seventy-four'. There are exceptions to these rules and they account for minimal pairs like /it'la/ 'informing' and /'itla/ 'so much'.[67]

Implosives

[edit]

Unusually for South Asian languages, implosive consonants are found in Sindhi, possibly some Rajasthani dialects,[68] and Saraiki, which has the following series: /ɓ ᶑ ʄ ɠ/.

The "palatal" /ʄ/ is denti-alveolar[69] and laminal, articulated further forward than most other palatals.[59][e]

The "retroflex" /ᶑ/ is articulated with the tip or the underside of the tongue, further forward in the mouth than the plain retroflex stops. It has been described as post-alveolar,[70] pre-palatal or pre-retroflex.[69] Bahl (1936, p. 30) reports that this sound is unique in Indo-Aryan and that speakers of Multani take pride in its distinctiveness. The plain voiced /ɖ/ and the implosive /ᶑ/ are mostly in complementary distribution although there are a few minimal pairs, like /ɖakʈəɾ/ 'doctor' ~ /ᶑak/ 'mail'.[71][72] The retroflex implosive alternates with the plain voiced dental stop /d/ in the genitive postposition/suffix /da/, which takes the form of /ᶑa/ when combined with 1st or 2nd person pronouns: /meᶑa/ 'my', /teᶑa/ 'your'.[73]

A dental implosive (/ɗ̪/) is found in the northeastern Jhangi dialect, considered transitional between Standard Punjabi and Saraiki by Wagha (1997, p. 229), which is characterised by a lack of phonemic contrast between implosives and plain stops,[74] and a preference for implosives even in words where Saraiki has a plain stop.[61] The dental implosive in Jhangi is articulated with the tongue completely covering the upper teeth.[69] It is not present in Saraiki, although Bahl (1936, p. 29) contends that it should be reconstructed for the earlier language. Its absence has been attributed to structural factors: the forward articulation of /ʄ/ and the lesser retroflexion of /ᶑ/.[72][71]

Aspirated (breathy voiced) implosives occur word-initially, where they contrast with aspirated plain stops: /ɓʰɛ(h)/ 'sit' ~ /bʰɛ/ 'fear'.[75] The aspiration is not phonemic;[59] it is phonetically realised on the whole syllable,[76] and results from an underlying /h/ that follows the vowel, thus [ɓʰɛh] is phonemically /ɓɛh/.[77]

The historical origin of the Saraiki implosives has been on the whole[f] the same as in Sindhi. Their source has generally been the older language's series of plain voiced stops, thus Sanskrit janayati > Saraiki ʄəɲən 'be born'. New plain voiced stops have in turn arisen out of certain consonants and consonant clusters (for example, yava > dʒao 'barley'), or have been introduced in loanwords from Sanskrit, Hindi, Persian or English (ɡərdən 'throat', bəs 'bus'). The following table illustrates some of the major developments:[78]

Sanskrit/
Prakrit 		Saraiki example word[g]
b- ɓ bahu > ɓəhʊ̃ 'many'
dv- dvitiya- > ɓja 'another'
v- vṛddhā > ɓuɖɖʱa 'old'
b vaṇa- > bən 'forest'
v vartman- > vaʈ 'path'
j ʄ jihvā > ʄɪbbʰ 'tongue'
jy- jyeṣṭhā > ʄeʈʰ 'husband's elder brother'
-jy- ʄʄ rajyate > rəʄʄəɲ 'to satisfy'
-dy- adya > əʄʄə 'today'
y- dʒ yadi > dʒe 'if'
ḍ- ᶑ Pk. gaḍḍaha- > gəᶑᶑũ 'donkey'
d- duḥkha > ᶑʊkkʰə 'sorrow'
-rd- ᶑᶑ kūrdati > kʊᶑᶑəɲ 'to jump'
-dāt- *kadātana > kəᶑᶑəɳ 'when'
-bdh- ɖɖ stabdha > ʈʰəɖɖa 'cold'
-ṇḍ- ɳɖ ḍaṇḍaka > ᶑəɳɖa 'stick'
g ɠ gāva- > ɠã 'cow'
gr- grantha > ɠəɳɖʰ 'knot'
ɡ grāma > ɡrã 'village'

Within South Asia, implosives were first described for Sindhi by Stake in 1855. Later authors have noted their existence in Multani and have variously called them "recursives" or "injectives", while Grierson incorrectly treated them as "double consonants".[79]

Writing system

[edit]
See also: Saraiki alphabet
Saraiki alphabet
آ ا ب ٻ پ ت ٹ ث ج ڄ چ ح خ د ڈ ݙ ذ ر ڑ ز ژ س ش ص ض ط ظ ع غ ف ق ک گ ڳ ل م ن (ں) ݨ و ہ ھ ی ے
Extended Perso-Arabic script

In the province of Punjab, Saraiki is written using the Arabic-derived Urdu alphabet with the addition of seven diacritically modified letters to represent the implosives and the extra nasals.[80][h] In Sindh the Sindhi alphabet is used.[10] The calligraphic styles used are Naskh and Nastaʿlīq.[81]

Historically, traders or bookkeepers wrote in a script known as kiṛakkī or laṇḍā, although use of this script has been significantly reduced in recent times.[64][82] Likewise, a script related to the Landa scripts family, known as Multani, was previously used to write Saraiki. A preliminary proposal to encode the Multani script in ISO/IEC 10646 was submitted in 2011.[83] Saraiki Unicode has been approved in 2005.[citation needed] The Khojiki script has also been in use, whereas Devanagari and Gurmukhi are not employed any more.[81][better source needed]

Language use

[edit]

In academia

[edit]

The Department of Saraiki, Islamia University, Bahawalpur was established in 1989[17] and the Department of Saraiki, Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan[18] was established in 2006. BS Saraiki is also being offered by English department of Ghazi University, Dera Ghazi Khan and MA Saraiki is being offered by Gomal University, Dera Ismail Khan privately. It is taught as a subject in schools and colleges at higher secondary and intermediate.[84][85] Saraiki is also taught at degree level at the Allama Iqbal Open University at Islamabad,[19] and the Al-Khair University at Bhimbir have Pakistani Linguistics Departments. They offer M.Phil. and Ph.D in Saraiki. The Associated Press of Pakistan has launched a Saraiki version of its site, as well.[86]

Arts and literature

[edit]
Main article: Saraiki literature
See also: Saraiki culture
Tomb of Sufi poet Khwaja Ghulam Farid

The language, partly codified during the British Raj, derived its emotional attraction from the poetry of the Sufi saint, Khawaja Ghulam Farid, who has become an identity symbol.[87] His poems, known as Kafi are still famous.

The beloved's intense glances call for blood
The dark hair wildly flows The Kohl of the eyes is fiercely black
And slays the lovers with no excuse
My appearance in ruins, I sit and wait
While the beloved has settled in Malheer I feel the sting of the cruel dart
My heart the, abode of pain and grief A life of tears, I have led Farid

— one of Khwaja Ghulam Farid's poems (translated)

Shakir Shujabadi (Kalam-e-Shakir, Khuda Janey, Shakir Diyan Ghazlan, Peelay Patr, Munafqan Tu Khuda Bachaway, and Shakir De Dohray are his famous books) is a very well recognised modern poet.[88]

Ataullah Khan Esakhelvi and Shafaullah Rokhri are considered legends of Saraiki music and the most popular singers from the Saraiki belt.[89]

Media

[edit]

Television channels

[edit]
See also: Television in Pakistan

Former Pakistan Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gillani had said southern Punjab is rich in cultural heritage which needs to be promoted for next generations. In a message on the launch of Saraiki channel by Pakistan Television (PTV) in Multan, he is reported to have said that the step would help promote the rich heritage of 'Saraiki Belt'.[90]

TV Channel Genre Founded
Waseb TV (وسیب ٹی وی) Entertainment
Kook TV (کوک ٹی وی) Entertainment
Rohi TV (روہی ٹی وی) Entertainment
PTV Multan (پی ٹی وی ملتان) Entertainment
PTV National (پی ٹی وی نیشنل) Entertainment

Radio

[edit]

These are not dedicated Saraiki channels but most play programmes in Saraiki.

See also: Pakistan Broadcasting Corporation
Radio Channel Genre Founded
FM105 Saraiki Awaz Sadiq Abad Entertainment

See also

[edit]

Notes

[edit]

Further reading

[edit]

References

[edit]

Bibliography

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Saraiki language

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from Grokipedia

Saraiki (سرائیکی) is an Indo-Aryan language spoken primarily in the southern Punjab region of Pakistan, extending into adjacent areas of Sindh, Balochistan, and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa provinces, by approximately 12 percent of the country's population as a first language according to the 2023 national census. The language employs a modified Perso-Arabic script known as Shahmukhi, written from right to left with supplementary characters to represent unique phonemes not found in standard Urdu or Punjabi orthographies. Its lexicon derives largely from Indo-European roots, augmented by Persian, Arabic, and Turkic loanwords due to historical invasions and cultural exchanges in the region. Although Saraiki forms part of a with neighboring Indo-Aryan varieties like Punjabi and Sindhi, featuring in border areas, linguistic analyses highlight phonological, morphological, and lexical distinctions sufficient to classify it as a separate rather than a mere . Official recognition in Pakistan's census data and assignment of the code "skr" affirm this status, distinguishing it from broader Punjabi groupings despite ongoing scholarly debate rooted in historical colonial classifications that grouped dialects under Punjabi. Saraiki dialects, including Multani, Derawali, and Thal, exhibit variation in systems and retroflex sounds, reflecting geographic and tribal influences across the valley. The supports a rich tradition of Sufi and folk , notably through figures like , underscoring its cultural significance amid calls for provincial autonomy in Saraiki-majority areas.

Etymology and Terminology

Origins and Variations of the Name

The term Saraiki (also spelled Seraiki or Siraiki) was formally adopted in the 1960s by regional social and political leaders in Pakistan to promote the dialects spoken in southern Punjab and adjacent areas as a unified linguistic identity. Prior to this, the speech varieties lacked a single standardized name and were referred to regionally, such as Multani in Multan or Bahawalpuri in Bahawalpur, reflecting local geographic associations rather than a cohesive ethnolinguistic label. The etymology of Saraiki remains disputed among linguists, with several competing hypotheses grounded in historical linguistics and regional nomenclature. One prominent theory derives it from the Sindhi term siraiki, meaning "the language of the north" or "up-river," originally applied by Sindhi speakers to northern dialects along the Indus River, distinguishing them from southern variants. An alternative traces it to sarā'ī, Persian-Arabic for "of the inn" or "northern," linked to sarai (caravanserais), evoking the language's historical role in trade routes where diverse groups interacted, though this lacks direct philological evidence beyond anecdotal regional lore. A third hypothesis connects Saraiki to sauvīrā or Sauvira, referencing an ancient Indo-Aryan kingdom mentioned in the Sanskrit epic (circa 400 BCE–400 CE), encompassing parts of modern and southern , suggesting a deep historical continuity tied to pre-Islamic Indo-Aryan substrates. Historical records, such as those from the 19th-century British linguist , reference Siraiki as a distinct speech form in and , but without resolving the root ambiguity. Other historical designations include Jaṭki, meaning "of the Jaṭṭs," an ethnic group whose speakers form only a minority among Saraiki users, indicating that such names often conflated linguistic and tribal identities without empirical basis in speaker demographics. These variations underscore the name's evolution from localized, descriptive terms to a politicized standard, influenced by post-1947 identity movements in rather than purely linguistic criteria.

Historical Development

Pre-Colonial and Medieval Roots

The Saraiki language, an Indo-Aryan tongue of the subgroup, originated in the southwestern region amid ancient migrations and cultural shifts dating to the Indus Valley Civilization around 3500 BCE, where early Dravidian and proto-Indo- substrates likely influenced its phonetic and lexical foundations. incursions between 2000 BCE and 1000 BCE introduced Vedic Indo- elements, transforming local vernaculars into forms akin to by the early centuries CE, as evidenced by the region's integration into broader -speaking zones during the post-Vedic period. These dialects, spoken across northern from approximately 500 BCE to 500 CE, served as intermediaries between and later Apabhramsha transitional forms, with Saraiki's precursors retaining archaic features like retroflex sounds and tonal distinctions traceable to this era. Pre-colonial development accelerated through regional kingdoms, with Multan—known anciently as Mulasthana and referenced in texts like the —emerging as a linguistic hub by the 7th century CE, where upper Sindh variants were designated "Saraiki" (denoting the speech of the upper or chief regions) around 729 CE. The area's strategic position along trade routes facilitated substrate influences from pre-Aryan populations, such as the Kol and Darawar groups, blending with Indo-Aryan grammar to form distinct dialects like Multani. Archaeological evidence from Hakra Valley sites (3800–1500 BCE), including over 410 Cholistan mounds, underscores continuity in settlement patterns that preserved oral traditions predating written records. Medieval roots solidified post-Islamic conquests, beginning with Muhammad bin Qasim's 712 CE invasion of and , which introduced vocabulary—primarily religious and administrative terms—into the lexicon, comprising up to 5–10% of modern Saraiki's borrowings. Persian influences intensified under subsequent dynasties, including the (11th century) and (13th–16th centuries), as became a Sufi center; saints like Baha-ud-Din Zakariya (1171–1262 CE) promoted expression in and , elevating Saraiki variants during the Somra dynasty's rule (1300–1439 CE), when it held semi-official status in local governance. This era marked a shift from purely oral to nascent literary forms, with Apabhramsha residues evolving into stable dialects amid Persianate courtly culture, though primary evolution remained endogenous to agrarian and nomadic communities.

Colonial Era and Early Modern Period

During the (1526–1857), Saraiki vernaculars, then known regionally as Multani or similar dialects, were spoken across the and Derajat divisions, coexisting with Persian as the dominant administrative and elite literary medium. Local oral traditions and early written forms in Perso-Arabic script persisted for religious and folk purposes, reflecting gradual integration of Persian loanwords into the lexicon without supplanting the core Indo-Aryan structure. British colonial administration, following the annexation of Punjab in 1849, prompted the first systematic linguistic documentation of Saraiki varieties. Richard Francis Burton, a British officer familiar with regional tongues, published A Complete System of Bayoneting alongside notes on the Jataki-Balochi dialect in 1849, providing an early grammar that encompassed Saraiki features spoken in southern and border areas. In 1881, Edward O'Brien of the compiled the Glossary of the Multani Language Compared with Punjabi and Sindhi, a 293-page work that explicitly differentiated Multani (a primary Saraiki ) from northern Punjabi through comparative vocabulary, , and , highlighting implosive consonants and retroflex sounds unique to the former. George Abraham Grierson's (1903–1928), particularly Volume VIII, Part 1 (1919), further classified Saraiki as Southern , grouping dialects like Multani, Riasti, and Derawali under a Northwestern Indo-Aryan branch distinct from Eastern Punjabi, based on specimens from over 700 varieties surveyed across British India. This era marked initial recognition of Saraiki's intermediate position between Punjabi and Sindhi, with phonological traits such as breathy-voiced aspirates and a simplified system preserved amid colonial efforts that enumerated speakers in districts like (over 1 million by 1901 estimates in surveyed areas). Colonial policies favored for administration, limiting Saraiki's institutional use but fostering missionary and scholarly interest in its script adaptations from .

Post-Independence Evolution

Following the partition of British in , Saraiki speakers, predominantly Muslim, remained largely in the newly formed , particularly in southern , with the language initially classified under broader Punjabi or categories in official records. Early post-independence efforts focused on cultural preservation through publications such as Panjnad magazine in 1950 and reprints of classical works like Diwan-e-Farid, fostering a sense of linguistic identity amid Urdu's promotion as the . These initiatives laid groundwork for distinguishing Saraiki from Punjabi, though standardization remained informal until the mid-20th century. In the 1960s, a dedicated language movement emerged to standardize the Perso-Arabic script—adapting it for Saraiki's unique phonemes like implosives—and promote the term "Saraiki" as a unified , formalized at a 1962 conference. This period saw increased literary output, culminating in the 1975 Saraiki Literary Conference in , which endorsed "Saraiki" as the standard name and spurred a literary , including periodicals like Jhok. Political agitation intertwined with linguistic demands, as the anti-One Unit protests of 1970 highlighted regional grievances, evolving into calls for a Saraiki Suba () by the 1980s. Official recognition advanced with the 1981 census under General Zia-ul-Haq, marking the first tabulation of Saraiki as a distinct mother tongue, reported by 9.83% of Pakistan's (approximately 10 million speakers), concentrated in southern Punjab divisions like , , and . Institutional support followed, with the establishment of Saraiki Studies departments at Islamia University Bahawalpur in 1989 and Bahauddin Zakariya University in 2006, enabling academic research, , and over 20 into Saraiki. Despite these gains, Saraiki's use in education and media remains limited, with ongoing advocacy linking to provincial demands, as evidenced by 2012 parliamentary resolutions for a South Punjab province.
Subsequent censuses, such as 2017, reported expanded Saraiki speaker numbers exceeding 20 million, reflecting heightened ethnic self-identification amid persistent debates over its dialectal status relative to Punjabi. These developments underscore Saraiki's post-independence trajectory from marginalization to partial institutionalization, driven by grassroots activism rather than top-down policy.

Linguistic Classification

Indo-Aryan Affiliation and Lahnda Group

Saraiki is an Indo-Aryan within the Indo-European family, belonging to the Northwestern subgroup alongside languages such as Punjabi, Sindhi, and Dardic varieties. This affiliation is evidenced by shared phonological traits, such as the development of implosive consonants from Proto-Indo-Aryan stops, and grammatical features like postpositional case marking and subject-object-verb , which trace back to Middle Indo-Aryan prakrits spoken in the region since at least the 7th century CE. Lexical retention from , with approximately 70-80% core vocabulary overlap in basic Indo-Aryan roots, further supports this placement, though heavy Perso-Arabic borrowing (up to 30% in modern usage) reflects historical substrate influences. The language is traditionally grouped under (also spelled Lahndi), a category proposed by George A. Grierson in the (volumes published 1903-1928, with Punjab dialects detailed in 1919). Grierson designated Saraiki as "Southern Lahnda," distinguishing it from Northern Lahnda (e.g., ) based on geographical distribution west of and linguistic divergences like simplified case systems and vowel shifts absent in Eastern Punjabi dialects. "" itself derives from Punjabi lahndā ("western"), underscoring an initial areal-geographic basis rather than purely genetic criteria, as these varieties occupy transitional zones between proper and . Grierson's work, drawing from field surveys of over 700,000 speakers in the early 1900s, emphasized low (estimated 40-60% between Saraiki and Majhi Punjabi) and unique retentions like aspirated retroflex stops. Modern assessments question 's status as a coherent phylogenetic , viewing it instead as a lacking defining shared innovations sufficient for branch-level separation from Punjabi. Lexicostatistical studies indicate 75-85% cognate retention between Saraiki and Western Punjabi varieties, higher than with Sindhi (around 70%), suggesting gradual divergence rather than abrupt branching around 1000-1500 CE. Glottological classifications group Saraiki with under a Hindko-Saraiki node, but within broader Panjabic, reflecting areal convergence over strict descent. Despite this, Saraiki maintains distinct standardization, with code "skr" (separate from Punjabi's "pan") and recognition as a macrolanguage component under Lahnda (code "lah"), based on phonological inventories (e.g., seven vowels versus Punjabi's ten) and sociolinguistic criteria like endoglossic literature dating to the .

Dialects and Mutual Intelligibility

Saraiki comprises a cluster of regional varieties forming a dialect continuum in southern Punjab province of Pakistan, primarily including Multani (spoken around Multan and serving as the basis for standardized literary Saraiki), Derawali (in the Derajat region encompassing Dera Ghazi Khan), Thalochi (in the Thal desert area), and Riastari (in Bahawalpur and surrounding districts). Additional sub-varieties documented include Bhawalpuri, Jafri, Jatki, Jangli, Khatki, Hindki, Southern Panjabi, and Thali, reflecting geographic and historical influences such as proximity to Sindhi or Balochi speakers. These dialects exhibit systematic lexical and phonological variations driven by regional isolation and contact with neighboring languages; for instance, terms for "desert" differ as thall in Multani versus raet in Bahawalpuri, and "wife" as ran in versus sook in . A survey of speakers across , , , , and regions found that 60% identified unique dialectal words in their speech, indicating noticeable divergence, while 52% reported their vocabulary as generally comprehensible to speakers of other varieties. Mutual intelligibility among Saraiki dialects is high overall due to shared morphology and core vocabulary, supporting their as a cohesive group within the Lahnda branch of , though comprehension decreases with greater geographic separation. Saraiki varieties also demonstrate partial to substantial intelligibility with adjacent Punjabi dialects (70–85% ), facilitating cross-understanding in border areas but underscoring Saraiki's distinct phonological features like implosive consonants absent in standard Majhi Punjabi. This continuum challenges rigid boundaries, with efforts favoring Multani as a reference for bridging internal differences.

Debate on Language Versus Dialect Status

The classification of Saraiki as a distinct or as a of Punjabi remains contested among linguists, with the debate influenced by both structural linguistic criteria and sociopolitical factors. Proponents of dialect status emphasize Saraiki's position within the Indo-Aryan of the region, where varieties exhibit gradual phonological, lexical, and grammatical shifts rather than sharp boundaries. This continuum, mapped in early 20th-century surveys like George Grierson's (1903–1928), placed Saraiki under the grouping—encompassing western Punjabi varieties spoken in southern and adjacent areas—with estimated at 70–85% between Saraiki and eastern Punjabi forms based on shared morphology and core . Critics of separate language status argue that claims for Saraiki's autonomy often lack rigorous empirical grounding in tests or comparative , instead drawing from identity-driven narratives. For instance, a analysis notes that while Saraiki speakers may perceive incomprehensibility with standard Majhi Punjabi (the basis of eastern Punjabi standardization), this stems from regional accentuation and limited exposure rather than inherent divergence, as evidenced by bilingualism in and Punjabi media facilitating cross-understanding. The category itself, coined by Grierson to distinguish western varieties from eastern Punjabi, has faced scrutiny post-independence, with modern classifications like those in the Journal of the (2020) treating Saraiki as a continuum rather than a monolithic , highlighting implosive consonants and retroflex sounds as shared traits with Punjabi rather than unique markers. Advocates for language status counter with evidence of phonological distinctions, such as Saraiki's five-vowel versus Punjabi's ten, and lexical borrowings from Persian and Balochi absent in eastern Punjabi, arguing these exceed dialectal variation. Standardization efforts since the 1960s, including dedicated orthographies in script and code 'skr' assigned in 2007, reflect institutional recognition by bodies like SIL International, supporting claims of functional autonomy. Sociopolitically, the push intensified in Pakistan's post-1970s linguistic policies, where Saraiki's 28.84 million speakers (per 2023 ) seek parity with and Punjabi, framing dialect labeling as Punjabi over southern Punjab's resources. However, empirical studies on lexical variation, such as a 2020 orthographical , reveal overlaps exceeding 80% with Punjabi, undermining separation on purely linguistic grounds and attributing divergence to colonial-era mappings rather than innate discreteness. Ultimately, the debate underscores the dialect-language spectrum's reliance on non-linguistic criteria, as alone fails to resolve continua; Pakistani data since 1981 listing Saraiki separately reflects administrative utility over strict , yet linguistic consensus leans toward dialectal affiliation absent standardized divergence metrics.

Geographical Distribution

Primary Regions in Pakistan

The Saraiki language is predominantly spoken in the southern and southwestern districts of Punjab province, , forming a continuous linguistic belt often referred to as the Saraiki region. This area encompasses the administrative divisions of , , and , where Saraiki serves as the primary mother tongue for the majority of the population. Key districts include , , , , , , , , , , and , with speaker concentrations exceeding 50% in many of these areas according to distributions. According to the 2017 Pakistan Census conducted by the , Saraiki is the mother tongue of 25,538,116 individuals nationwide, representing 12.19% of the total population, with over 90% of speakers residing in province. In southern , Saraiki dominates rural and urban settings alike, particularly along the valley and adjacent arid zones, reflecting historical settlement patterns and cultural continuity. While pockets of Saraiki speakers exist in neighboring provinces—such as Dera Ismail Khan in and upper districts like Kashmore—the core distribution remains centered in Punjab's southern divisions, where it outnumbers Punjabi and other regional languages. This geographical concentration underscores Saraiki's role as a marker of regional identity in these areas.

Presence in India and Diaspora

Following the in 1947, Hindu and Sikh Saraiki speakers from regions such as , Alipur, and migrated eastward, resettling primarily in northern and . In India, the language is commonly known as Multani, reflecting its association with the former of , and is spoken by dispersed communities in states including , , , and . These populations maintain the language through family and cultural transmission, though it faces pressures from dominant regional tongues like and Punjabi, with limited institutional support or media presence. The number of Multani (Saraiki) speakers in remains small, estimated at tens of thousands based on linguistic reports from migrant-descended groups in urban and rural pockets of and adjacent areas. Official recognition is absent, as Indian classifications often group it under broader Indo-Aryan or Punjabi categories, contributing to undercounting. Cultural preservation efforts are community-driven, including folk poetry and festivals echoing Saraiki traditions, but the language's vitality is declining among younger generations due to assimilation. Among the global diaspora, Saraiki maintains a niche presence through Pakistani migrant networks, particularly in the , where it is spoken alongside Punjabi in communities from southern . Smaller pockets exist in the United States, such as among Pakistani expatriates in , and in Gulf states like the and via labor migration. Overall, speakers number in the low hundreds of thousands at most, widely dispersed and often shifting to host languages or ; no comprehensive statistics exist, reflecting the language's primary anchorage in . Transmission occurs via family, religious gatherings, and occasional media like satellite channels, but lacks formal education or standardization abroad.

Phonology

Vowel System

The vowel system of Saraiki features eight oral phonemes: /i, e, ɛ, a, ɔ, o, u, ə/. is contrastive, particularly for high vowels, as evidenced by minimal pairs such as short /i/ in nikka ('small', masculine) versus long /iː/ in nīk ('good'). The /ə/ lacks a length contrast and occurs primarily in unstressed syllables. Nasalization is not phonemically contrastive but arises contextually, often in with oral vowels followed by nasal consonants, particularly near retroflex sounds; it is tentatively analyzed as non-phonemic in the central variety. Some analyses of the Multani identify nasalized counterparts as distinct, including forms like /ĩː, ãː, õː, ũː/, though these may reflect phonetic rather than phonemic distinctions. Saraiki exhibits a rich inventory of diphthongs, both oral and nasalized, arising intra- or hetero-morphemically, such as rising /ɪʊ/, centering, backing, and fronting types; examples include /eɪ/ in peɪ ('foot') and nasal /ɪʊ̃/. The system shows centralized tendencies, with short /ɪ, ʊ, ə/ reducing in certain contexts, aligning with broader Indo-Aryan patterns but varying by .
Vowel PositionFrontCentralBack
Closei, iːɪu, uː
Close-mide, eːəo, oː
Open-midɛɔ
Opena, aː

Consonant Inventory and Implosives

Saraiki possesses a consonant inventory of around 41 phonemes, characterized by a five-way laryngeal contrast in stops (voiceless unaspirated, voiceless aspirated, voiced, breathy voiced, and implosive) across multiple places of articulation, alongside fricatives, nasals, , and flaps. This system reflects typical Indo-Aryan features such as retroflexion and aspiration, with additional uvular fricatives and aspirated sonorants distinguishing it from neighboring languages like Punjabi. The following table summarizes the consonant phonemes by place and manner of articulation, based on phonemic analysis of central varieties:
Manner/PlaceBilabialLabiodentalDentalAlveolarRetroflexPalatalVelarUvularGlottal
Stops (voiceless unaspirated)pt̪tʈtʃkʔ
Stops (voiceless aspirated)pʰt̪ʰtʰʈʰtʃʰkʰ
Stops (voiced)bd̪dɖdʒg
Stops (breathy voiced)bʰd̪ʰdʰɖʰdʒʰgʰ
Implosivesɓɗʄɠ
Nasalsm (mʰ)n (nʰ)ɳɲŋ
Fricativesf vs zχ ʁh
Approximants/Flapsl (lʰ) r (rʰ)ɽ (ɽʰ)j
Aspirated sonorants (e.g., mʰ, nʰ) occur contrastively but are restricted distributionally, typically non-initial. Implosives represent a hallmark of Saraiki phonology, with four phonemes—/ɓ/ (bilabial), /ɗ/ (alveolar), /ʄ/ (palatal), and /ɠ/ (velar)—that are rare among and shared primarily with Sindhi. These are glottalized ingressive stops, articulated via inward from lowering during oral closure, generating subglottal differentials and negative oral cavity pressure without pulmonic egression. Phonemically, they contrast with voiced egressive stops, as evidenced by minimal pairs like /ɓaɳ/ "blind" vs. /baɳ/ "port" and /ɗaɗa/ "grandfather" vs. /dada/ "." Acoustically, implosives exhibit a gradual rise during the oral closure phase due to effects, with closure durations shorter than those of voiced plosives; spectrographic evidence confirms distinct transitions and reduced burst upon release. They appear productively in word-initial and intervocalic positions, though word-final realizations may devoice or lose the ingressive quality, reflecting positional allophony. This inventory underscores Saraiki's areal ties to Dardic and Iranian-influenced substrates, where implosives likely evolved from pre-Indo-Aryan substrata via glottal reinforcement of voiced stops.

Prosody and Phonotactics

Saraiki employs a quantity-sensitive word stress system, distinguishing between light syllables (containing a short ) and heavy syllables (containing a long or a short followed by a coda consonant). Stress assignment follows a trochaic foot structure, with metrical feet constructed from right to left in prosodic words, and the final consonant treated as extrametrical to avoid stress on word-final light syllables. Unlike tonal languages such as Punjabi, Saraiki lacks lexical tone and relies primarily on stress for prosodic prominence, though it exhibits post-focus compression in intonation patterns, characterized by reduced (F0) and durational shortening following a prosodically focused element. Phonotactically, Saraiki permits a range of syllable structures, including , CV, CVC, VC, CVV, CVVC, and more complex onsets and codas, with the maximal reaching CCVCC, as exemplified by [d̪rəxt̪] 'tree' and [sʊst̪] 'lazy'. Initial consonant clusters are typically restricted to obstruent-liquid sequences, such as stops followed by /ɾ/ or /l/, while codas allow up to two consonants, often involving nasals, liquids, or fricatives, subject to sonority constraints that favor decreasing sonority from the nucleus. Word boundaries influence phonotactics, with resyllabification occurring across morpheme edges to optimize syllable well-formedness, and constraints prohibiting certain illicit clusters like adjacent obstruents without a glide. As a -timed , Saraiki maintains relatively equal duration across syllables, contrasting with stress-timed rhythms in languages like English.

Grammar and Morphology

Nominal and Verbal Inflection

Saraiki nouns are inflected for two genders (masculine and feminine), two numbers (singular and plural), and a system of cases primarily distinguishing direct and oblique forms, with vocative and ablative as additional distinctions in certain paradigms. Gender is often predictable from lexical endings: feminine nouns typically terminate in vowels like /i/ or /ɪ/, or consonants such as /t̪/, /r/, or /n/, while masculine nouns exhibit other patterns, though exceptions occur (e.g., سخی /səkʰi/ "generous" is masculine despite a feminine-like ending). Plural formation varies by gender and case; for instance, masculine direct singular nouns often add /-eː/ or nasalization to form plurals, while feminine plurals may use /-ãː/ or syncretize with oblique singular forms. Case marking involves inflectional changes to an oblique stem, followed by postpositions for specific functions: the direct case serves nominative and accusative roles, the oblique handles genitive, dative, locative, and ergative (in perfective transitives), vocative addresses direct invocation, and ablative denotes source with markers like /o/ or /vaː/. Nouns are classified into case-marked types (fully inflecting for gender, number, and case, e.g., ماں /mãːn/ "mother"), caseless types (inflecting only for gender and number via suffixes like /-vãːn/ for plurals, common in borrowings), and uninflected borrowings from Arabic, Persian, or Urdu (e.g., اِیمان /ɪmaːn/ "faith," which resist case changes). Syncretism is prevalent, such as masculine direct plural equating to oblique singular (marked by /-e/), and feminine singular forms often identical across direct, oblique, and vocative before postpositions.
Example Noun Paradigm: Masculine چھان /tʃʰaːn/ "shade" (case-marked)SingularPlural
Directچھان /tʃʰaːn/چھانے /tʃʰaːneː/
Obliqueچھانِ /tʃʰaːni/چھاناں /tʃʰaːnaːn/
Vocativeچھانُ /tʃʰaːnu/(syncretic with oblique plural)
Ablativeچھانو /tʃʰaːno/چھانوں /tʃʰaːnoːn/
Saraiki verbs exhibit rich inflectional morphology, conjugating for , person (1st, 2nd, 3rd), , and number, often through stem alternations, suffixes, and periphrastic constructions with auxiliaries. Basic verb roots form stems for imperfective (present/) and perfective (past) aspects; transitive perfective verbs trigger ergative alignment, with the agreeing in and number with or subject, and pronominal suffixes marking person on the auxiliary (e.g., پِیتَم /pitəm/ "I drank" with 1st singular /-m/). stems (direct and indirect) add affixes like /-aːv-/ or /-aːl-/, inflecting further for valency increases. Tense-aspect-mood forms include present imperfective (root + person/gender suffix + auxiliary ہونا /hɔnaː/ "to be"), simple past (perfective participle + copula), past perfect (participle + past auxiliary), future (root + future suffix /-vɛŋɡa/), and subjunctive moods via stem changes. Agreement is robust in non-present tenses, with gender/number suffixes on participles (e.g., masculine singular /-ə/, feminine singular /-i/, plural /-eː/ or /-iaːn/), while present forms emphasize person over gender. Auxiliaries provide additional aspect (e.g., habitual via light verbs) and tense layering, as in future perfect constructions.
Example Verb Paradigm: پڑھنا /pəɽʰnaː/ "to read" (present imperfective, selected forms)1st Sg.3rd Sg. Masc.3rd Sg. Fem.3rd Pl.
Imperfectiveپڑھداں /pəɽʰdaːn/پڑھدے /pəɽʰdɛ/پڑھدی /pəɽʰdi/پڑھدے /pəɽʰdɛ/
This system aligns with broader Indo-Aryan patterns but features Saraiki-specific nasalizations and vowel alternations in stems, distinguishing it from neighboring varieties like Punjabi.

Syntactic Features

Saraiki exhibits a basic subject-object-verb (SOV) , characteristic of many , with the verb typically appearing in clause-final position. remains relatively flexible, particularly for marking topic and focus through constituent reordering, while maintaining head-final tendencies in phrases. The language employs a split ergative alignment system, conditioned by tense-aspect: nominative-accusative in imperfective tenses, where the agrees with the subject, and ergative-absolutive in perfective transitive clauses, where the transitive agent takes marking (often via postpositions like ne) and the agrees with the object in , number, and . Nouns and pronouns distinguish direct and oblique cases morphologically, with additional vocative and ablative forms; such as dative, accusative, and locative are realized through postpositions attaching to the oblique case. Verbs show subject-verb agreement in person, gender, and number, but in perfective transitive contexts, pronominal clitics or suffixes on the verb may encode the agent, supporting pro-drop behavior. Causative constructions, formed with suffixes like -āav (single causative) or -vāav (double causative), alter argument structure by introducing a causer and demoting the causee to oblique case (dative kũ or ablative dē kanũ), preserving SOV order with flexibility for obliques. Relative clauses in Saraiki include externally headed, internally headed, and correlative types, often introduced by the relativizer jera, integrating seamlessly into clause while respecting case and agreement constraints. The absence of definite or indefinite articles relies on context, , or for specificity.

Writing System

Shahmukhi Script Adaptation

The Shahmukhi script adaptation for Saraiki extends the Perso-Arabic primarily used for Punjabi in , incorporating modifications to represent the language's distinct phonological features, such as implosive consonants. This extension includes four additional letters not standard in Punjabi : ٻ for the , ڄ (U+0684) for the , ݙ for the , and ڳ for the voiced velar implosive. These adaptations address Saraiki's inventory of implosives, which are absent or underrepresented in the base Perso-Arabic script. The full Saraiki Shahmukhi alphabet comprises 43 letters, encompassing 30 basic consonants, nine additional letters for loanwords (such as ط and ص), and digraphs like پھ for aspirated sounds. Retroflex sounds are handled via letters like ٹ (U+0679), while vowels—numbering nine in Saraiki—are represented by four long vowel letters (e.g., ا and ی) and short vowel diacritics (e.g., َ for /a/), though short vowels like /ɪ/ and /ʊ/ are frequently omitted in practice, relying on reader context for disambiguation. Unlike standard Shahmukhi, Saraiki orthography disuses certain rare forms, such as the "lam with above" ligature, to streamline representation. Writing proceeds right-to-left, consistent with Perso-Arabic conventions, but the remains non-standardized, with variations in usage and letter forms across publications and regions. This lack of uniformity stems from limited institutional efforts, leading to reliance on contextual for ambiguous readings, particularly in informal or historical texts. Efforts to formalize Saraiki have been sporadic, often tied to literary or educational initiatives in Pakistan's southern province, where the language predominates.

Romanization and Standardization Efforts

Standardization of Saraiki has primarily focused on the Shahmukhi script, an extension of the Perso-Arabic alphabet, amid broader language recognition movements in since the mid-20th century. The name "Saraiki" was formally adopted in the 1960s by regional social and political leaders to unify dialects previously subsumed under Punjabi, with the established in on April 6, 1962, to promote standardized usage across institutions. Subsequent adoption of the spelling "Saraiki" occurred in Pakistani universities, including the Islamia University of Bahawalpur's department in 1989 and University's in 2006. These efforts addressed dialectal variations emerging post-1947, aiming for a cohesive literary and educational standard. Orthographic development in Shahmukhi included proposals for distinct characters, such as the system from the 1940s, which achieved widespread use, and discussions of additional letters like those in Dilshad Kalanchvi's 1975 article "Sirāikī de izāfi hurūf." Early primers, including the unofficial 1943 Riyāsatī mādarī zubān kā qā'ida for rural and Vahid's 1953 Multānī zubān dā qā'ida, laid groundwork for consistent and . The Siraiki Adabi Board, founded in March 1974, enhanced publication quality and orthographic norms, though official governmental support remained limited. Romanization efforts for Saraiki remain underdeveloped and non-standardized, with no officially endorsed system comparable to those for or . Linguistic analyses, such as descriptive grammars, employ practical Roman transliterations derived from IPA conventions or schemes to represent phonemes like implosives and retroflexes, facilitating academic transcription rather than everyday use. Informal Roman Saraiki appears in online communication and contexts, mirroring practices for accessibility on Latin-keyboard devices, but lacks institutional backing or uniformity, often varying by or writer preference. These transliterations prioritize phonetic fidelity over orthographic consistency, reflecting Saraiki's primary reliance on for formal standardization.

Lexicon and Borrowing

Core Vocabulary Sources

The core vocabulary of Saraiki primarily derives from Indo-Aryan linguistic elements introduced during ancient migrations to the Indus region around 2000–1000 B.C., blending with pre-Aryan indigenous substrates associated with early settlers such as the Darawar. These foundational terms encompass basic concepts like , numerals, body parts, and environmental features, reflecting continuity from Proto-Indo-Aryan roots shared across the Northwestern Indo-Aryan group. Etymological traces link many such words to ancient regional designations, including "Saveras" (connected to the Sarasvati River in Vedic texts) and early designations like "Seen Dab," signifying inherited lexical stability in the upper Indus Valley. Linguistic classifications, such as those in Grierson's surveys, position Saraiki within the continuum, where core lexicon exhibits affinities with neighboring Indo-Aryan varieties like Sindhi, particularly in verb forms and everyday nouns, underscoring a shared inheritance rather than dialectal divergence from Punjabi. Pre-Aryan influences appear limited to substrate loans in toponyms and possibly agricultural terms tied to Indus Valley , but the predominant stratum remains Indo-Aryan, with minimal disruption from later overlays in basic vocabulary. This composition supports Saraiki's recognition as a distinct with ancient roots predating medieval Persian and admixtures.

Influences from Persian, Arabic, and English

The Saraiki lexicon features substantial Persian loanwords, reflecting centuries of cultural and administrative contact, particularly under Mughal rule from the 16th to 19th centuries. These borrowings often undergo phonological adaptations governed by Saraiki's constraints, such as vowel lengthening (e.g., Persian /pʰæmbe/ → Saraiki [pʰʌbɦa] 'bandage'), devoicing (e.g., /li:z/ → [le:s] 'lubrication'), and epenthesis to resolve consonant clusters (e.g., /tuxm/ → [tux.xum] 'seed'). Such adaptations align with Optimality Theory principles prioritizing Saraiki's syllable structure and markedness, while evidence of bidirectional borrowing suggests limited mutual influence but confirms Saraiki's primary Indo-Aryan roots over Iranian ties. Arabic loanwords in Saraiki, predominantly in religious, legal, and scholarly domains due to Islamic influence since the 8th-century conquests in the region, are adapted via prosodic realignments to match Saraiki's patterns and implosive consonants. For example, Arabic obstruents like /b/, /d/, and /g/ frequently map to Saraiki implosives in borrowings, even when the source lacks them, as a strategy. shifts in Arabic-origin words prioritize Saraiki's trochaic footing and foot-head alignment, resolving conflicts with the donor language's rightmost heavy syllable stress, as analyzed in Optimality Theory frameworks applied to Saraiki religious contexts. This results in a parallel grammar for Arabic loans, distinct from native Saraiki , facilitating integration without full assimilation. English influences on Saraiki vocabulary have accelerated since British colonial rule (1849–1947) and post-independence globalization, particularly in education, technology, and media, with borrowings comprising loanwords, blends, calques, and semantic shifts. A corpus analysis identifies approximately 80 English-derived items, of which 25% (e.g., "lorry," "radio," "NGO," "VCR") lack direct Saraiki equivalents and are adopted wholesale, while 75% (e.g., "bus," "doctor," "hospital") coexist with native terms but prevail in modern usage due to media exposure. Categories span science/technology (e.g., "computer"), sports (e.g., "cricket"), and politics (e.g., "democracy"), with adaptations like pluralization via Saraiki suffixes (e.g., "bussan" for buses) ensuring grammatical incorporation. Young speakers exhibit higher borrowing rates in daily conversations, driven by English-medium education and digital media.

Literature and Cultural Role

Classical and Folk Literature

Classical Saraiki literature is predominantly characterized by Sufi poetry, particularly the genre of kafi, which blends mystical devotion with expressions of divine love and human longing. (1845–1901), a Chishti Sufi from , stands as the most revered figure in this tradition, authoring over 4,000 verses collected in Diwan-e-Farid. His kafis, often sung in folk settings, explore themes of spiritual yearning, the transience of worldly attachments, and union with the divine, drawing from Punjabi and Persian influences while rooted in local idioms. Farid's work, composed in the late 19th century, elevated Saraiki as a vehicle for philosophical depth, with his in Kot Mithan serving as a cultural focal point for literary recitation. Earlier contributions include Lutf Ali Khan, an 18th- or early 19th-century poet whose verses mark one of the initial documented phases of Saraiki poetic expression, focusing on romantic and Sufi motifs that laid groundwork for later developments. Saraiki classical poetry evolved through four historical phases, transitioning from oral Sufi compositions to more structured forms, with persistent themes of , romance, and . Other Sufi poets like contributed kafis emphasizing esoteric knowledge, though their primary linguistic affiliation leans toward adjacent dialects. Folk literature in Saraiki encompasses oral traditions such as (narrative songs), dohay (couplets), folktales, proverbs, idioms, and remedial lore, preserving communal values, moral lessons, and historical s across generations. These elements often intertwine with classical motifs, as seen in lok geet (folk songs) that recount epics, romantic tales, and seasonal rituals, performed with instruments like the algoza and . Collections of such material highlight Saraiki's role in transmitting cultural identity through , with forms like (elegies) adding layers of historical and religious reflection. This folk corpus, largely unwritten until modern compilations, underscores the language's resilience in rural and nomadic contexts.

Modern Authors and Poetry

Modern Saraiki poetry has evolved from classical Sufi influences toward themes of social injustice, regional identity, and everyday struggles in the arid landscapes of southern , often reflecting the socio-economic challenges faced by Saraiki speakers. Poets in the 20th and 21st centuries have increasingly incorporated political commentary and cultural resistance, with works published in collections that blend traditional forms like with contemporary expression. Shakir Shuja Abadi, born February 25, 1954, in Shujabad near , emerged as a leading voice in post-independence Saraiki poetry, focusing on the plight of the oppressed and marginalized despite personal physical disabilities that impair his speech. His debut public recitation occurred in 1986, followed by headlining the All-Pakistan in 1991, where his verses critiqued societal deprivation and . Abadi's oeuvre, spanning multiple collections, has popularized Saraiki through live performances, emphasizing authenticity over polished delivery. Rifat Abbas, a retired from with over 40 years in literature, represents contemporary innovation in Saraiki verse, experimenting with poetic forms derived from the traditional while addressing , cultural locality, and anti-imperialist sentiments. His publications explore the existential ties to the and rural wasebs (regions), gaining popularity among Saraiki audiences for their blend of mysticism and modernism; Abbas notably rejected a 2017 Punjab award citing linguistic nationalism, accepting another in 2021 aligned with Saraiki advocacy. In prose, Ismail Ahmedani (1930–2007), born January 1, 1930, in Khoi village of , advanced modern Saraiki through novels like Amar Kahani (), which pioneered symbolic techniques to depict rural life and identity conflicts. Ahmedani's efforts extended to language promotion, producing works such as Peet de Pandh and Chhulian that elevated Saraiki narrative depth beyond . His death on June 6, 2007, marked the loss of a pivotal promoter of the language's literary maturation. Ghayoor Bukhari's 21st-century underscores Marxist-inflected critiques of exploitation in Saraiki wasebs like Rohi, Thal, and Daman, portraying the harsh realities of deprivation through vivid depictions of life and systemic inequities. These works continue the trend of using as a for , performed widely in mushairas to amplify voices from underserved regions.

Oral Traditions and Folklore


Saraiki oral traditions form a vital repository of cultural knowledge, encompassing poetic forms, folktales, proverbs, and folk songs transmitted primarily through verbal recitation across generations in southern and adjacent regions. These elements preserve historical narratives, moral teachings, and social values, functioning as an unwritten chronicle in communities with limited historical literacy. reinforces communal identity and educates the young on ethics, often integrating Sufi and Islamic motifs to convey spiritual and practical wisdom. Poetic genres like , kafi, and dohay exemplify the mystical and philosophical dimensions of Saraiki orality. Wai constitutes devotional poetry tied to Sufi saints, exploring themes of divine love, human affliction, and enlightenment, frequently recited at shrines and gatherings. Kafi, a lyrical form expressing profound emotions and insights, is prominently featured in works by Sufi poet (1845–1901), whose verses continue to be sung orally during urs festivals. Dohay consists of concise couplets distilling everyday philosophy and moral precepts, such as reflections on resilience and interpersonal conduct. Folktales (qisse) and animal fables dominate narrative traditions, often paralleling global motifs while embedding local geography and customs. Prominent examples include romantic epics like Sassi-Punnu and Heer-Ranjha, which dramatize love, separation, and fate, recited to underscore sacrifice and destiny. Animal tales, collected from oral sources in districts like , employ anthropomorphic characters to impart ethical lessons, showing structural similarities to American variants cataloged in the Aarne-Thompson-Uther index, such as ATU 160 plots involving clever animals outwitting foes. These stories also propagate Islamic principles, with elders using them to instill religious values alongside cultural norms, including gendered roles where females are depicted in domestic or virtuous capacities. Proverbs (akhyan) and idioms encapsulate distilled wisdom from agrarian life, as in the saying "Jihday hath aayan, unhay hathi bhal aay," illustrating hospitality's reciprocity. Folk songs (lok geet), including mahiya love ballads, rhythmic jhummar for harvest dances, and laments like sammi, accompany rituals, weddings, and seasonal events, fostering social cohesion. Lullabies (lori) and epic chants such as Qissa Gamon Suchhar further diversify the repertoire, blending with in everyday . Despite documentation efforts, much remains vulnerable to erosion from , underscoring the need for archival preservation of this intangible heritage.

Contemporary Usage

Media and Broadcasting

PTV National Multan, operated by , serves as the primary state broadcaster for Saraiki-speaking audiences, offering 24-hour programming including news bulletins, cultural shows, and educational content predominantly in Saraiki. Daily Saraiki news segments, such as those aired in 2024 and 2025, cover regional events from southern and adjacent areas. This channel, centered in , supports linguistic preservation by prioritizing local dialects and traditions in its schedule. Radio broadcasting in Saraiki is facilitated through state and private stations, with Radio Pakistan's center producing dedicated programs like Jamhoor di Awaz, a weekly cultural show featuring discussions and folk elements aired live since at least 2024. The Broadcasting (PBC) in transmits on AM frequencies, integrating Saraiki content into its regional service to reach rural listeners. Private networks contribute via Suno FM 89.4, which includes Saraiki-specific shows amid its multilingual format across . Digital and online extensions of these broadcasts, such as streaming on platforms affiliated with PTV and , have expanded access since the , though traditional FM and TV remain dominant for Saraiki media consumption in Pakistan's southern belt. Independent online platforms like Saraiki.org provide digital resources for language documentation, including grammar guides, orthography notes, and cultural archives, supporting preservation efforts. Linguistic sites such as Omniglot and Ethnologue offer accessible online materials on Saraiki's script, phonology, and structure. Limited private Saraiki TV channels exist, but holds the majority share, reflecting centralized control over regional language programming, with ongoing advocacy for inclusion in digital tools like machine translation services to enhance internet accessibility.

Education and Academia

The offers a (BS) program in Saraiki, spanning four years and focusing on structure, literature, and . Ghazi University in similarly provides a BS in Saraiki, emphasizing its historical and literary dimensions. University in hosts a Saraiki Area Study Centre, which conducts research and teaching on the 's sociolinguistic aspects, including its role in regional identity. Allama Iqbal Open University administers an MPhil program in Pakistani Languages and Literature, allowing specialization in Saraiki alongside other regional tongues like Sindhi and Punjabi, with coursework covering , , and textual analysis. At least five universities in deliver undergraduate Saraiki programs as of 2025, though graduate-level offerings remain limited to select institutions. output includes linguistic datasets for Saraiki characters and studies on phonetic challenges faced by native speakers in acquiring English vowels, highlighting interference from Saraiki's distinct sound system. In primary and secondary schools across and adjacent regions, Saraiki lacks formal inclusion as a or core subject, with mandated as the primary language in government institutions, contributing to limited proficiency maintenance among younger speakers. This policy persists despite Saraiki's prevalence in southern , where it serves as a home language for millions, potentially exacerbating educational disparities for non--dominant students. Academic discourse on Saraiki often critiques this exclusion, attributing it to centralized language policies favoring national unity over regional vernaculars, though empirical data on reform efforts remains sparse.

Daily and Official Use

Saraiki functions as the predominant for daily interpersonal communication in the households, markets, and social interactions of its primary speech communities, concentrated in southern and adjacent regions of . The 2017 data indicate that Saraiki is the mother tongue for over 80% of residents in districts like , , and , facilitating routine activities such as family discussions, local trade, and agricultural exchanges in these rural and semi-urban locales. Approximately 14% of 's identifies Saraiki as their , underscoring its role in usage across an estimated 20-25 million speakers. In official spheres, Saraiki holds no designated status for administrative, judicial, or educational purposes, with serving as the operative language in offices and English in federal and higher provincial functions. institutions in province, including local governance bodies, conduct proceedings exclusively in , limiting Saraiki to unofficial, supplementary roles among monolingual speakers who may require assistance. Educational curricula from primary to secondary levels employ as the , contributing to where Saraiki remains confined to informal domestic and community contexts without institutional support. Efforts to accord Saraiki provincial official recognition, such as through proposed Saraiki Suba movements, have not yielded legislative outcomes as of 2025, perpetuating its exclusion from formal policy domains despite acknowledgment as a distinct . This disparity highlights a reliance on bilingualism in for official engagement, often disadvantaging native Saraiki speakers in bureaucratic interactions.

Sociopolitical Dimensions

Identity Politics and Regional Movements

The Saraiki identity movement, intertwined with linguistic distinctiveness, originated in the as a response to perceived cultural and economic marginalization within province, where Saraiki speakers in the southern regions felt overshadowed by Punjabi dominance. Initially focused on promoting Saraiki as a separate rather than a dialect of Punjabi, the movement evolved to encompass demands for administrative autonomy, including the creation of a Saraiki-majority province encompassing southern districts such as , , and . This shift was catalyzed by economic grievances, including unequal distribution of resources like irrigation water from the system and underinvestment in southern Punjab's infrastructure compared to the northern colonies. Key organizations driving the regional movement include the Pakistan Saraiki Party (PSP), founded in 1989 by Taj Muhammad Langah, who led protests and advocacy until his death in 2013. The movement gained traction in the 1970s and 1980s, building on earlier efforts to restore the of , which was merged into in 1955, but reframed demands around Saraiki ethnic-linguistic identity to broaden appeal beyond former princely loyalties. Leaders like Majid Kanju and figures from the Saraiki Suba Movement emphasized linguistic rights, such as official recognition and media representation, as foundational to countering Punjabi hegemony, which they argued suppressed Saraiki cultural expression and economic agency. By the 1990s, the agenda expanded to include control over natural resources, with nationalists protesting federal and provincial policies that directed revenues from southern Punjab's gas fields and agriculture northward. In contemporary politics, the Saraiki province demand has been leveraged by major parties, including the (PTI), which promised its creation during the 2018 Punjab elections but faced delays amid concerns over national integration and fears of setting precedents for other ethnic divisions. Proponents cite empirical disparities, such as southern Punjab's lower human development indices—e.g., literacy rates around 50% in Saraiki heartlands versus over 70% in central as of 2017 census data—and argue that provincial status would enable targeted development without secessionist intent. Critics, including Pakistani federal authorities, contend that the movement risks fragmenting Punjab's economic cohesion, historically Pakistan's most integrated province, and question the linguistic separateness of Saraiki given with Punjabi dialects. Despite these debates, the movement has achieved partial successes, such as Saraiki's inclusion in national census language questions since 2017 and increased provincial funding allocations post-18th Amendment in 2010, though activists maintain these fall short of addressing root identity-based inequities.

Recognition Challenges and Achievements

The Saraiki language has faced persistent challenges in achieving formal recognition as distinct from Punjabi, primarily due to linguistic classifications that emphasize and historical subsumption under the broader Punjabi category in early Pakistani censuses. This perception, reinforced by scholars like Tariq Rehman who describe Saraiki as a western variant of Punjabi, has contributed to official neglect, including the absence of a standardized script and limited support for its preservation. Politically, demands for recognition are intertwined with calls for a separate South Punjab province (Saraikistan), encompassing , , and divisions, but these face resistance from Punjab's dominant establishment over fears of national fragmentation and constitutional barriers requiring a two-thirds parliamentary majority. Economic underdevelopment in Saraiki-speaking areas and feudal influences further complicate mobilization, as local elites prioritize power retention over linguistic reforms. Despite these obstacles, the Saraiki movement has secured notable achievements since the mid-20th century. The term "Saraiki" gained traction in 1962 through activist efforts, culminating in its first official listing as a separate in the 1981 Pakistani under General Zia-ul-Haq, where approximately 9.83% of the population (millions of speakers) identified it as their mother tongue, ranking it among the nation's top languages. This census breakthrough followed decades of cultural revival, including a literary renaissance and the establishment of the Siraiki Adabi Board in 1974 to promote standardized literature. Institutional progress includes the creation of Saraiki Studies departments at Islamia University Bahawalpur in 1989 and Bahauddin Zakariya University Multan in 2006, fostering academic legitimacy. Politically, resolutions advocating a South Punjab province passed in the on May 3, 2012, and the Punjab Assembly on May 8, 2012, signaling growing provincial acknowledgment, though implementation remains pending. Organizations like the Seraiki Qaumi Movement and Pakistan Saraiki Party, formed in the 1980s and 1989 respectively, have sustained advocacy, embedding language recognition within broader .

Criticisms of Marginalization Claims

Critics of Saraiki marginalization narratives argue that such claims are frequently amplified for political leverage, particularly to fragment 's unity and secure electoral gains, rather than stemming from verifiable linguistic suppression. The Saraiki province movement, which gained traction in the , has been linked to efforts by feudal elites and parties like the (PPP) to bifurcate after aligning with regional power structures, prioritizing vote banks over substantive cultural preservation. Mainstream political actors have repeatedly promised provincial status without follow-through, exploiting grievances to mobilize support while sidelining national integration. Linguistic analyses further challenge the premise of distinct marginalization by highlighting Saraiki's position as a within the group of Western Punjabi varieties, characterized by gradual phonetic and lexical variations rather than sharp boundaries warranting separate language designation. Proponents of elevated status often bypass empirical linguistic metrics—such as (estimated at 70-80% with standard Punjabi) or structural —in favor of identity-driven assertions, rendering claims of cultural erasure unsubstantiated by . and classifications reinforce this continuum view, grouping Saraiki dialects under Indo-Aryan Western Punjabi without independent ISO status until politically influenced revisions. Empirical data on usage contradicts systemic neglect: the 2017 recorded approximately 25.1 million Saraiki mother-tongue speakers, comprising 11.7% of the , with dedicated via PTV's Saraiki channel since 2009 and literary output in regional publications. Assertions of speaker totals have historically been inflated—from 20 million in 1974 movement to unsubstantiated higher figures—to bolster victimhood narratives, diverting scrutiny from shared Punjabi socioeconomic challenges like uneven development across divisions. Recent commentary posits that inflaming the Saraiki-Punjabi divide—framed as Punjabi dominance suppressing Saraiki—serves authoritarian distractions from pressing issues like IMF-driven and , eroding Pakistan's federal cohesion without addressing root inequities. This strategic exaggeration risks entrenching artificial ethnic silos, as evidenced by stalled provincial bids despite parliamentary debates, underscoring how marginalization rhetoric functions more as a tool for subnational bargaining than a reflection of irremediable disadvantage.

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  103. https://www.dawn.com/news/881086/the-origin-and-politics-of-the-seraiki-movement
  104. http://beta.dawn.com/news/881086/the-origin-and-politics-of-the-seraiki-movement
  105. https://www.dawn.com/news/1890574
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