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Benjamin Netanyahu
Benjamin Netanyahu
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Benjamin "Bibi" Netanyahu[a] (born 21 October 1949) is an Israeli politician and diplomat who has served as Prime Minister of Israel since 2022. Having previously held office from 1996 to 1999 and from 2009 to 2021, Netanyahu is Israel's longest-serving prime minister.

Key Information

Born in Tel Aviv, Netanyahu was raised in West Jerusalem and the United States. He returned to Israel in 1967 to join the Israel Defense Forces and served in the Sayeret Matkal special forces. In 1972, he returned to the US, and after graduating from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Netanyahu worked for the Boston Consulting Group. He moved back to Israel in 1978 and founded the Yonatan Netanyahu Anti-Terror Institute. Between 1984 and 1988 Netanyahu was Israel's ambassador to the United Nations. Netanyahu rose to prominence after his election as chair of Likud in 1993, becoming leader of the opposition. In the 1996 general election, Netanyahu became the first Israeli prime minister elected directly by popular vote. Netanyahu was defeated in the 1999 election and entered the private sector. He served as minister of foreign affairs and finance, initiating economic reforms, before resigning over the Gaza disengagement plan.

Netanyahu returned to lead Likud in 2005, leading the opposition between 2006 and 2009. After the 2009 legislative election, Netanyahu formed a coalition and became prime minister again. Netanyahu made his closeness to Donald Trump central to his appeal from 2016. During Trump's first presidency, the US recognized Jerusalem as capital of Israel, Israeli sovereignty over the Golan Heights, and brokered the Abraham Accords between Israel and the Arab world. Netanyahu received criticism over expanding Israeli settlements in the occupied West Bank, deemed illegal under international law. In 2019, Netanyahu was indicted on charges of breach of trust, bribery and fraud, and relinquished all ministerial posts except prime minister. The 2018–2022 Israeli political crisis resulted in a rotation agreement between Netanyahu and Benny Gantz. This collapsed in 2020, leading to a 2021 election. In June 2021, Netanyahu was removed from the premiership, before returning after the 2022 election.

Netanyahu's premierships have been criticized for perceived democratic backsliding and an alleged shift towards authoritarianism. Netanyahu's coalition pursued judicial reform, which was met with large-scale protests in early 2023. The October 7 attacks by Hamas-led Palestinian groups in the same year triggered the Gaza war, with Netanyahu facing nationwide protests for the security lapse and failure to secure the return of Israeli hostages. In October 2024, he survived an assassination attempt and ordered an invasion of Lebanon with the stated goal of destroying the military capabilities of Hezbollah, a key ally of Hamas. After the fall of the Assad regime in December 2024, Netanyahu directed an invasion of Syria. He also presided over the 2025 Israeli strikes on Iran, which escalated into the Iran–Israel war.

Netanyahu's government has been accused of orchestrating a genocide in Gaza, culminating in the South Africa v. Israel case before the International Court of Justice in December 2023. The International Criminal Court (ICC) issued an arrest warrant in November 2024 for Netanyahu for alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity as part of the ICC investigation in Palestine.

Early life, education, and military career

[edit]

Netanyahu was born in 1949 in Tel Aviv.[3][4] His mother, Tzila Segal, was born in Petah Tikva in the Mutasarrifate of Jerusalem—her family had migrated from Minneapolis in 1911, having relocated there from Lithuania in the 1870s[5]—and studied law at Gray's Inn, London.[6][7][8] His father, Warsaw-born Benzion Netanyahu ( Mileikowsky), was a historian specializing in the Jewish Golden Age of Spain. His paternal grandfather, Nathan Mileikowsky, was a rabbi and Zionist writer. When Netanyahu's father immigrated to Mandatory Palestine, he adopted a Hebrew surname of "Netanyahu", meaning "God has given." While his family is predominantly Ashkenazi, he has said that a DNA test revealed some Sephardic ancestry. He claims descent from the Vilna Gaon.[9][10]

Netanyahu was the second of three children. He was initially raised in Jerusalem, where he attended Henrietta Szold Elementary School. A copy of his evaluation from his 6th grade teacher Ruth Rubenstein indicated that Netanyahu was courteous, polite, and helpful; that he was "responsible and punctual"; and that he was friendly, disciplined, cheerful, brave, active, and obedient.[11]

Between 1956 and 1958, and from 1963 to 1967,[12] his family lived in the United States in Cheltenham Township, Pennsylvania, while father Benzion Netanyahu taught at Dropsie College.[13] Benjamin graduated from Cheltenham High School and was active in the debate club, chess club, and soccer.[13] He and his brother Yonatan grew dissatisfied with what they saw as the superficial way of life they encountered in the area, including the prevalent youth counterculture movement and the liberal sensibilities of the Reform synagogue, Temple Judea of Philadelphia, that the family attended.[13]

1967 photograph of Netanyahu by the Israel Defense Forces

After graduating from high school in 1967, Netanyahu returned to Israel to enlist in the Israel Defense Forces. He trained as a combat soldier and served for five years in a special forces unit of the IDF, Sayeret Matkal. He took part in numerous cross-border raids during the 1967–70 War of Attrition, including the March 1968 Battle of Karameh, when the IDF attacked Jordan to capture PLO leader Yasser Arafat but were repulsed with heavy casualties.[14][15] He became a team-leader in the unit. He was wounded in combat on multiple occasions.[16] He was involved in many other missions, including the 1968 Israeli raid on Lebanon and the rescue of the hijacked Sabena Flight 571 in May 1972, in which he was shot in the shoulder.[17][4] He was discharged from active service in 1972 but remained in the Sayeret Matkal reserves. Following his discharge, he left to study in the United States but returned in October 1973 to serve in the Yom Kippur War.[18][19]

Higher education

[edit]

Netanyahu returned to the United States in late 1972 to study architecture at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT). After returning to Israel to fight in the Yom Kippur War, he returned to the United States and, under the name Ben Nitay, completed a bachelor's degree[20] in architecture[21] in February 1975 and earned a master's degree[20] from the MIT Sloan School of Management in 1976.[22][23] Concurrently, he was studying towards a doctorate[19] in political science.[24][25] His studies were broken off by the death of his brother Yonatan who was leading the Entebbe raid.[19][26]

Benjamin Netanyahu at the grave of his brother Yoni Netanyahu, who was killed leading a counter-terrorist operation in 1976

At MIT, Netanyahu studied a double-load while taking courses at Harvard University, completing his bachelor's degree in architecture in two and a half years, despite taking a break to fight in the Yom Kippur War. Professor Leon B. Groisser at MIT recalled: "He did superbly. He was very bright. Organized. Strong. Powerful. He knew what he wanted to do and how to get it done."[19]

At that time he changed his name to Benjamin "Ben" Nitai (Nitai, a reference to both Mount Nitai and to the eponymous Jewish sage Nittai of Arbela, was a pen name often used by his father for articles).[27] Years later, in an interview with the media, Netanyahu clarified that he decided to do so to make it easier for Americans to pronounce his name. This fact has been used by his political rivals to accuse him indirectly of a lack of Israeli national identity and loyalty.[28]

Early career

[edit]

Netanyahu worked as an economic consultant[29] for the Boston Consulting Group in Boston, Massachusetts, working at the company between 1976 and 1978. At the Boston Consulting Group, he was a colleague of Mitt Romney, with whom he formed a lasting friendship. Romney described Netanyahu at the time as "a strong personality with a distinct point of view".[30] Netanyahu said that their "easy communication" was a result of "B.C.G.'s intellectually rigorous boot camp".[30]

In 1978, Netanyahu appeared on Boston local television, under the name "Ben Nitay", where he argued: "The real core of the conflict is the unfortunate Arab refusal to accept the State of Israel ... For 20 years the Arabs had both the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, and if self-determination, as they now say, is the core of the conflict, they could have easily established a Palestinian state."[31]

Netanyahu (right) with Sorin Hershko, a soldier wounded and permanently paralyzed in Operation Entebbe, 2 July 1986

In 1978, Netanyahu returned to Israel. Between 1978 and 1980, he ran the Jonathan Netanyahu Anti-Terror Institute,[12] a non-governmental organization devoted to the study of terrorism. From 1980 to 1982, he was director of marketing for Rim Industries in Jerusalem.[32]

Moshe Arens appointed him as his Deputy Chief of Mission at the Israeli Embassy in Washington, D.C., while Arens was ambassador to the United States, a position he held from 1982 until 1984.[33] During the 1982 Lebanon War, he was called up for reserve duty in Sayeret Matkal and requested to be released from service, preferring to remain in the US and serve as a spokesperson for Israel in the wake of harsh international criticism of the war. He presented Israel's case to the media during the war and established a highly efficient public relations system in the Israeli embassy.[34] Between 1984 and 1988, Netanyahu served as the Israeli ambassador to the United Nations.[33] Netanyahu was influenced by Rabbi Menachem M. Schneerson, with whom he formed a relationship during the 1980s. He referred to Schneerson as "the most influential man of our time".[35][36][37] Also during the 1980s, Netanyahu became friends with Fred Trump, the father of future U.S. president Donald Trump.[38]

Leader of the Opposition (1993–1996)

[edit]

Prior to the 1988 Israeli legislative election, Netanyahu returned to Israel and joined the Likud party. In the Likud's internal elections, Netanyahu was placed fifth on the party list. Later on he was elected as a Knesset member of the 12th Knesset, and was appointed as a deputy of the foreign minister Moshe Arens, and later on David Levy. Netanyahu and Levy did not cooperate and the rivalry between the two only intensified afterwards. During the Gulf War in early 1991, the English-fluent Netanyahu emerged as the principal spokesman for Israel in media interviews on CNN and other news outlets. During the Madrid Conference of 1991 Netanyahu was a member of the Israeli delegation headed by Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir. After the Madrid Conference Netanyahu was appointed as Deputy Minister in the Israeli Prime Minister's Office.[33]

Following the defeat of the Likud party in the 1992 Israeli legislative elections the Likud party held a party leadership election in 1993, and Netanyahu was victorious, defeating Benny Begin, son of the late prime minister Menachem Begin, and veteran politician David Levy[39] (Sharon initially sought Likud party leadership as well, but quickly withdrew when it was evident that he was attracting minimal support). Shamir retired from politics shortly after the Likud's defeat in the 1992 elections.[40]

Following the assassination of Yitzhak Rabin at the end of a rally in support of the Oslo Accords, Rabin's temporary successor Shimon Peres decided to call early elections in order to give the government a mandate to advance the peace process.[41] Netanyahu was the Likud's candidate for prime minister in the 1996 Israeli legislative election which took place on 29 May 1996 and were the first Israeli elections in which Israelis elected their prime minister directly.[42] Netanyahu hired American political operative Arthur Finkelstein to run his campaign.[43] Netanyahu won the 1996 election, becoming the youngest person in the history of the position and the first Israeli prime minister to be born in the State of Israel (Yitzhak Rabin was born in Jerusalem, under the British Mandate of Palestine, prior to the 1948 founding of the Israeli state).[42]

Netanyahu's victory over the pre-election favorite Shimon Peres surprised many. The main catalyst in the downfall of the latter was a wave of suicide bombings shortly before the elections; on 3 and 4 March 1996, Palestinians carried out two suicide bombings, killing 32 Israelis, with Peres seemingly unable to stop the attacks. During the campaign, Netanyahu stressed that progress in the peace process would be based on the Palestinian National Authority fulfilling its obligations – mainly fighting terrorism – and the Likud campaign slogan was, "Netanyahu – making a safe peace". Although Netanyahu won the election for prime minister, Peres's Israeli Labor Party received more seats in the Knesset elections. Netanyahu had to rely on a coalition with the ultra-Orthodox parties, Shas and UTJ in order to form a government.[44]

Prime Minister (1996–1999)

[edit]

First term

[edit]
Netanyahu's first meeting with Palestinian president Yasser Arafat at the Erez crossing, 4 September 1996

The months leading up to the 1996 Israeli election were marred by a series of Hamas terrorist attacks in Israel. After the Shin Bet assassinated Hamas military leader Yahya Ayyash on 5 January 1996, Mohammed Deif, now commander of the Qassam Brigades, organized a bombing campaign inside Israel as retaliation, including the Dizengoff Center suicide bombing and Jaffa Road bus bombings. It has been alleged that Syria and Iran had helped in their planning and financing. According to a report, Syrian Defense Minister Mustafa Tlass instructed Ghazi Kanaan to establish links between Hezbollah and Hamas fighters, who were then trained both in Lebanon and Iran and participated in the retaliatory operations for the murder of Ayyash.[45][46] According to Mike Kelly, Hamas operative Hassan Salameh, who planned three of the attacks, was trained in Iran.[47]

According to Ronen Bergman, Deif's bombing campaign and the Israeli intelligence services failure to prevent it, was a factor that led to the defeat of Prime Minister Shimon Peres and the Israeli Labor Party in the 1996 Israeli general election and the victory of the Likud party of Netanyahu, who opposed the Oslo Accords. Bergman writes that "after the election, the attacks stopped for almost a year. Some said this was because of Arafat's campaign against Hamas, and the arrest of many members of its military wing. Others believed that Hamas no longer had any reason to carry out suicide attacks, because Netanyahu had already almost completely stopped the peace process, which was the short-term goal of the attacks anyway."[48]

Netanyahu first met Palestinian President Arafat on 4 September 1996. Prior to the meeting, the two leaders spoke by telephone.[49] The meetings would continue through Autumn 1996. On their first meeting, Netanyahu said: "I would like to emphasize that we have to take into account the needs and the requirements of both sides on the basis of reciprocity and the assurance of the security and well-being of both Israelis and Palestinian alike." Arafat said: "We are determined to work with Mr. Netanyahu and with his government."[50] The talks culminated on 14 January 1997, in the signing of the Hebron Protocol.[51]

In 1996, Netanyahu and Jerusalem's mayor Ehud Olmert decided to open an exit in the Arab Quarter for the Western Wall Tunnel, which prior prime minister Shimon Peres had instructed to be put on hold for the sake of peace.[52] This sparked three days of rioting by Palestinians, resulting in dozens of both Israelis and Palestinians being killed.[53]

Netanyahu with President Bill Clinton, King Hussein of Jordan and Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat in October 1996

Eventually, the lack of progress of the peace process led to new negotiations which produced the Wye River Memorandum in 1998 which detailed the steps to be taken by the Israeli government and Palestinian Authority to implement the earlier Interim Agreement of 1995. It was signed by Netanyahu and PLO chairman Arafat, and on 17 November 1998, Israel's 120 member parliament, the Knesset, approved the Wye River Memorandum by a vote of 75–19. In a nod to the 1967 Khartoum conference, Netanyahu emphasized a policy of "three no(s)": no withdrawal from the Golan Heights, no discussion of the case of Jerusalem, no negotiations under any preconditions.[54]

In 1997 Ali Fallahian, the Iranian Intelligence Minister, authorized a new Hamas bombing campaign to further disrupt the peace process, and Hamas leader Khaled Meshal, then living in Amman, Jordan, picked Mahmoud Abu Hanoud, an expert bomb-maker in the West Bank, to construct the bombs, and sent five suicide bombers to detonate them simultaneously in Jerusalem in the 30 July Mahane Yehuda market bombings and 4 September Ben Yehuda street bombings, killing 21 Israelis.[55][56][57] In 1997, Netanyahu authorized a Mossad operation to assassinate Hamas leader Khaled Mashal in Jordan, just three years after the two countries had signed a peace treaty.[58] The Mossad team, covering as five Canadian tourists, entered Jordan on 27 September 1997 and injected poison into Mashal's ears in a street in Amman.[58] The plot was exposed and two agents were arrested by the Jordanian police while three others hid in the Israeli embassy which was then surrounded by troops.[58] An angry King Hussein demanded Israel to give out the antidote and threatened to annul the peace treaty.[59] Netanyahu relented to the demands after pressure by US President Bill Clinton and ordered the release of 61 Jordanian and Palestinian prisoners including Sheikh Ahmad Yassin.[58] The incident sent the nascent Israeli-Jordanian relations plummeting.[59]

Netanyahu sitting with U.S. secretary of state Madeleine Albright and Palestinian president Yasser Arafat at the Wye River Memorandum, 1998

According to Bergman based on internal IDF sources, Mashal's antidote only secured the release of the two Mossad Kidon agents that were carrying out the assassination attempt. At least six other Mossad agents involved in the operations were holed up in the Israeli embassy. King Hussein would only release them if Israel released Ahmed Yassin and a large number of other Palestinian prisoners. Hussein needed the demands to be "enough to enable the king to be able to publicly defend the release of the hit team."[60]

On the same day that Hamas bombed Ben Yehuda street, Hezbollah executed the Ansariya ambush on the IDF's naval special forces Shayetet 13, killing 12 Israeli commandos. On 25 May 1998, the remains and body parts of at least three soldiers who died in the Ansariya ambush were exchanged for 65 Lebanese prisoners and the bodies of 40 Hizbullah fighters and Lebanese soldiers captured by Israel.[61] Netanyahu called it "one of the worst tragedies that has ever occurred to us".[62]

During his term, Netanyahu also began a process of economic liberalization, taking steps towards a free-market economy. Under his watch, the government began selling its shares in banks and major state-run companies. Netanyahu also greatly eased Israel's strict foreign exchange controls, enabling Israelis to take an unrestricted amount of money out of the country, open foreign bank accounts, hold foreign currency, and invest freely in other countries.[63][64]

Netanyahu with his son Yair at the Western Wall in 1998

Throughout his term, Netanyahu was opposed by the political left wing in Israel and lost support from the right because of his concessions to the Palestinians in Hebron and elsewhere, and due to his negotiations with Arafat generally. Netanyahu lost favor with the Israeli public after a long chain of scandals involving his marriage and corruption charges. In 1997, police recommended that Netanyahu be indicted on corruption charges for influence-peddling. He was accused of appointing an attorney general who would reduce the charges but prosecutors ruled that there was insufficient evidence to go to trial.[65] In 1999, Netanyahu faced another scandal when the Israel Police recommended that he be tried for corruption for $100,000 in free services from a government contractor; Israel's attorney general did not prosecute, citing difficulties with evidence.[66] The major Israeli failures against Hamas and Hezbollah under Netanyahu's first premiership and their results in the subsequent releases of imprisoned Palestinian and Lebanese leaders from Israeli jails are thought to have dealt a blow to Netanyahu's rhetoric of a "tough stance" towards enemies of Israel, and to have played a role in his defeat in the 1999 Israeli general election.[67]

Political hiatus (1999–2003)

[edit]

After being defeated by Ehud Barak in the 1999 Israeli prime ministerial election, Netanyahu temporarily retired from politics.[68] He subsequently served as a senior consultant with Israeli communications equipment manufacturer BATM Advanced Communications for two years.[69][70]

With the fall of the Barak government in late 2000, Netanyahu expressed his desire to return to politics. By law, Barak's resignation was supposed to lead to elections for the prime minister position only. Netanyahu insisted that general elections should be held, claiming that otherwise it would be impossible to have a stable government. Netanyahu decided eventually not to run for the prime minister position, a move which facilitated the rise to power of Ariel Sharon, who at the time was considered less popular than Netanyahu. In 2002, after the Israeli Labor Party left the coalition and vacated the position of foreign minister, Prime Minister Ariel Sharon appointed Netanyahu as foreign minister.[33] Netanyahu challenged Sharon for the leadership of the Likud party in the 2002 Likud leadership election, but failed to oust him.[71]

On 9 September 2002, a scheduled speech by Netanyahu at Concordia University in Montreal, Quebec, Canada was canceled after hundreds of pro-Palestinian protesters overwhelmed security and smashed through a window. Netanyahu was not present at the protest, having remained at his hotel throughout the duration. He later accused the activists of supporting terrorism and "mad zealotry".[72] Weeks later in October around 200 protesters met Netanyahu outside his Heinz Hall appearance in Pittsburgh. Pittsburgh Police, Israeli security and a Pittsburgh SWAT unit allowed his speeches to continue downtown at the hall and the Duquesne Club as well as suburban Robert Morris University.[73]

On 12 September 2002, Netanyahu lobbied for the invasion of Iraq, testifying under oath as a private citizen before the U.S. House of Representatives Government Reform Committee regarding the alleged nuclear threat posed by the Iraqi régime: "There is no question whatsoever that Saddam is seeking and is working and is advancing towards the development of nuclear weapons…"[74][75] He also testified, "If you take out Saddam, Saddam's regime, I guarantee you that it will have enormous positive reverberations on the region."[75]

Minister of Finance (2003–2005)

[edit]

After the 2003 Israeli legislative election, in what many observers regarded as a surprise move, Sharon offered the Foreign Ministry to Silvan Shalom and offered Netanyahu the Finance Ministry. Some pundits speculated that Sharon made the move because he deemed Netanyahu a political threat given his demonstrated effectiveness as foreign minister, and that by placing him in the Finance Ministry during a time of economic uncertainty, he could diminish Netanyahu's popularity. Netanyahu accepted the new appointment. Sharon and Netanyahu came to an agreement that Netanyahu would have complete freedom as finance minister and have Sharon back all of his reforms, in exchange for Netanyahu's silence over Sharon's management of Israel's military and foreign affairs.[76]

As finance minister, Netanyahu undertook an economic plan in order to restore Israel's economy from its low point during the Second Intifada.[77][78] Netanyahu claimed that a bloated public sector and excessive regulations were largely responsible for stifling economic growth. His plan involved a move toward more liberalized markets, although it was not without its critics. He instituted a program to end welfare dependency by requiring people to apply for jobs or training, reduced the size of the public sector, froze government spending for three years, and capped the budget deficit at 1%. The taxation system was streamlined and taxes were cut, with the top individual tax rate reduced from 64% to 44% and the corporate tax rate from 36% to 18%. A host of state assets worth billions of dollars were privatized, including banks, oil refineries, the El Al national airline, and Zim Integrated Shipping Services. The retirement ages for both men and women were raised, and currency exchange laws were further liberalized. Commercial banks were forced to spin off their long-term savings. In addition, Netanyahu attacked monopolies and cartels to increase competition. As the Israeli economy started booming and unemployment fell significantly, Netanyahu was widely credited by commentators as having performed an 'economic miracle' by the end of his tenure.[76][79][80]

However, opponents in the Labor party (and even a few within his own Likud) viewed Netanyahu's policies as "Thatcherite" attacks on the venerated Israeli social safety net.[81] Ultimately, unemployment declined while economic growth soared, the debt-to-GDP ratio dropped to one of the lowest in the world, and foreign investment reached record highs.[76]

Netanyahu threatened to resign from office in 2004 unless the Gaza pullout plan was put to a referendum. He later modified the ultimatum and voted for the program in the Knesset, indicating immediately thereafter that he would resign unless a referendum was held within 14 days.[82] He submitted his resignation letter on 7 August 2005, shortly before the Israeli cabinet voted 17 to 5 to approve the initial phase of withdrawal from Gaza.[83]

Leader of the Opposition (2006–2009)

[edit]

Following the withdrawal of Sharon from the Likud, Netanyahu was one of several candidates who vied for the Likud leadership.[84] His most recent attempt prior to this was in September 2005 when he had tried to hold early primaries for the position of the head of the Likud party, while the party held the office of prime minister – thus effectively pushing Ariel Sharon out of office. The party rejected this initiative. Netanyahu retook the leadership on 20 December 2005, with 47% of the primary vote, to 32% for Silvan Shalom and 15% for Moshe Feiglin.[84] In the March 2006 Knesset elections, Likud took the third place behind Kadima and Labor and Netanyahu served as Leader of the Opposition.[85] On 14 August 2007, Netanyahu was reelected as chairman of the Likud and its candidate for the post of prime minister with 73% of the vote, against far-right candidate Moshe Feiglin and World Likud chairman Danny Danon.[86] He opposed the 2008 Israel–Hamas ceasefire, like others in the Knesset opposition. Specifically, Netanyahu said: "This is not a relaxation, it's an Israeli agreement to the rearming of Hamas ... What are we getting for this?"[87]

Following Tzipi Livni's election to head Kadima and Olmert's resignation from the post of prime minister, Netanyahu declined to join the coalition Livni was trying to form and supported new elections, which were held in February 2009.[88][89] Netanyahu was the Likud's candidate for prime minister in the 2009 Israeli legislative election which took place on 10 February 2009, as Livni, the previous designated acting prime minister under the Olmert government, had been unable to form a viable governing coalition. Opinion polls showed Likud in the lead, but with as many as a third of Israeli voters undecided.[90]

In the election itself, Likud won the second highest number of seats, Livni's party having outnumbered the Likud by one seat. A possible explanation for Likud's relatively poor showing is that some Likud supporters defected to Avigdor Lieberman's Yisrael Beiteinu party. Netanyahu, however, claimed victory on the basis that right-wing parties won the majority of the vote, and on 20 February 2009, Netanyahu was designated by Israeli President Shimon Peres to succeed Ehud Olmert as prime minister, and began his negotiations to form a coalition government.[91]

Despite right wing parties winning a majority of 65 seats in the Knesset, Netanyahu preferred a broader centrist coalition and turned to his Kadima rivals, chaired by Tzipi Livni, to join his government. This time it was Livni's turn to decline to join, with a difference of opinion on how to pursue the peace process being the stumbling block. Netanyahu did manage to entice a smaller rival, the Labor Party, chaired by Ehud Barak, to join his government, giving him a certain amount of centrist tone. Netanyahu presented his cabinet for a Knesset "Vote of Confidence" on 31 March 2009. The 32nd Government was approved that day by a majority of 69 lawmakers to 45 (with five abstaining) and the members were sworn in.[92][93]

Prime minister (2009–2021)

[edit]

Second term

[edit]
Netanyahu in a meeting with President Dmitry Medvedev in Russia, 24 March 2011
Netanyahu with Yohanan Danino, appointed Israel's chief of police in 2011

In 2009, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton voiced support for the establishment of a Palestinian state – a solution not endorsed by prime minister-designate Netanyahu,[94] with whom she had earlier pledged the United States' cooperation.[95] Upon the arrival of President Obama administration's special envoy, George Mitchell, Netanyahu said that any furtherance of negotiations with the Palestinians would be conditioned on the Palestinians recognizing Israel as a Jewish state.[96]

During President Obama's Cairo speech on 4 June 2009 in which Obama addressed the Muslim world, Obama stated, among other things, "The United States does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements." Following Obama's Cairo speech Netanyahu immediately called a special government meeting.[97] On 14 June, ten days after Obama's Cairo speech, Netanyahu gave a speech at Bar-Ilan University in which he endorsed a "Demilitarized Palestinian State".[98] Netanyahu stated that he would accept a Palestinian state if Jerusalem were to remain the united capital of Israel, the Palestinians would have no army, and the Palestinians would give up their demand for a right of return. He also argued the right for a "natural growth" in the existing Jewish settlements in the West Bank while their permanent status is up to further negotiation.[97] The speech was broadcast live in Israel and across parts of the Arab world. He endorsed for the first time the notion of a Palestinian state alongside Israel.[99] He stated that he would be willing to meet with any "Arab leader" for negotiations without preconditions, specifically mentioning Syria, Saudi Arabia, and Lebanon.[99] The address represented a new position for Netanyahu's government on the peace process.[100]

Right-wing members of Netanyahu's governing coalition criticized his remarks for the creation of a Palestinian State, believing all of the land should come under Israeli sovereignty. Likud MK Danny Danon said Netanyahu went "against the Likud platform",[101] MK Uri Orbach of Habayit Hayehudi said it had "dangerous implications".[102] Opposition party Kadima leader Tzipi Livni opined that Netanyahu did not really believe in the two-state solution and that his speech was a response to international pressure.[103]

Netanyahu's speech provoked mixed reaction internationally.[104] The Palestinian National Authority rejected the conditions on a Palestinian State.[105] Senior Palestinian official Saeb Erekat said that the speech had "closed the door to permanent status negotiations" due to Netanyahu's declarations on Jerusalem, refugees and settlements.[97] Hamas spokesman Fawzi Barhoum said it was "racist"[105] and called on Arab nations to "form stronger opposition".[100] The Arab League dismissed the speech, declaring that "Arabs would not make concessions regarding issues of Jerusalem and refugees".[106] The Czech Republic Foreign Minister Jan Kohout, whose country held the EU's presidency at the time, said "...this is a step in the right direction. The acceptance of a Palestinian state was present there".[107] President Obama's press secretary, Robert Gibbs, said the speech was an "important step forward".[106][108] Obama said "this solution can and must ensure both Israel's security and the Palestinians' legitimate aspirations for a viable state".[104] France praised the speech and called on Israel to cease building settlements in the West Bank.[104][107]

Three months after starting his term, Netanyahu remarked that his cabinet already had achieved several successes, such as the establishment of a working national unity government, and a broad consensus for a "two-state solution".[109] A July 2009 survey by Ha'aretz found that most Israelis supported the Netanyahu government, giving him a personal approval rating of about 49 percent.[110] Netanyahu has lifted checkpoints in the West Bank in order to allow freedom of movement and a flow of imports; a step that resulted in an economic boost in the West Bank.[111][112][113] In 2009, Netanyahu welcomed the Arab Peace initiative (also known as the "Saudi Peace Initiative") and lauded a call by Bahrain's Crown Prince Salman bin Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa to normalize relations with Israel.[114][115]

On 9 August 2009, speaking at the opening of a government meeting, Netanyahu said: "We want an agreement with two factors, the first of which is the recognition of Israel as the national state of the Jewish people and (the second of which is) a security settlement".[116] In August 2009, Palestinian Authority chairman Mahmoud Abbas declared that he would be willing to meet with Netanyahu at the UN General Assembly, where Netanyahu had accepted president Obama's invitation for a "triple summit", although he said it would not necessarily lead to negotiations.[117] Netanyahu was reported to be in a pivotal moment over these understandings, that were reported to include a compromise over permission on continuing the already approved construction in the West Bank in exchange for freezing all settlements thereafter, as well as continuing building in East Jerusalem, and at the same time stopping the demolition of houses of Arab inhabitants there.[118] On 4 September 2009, it was reported that Netanyahu was to agree to settlers' political demands to approve more settlement constructions before a temporary settlement freeze agreement took place.[119] White House spokesman Robert Gibbs expressed "regret" over the move;[120] however, one U.S. official said the move will not "derail [the] train".[121]

On 7 September 2009, Netanyahu left his office without reporting his destination. The prime minister's military secretary later reported Netanyahu had visited a security facility in Israel.[122] Various news agencies reported different stories about his whereabouts.[123] On 9 September 2009, Yedioth Ahronoth reported that the Israeli leader had made a secret flight to Moscow to try to persuade Russian officials not to sell S-300 anti-aircraft missile systems to Iran.[122][124][125] Headlines branded Netanyahu a "liar" and dubbed the affair a "fiasco".[126][127] The PM's military secretary was later reportedly dismissed due to the affair.[128] The Sunday Times reported that the trip was made to share the names of Russian scientists that Israel believes are abetting the alleged Iranian nuclear weapons program.[129]

On 24 September 2009, in an address to the UN General Assembly in New York, Netanyahu said Iran poses a threat to the peace of the world and that it is incumbent on the world body to prevent the Islamic Republic from obtaining nuclear weapons.[130][131] Waving the blueprints for Auschwitz and invoking the memory of his own family members murdered by the Nazis, Netanyahu delivered a passionate and public riposte to Iranian president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's questioning of the Holocaust, asking: "Have you no shame?"[132]

In response to pressure from the Obama administration urging the resumption of peace talks, on 25 November 2009 Netanyahu announced a partial 10-month settlement construction freeze plan. The announced partial freeze had no significant effect on actual settlement construction, according to an analysis by Haaretz.[133] U.S. special envoy George Mitchell said, "while the United States shares Arab concerns about the limitations of Israel's gesture, it is more than any Israeli government has ever done".[134] In his announcement Netanyahu called the move "a painful step that will encourage the peace process" and urged the Palestinians to respond.[135] The Palestinians rejected the call, stating the gesture was "insignificant" in that thousands of recently approved settlement buildings in the West Bank would continue to be built and there would be no freeze of settlement activity in East Jerusalem.[136]

In March 2010, Israel's government approved construction of an additional 1,600 apartments in a large Jewish housing development in northern East Jerusalem called Ramat Shlomo[137] despite the position of the current U.S. Government that acts such as this thwart the peace talks. The Israeli government's announcement occurred during a visit by U.S. Vice-president Joe Biden and the U.S. government issued a strongly worded condemnation of the plan.[138] Netanyahu issued a statement that all previous Israeli governments had continuously permitted construction in the neighborhood, and that certain neighborhoods such as Ramat Shlomo and Gilo have always been included as part of Israel in any final agreement plan that has been proposed by either side to date.[137] Netanyahu regretted the timing of the announcement but asserted that "our policy on Jerusalem is the same policy followed by all Israeli governments for the 42 years, and it has not changed."[139]

Netanyahu, Hillary Clinton, George J. Mitchell and Mahmoud Abbas at the start of the direct talks, 2 September 2010

In September 2010, Netanyahu agreed to enter direct talks, mediated by the Obama administration, with the Palestinians.[140] The ultimate aim of these direct talks is to forge the framework of an official "final status settlement" to the Israeli–Palestinian conflict by forming a two-state solution for the Jewish people and the Palestinian people. On 27 September, the 10-month settlement freeze ended, and the Israeli government approved new construction in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem.[141] On retiring from office in July 2011, former U.S. Secretary of Defense Robert Gates said that Netanyahu was ungrateful to the United States and endangering Israel. Responding, the Likud party defended Netanyahu by saying that most Israelis supported the prime minister and that he had broad support in the United States.[142][143]

Netanyahu unsuccessfully called for the early release of Jonathan Pollard, an American serving a life sentence for passing secret U.S. documents to Israel in 1987.[144] He has raised the issue at the Wye River Summit in 1998, where he claimed that U.S. president Bill Clinton had privately agreed to release Pollard.[145][146] In 2002, Netanyahu visited Pollard at his North Carolina prison.[147][148] The Israeli prime minister maintained contact with Pollard's wife, and was active in pressing the Obama administration to release Pollard.[149][150]

In 2011, social justice protests broke out across Israel. Hundreds of thousands of people protested Israel's high cost of living throughout the country. In response, Netanyahu appointed the Trajtenberg Committee, headed by professor Manuel Trajtenberg, to examine the problems and propose solutions. The committee submitted recommendations to lower the high cost of living in September 2011.[151] Although Netanyahu promised to push the proposed reforms through the cabinet in one piece, differences inside his coalition resulted in the reforms being gradually adopted.[152][153]

Netanyahu's cabinet also approved a plan to build a fiber-optic cable network across the country to bring cheap, high-speed fiber-optic Internet access to every home.[154][155]

In 2012, Netanyahu initially planned to call early elections, but subsequently oversaw the creation of a government of national unity to see Israel through until the national elections of 2013.[156] In May 2012, Netanyahu officially recognized for the first time the right for Palestinians to have their own state in an official document, a letter to Mahmoud Abbas, though as before[98] he declared it would have to be demilitarized.[157] On 25 October 2012, Netanyahu and Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman announced that their respective political parties, Likud and Yisrael Beiteinu, had merged and would run together on a single ballot in Israel's 22 January 2013 general elections.[158]

Third term

[edit]

The 2013 election returned Netanyahu's Likud Beiteinu coalition with 11 fewer seats than the combined Likud and Yisrael Beiteinu parties had going into the vote.[159] Israeli president Shimon Peres charged Netanyahu with the task of forming the Thirty-third government of Israel.[160][92][93] During Netanyahu's third term, he continued his policy of economic liberalization. In December 2013, the Knesset approved the Business Concentration Law, which intended to open Israel's highly concentrated economy to competition to lower consumer prices, reduce income inequality, and increase economic growth. Netanyahu had formed the Concentration Committee in 2010, and the bill, which was pushed forward by his government, implemented its recommendations. The new law banned multi-tiered corporate holding structures, in which a CEO's family members or other affiliated individuals held public companies which in turn owned other public companies, and who were thus able to engage in price gouging. Under the law, corporations were banned from owning more than two tiers of publicly listed companies and from holding both financial and non-financial enterprises. All conglomerates were given four to six years to sell excess holdings.[161][162] Netanyahu also began a campaign of port privatization to break what he viewed as the monopoly held by workers of the Israel Port Authority, so as to lower consumer prices and increase exports. In July 2013, he issued tenders for the construction of private ports in Haifa and Ashdod.[163] Netanyahu has also pledged to curb excess bureaucracy and regulations to ease the burden on industry.[164]

Netanyahu, U.S. president Barack Obama and Israeli president Reuven Rivlin at the funeral of former Israeli president Shimon Peres, Jerusalem, 30 September 2016

In April and June 2014, Netanyahu spoke of his deep concerns when Hamas and the Palestinian Authority agreed and then formed a unity government, and was severely critical of both the United States and European governments' decision to work with the Palestinian coalition government.[165] He blamed Hamas for the kidnapping and murder of three Israeli teenagers in June 2014,[166] and launched a massive search and arrest operation on the West Bank, targeting members of Hamas in particular, and over the following weeks hit 60 targets in Gaza.[167] Missile and rocket exchanges between Gaza militants and the IDF escalated after the bodies of the teenagers, who had been killed almost immediately as the government had good reasons to suspect, were discovered on 30 June 2014.[168] After several Hamas operatives were killed, Hamas officially declared it would launch rockets from Gaza into Israel,[167][169] and Israel started Operation Protective Edge in the Gaza Strip, formally ending the November 2012 ceasefire agreement.[170] The prime minister did a round of television shows in the United States and described Hamas as "genocidal terrorists" in an interview on CNN.[171] When asked if Gazan casualties from the operation might spark "a third intifada", Netanyahu replied that Hamas was working towards that goal.[172]

In October 2014, Netanyahu's government approved a privatization plan to reduce corruption and politicization in government companies, and strengthen Israel's capital market. Under the plan, minority stakes of up to 49% in state-owned companies, including arms manufacturers, energy, postal, water, and railway companies, as well as the ports of Haifa and Ashdod.[173] That same month, Netanyahu called criticism of settlements "against the American values", which earned him rebuke from the White House Press Secretary Josh Earnest, who said that American values had resulted in Israel receiving consistent funding and protective technology such as Iron Dome. Netanyahu explained that he does not accept residency restrictions for Jews, and said that Jerusalem's Arabs and Jews should be able to buy homes wherever they want. He said he was "baffled" by the American condemnation. "It's against the American values. And it doesn't bode well for peace. The idea that we'd have this ethnic purification as a condition for peace, I think it's anti-peace."[174][175][176] Later, Jeffrey Goldberg of The Atlantic reported that the relationship between Netanyahu and the White House had reached a new low, with the U.S. administration angry over Israel's settlement policies, and Netanyahu expressing contempt for the American administration's grasp of the Middle East.[177]

On 2 December 2014, Netanyahu fired ministers Yair Lapid, head of Yesh Atid, and Tzipi Livni, head of Hatnua. The changes led to the dissolution of the government, with new elections on 17 March 2015.[178]

Benjamin Netanyahu's 2015 address to the United States Congress marked Netanyahu's third speech to a joint session of Congress.[179] The day before announcing he would address Congress, Time reported that he tried to derail a meeting between U.S. lawmakers and the head of Mossad, Tamir Pardo, who intended warning them against imposing further sanctions against Iran, a move that might derail nuclear talks.[180][181] Leading up to the speech, Israeli consuls general in the United States "expect[ed] fierce negative reaction from U.S. Jewish communities and Israel's allies". Objections included the arrangement of the speech without the support and engagement of the Obama administration and the timing of the speech before Israel's March 2015 election. Seven American Jewish lawmakers met with Ron Dermer, Israel's ambassador to the U.S. and recommended that Netanyahu instead meet with lawmakers privately to discuss Iran.[182] In making the speech, Netanyahu claimed to speak for all Jews worldwide, a claim disputed by others in the Jewish community.[183][184][185][186]

As election day approached in what was perceived to be a close race in the 2015 Israeli elections, Netanyahu answered 'indeed' when asked whether a Palestinian state would not be established in his term. He said that support of a Palestinian state is tantamount to yielding territory for radical Islamic terrorists to attack Israel.[187] However, Netanyahu reiterated "I don't want a one-state solution. I want a peaceful, sustainable two-state solution. I have not changed my policy."[188]

Fourth term

[edit]
Netanyahu and US secretary of state Mike Pompeo
Netanyahu, Joseph Dunford and Jewish veterans of the Red Army, Victory Day in Jerusalem, 9 May 2017
Netanyahu meets with President Donald Trump in Jerusalem, May 2017.
Netanyahu meets with Ukrainian president Petro Poroshenko, 24 January 2018.
President Trump, joined by Netanyahu behind, signs the proclamation recognizing Israel's 1981 annexation of the Golan Heights, March 2019.

In the 2015 election, Netanyahu returned with his party Likud leading the elections with 30 mandates, making it the single highest number of seats for the Knesset. President Rivlin granted Netanyahu an extension until 6 May 2015 to build a coalition when one had not been finalized in the first four weeks of negotiations.[189] He formed a coalition government within two hours of the midnight 6 May deadline.[190] His Likud party formed the coalition with Jewish Home, United Torah Judaism, Kulanu, and Shas.[190][191]

In August 2015, Netanyahu's government approved a two-year budget that would see agricultural reforms and lowering of import duties to reduce food prices, deregulation of the approval process in construction to lower housing costs and speed up infrastructure building, and reforms in the financial sector to boost competition and lower fees for financial services.[192][193] In the end, the government was forced to compromise by removing some key agricultural reforms.[194]

In October 2015, Netanyahu caused commotion for saying the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, Haj Amin al-Husseini gave Adolf Hitler the idea of exterminating Jews rather than expelling them during the Second World War.[195][196][197] This claim is dismissed by most historians,[198] who say that al-Husseini's meeting with Hitler took place approximately five months after the mass murder of Jews began.[199] Some of the strongest criticism came from Israeli academics: Yehuda Bauer said Netanyahu's claim was "completely idiotic".[199] Moshe Zimmermann stated that "any attempt to deflect the burden from Hitler to others is a form of Holocaust denial."[200]

In March 2016, Netanyahu's coalition faced a potential crisis as ultra-Orthodox members threatened to withdraw over the government's proposed steps to create non-Orthodox prayer space at the Western Wall. They have stated they will leave the coalition if the government offers any further official state recognition of Conservative and Reform Judaism.[201]

On 23 December 2016, the United States, under the Obama Administration, abstained from United Nations Security Council Resolution 2334, effectively allowing it to pass.[202] On 28 December, U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry strongly criticized Israel and its settlement policies in a speech.[203] Netanyahu strongly criticized both the UN Resolution[204] and Kerry's speech[205] in response. On 6 January 2017, the Israeli government withdrew its annual dues from the organization, which totaled $6 million in United States dollars.[206]

In February 2017, Netanyahu became the first serving prime minister of Israel to visit Australia. He was accompanied by his wife, Sara. The three-day official visit included a delegation of business representatives, and Netanyahu and Prime Minister of Australia Malcolm Turnbull were scheduled to sign several bilateral agreements. Netanyahu recalled that it was the Australian Light Horse regiments that liberated Beersheba during World War I, and this began what has been a relationship of 100 years between the countries.[207]

In October 2017, shortly after the US announced the same action, Netanyahu's government announced it was leaving UNESCO due to what it saw as anti-Israel actions by the agency,[208][209] and it made that decision official in December 2017.[210][211] The Israeli government officially notified UNESCO of the withdrawal in late December 2017.[212][213][214][215]

In April 2018, Netanyahu accused Iran of not holding up its end of the Iran nuclear deal after presenting a cache of over 100,000 documents detailing the extent of Iran's nuclear program. Iran denounced Netanyahu's presentation as "propaganda".[216]

Netanyahu praised the 2018 North Korea–United States Singapore Summit. He said in a statement, "I commend US President Donald Trump on the historic summit in Singapore. This is an important step in the effort to rid the Korean peninsula of nuclear weapons."[217]

In July 2018, the Knesset passed the Nation-State Bill, a Basic Law supported by Netanyahu's coalition government.[218][219][220] Analysts saw the bill as a sign of Netanyahu's coalition advancing a right-wing agenda.[221]

Prior to the April 2019 Israeli legislative election, Netanyahu helped broker a deal that united the Jewish Home party[222] with the far-right Otzma Yehudit party, in order to form the Union of the Right-Wing Parties. The motivation of the deal was to overcome the electoral threshold for smaller parties. The deal was criticized in the media, as Otzma is widely characterized as racist and traces its origins to the extremist Kahanist movement.[223][224]

Criminal investigations and indictment

[edit]

Since January 2017, Netanyahu has been investigated by Israeli police in two connected cases, "Case 1000" and "Case 2000". In Case 1000, Netanyahu is suspected of having obtained inappropriate favors from businessmen, including James Packer and Hollywood producer Arnon Milchan.[225][226] Case 2000 involves alleged attempts to strike a deal with the publisher of the Yedioth Ahronot newspaper group, Arnon Mozes, to promote legislation to weaken Yedioth's main competitor in exchange for more favorable political coverage.

In August 2017, Israeli police confirmed that Netanyahu was suspected of crimes involving fraud, breach of trust, and bribes in the two cases.[227] The next day, it was reported that the prime minister's former chief of staff, Ari Harow, had signed a deal with prosecutors to testify against Netanyahu.[228]

Israelis protest against Netanyahu outside his official residence in Jerusalem on 30 July 2020

In February 2018, Israeli police recommended that Netanyahu be charged with corruption. According to a police statement, sufficient evidence exists to indict the prime minister on charges of bribery, fraud, and breach of trust in the two cases. Netanyahu responded that the allegations were baseless and that he would continue as prime minister.[229] In November 2018, it was reported that Economic Crimes Division Director Liat Ben-Ari recommended indictment for both cases.[230]

In 2018 Netanyahu was also investigated in "Case 4000", where he was suspected of giving regulatory favors to Shaul Elovitch, owner of Bezeq telecommunication company, in exchange for positive publications in news website Walla!.[231][232][229]

In February 2019, the Israeli attorney general announced his intent to file indictments against Netanyahu on bribe and fraud charges in the three cases.[233][234] Netanyahu was formally indicted on 21 November 2019.[235][236][237] If convicted, he could face up to 10 years in prison for bribery and a maximum of three years for fraud and breach of trust.[238][239] He is the first sitting prime minister in Israel's history to be charged with a crime.[234][240][241] On 23 November 2019, it was announced that Netanyahu, in compliance with legal precedent set by the Israeli Supreme Court in 1993,[240] would relinquish his agriculture, health, social affairs and diaspora affairs portfolios.[240][241] The matter of forcing a prime minister to resign due to an indictment has yet to be tested in court.[240][241] He was officially charged on 28 January 2020.[242]

Netanyahu's criminal trial was set to begin on 24 May 2020, having been initially scheduled for March of that year but delayed due to the COVID-19 pandemic.[243] As of April 2023, the criminal trial was still ongoing.[244]

Fifth term

[edit]

On 17 May 2020, Netanyahu was sworn in for a fifth term as prime minister in a coalition with Benny Gantz. Against a background of the COVID-19 pandemic in Israel and Netanyahu's criminal trial, protests broke out against him in front of the prime minister's residence. Following this, Netanyahu ordered to disperse the demonstrations using COVID-19 special regulations, limiting them to 20 people and at a distance of 1,000 meters from their homes.[245] However, the exact opposite was achieved; the demonstrations were enlarged and dispersed to over 1,000 centers.[246] By March 2021, Israel became the country with the highest vaccinated population per capita in the world against COVID-19.[247]

After tensions escalated in Jerusalem in May 2021, Hamas fired rockets on Israel from Gaza, which prompted Netanyahu to initiate Operation Guardian of the Walls, lasting eleven days.[248] After the operation, Israeli politician and leader of the Yamina alliance Naftali Bennett announced that he had agreed to a deal with Leader of the Opposition Yair Lapid to form a rotation government that would oust Netanyahu from his position as prime minister.[249][250] On 13 June 2021, Bennett and Lapid formed a coalition government,[251] and Netanyahu was ousted as prime minister, ending his 12-year tenure.[252][253]

Leader of the Opposition (2021–2022)

[edit]

After the end of his second premiership, Netanyahu began his third stint as the leader of the opposition. Likud remained the largest party in the twenty-fourth Knesset.[254] He led the opposition into the 2022 Israeli legislative election.

Prime minister (2022–present)

[edit]

Sixth term

[edit]
Protest against the judicial reform in March 2023
Netanyahu with British prime minister Rishi Sunak in London, 24 March 2023

After the 2022 election, Netanyahu was sworn in as prime minister again as the leader of a hardline coalition.[255] He officially started his sixth term on 29 December 2022.[253]

The first months of Netanyahu's sixth term were centered around a proposed reform package in the judicial branch. Critics highlighted the negative effects it would have on the separation of powers,[256][257][258] the office of the Attorney General,[259][260][261] the economy,[262][263][264] public health,[265][266] women and minorities,[265][266][267] workers' rights,[268] scientific research,[266][269] the overall strength of Israel's democracy[270][271] and its foreign relations.[272] After weeks of public protests on Israel's streets, joined by a growing number of military reservists, Minister of Defense Yoav Gallant spoke against the reform on 25 March, calling for a halt of the legislative process "for the sake of Israel's security".[273] Netanyahu announced his intention to remove Gallant from his post the following day, sparking further protests across Israel and leading to Netanyahu agreeing to delay the legislation for a month.[274][275]

In February 2023, the new government under Netanyahu approved the legalization of nine settler outposts in the occupied West Bank.[276] Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich took charge of most of the Civil Administration, obtaining broad authority over civilian issues in the West Bank. Israeli peace groups condemned the move as de jure annexation of the occupied territories.[277][278][279] In March 2023, Netanyahu's government repealed a 2005 law whereby four Israeli settlements, Homesh, Sa-Nur, Ganim and Kadim, were dismantled as part of the Israeli disengagement from Gaza.[280] In June 2023, Netanyahu's coalition shortened the procedure of approving settlement construction and gave Finance Minister Smotrich the authority to approve one of the stages, changing the system operating for the last 27 years.[281] In its first six months, construction of 13,000 housing units in settlements, almost triple the amount advanced in the whole of 2022.[282]

Netanyahu with U.S. president Joe Biden in New York City, 20 September 2023

Israel refused to send lethal weapons to Ukraine. In June 2023, Netanyahu said that Israel is concerned "with the possibility that systems that we would give to Ukraine would fall into Iranian hands and could be reverse engineered, and we would find ourselves facing Israeli systems used against Israel."[283]

On 7 October 2023, after Palestinian militants from Gaza launched a major surprise attack, Netanyahu announced that Israel would enter in a state of war against Hamas.[284] He threatened to "turn all the places where Hamas is organized and hiding into cities of ruins", called Gaza "the city of evil", and urged its residents to "leave now".[285] He later proposed that opposition parties Yesh Atid and National Unity enter an emergency unity government amid the conflict,[286] after Leader of the Opposition Lapid urged Netanyahu put "aside our differences and form an emergency, narrow, professional government."[287]

Netanyahu was criticized for presiding over Israel's biggest intelligence failure in 50 years, and has faced protests calling for his removal. The outbreak of war led to increased opposition to Netanyahu and the government from Israeli citizens due to a perceived failure to anticipate the Hamas-led attack, with increased calls for Netanyahu's resignation.[288][289][290] A poll in 2023 showed that 56% of Israelis believed that Netanyahu must resign after the war, with 86% of respondents holding the country's leadership responsible for the security failings that led to the attack.[291][292][293][294][295] On 28 October 2023, Netanyahu was accused of using "dangerous rhetoric" when comparing Hamas to Amalek, stating: "You must remember what Amalek has done to you, says our Holy Bible. And we do remember."[296] On 29 October, Netanyahu blamed Israel's security chiefs for Hamas's attack in a post on X (formerly Twitter); this was later deleted following criticism.[297] A subsequent investigation carried out by Shin Bet acknowledged the agency's failures but also found that Shin Bet warned the prime minister that Hamas was not deterred and objected to the divide-and-rule policy vis-a-vis Hamas and the Palestinian Authority.[298]

Netanyahu addresses a joint session of Congress in Washington, D.C. with House Speaker Mike Johnson and Senator Ben Cardin, 24 July 2024.

In November 2023, he rejected calls for a ceasefire in the war and warned that Israel will "stand firm against the world if necessary." He said the Israel Defense Forces would remain in Gaza "as long as necessary" and Israel would prevent the Palestinian Authority from returning to Gaza.[299] Netanyahu called allegations that Israel is breaking international law "hogwash" and described Palestinian civilian casualties as "collateral damage."[300] In December 2023, he faced criticism during a meeting with released Israeli hostages. One of the hostages accused him of putting politics "above the return of the kidnapped."[301] In December 2023, Netanyahu said that Israel should support the "voluntary migration" of Palestinians from Gaza.[302] Israel under Netanyahu has been accused of committing genocide in Gaza in the South Africa v. Israel case before the International Court of Justice in December 2023.[303][304]

In May 2024, Karim Khan, the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, announced his intention to apply for an arrest warrant for Netanyahu on several counts of alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity.[305][306]

In July 2024, Netanyahu addressed another joint session of the United States Congress, amidst widespread protest, to solicit support for the Gaza war.[307] He called protesters "useful idiots" and pledged a "total victory" in Gaza.[308] He met with 2024 Republican nominee for president Donald Trump at his Mar-a-Lago residence where he criticized presumptive Democratic nominee for President Kamala Harris for vowing that she "will not be silent" about atrocities in Gaza.[309]

Netanyahu and U.S. Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth at the Pentagon on 5 February 2025

In October 2024, a drone attack believed to have originated from Lebanon was made on Netanyahu's residence in Caesarea. Netanyahu was not in the residence at the time, and no casualties were reported.[310] Netanyahu accused Hezbollah of trying to assassinate him in the attack.[311]

On 5 November 2024, Netanyahu fired defense minister Gallant, who had advocated for a short-term diplomatic deal. The firing triggered protests throughout Israel.[312] On 21 November 2024, the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants for Netanyahu, Gallant and Hamas military commander Mohammed Deif for alleged war crimes committed during the Gaza war.[313] Netanyahu described the ruling as "absurd and false lies" and said the decision is "antisemitic".[314]

On the night of 18 March 2025, Israel launched a surprise attack on the Gaza Strip, effectively ending the January 2025 Gaza war ceasefire.[315] Netanyahu was scheduled on 18 March to testify in his corruption trial, but as a result of the attacks, the legal proceedings were postponed.[316] In March 2025, Netanyahu fired Ronen Bar, chief of Shin Bet, citing a loss of confidence.[317] Bar accused the government of firing him for investigating Qatar's involvement and influence in the Prime Minister's Office, in a case known as the Qatari connection affair.[318]

Netanyahu with President Donald Trump and Leo Terrell, the head of the Trump administration's Task Force to Combat Antisemitism, 7 April 2025

In May 2025, Netanyahu stated that the destruction of homes in Gaza would lead to the forced emigration of Palestinians.[319]

On 13 June, Netanyahu authorized airstrikes against Iran, marking the beginning of the Iran–Israel war.[320] Within a week, Netanyahu publicly commented on the effects of the war: "Each of us bears a personal cost, and my family has not been exempt", as he cited that it was "the second time that my son Avner has cancelled a wedding due to missile threats."[321] In July, Netanyahu was criticized for deciding to increase Gaza aid distribution by some members of his cabinet who rejected the U.S. ceasefire proposal.[322]

In August 2025, Netanyahu said in an interview with i24NEWS that he was on a "historic and spiritual mission" and that he is "very" attached to the vision of Greater Israel,[323] which includes the Palestinian territories.[324] On 21 September 2025, Netanyahu rejected the existence of a Palestinian state west of the Jordan River, saying, "For years, I have prevented the establishment of this terrorist state facing tremendous pressures at home and abroad."[325]

In Netanyahu's address to the United Nations General Assembly in New York, he opposed international recognition of a Palestinian state. As Netanyahu commenced his speech, dozens of individuals in New York exited the hall in protest.[326]

Political positions

[edit]

Authoritarianism

[edit]

In the years under Netanyahu's rule, Israel experienced authoritarianism, democratic backsliding, corruption,[327][328][329][330] and expansionism.[331] The Israeli Military Censor had long been recorded to have censored thousands of news articles annually.[332] During the Gaza war, Israel had intensified protest and news media censorship, including with reports about the humanitarian crisis in Gaza.[333][334][335][336] Netanyahu's repeated attempts to revamp judicial systems have been accused of being efforts to elevate authoritarianism and protect the prime minister from corruption charges;[328][329] he in turn accused the "leftist Deep state" of attempting to weaponize the justice system against him and the people of Israel.[337] He additionally has spoken populist statements regarding Anti-Arab racism involving narratives of conflict with Jews, in particular of Anti-Palestinianism.[330] Netanyahu's administration in recent years has been tailored towards far-right politics and has been described as the most far-right government in Israeli history. He has also allied his nation with other illiberal, authoritarian leaders from Hungary, Russia, and the United States.[338]

Israeli–Palestinian conflict

[edit]

Netanyahu opposed the Oslo Accords from their inception. In 1993, he dedicated a chapter, entitled "Trojan Horse", of his book A Place Among the Nations to argue against the Oslo peace process. He asserted that Amin al-Husseini had been one of the masterminds of the Holocaust, and that Yasser Arafat was heir to the former's "alleged exterminationist Nazism".[339] During his term as prime minister in the late 1990s, Netanyahu consistently reneged on commitments made by previous Israeli governments as part of the Oslo peace process, leading American peace envoy Dennis Ross to note that "neither President Clinton nor Secretary [of State Madeleine] Albright believed that Bibi had any real interest in pursuing peace."[340] In a 2001 video, Netanyahu, reportedly unaware he was being recorded, said:

They asked me before the election if I'd honor [the Oslo Accords] […] I said I would, but ... I'm going to interpret the accords in such a way that would allow me to put an end to this galloping forward to the '67 borders. How did we do it? Nobody said what defined military zones were. Defined military zones are security zones; as far as I'm concerned, the entire Jordan Valley is a defined military zone. Go argue.[341]

On 9 August 2009, speaking at the opening of his weekly cabinet meeting, Netanyahu promised not to repeat the "mistake" of the Gaza pullout, adding that "the unilateral evacuation brought neither peace nor security. On the contrary". He also said, "Should we achieve a turn toward peace with the more moderate partners, we will insist on the recognition of the State of Israel and the demilitarization of the future Palestinian state".[116][342] In 2014, Netanyahu said:

We don't just hand over territory, close our eyes and hope for the best. We did that in Lebanon and we got thousands of rockets. We did that in Gaza, we got Hamas and 15,000 rockets. So we're not gonna just replicate that. We want to see genuine recognition of the Jewish state and rock solid security arrangements on the ground. That's the position I've held, and it's only become firmer.[343]

Netanyahu had previously called U.S.-backed peace talks a waste of time[344] and refused to commit to the same two-state solution as had other Israeli leaders[345] until a speech in June 2009. He repeatedly made public statements which advocated an "economic peace" approach, meaning an approach based on economic cooperation and joint effort rather than continuous contention over political and diplomatic issues. This is in line with many significant ideas from the Peace Valley plan.[346] He raised these ideas during discussions with former U.S. secretary of state Condoleezza Rice.[347] Netanyahu continued to advocate these ideas as the Israeli elections approached.[348] Netanyahu has said:

Right now, the peace talks are based on only one thing, only on peace talks. It makes no sense at this point to talk about the most contractible issue. It's Jerusalem or bust, or right of return or bust. That has led to failure and is likely to lead to failure again ... We must weave an economic peace alongside a political process. That means that we have to strengthen the moderate parts of the Palestinian economy by handing rapid growth in those areas, rapid economic growth that gives a stake for peace for the ordinary Palestinians."[346]

In January 2009, Netanyahu informed Middle East envoy Tony Blair that he would continue the policy of the Israeli governments of Ariel Sharon and Ehud Olmert by expanding West Bank settlements, in contravention of the Road Map, but not building new ones.[349]

Anyone who wants to thwart the establishment of a Palestinian state has to support bolstering Hamas and transferring money to Hamas. This is part of our strategy – to isolate the Palestinians in Gaza from the Palestinians in the West Bank.

Benjamin Netanyahu, 2019[350][351]

In 2013, Netanyahu denied reports that his government would agree to peace talks on the basis of the green line.[352] In 2014 he agreed to the American framework based on the green line and said that Jewish settlers must be allowed the option of staying in their settlements under Palestinian rule.[353][354]

In 2014, Palestinian negotiator Saeb Erekat criticized Netanyahu, calling him "ideologically corrupt" and a war criminal.[355]

For years, Netanyahu backed Qatari transfers of hundreds of millions of dollars to Gaza, in the hope that it would pacify Gaza, turn Hamas into an effective counterweight to the Palestinian Authority and prevent the establishment of a Palestinian state.[356][357] In 2019, Netanyahu said at a private Likud party meeting, "Anyone who wants to thwart the establishment of a Palestinian state has to support bolstering Hamas and transferring money to Hamas. This is part of our strategy – to isolate the Palestinians in Gaza from the Palestinians in the West Bank."[350][358][359] Often, cash was delivered in suitcases by a Qatari official who was escorted by Israeli intelligence officers.[360] According to the New York Times, Netanyahu continued backing the payments in response to Qatari questions as late as September 2023.[360] In 2025, Shin Beth started an investigation into the alleged ties between Netanyahu's advisors and Qatar.[361]

Netanyahu publicly supported the Trump peace plan for the creation of a Palestinian state.

In January 2020, Netanyahu publicly supported Trump's Israeli-Palestinian peace plan.[362][363] After the peace proposal failed, Trump said Netanyahu "never wanted peace" with the Palestinians.[364][365][366][367]

Former United States Secretary of State Rex Tillerson stated that on 22 May 2017, Netanyahu showed Trump a fake and altered video of Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas calling for the killing of children. This was at a time when Trump was considering if Israel was the obstacle to peace. Netanyahu had showed Trump the fake video to change his position in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.[368]

The U.S.-brokered Abraham Accords agreed to the full normalization of relations between Israel and the United Arab Emirates (the Israel–United Arab Emirates normalization agreement) and Bahrain, respectively (the Bahrain–Israel normalization agreement).[369] This was the first time any Arab country had normalized relations with Israel since Jordan in 1994. The accords were signed by Bahrain's foreign minister, UAE's foreign minister and Netanyahu on 15 September 2020 at the South Lawn of the White House in Washington, D.C.[370]

White House Abraham Accords signing ceremony on 15 September 2020

On 23 October 2020, U.S. president Trump announced that Sudan will start to normalize ties with Israel, making it the third Arab state to do so as part of the Trump administration-brokered Abraham Accords.[371][372] Sudan fought in wars against Israel in 1948 and 1967.[373] Netanyahu thanked "President Trump and his team above all", saying that "together with him we are changing history ... despite all the experts and commentators who said it was impossible. Israel was completely isolated and they told us we were heading into a political tsunami. What's happening is the absolute opposite."[374] This was followed by Morocco establishing relations with Israel in December.[375] In July 2024, Pakistan officially designated him a "terrorist", calling him responsible for the atrocities in Gaza.[376]

Economic views

[edit]

You want to have a meritocracy. You want to have initiative, risk, talent, the ability to create new products, new services to be rewarded ... It's always been about competition. That's what human progress is about. You want to siphon it into productive ways.

Benjamin Netanyahu, The Marker, 2014[377]

By 1998, Netanyahu had acquired a reputation as "the advocate of the free-market" and in 1999 told the Jerusalem Post: "Peace is an end of itself [...] peace, without free markets, will not produce growth. But free markets without peace do produce growth."[378] As prime minister in his first term, he significantly reformed the banking sector, removing barriers to investment abroad, mandatory purchases of government securities and direct credit. As Minister of Finance (2003–2005), Netanyahu introduced a major overhaul of the Israeli economy. He introduced a welfare to work program, he led a program of privatization, reduced the size of the public sector, reformed and streamlined the taxation system and passed laws against monopolies and cartels with the aim of increasing competition.[79] Netanyahu extended capital gains taxes from companies to individuals, which allowed him to enlarge the tax base while reducing taxes on incomes.[379] As the Israeli economy started booming and unemployment fell significantly, Netanyahu was widely credited by commentators as having performed an 'economic miracle' by the end of his tenure.[79] Direct investment in the Israeli economy had increased by an annualized 380%.[380] On the other hand, his critics have labelled his economic views as Margaret Thatcher-inspired "popular capitalism".[381]

Netanyahu defines capitalism as "the ability to have individual initiative and competition to produce goods and services with profit, but not to shut out somebody else from trying to do the same".[377] He says that his views developed while he was working as an economic consult for Boston Consulting Group: "It was the first time that the Boston Consulting Group looked at governments and worked for governments. They wanted to do a strategic plan for the government of Sweden. I was on that case and looked at other governments. So I went around to other governments in Europe in 1976 and I was looking at Britain. I was looking at France. I was looking at other countries, and I could see that they were stymied by concentrations of power that prevented competition. And I thought, hmm, as bad as they are, ours was worse because we had very little room for private sector competition to the extent that we had government-controlled or union-controlled companies, and so you really didn't get the competition or the growth ... And I said, well, if I ever have a chance, I'll change that."[377]

Views on counter-terrorism

[edit]

The essence of democratic societies, and that which distinguishes them from dictatorships, is the commitment to resolve conflict in a nonviolent fashion by settling issues through argument and debate ... The salient point that has to be underlined again and again is that nothing justifies terrorism, that it is evil per se – that the various real or imagined reasons proffered by the terrorists to justify their actions are meaningless.

Benjamin Netanyahu, 1995[382]

Netanyahu has said his own "hard line against all terrorists" came as a result of his brother's death. Yoni Netanyahu had been killed while leading the hostage-rescue mission at Operation Entebbe.[383]

In addition to having taken part in counter-terrorist operations during his service in the military, Netanyahu has published three books on the subject of fighting terrorism. He identifies terrorism as a form of totalitarianism, writing:

The more far removed the target of the attack from any connection to the grievance enunciated by the terrorists, the greater the terror ... Yet for terrorism to have any impact, it is precisely the lack of connection, the lack of any possible involvement or "complicity" of the chosen victims in the cause the terrorists seek to attack, that produces the desired fear. For terrorism's underlying message is that every member of society is "guilty", that anyone can be a victim, and that therefore no one is safe... In fact, the methods reveal the totalitarian strain that runs through all terrorist groups... It is not only that the ends of the terrorists do not succeed in justifying the means they choose; their choice of means indicate what their true ends are. Far from being fighters for freedom, terrorists are the forerunners of tyranny. Terrorists use the techniques of violent coercion in order to achieve a regime of violent coercion.[384]

Netanyahu cautions that:

The trouble with active anti-terror activities... is that they do constitute a substantial intrusion on the lives of those being monitored.

He believes there is a balance between civil liberties and security, which should depend on the level of sustained terrorist attacks in a country. During periods of sustained attack, there should be shift towards security, due to "the monstrous violation of personal rights which is the lot of the victims of terror and their families".[385] But this should be regularly reviewed, with an emphasis on guarding civil liberties and individual privacy wherever and whenever security considerations allow:[385] "The concern of civil libertarians over possible infringements of the rights of innocent citizens is well placed, and all additional powers granted the security services should require annual renewal by the legislature, this in addition to judicial oversight of actions as they are taken in the field."[386]

He advises tighter immigration laws as an essential tool to preemptively combat terrorism: "This era of immigration free-for-all should be brought to an end. An important aspect of taking control of the immigration situation is stricter background checks of potential immigrants, coupled with the real possibility of deportation."[386]

He also cautions that it is essential that governments do not conflate terrorists with those legitimate political groups that may or may not hold extremist views, but which advance their positions by means of debate and argument.[382] Ronald Reagan was an admirer of Netanyahu's work on counter-terrorism, and Reagan recommended Netanyahu's book Terrorism: How the West Can Win to all senior figures in his administration.[387]

Death penalty

[edit]

In 2017, Netanyahu called for the death penalty to be imposed on the perpetrator of the 2017 Halamish stabbing attack.[388] Representatives in his government introduced a bill which would allow the death penalty for terrorism to the Knesset.[389][390] In a preliminary vote in January 2018, 52 of 120 members of the Israeli parliament voted in favor while 49 opposed, to make it easier for judges to hand down the death penalty. The amendment to the penal code would still require three more readings if it is to become law.[391]

LGBT rights

[edit]

Netanyahu supports equal rights for LGBT persons. He said: "The struggle for every person to be recognized as equal before the law is a long struggle, and there is still a long way to go ... I am proud that Israel is among the most open countries in the world in relation to the LGBT community discourse."[392] During an event held for the annual community rights day at the Knesset, Netanyahu said that he was "asked to come here in the middle of my busy schedule to say one thing to the male and female members of the LGBT community: We must be guided by the conviction that every person is created in the image of God."[393] However, some of his coalition government's party members opposed same-sex marriage.[394]

Ethiopian Jewish integration

[edit]
Netanyahu at a memorial service of Ethiopian Israeli immigrants, in honor of their friends who died on their way to Israel

In 2015, after Ethiopian Jewish protests against police brutality, Netanyahu said: "We will bring a comprehensive plan to the government to assist you in every way. There is no room for racism and discrimination in our society, none ... We will turn racism into something contemptible and despicable."[395]

African Hebrew Israelites of Jerusalem

[edit]

Netanyahu supports the integration of the African Hebrew Israelites of Jerusalem into Israeli society, and takes part in celebrations in honor of this community's "exodus" from America to Israel, which occurred in 1967. In 2012, Netanyahu expressed appreciation towards "the cooperative society that is working towards the inclusion of the Hebrew Israelite community in Israeli society at large," and declared that the experience of the community in the land of Israel is "an integral part of the Israeli experience."[396]

Iran

[edit]

In a March 2007 CNN interview, Netanyahu said that "there is only one difference between Nazi Germany and the Islamic Republic of Iran, namely that the first entered a worldwide conflict and then sought atomic weapons, while the latter is first seeking atomic weapons and, once it has them, will then start a world war." Netanyahu repeated these remarks at a news conference in April 2008.[397] This was similar to earlier remarks that "it's 1938, and Iran is Germany, and Iran is racing to arm itself with atomic bombs".[398]

In February 2009, after being asked to be the prime minister of Israel, Netanyahu described Iran as the greatest threat that Israel has ever faced: "Iran is seeking to obtain a nuclear weapon and constitutes the gravest threat to our existence since the war of independence."[399] Speaking before the UN General Assembly in New York on 24 September 2009, Netanyahu expressed a different opinion than Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's speech at the forum, saying those who believe Tehran is a threat only to Israel are wrong. "The Iranian regime", he said, "is motivated by fanaticism ... They want to see us go back to medieval times. The struggle against Iran pits civilization against barbarism. This Iranian regime is fueled by extreme fundamentalism."[130][131] "By focusing solely on Iran", columnist Yossi Melman speculated that Netanyahu's foreign policy, "... took the Palestinian issue off the world agenda." After four days of shelling from the Iranian-funded Palestinian Islamic Jihad, Melman asked, "Is it worth initiating a crisis with Iran? Will the Israeli public be able to cope with Iran's response?"[400]

According to Uzi Eilam, Netanyahu is using the threat of atomic Iran as a means of reaching his own goals. He said: "Netanyahu is using the Iranian threat to achieve a variety of political objectives." He also said: "These declarations are unnecessarily scaring Israel's citizens, given Israel is not party to the negotiations to determine whether Iran will or will not dismantle its nuclear program."[401]

Standing with Israeli Minister of Defense Ehud Barak, Netanyahu holds an Iranian instruction manual for the anti-ship missile captured in Victoria Affair, March 2011.

By 2012, Netanyahu is reported to have formed a close, confidential relationship with Defense Minister Ehud Barak as the two men considered possible Israeli military action against Iran's nuclear facilities,[402][403] following Israel's established Begin Doctrine. The pair were accused of acting on "messianic" impulses by Yuval Diskin, former head of the Shin Bet, who added that their warmongering rhetoric appealed to "the idiots within the Israeli public".[404] Diskin's remarks were supported by former Mossad chief Meir Dagan,[405] who himself had previously said that an attack on Iran was "the stupidest thing I have ever heard".[406] A few weeks later, the RAND Corporation also openly disagreed with Netanyahu's belligerent stance.[407]

Early in 2012, he used the opening ceremony for Israel's Holocaust Remembrance Day to warn against the dangers of an Iranian nuclear bomb, saying he was following the example of Jewish leaders during World War II who struggled to raise the alarm about the Nazis' genocidal intentions.[408] Israeli academic Avner Cohen accused Netanyahu of showing "contempt" for the Holocaust by putting it to "political use",[409] and former Israeli foreign minister Shlomo Ben-Ami similarly condemned Netanyahu's "vulgar manipulation of the memory of the Holocaust".[410] Immediately after the 2012 Burgas bus bombing, Netanyahu confirmed that the attack had been undertaken in coordination with Iran.[411]

Protest against U.S. recognition of Jerusalem as capital of Israel, Tehran, 11 December 2017

Netanyahu opined during a July meeting that "all the sanctions and diplomacy so far have not set back the Iranian programme by one iota".[412] In August he stated that the United States only might respond to a massive attack against Israel.[413] On 28 September 2012, Netanyahu gave a speech to the UN General Assembly in which he set forward a "red line" of 90% uranium enrichment, stating that if Iran were to reach this level, it would become an intolerable risk for Israel.[414] Netanyahu used a cartoon graphic of a bomb to illustrate his point, indicating three stages of uranium enrichment, saying that Iran had already completed the first stage, and stating that "By next spring, at most by next summer at current enrichment rates, [Iran] will have finished the medium enrichment and move on to the final stage. From there, it's only a few months, possibly a few weeks before they get enough enriched uranium for the first bomb."[415] At the time, according to cables leaked in 2015, Mossad's assessment was that Iran did not appear ready to enrich uranium to levels required for a nuclear bomb.[416]

In an October 2013 interview with BBC Persian Service, Netanyahu praised the history of Persia and said: "If the Iranian regime has nuclear weapons, the Iranian people will never be free of dictatorship and will live in eternal servitude."[417]

The U.S. military's 2020 Baghdad International Airport airstrike, which killed the high-level Iranian General Qasem Soleimani, brought strong reactions from around the world. Netanyahu praised the air strike, saying that Trump had acted "swiftly, forcefully and decisively".[418]

On 13 June 2025, Netanyahu authorized airstrikes against Iran, marking the beginning of the Iran–Israel war.[320] Netanyahu stated the goal of the operation was to dismantle Iran's nuclear capabilities, which he described as a "clear and present danger to Israel's very survival.".[419][420][421][422] He additionally framed the campaign as an opportunity for regime change, aligning with exiled Crown Prince Reza Pahlavi’s call for a national uprising.[423][424][425]

Bank of China terror financing case

[edit]

In 2013, Netanyahu found himself caught between conflicting commitments made to the family of American terror victim Daniel Wultz and the Chinese government. Although Netanyahu was reported to have previously promised U.S. Representative Ileana Ros-Lehtinen that Israel would fully cooperate in the terror-financing case against Bank of China in U.S. District Court, the prime minister reportedly made a conflicting promise to the Government of China prior to a state visit to China in May 2013.[426] Attorney David Boies, lead counsel for the Wultz family, told The Wall Street Journal, "While we are respectful of China's interests, and of the diplomatic pressure to which Israel has been subjected, those interests and that pressure cannot be permitted to obstruct the ability of American courts to hear critical evidence."[427][428]

In August 2013, Ros-Lehtinen, chair of the House Middle East and South Asia subcommittee, told the Miami Herald she raised the issue while leading a congressional delegation to Israel, stressing to Israeli officials the importance of them providing the Wultz family what they need for their lawsuit.[429] "I am hopeful that we can bring this case to a conclusion that is satisfactory to the family, but we need community support to not waver at this critical time," Ros-Lehtinen said.[429]

U.S. Representative Debbie Wasserman Schultz, chair of the Democratic National Committee, also spoke out on the issue with the Miami Herald: "In South Florida, we all know too well of the tragic circumstances surrounding the cowardly terrorist attack that took Daniel Wultz's innocent life. I have been working, hand in hand with the Wultz family and the state of Israel to ensure any and all of those involved in this terrorist activity, including the Bank of China, pay for their crimes so that justice can be served."[429]

Defense and security

[edit]
Israelis in Ashkelon run for shelter following a missile alert during Operation Protective Edge

In 2011, Netanyahu arranged for 1000 Hamas and Fatah prisoners to be swapped for Gilad Shalit, including terrorists with "blood on their hands".[430] Israeli officials estimate that 60% of those who are released "resume terrorism attacks".[431]

In 2011, Israeli General Staff concluded that the armed forces cannot maintain their battle readiness under Netanyahu's proposed cuts.[432] Netanyahu decided to cut social programs instead and promised to increase the defense budget by about six percent.[433][434] The Israeli military still fell NIS 3.7 million short from its projected budget, which could damage their war capabilities.[435] According to a U.S. State Department representative in November 2011, under the leadership of Netanyahu and Obama, Israel and the United States have enjoyed unprecedented security cooperation.[436]

Under Netanyahu's leadership, the Israeli National Security Council has seen an expanded role in foreign policy planning and decision-making.[437]

During the Gaza war he called for Israel to assume "overall security responsibility" over the Gaza Strip, saying "we've seen what happens when we don't have it [...] what we have is the eruption of Hamas terror on a scale that we couldn't imagine".[438][439]

Illegal immigration

[edit]

In his 1995 book Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorism, Netanyahu strongly argued that tightening immigration laws in the West is the most effective method to combat terrorism. "This era of immigration free-for-all should be brought to an end", he wrote in 1995.[386]

In 2012, the Netanyahu government passed the "Prevention of Infiltration Law", which mandated automatic detention of all people, including asylum-seekers, who enter Israel without permission. Amnesty International called it "an affront to international law".[440][441] Between 2009 and 2013, approximately 60,000 people crossed into Israel from various African countries.[442] Netanyahu said that "this phenomenon is very grave and threatens the social fabric of society, our national security and our national identity."[443] Many of these migrants are held in detention camps in the Negev desert.[444] When the Supreme Court of Israel declared the "Prevention of Infiltration Law" illegal for permitting immediate and indefinite detention of asylum seekers from Africa, Netanyahu requested new legislation to work around the Supreme Court ruling.[445]

Netanyahu is critical of what he sees as the overly open immigration policy of EU nations. Netanyahu has urged the leaders of Hungary, Slovakia, Czech Republic and Poland to close their borders to illegal immigration.[446]

Relations with foreign leaders

[edit]
Netanyahu with Russian president Vladimir Putin at the 2018 Moscow Victory Day Parade. The two leaders have had a close relationship.

Serving as prime minister in three nonconsecutive periods since the 1990s,[447][448] he developed close relationships with foreign leaders. Netanyahu has a close relationship with Hungarian prime minister Viktor Orbán, their having known each other for decades due to the privileged relationship between the Likud Party and the EPP, the European People's Party. Orban particularly admired Netanyahu while he was working as finance minister, and received advice from him while Netanyahu was Finance Minister of Israel.[449]

Netanyahu has been noted for his close and friendly relationship with former-late Italian prime minister Silvio Berlusconi.[450] Netanyahu has said of Berlusconi: "We are lucky that there is a leader such as yourself."[451] Netanyahu has described Berlusconi as "one of the greatest friends".[450][452]

Netanyahu and Indian prime minister Narendra Modi developed a close relationship and ties between India and Israel increased during their rule.[453][454][455]

Netanyahu had a warm relationship and "personal friendship" with Russian President Vladimir Putin.[456][457] In his 2022 book, Netanyahu wrote positively about Putin and describes him as "smart, sophisticated and focused on one goal – returning Russia to its historical greatness".[458] Their relationship has been strained since the start of the Gaza war.[459]

Netanyahu with Viktor Orbán and other V4 leaders at the V4-Israel summit in Budapest, Hungary on 19 July 2017
Netanyahu and Indian prime minister Narendra Modi in New Delhi, India on 14 January 2018. The two leaders have had a close relationship.[460]

In early 2018, the Polish parliament adopted a new Polish law criminalizing suggestions that Poles were collectively complicit in Holocaust-related or other war crimes that had been committed during World War II by the Axis powers.[461][462] Later that year at the Munich Security Conference, Polish prime minister Mateusz Morawiecki said "it is not going to be seen as criminal to say that there were Polish perpetrators, as there were Jewish perpetrators ... not only German perpetrators" implicated in the Jewish Holocaust.[463] Netanyahu called his Polish counterpart's comment "outrageous" for saying that Jews had been among the Holocaust's perpetrators.[464] The resulting crisis in Israel–Poland relations was resolved in late June that year when the two prime ministers issued a joint communiqué endorsing research into the Jewish Holocaust and condemning the misnomer "Polish concentration camps".[465]

Netanyahu with Argentine president Javier Milei in Jerusalem, June 2025

According to Efraim Zuroff of the Simon Wiesenthal Center, during the visit of Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko in Jerusalem, Netanyahu failed to publicly address Ukraine's official policy of rehabilitating local Nazi collaborators like UPA leader Roman Shukhevych, who had participated in the murder of Jews.[466]

Netanyahu has developed a close relationship with Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro following Bolsonaro's 2018 election.[467][468] Netanyahu has also developed a good relationship with Argentinian president Javier Milei, having called him a "great friend of the Jewish State", shortly after Milei started his presidential tenure.[469]

Since 2023, Netanyahu and Chinese President Xi Jinping have been engaged in diplomacy, arising due to strained ties between the US and Israel.[470] The diplomatic situation has been made complicated due to the Gaza war, where China has remained neutral.[471]

Netanyahu and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan have tense relations.[472] In March 2019, after being denounced by Turkey as a racist for saying that Israel was the nation-state of the Jewish people only, Netanyahu called Erdoğan a dictator and mocked him for imprisoning journalists in a tweet.[473] In response, Erdoğan called Netanyahu as "the thief who heads Israel", referencing the ongoing corruption scandals against Netanyahu. In the same speech, Erdoğan further escalated the spat by addressing to Netanyahu directly, saying, "you are a tyrant. You are a tyrant who slaughters 7-year-old Palestinian kids",[473] and further in April 2018, calling Israel "terror state" and Netanyahu "terrorist".[474] Netanyahu tweeted that "Erdoğan is among Hamas's biggest supporters and there is no doubt that he well understands terrorism and slaughter."[475] Netanyahu condemned the 2019 Turkish offensive into north-eastern Syria and warned against ethnic cleansing of Kurds by Turkey and its proxies.[476]

US leaders

[edit]

Netanyahu has close ties with the congressional leadership of the U.S. Republican Party and with its 2012 presidential candidate, Mitt Romney. He and Romney first became acquainted when both worked at the Boston Consulting Group in the mid-1970s.[477]

During the 2011 G-20 Cannes summit, then-French president Nicolas Sarkozy was overheard saying to then-U.S. president Barack Obama, "I cannot bear Netanyahu, he's a liar", and Obama reportedly responded, "You're fed up with him, but I have to deal with him every day."[478][479]

Netanyahu with Joe Biden and Isaac Herzog, 18 October 2023

In October 2014, author Jeffrey Goldberg related a conversation in which Goldberg said that a senior official of the Obama administration called Netanyahu a "chickenshit" after Netanyahu accused U.S. president Barack Obama of "acting contrary to American values". Goldberg went on to say that Netanyahu and his cabinet were largely to blame for the tensions between the Netanyahu and Obama governments.[177] Secretary of State John Kerry phoned Netanyahu to clarify that "such statements are disgraceful, unacceptable and damaging" and "do not reflect the position of the United States".[480] Netanyahu responded by saying "I'm being attacked because of my determination to defend Israel's interests. The safety of Israel is not important to those who attack me anonymously and personally."[481] Because of evident rifts between Netanyahu and members of the Obama administration, observers have characterized the relationship as having reached a crisis level by October 2014.[482][177] The relationship between Netanyahu and the Obama administration had become problematic enough that Goldberg reported that his conversations with Netanyahu and other Israeli officials indicated that Israel would wait until after the 2016 presidential election before attempting to repair the relationship with the White House. According to Alon Pinkas, "Netanyahu's self-righteousness that this resolution is going to be changed or reversed by Trump is totally unfounded."[483]

On 23 December 2016, the United Nations Security Council passed a resolution calling for an end to Israeli settlements.[484] In a departure from longstanding American policy, the U.S., under the Obama administration, abstained from the vote and did not exercise its veto power. At the behest of the Netanyahu government, President-elect Trump attempted to intercede by publicly advocating for the resolution to be vetoed, as well as successfully persuading Egypt's Abdel Fattah el-Sisi to temporarily withdraw it from consideration.[485] The resolution was then "proposed again by Malaysia, New Zealand, Senegal and Venezuela" – and passed 14 to 0. Netanyahu's office alleged that "the Obama administration not only failed to protect Israel against this gang-up at the UN, it colluded with it behind the scenes", adding: "Israel looks forward to working with President-elect Trump and with all our friends in Congress, Republicans and Democrats alike, to negate the harmful effects of this absurd resolution."[486][487][488]

Netanyahu and Donald Trump during the signing of the Abraham Accords on 15 September 2020

Netanyahu and U.S. president Donald Trump have known each other for many years.[489] Netanyahu had been a friend of Donald Trump's father, Fred, when Netanyahu lived in New York during the 1980s, serving as UN ambassador.[38] In 2013, Trump made a video endorsing Netanyahu during the Israeli elections saying, "vote for Benjamin – terrific guy, terrific leader, great for Israel". In June 2019, Netanyahu officially renamed a settlement in the disputed Golan Heights after Donald Trump.[490][491] However, Trump aide Jared Kushner has claimed that in January 2020, Trump became frustrated with Netanyahu's rhetoric regarding annexation of the Jordan Valley, and considered endorsing his political opponent, Benny Gantz.[492] Following Netanyahu's congratulations for Joe Biden after the 2020 U.S. presidential election, the relationship deteriorated, with Trump accusing him of disloyalty and stating Netanyahu had "made a terrible mistake".[493]

U.S. president Joe Biden, a Democrat, has been friendly with Netanyahu for many years. In November 2011[494] and in the 2012 U.S. vice presidential debate,[495] Biden stated that the relationship has lasted for 39 years. In March 2010, Netanyahu remarked during a joint statement with Biden during his visit Israel that their friendship had started almost three decades prior.[496] During Spring 2024, the relationship between the two leaders had become strained over Israel's Rafah offensive.[497]

Personal life

[edit]

Family tree

[edit]
Nathan Mileikowsky
(1879–1935)
Writer, Zionist activist
Sarah Lurie
Tzila Segal
(1912–2000)
Benzion Netanyahu
(1910–2012)
Historian
Elisha Netanyahu
(1912–1986)
Mathematician
Shoshana Shenburg
(1923–2022)
Supreme Court justice
Yonatan Netanyahu
(1946–1976)
Military Commander
Benjamin Netanyahu
(1949–)
Iddo Netanyahu
(1952–)
Physician, playwright
Nathan Netanyahu
(1951–)
Computer scientist

Marriages and relationships

[edit]
Netanyahu lighting Hanukkah candles on the first night in the prime minister's office in Jerusalem with his wife, Sara and their sons, Yair and Avner, 1996

Netanyahu has been married three times and has been involved in multiple extramarital affairs. Netanyahu's first marriage was to Miriam Weizmann, whom he met in Israel. Weizmann lived near Yonatan Netanyahu's apartment in Jerusalem, where Netanyahu was based during his military service. By the time Netanyahu's service was finished, Weizmann had completed her own military service as well as a degree in chemistry from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. In 1972, they both left to study in the United States, where she enrolled in Brandeis University, while Netanyahu studied at MIT. They married soon afterward. The couple had one daughter, Noa (born 29 April 1978).[498][499]

In 1978, while Weizmann was pregnant, Netanyahu met a non-Jewish British student named Fleur Cates at the university library, and began an affair. His marriage ended in divorce soon after Miriam discovered the affair. In 1981, Netanyahu married Cates, and she converted to Judaism.[387] After moving with Netanyahu to Israel, Cates sued for divorce in 1988.[387]

His third wife, Sara Ben-Artzi, was working as a flight attendant on an El Al flight from New York to Israel when they met.[68] She was in the process of completing a master's degree in psychology.[500] The couple married in 1991. They have two sons: Yair (born 26 July 1991), a former soldier in the IDF Spokesperson's Unit,[501] and Avner (born 10 October 1994), a national Bible champion, winner of the National Bible Quiz for Youth in Kiryat Shmona, and former soldier in the IDF Combat Intelligence Collection Corps.[502][503]

In 1993, Netanyahu confessed on live television to having an affair with Ruth Bar, his public relations adviser. He said that a political rival had planted a secret video camera that had recorded him in a sexually compromising position with Bar, and that he had been threatened with the release of the tape to the press unless he quit the Likud leadership race. Netanyahu and Sara repaired their marriage, and he was elected to the leadership of Likud.[504] In 1996, the media reported that he had a 20-year friendship with Katherine Price-Mondadori, an Italian-American woman.[relevant?][505]

Health

[edit]

Netanyahu has been suffering from right bundle branch block (RBBB) since around 2003.[506] In the first half of 2008, doctors removed a small colon polyp that proved to be benign.[507] On 22 July 2023, a pacemaker was implanted in his body.[508][509] A hernia was discovered on him in March 2024.[510] In December 2024, his prostate was removed following a urinary tract infection caused by an enlargement.[511]

His personal physician and close friend is the Romanian-born pediatrist Herman Berkovits.[512]

Authored books

[edit]
Video clip about Benjamin Netanyahu by Israel News Company
  • —, ed. (1981). International Terrorism: Challenge and Response. Transaction Publishers. ISBN 978-0-87855-894-0.
  • — (1987). Terrorism: How the West Can Win. Avon. ISBN 978-0-380-70321-0.
  • — (1995). Fighting Terrorism: How Democracies Can Defeat Domestic and International Terrorism. Farrar, Straus and Giroux. ISBN 978-0-374-15492-9.
  • — (1999) [1993]. A Durable Peace: Israel and Its Place Among the Nations. Grand Central Publishing. ISBN 978-0-446-52306-6.
  • — (2022). Bibi: My Story. Simon and Schuster. ISBN 978-1-6680-0844-7.

See also

[edit]

Notes

[edit]

References

[edit]

Further reading

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Binyamin "Bibi" Netanyahu (בִּנְיָמִין "בִּיבִּי" נְתַנְיָהוּ; born 21 October 1949) is an Israeli politician who has served as prime minister since December 2022, following previous terms from 1996 to 1999 and 2009 to 2021, making him the longest-serving leader in the nation's history with over 18 years in office. He chairs the Likud party, which he has led since 2005 (having previously led it from 1993 to 1999), and prior to entering politics worked as Israel's ambassador to the United Nations and deputy foreign minister while building a career in business and counterterrorism advocacy after elite military service in the Sayeret Matkal commando unit during the 1967 Six-Day War and 1973 Yom Kippur War. Netanyahu's tenure has emphasized robust national security policies, including operations against Iranian entrenchment in Syria, the Iran–Israel War (June 13–24, 2025; also known as the Twelve-Day War) involving Israeli strikes on Iranian nuclear facilities such as Natanz, Fordow, and Isfahan, and Hezbollah threats, alongside economic liberalization efforts during his earlier stint as finance minister that spurred Israel's tech-driven growth. His leadership has drawn international acclaim for the Abraham Accords normalizing ties with Arab states but also faced domestic judicial reform protests and ongoing corruption indictments for bribery, fraud, and breach of trust, which he denies as politically motivated, as well as domestic and international controversy surrounding his response to the October 7, 2023, Hamas attacks and the subsequent Gaza war, which concluded with the recovery of the final hostage, Ran Gvili, on January 26, 2026, and which he has defended as necessary self-defense.

Early Life and Education

Family Background and Childhood

Benjamin Netanyahu was born on October 21, 1949, in Tel Aviv, Israel, to Benzion Netanyahu (1910–2012) and Tzila Segal Netanyahu (1912–2000). His father, originally named Benzion Mileikowsky, was born in Warsaw under the Russian Empire and immigrated to Mandatory Palestine in 1920 at age 10 with his family; he later became a historian of medieval Jewish history, particularly the Spanish Inquisition's impact on Jews, and a key figure in revisionist Zionism as a disciple and secretary to Ze'ev Jabotinsky. Benzion held secular views despite his rabbinical family background and advocated uncompromising territorial claims for a Jewish state, influencing his sons through scholarly discussions on Jewish resilience against persecution. His mother, Tzila, was born in Petah Tikva during Ottoman rule and managed much of the household while Benzion pursued academic and activist roles. Netanyahu was the middle of three sons, with older brother Yonatan (1946–1976), a military officer later killed commanding the Entebbe raid, and younger brother Iddo, a physician and author. The family adhered to revisionist Zionist principles, emphasizing maximalist Jewish sovereignty amid post-independence tensions, though Benzion's career led to frequent relocations that shaped the children's exposure to both Israeli and American environments. Much of Netanyahu's childhood unfolded in Jerusalem after the family settled there post-Tel Aviv, but periods abroad marked his early years: the family resided in the United States from 1956 to 1958 and again from 1963 to 1967, coinciding with Benzion's teaching positions at institutions like Dropsie College and Cornell University. These moves exposed him to American culture during formative school years, including high school in Philadelphia, while reinforcing his father's warnings about Jewish vulnerability in the diaspora, drawn from historical precedents of assimilation and betrayal. Netanyahu later described his upbringing as steeped in intellectual debates on Zionism and survival, with Benzion prioritizing scholarly rigor over political compromise.

Formal Education and Influences

Netanyahu completed his secondary education at Cheltenham High School in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, where his family resided from 1963 to 1967 due to his father's academic position. Following his mandatory military service in the Israel Defense Forces, he enrolled at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) in 1973, pursuing an accelerated program that combined undergraduate and graduate studies. He earned a Bachelor of Science in Architecture in 1975 and a Master of Science in Management from the MIT Sloan School of Management in 1976, while simultaneously taking courses in political science. During this period, Netanyahu also studied political science at Harvard University, though he did not complete a degree there. His academic pursuits were marked by an intense workload across architecture, business management, and political science, reflecting a deliberate effort to apply technical and strategic skills to real-world challenges, including urban planning and economic policy. MIT professor Lawrence S. Bacow, who taught him urban studies, later described Netanyahu as exceptionally driven, noting his ambition to leverage these disciplines for practical impact rather than prolonging traditional degree timelines. This multidisciplinary approach honed his analytical rigor, evident in later writings on terrorism and strategy, such as his 1981 book Terrorism: How the West Can Win. Intellectually, Netanyahu was profoundly shaped by his father, Benzion Netanyahu, a historian of Spanish Jewry and prominent revisionist Zionist who served as executive director of the New Zionist Organization in the United States and emphasized uncompromised Jewish sovereignty and robust national defense against perceived existential threats. Benzion's adherence to the ideology of Ze'ev Jabotinsky, advocating maximalist territorial claims and rejection of partition compromises, informed Netanyahu's early worldview, prioritizing military strength and skepticism toward appeasement in international relations. These familial influences, rooted in revisionist thought rather than mainstream Zionist concessions, contrasted with academic environments at MIT and Harvard, yet reinforced Netanyahu's focus on first-principles security analysis over diplomatic multilateralism.

Military Service

Enlistment in Sayeret Matkal

Born in Tel Aviv in 1949 and raised partly in the United States, Benjamin Netanyahu returned to Israel in 1967 at the age of 18 to fulfill his mandatory military service, as the country stood on the brink of the Six-Day War. He enlisted in the Israel Defense Forces and was selected for Sayeret Matkal, the IDF’s elite special operations unit renowned for deep reconnaissance, counter-terrorism, and high-risk missions conducted behind enemy lines. Entry into Sayeret Matkal required passing an exceptionally demanding gibush (selection process), involving physical endurance tests, psychological evaluations, and combat simulations over several weeks, with acceptance rates typically under 10% even among paratroopers. Netanyahu succeeded in this process, joining the unit as a soldier and later advancing to officer rank. His older brother, Yonatan Netanyahu, had already served as a platoon commander in the unit, potentially motivating Benjamin's ambition to join the elite force rather than standard infantry postings. Netanyahu's initial service in Sayeret Matkal spanned from 1967 to 1972, during which he participated in training emphasizing unconventional warfare tactics, including helicopter insertions and hostage rescue drills that would later define the unit's doctrine. He attained the rank of captain by the end of his active duty, reflecting demonstrated leadership in a unit that prioritized operational secrecy and merit-based promotion. This period marked his transition from American-influenced youth to frontline combat experience in Israel's defense apparatus.

Key Operations and Personal Losses

Netanyahu rose to the rank of captain in Sayeret Matkal, participating in multiple cross-border raids and counter-terrorism missions during the late 1960s and early 1970s, including operations amid the War of Attrition. A pivotal operation was Operation Isotope on April 9, 1972, targeting Sabena Flight 571 hijacked by four Black September militants en route from Brussels to Lod Airport. Disguised as mechanics, a Sayeret Matkal assault team led by Ehud Barak, with Netanyahu commanding a squad, breached the aircraft fuselage using blowtorches and engaged the hijackers in close-quarters combat, killing all four terrorists and rescuing 90 of 100 passengers and crew despite three hostage fatalities from gunfire. Netanyahu sustained a bullet wound to his arm during the firefight. During the Yom Kippur War in October 1973, Netanyahu fought on the Sinai front, leading a rescue team that extracted wounded paratrooper commander Yossi Ben-Hanan after he lay injured for hours under enemy fire; Netanyahu himself was wounded in the intense battles, contributing to his eventual discharge later that year after six years of service marked by repeated injuries. The most significant personal loss occurred post-service with the death of his brother Yonatan Netanyahu, a Sayeret Matkal commander killed by Ugandan gunfire on July 4, 1976, while leading Operation Entebbe to free over 100 hostages seized from an Air France flight; the raid succeeded in rescuing most captives but Yonatan's death as the only Israeli fatality left a lasting impact on Benjamin, shaping his emphasis on decisive military action against terrorism.

Pre-Political Career

Business and Consulting Roles

Following his completion of studies at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 1976, where he earned bachelor's degrees in architecture and business management, Benjamin Netanyahu entered the private sector by joining the Boston Consulting Group (BCG), an international management consulting firm based in Boston. There, from 1976 to 1978, he served as an economic consultant, applying analytical frameworks to business strategy problems during BCG's early expansion phase as a challenger to established consultancies. This role leveraged his dual academic background in technical design and management, focusing on operational efficiency and market positioning for clients. In 1979, Netanyahu relocated to Israel and took on the position of marketing director at Rim Industries Ltd., Jerusalem's largest furniture manufacturer at the time, where he managed sales strategies and promotional efforts for the company's product lines until around 1982. Rim specialized in upholstered and wooden furniture production, and Netanyahu's responsibilities included expanding domestic market share amid Israel's post-1973 economic challenges, drawing on his U.S.-acquired business acumen to drive revenue growth. These roles marked his primary pre-diplomatic engagements in business and consulting, bridging his academic training with practical applications in strategy and marketing before shifting toward public advocacy on terrorism via the Jonathan Institute, which he established in 1980 alongside his Rim duties.

Diplomatic Positions

In 1982, following his tenure at the Boston Consulting Group and the establishment of the Jonathan Institute to combat terrorism in memory of his brother Yonatan, Netanyahu entered Israeli diplomacy as deputy chief of mission at the Israeli Embassy in Washington, D.C., serving under Ambassador Meir Rosenne until 1984. In this role, he engaged in bilateral relations and advocacy for Israel's interests amid U.S. foreign policy discussions on the Middle East, including the aftermath of the 1982 Lebanon War. From 1984 to 1988, Netanyahu served as Israel's permanent representative (ambassador) to the United Nations in New York, appointed at age 34 by Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir. During this period, he gained international prominence for his frequent speeches defending Israel's security policies, condemning Palestinian terrorism, and criticizing the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) as a terrorist entity rather than a legitimate representative of Palestinians. Notable addresses included his 1984 UN General Assembly speech highlighting Soviet arms supplies to Arab states and his opposition to resolutions equating Zionism with racism, which he argued distorted historical facts and delegitimized Jewish self-determination. Netanyahu's tenure coincided with heightened UN debates on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, where he consistently advocated for direct negotiations over multilateral forums he viewed as biased against Israel, amassing a reputation as an articulate hawk on counterterrorism. Netanyahu resigned from the UN ambassadorship in early 1988 to pursue domestic politics, returning to Israel ahead of the November Knesset elections, where his diplomatic experience bolstered his profile within the Likud party. His UN role, while elevating his public stature through media appearances and books like Terrorism: How the West Can Win (co-edited in 1986), drew criticism from some quarters for confrontational rhetoric that strained relations with UN member states sympathetic to Arab positions.

Rise in Israeli Politics

Entry to the Knesset and Early Roles

Netanyahu returned to Israel from his position as ambassador to the United Nations in 1988 and was elected to the 12th Knesset as a member of the Likud party. The election occurred on November 1, 1988, following a national vote where Likud secured 40 seats in the 120-member parliament. Upon entering the Knesset, Netanyahu was appointed deputy minister of foreign affairs in the government led by Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir, serving under Foreign Minister Moshe Arens from 1988 to 1990. In this role, he focused on international diplomacy, including efforts to counter Palestinian claims at the United Nations and build coalitions against perceived threats to Israel. He continued as deputy foreign minister until 1991, during which time he acted as a key spokesperson for Israel amid escalating tensions in the region. During the Gulf War in early 1991, Netanyahu served as Israel's principal liaison to the international media and Shamir's spokesman, addressing global concerns over Iraq's Scud missile attacks on Israeli cities and advocating for U.S.-led coalition support. From 1991 to 1992, he held a deputy ministerial position in Shamir's coalition cabinet, contributing to foreign policy formulation amid the lead-up to the Madrid Conference. Netanyahu retained his Knesset seat in the 1992 elections, despite Likud's loss of power to the Labor-led coalition, positioning him for greater influence within the opposition.

Leadership of the Likud Party

Netanyahu was elected leader of the Likud Party on March 26, 1993, defeating rivals David Levy, Ze'ev Binyamin Begin, and Moshe Katzav in the party's first leadership primary, succeeding Yitzhak Shamir. Under his tenure, he broadened the party's appeal beyond its traditional revisionist base by emphasizing economic liberalization, security hawkishness, and outreach to Soviet Jewish immigrants, contributing to Likud's unexpected victory in the May 29, 1996, Knesset elections where Netanyahu became Israel's first directly elected prime minister. Following Likud's defeat in the May 17, 1999, elections to Ehud Barak's Labor Party, Netanyahu resigned as party leader amid internal recriminations over campaign strategy and the Wye River Memorandum, which he had negotiated but later criticized as overly concessional to Palestinians. This paved the way for Ariel Sharon's election as Likud chairman in 2000, marking Netanyahu's temporary exit from party leadership; he briefly challenged Sharon in internal primaries but withdrew. Netanyahu rejoined Sharon's government as foreign minister in 2002 and finance minister in 2003, where he implemented market-oriented reforms including privatization and welfare cuts, credited with spurring Israel's economic recovery from the dot-com bust and intifada-related stagnation. He resigned from the cabinet on August 7, 2005, in opposition to Sharon's Gaza disengagement plan, positioning himself as a defender of settlement interests and national security against what he termed unilateral territorial concessions. With Sharon's departure to form Kadima in November 2005, Netanyahu won the subsequent Likud leadership election on December 19, 2005, securing 44% of the vote against Silvan Shalom and other contenders, reclaiming the post he had held over a decade earlier. Since 2005, Netanyahu has consolidated control over Likud through repeated primary victories, including 73% in August 2007 against Moshe Feiglin's ideological challenge from the party's settler-right wing, and a decisive win in December 2019 against Gideon Sa'ar amid his corruption indictments. He fended off further bids, such as Sa'ar's 2021 resignation to form New Hope and post-2021 coalition loss pressures, by leveraging personal loyalty networks, electoral successes like Likud's 30 seats in April 2019, and framing rivals as threats to right-wing unity. As of October 2025, Likud plans uncontested primaries for November 25, affirming his unchallenged status as the party's longest-serving leader, with over 30 years total tenure spanning two distinct eras.

First Term as Prime Minister (1996–1999)

Formation of Government and Key Negotiations

Following his narrow victory in Israel's first direct election for prime minister on May 29, 1996, where he received 50.50% of the vote against Shimon Peres's 49.50%, Benjamin Netanyahu was sworn in as prime minister on June 18, 1996. His Likud-led bloc, in alliance with Gesher and Tzomet, secured 32 seats in the concurrent Knesset elections, falling short of a majority in the 120-seat legislature. To form the twenty-seventh government, Netanyahu negotiated a coalition with ultra-Orthodox parties including Shas (10 seats) and United Torah Judaism (4 seats), as well as nationalist and religious factions such as the National Religious Party (7 seats) and smaller groups like Moledet (2 seats), achieving a total of 66 seats. This fragile right-wing and religious alliance demanded concessions, such as increased funding for religious institutions and exemptions from military service for yeshiva students, in exchange for support, reflecting the coalition's emphasis on security and Jewish interests over rapid territorial concessions. The coalition's composition introduced immediate tensions, as Netanyahu balanced hawkish elements opposed to the Oslo Accords—on which he had campaigned critically—with the need to advance limited implementations to maintain international credibility. Religious parties leveraged their pivotal votes to extract policy commitments, including bolstering settlement activities and prioritizing Jerusalem's status, while Netanyahu appointed Ariel Sharon as infrastructure minister to appease settler advocates. The government's stability was tested early, with Shas briefly threatening to withdraw over budget disputes, underscoring the reliance on ideologically diverse partners who prioritized domestic religious agendas alongside security concerns. A pivotal negotiation was the Hebron Protocol, signed on January 17, 1997, which implemented the first major Israeli redeployment under Netanyahu's tenure by dividing Hebron into Palestinian-controlled Area H1 (about 80% of the city) and Israeli-controlled Area H2 (encompassing settlements and key roads). This fulfilled a delayed Oslo II obligation from 1995, with Israel withdrawing forces from 80-90% of Hebron while retaining security oversight amid concerns over Palestinian Authority (PA) capabilities. Netanyahu's cabinet approved the deal by a narrow 11-7 vote on January 16, 1997, after U.S. mediation by Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, who provided assurances on Palestinian compliance. The agreement included PA commitments to combat terrorism and protect Jewish holy sites, though implementation faced delays due to mutual accusations of violations. Further negotiations culminated in the Wye River Memorandum, signed on October 23, 1998, following a U.S.-hosted summit from October 15-23 at the Wye Plantation in Maryland, involving Netanyahu, PA Chairman Yasser Arafat, and President Bill Clinton. The accord outlined phased Israeli withdrawals from an additional 13% of West Bank territory (about 40 square kilometers in the first phase and 5.8% in the second), tied to PA actions such as revising the Palestinian National Charter to remove calls for Israel's destruction, arresting 30 specified terrorists, and establishing joint security patrols. In return, Israel committed to releasing 750 Palestinian prisoners and allowing more PA police into specified areas. The Knesset ratified it on November 17, 1998, by a 75-19 margin, but implementation stalled after the first phase due to Netanyahu's suspension in December 1998 amid coalition rebellions and Arafat's perceived non-compliance on incitement and prisoner releases. These talks highlighted Netanyahu's strategy of linking concessions to verifiable Palestinian security reforms, though domestic opposition from coalition hardliners limited deeper engagement.

Domestic and Security Initiatives

During his first term as prime minister from June 1996 to July 1999, Netanyahu pursued domestic economic initiatives aimed at fostering market liberalization and fiscal discipline, including the liberalization of foreign currency regulations to ease capital flows and the acceleration of privatization efforts for state-owned enterprises. These measures built on prior trends but sought to reduce government intervention, with Israel's GDP growth registering approximately 4% in 1996 amid a per capita income approaching $17,000. Netanyahu also worked to lower the budget deficit through spending controls, contributing to economic stabilization during a period of ongoing Soviet immigrant absorption, where over 400,000 arrivals from the former USSR were integrated into society since the mid-1990s, supported by policies emphasizing self-reliance among immigrant communities. On security, Netanyahu prioritized a strategy of firmness and reciprocity in countering terrorism, insisting on Palestinian compliance with interim agreements to curb attacks while advancing negotiations from a position of strength. Key initiatives included aggressive targeted killings of terrorist leaders to disrupt organizational capabilities, alongside political and economic pressures on Palestinian authorities to deter violence, enabling the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) to focus operations on high-value threats. This approach yielded a marked reduction in terror fatalities, with approximately 50 Israelis killed in attacks during his tenure—compared to about 150 under Yitzhak Rabin (1992–1995) and 300 under Shimon Peres (1995–1996)—including fewer suicide bombings due to proactive interdictions and intelligence-driven measures. Public opinion in Israel credited the policy's emphasis on preemptive action for restoring deterrence after the wave of Oslo-era violence, though critics argued it strained peace efforts.

Electoral Defeat and Aftermath

In the direct election for prime minister held on May 17, 1999, Benjamin Netanyahu was defeated by Ehud Barak of the Labor Party, with Barak securing 56.08% of the vote to Netanyahu's 43.92%. The vote followed a no-confidence motion against Netanyahu's coalition government earlier that year, triggered by internal instability and failure to pass key legislation, including the 1999 budget. Netanyahu conceded defeat approximately 30 minutes after polls closed, citing exit polls that forecasted a decisive Barak victory, marking the end of his tenure as Israel's first directly elected prime minister. Voter turnout reached 78.7%, reflecting widespread public engagement amid polarized debates over security, the Oslo peace process, and economic policy. The loss stemmed primarily from voter fatigue with Netanyahu's leadership style, characterized by coalition fragilities—his government had collapsed multiple times due to disputes with ultra-Orthodox and far-right partners—and perceived indecisiveness on peace negotiations, including partial implementation of the Wye River Memorandum. While Netanyahu's administration oversaw GDP growth averaging 3.5% annually and reduced unemployment from 8.6% to 6.7%, these gains were overshadowed by ongoing Palestinian violence during the lingering effects of the Second Intifada's precursors and criticisms of divisiveness that alienated centrist voters. Barak's campaign emphasized a balanced approach of pursuing peace with robust security guarantees, appealing to a broad coalition including Russian immigrants and Sephardic voters disillusioned with Likud infighting. Analysts noted the election as a personal verdict on Netanyahu, with approval ratings dipping below 20% in polls leading up to the vote due to these factors rather than outright policy rejection. Following the defeat, Netanyahu resigned as Likud chairman and announced his departure from the Knesset and active politics on May 27, 1999, stating he needed time for family and reflection after the intense campaign. This paved the way for Ariel Sharon to assume interim leadership of the party, later confirmed in a September 1999 primary. Netanyahu retreated to his Caesarea residence, where he contemplated a return to private enterprise, amid reports of strained relations with party rivals and public scrutiny over campaign finances. The transition to Barak's government proceeded smoothly by July 6, 1999, but Likud's Knesset seats fell to 19 from 32 in 1996, underscoring the right-wing's electoral setback and setting the stage for internal party reforms under Sharon.

Return to Power and Economic Reforms

Tenure as Finance Minister (2003–2005)

Netanyahu was appointed Israel's Minister of Finance on February 9, 2003, under Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, following the resignation of the previous incumbent amid economic turmoil from the Second Intifada. He was granted significant autonomy to pursue reforms, with Sharon agreeing to support his initiatives in exchange for Netanyahu's backing of broader government policies. In April 2003, Netanyahu unveiled the Economic Recovery Plan, which emphasized fiscal austerity, including substantial budget cuts totaling about 4% of GDP, reductions in public spending, and structural changes to curb government intervention in the economy. Central to his agenda were efforts to liberalize the economy through privatization and deregulation. Netanyahu accelerated the sale of state-owned enterprises, including major assets in banking, shipping, and infrastructure, aiming to dismantle monopolies and enhance market competition. He also reformed pension systems by shifting public sector pensions toward defined-contribution models, cutting benefits for new retirees, and adjusting wage structures to align with private-sector norms, which reduced long-term fiscal liabilities. Tax policies were overhauled to lower rates and broaden the base: corporate tax was reduced from 36% to 30%, personal income tax brackets were adjusted downward, and the overall tax burden fell from 40.1% of gross national product in 2002 to approximately 35% by 2005, incorporating mechanisms like negative income tax to support low earners without expanding welfare dependency. Welfare reforms included slashing child allowances by up to 40% for larger families and eliminating income supplements, redirecting savings toward deficit reduction rather than redistribution. These measures faced opposition from labor unions and left-leaning groups, who argued they disproportionately burdened vulnerable populations, though Netanyahu contended they were essential to avert fiscal collapse. The reforms yielded measurable macroeconomic improvements. Israel's budget deficit shrank from 6.4% of GDP in 2003 to near balance by 2005, while public debt-to-GDP ratio declined from around 100% to 80%, facilitated by revenue growth from expanded economic activity rather than tax hikes. GDP growth rebounded from contraction in 2001-2002 to an average of 4-5% annually by 2005, with unemployment easing from a peak of 10.7% in 2003 toward 8.5%. Per capita income rose steadily, positioning Israel for stronger global competitiveness, though critics in academic and media circles, often aligned with interventionist views, attributed early recovery partly to external factors like U.S. aid and tech sector resilience rather than domestic policy alone. Netanyahu resigned on August 7, 2005, citing irreconcilable differences with Sharon's Gaza disengagement plan, which he viewed as undermining security without economic rationale, marking the end of his tenure amid ongoing implementation of his fiscal blueprint. His policies laid groundwork for sustained growth in subsequent years, though they sparked debates on inequality, with data showing widened income disparities during the period due to selective welfare reductions.

Opposition Leadership (2005–2009)

Netanyahu resigned as Finance Minister on August 7, 2005, during a cabinet meeting approving the initial stages of the Gaza disengagement plan, contending that the unilateral withdrawal would embolden terrorist groups by providing them a base of operations without reciprocal security guarantees. His departure highlighted deepening divisions within Likud over Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's policies, as Netanyahu urged party members to oppose the pullout through public referenda or legislative blocks, though these efforts failed to halt implementation. After Sharon's formation of the centrist Kadima party in November 2005, Netanyahu contested the Likud leadership primary, securing victory on December 19, 2005, with approximately 45% of the vote against Foreign Minister Silvan Shalom's 32%, positioning himself to lead the party's hawkish wing amid internal recriminations over the disengagement. As the new opposition leader, he emphasized reversing perceived concessions, prioritizing economic liberalization sustained from his prior tenure, and bolstering defenses against Palestinian militancy and Hezbollah threats. In the March 28, 2006, Knesset elections—held after Sharon's incapacitation and Ehud Olmert's ascension—Likud under Netanyahu won just 12 seats, its poorest performance in history, as voters shifted toward Kadima's promise of further West Bank realignments and disillusionment with Likud's internal strife eroded support. Netanyahu retained leadership despite the rout, vowing to rebuild by critiquing the coalition's security lapses, particularly during the July–August 2006 Second Lebanon War, where Hezbollah's rocket barrages and cross-border incursion exposed Israeli vulnerabilities. Netanyahu initially endorsed the war's objectives to neutralize Hezbollah but swiftly condemned Olmert's execution as indecisive, demanding the prime minister's resignation for failing to achieve deterrence or dismantle the group's infrastructure, a stance echoed in polls showing Netanyahu's approval surging to 58% post-conflict amid widespread public discontent. The April 2007 interim Winograd Commission report corroborated these critiques, faulting Olmert's unpreparedness and strategic errors, which further eroded the government's legitimacy and elevated Netanyahu as Likud's standard-bearer for robust counterterrorism and military readiness. Throughout 2007–2008, as opposition leader, Netanyahu hammered Olmert's administration over corruption scandals, stalled peace efforts with the Palestinian Authority, and inadequate responses to rocket fire from Gaza, while advocating privatization expansions and fiscal restraint to counter rising budget deficits. He navigated coalition overtures from Yisrael Beiteinu and Shas to broaden Likud's appeal, rejecting premature alliances that might dilute its platform. By the February 10, 2009, elections, Likud rebounded to 27 seats—the largest bloc despite Kadima's 28—enabling Netanyahu to forge a March 2009 coalition with right-wing partners, marking the end of his opposition tenure and return to premiership.

Extended Premiership (2009–2021)

Second Term (2009–2013): Coalition Building and Early Policies

Following the 10 February 2009 Knesset elections, in which Likud secured 27 seats compared to Kadima's 28, President Shimon Peres tasked Tzipi Livni with forming a government, but she failed after 42 days. Peres then mandated Netanyahu on 20 February, enabling him to assemble a broad coalition by 31 March, including Likud, Yisrael Beiteinu (15 seats), Shas (11 seats), The Jewish Home (3 seats), and United Torah Judaism (5 seats), totaling 74 seats. Labor joined later in April as a minority partner with 13 seats, providing Ehud Barak as defense minister, forming Israel's largest-ever cabinet with 30 ministers to balance hawkish and centrist elements amid economic recovery needs post-2008 global crisis. Netanyahu prioritized security and economic stability in early governance, continuing fiscal conservatism while addressing U.S. pressure under President Obama on settlements. In his 14 June 2009 Bar-Ilan University speech, he conditionally endorsed a Palestinian state—demilitarized, recognizing Israel as a Jewish state, rejecting refugee return to Israel proper, and maintaining Israeli control over Jerusalem and major settlement blocs—but opposed a full construction freeze, citing natural growth needs. Under U.S. mediation, he announced a 10-month moratorium on new West Bank housing starts (excluding East Jerusalem) on 25 November 2009, approving 2,500 units in the Gilo neighborhood simultaneously, which the U.S. accepted as a concession despite Palestinian rejection for lacking comprehensiveness. Domestically, the coalition advanced ultra-Orthodox demands like increased child allowances, straining budgets but securing haredi support, while Netanyahu's government initiated infrastructure projects and tax cuts to spur growth, achieving 3.4% GDP expansion in 2010 from prior reforms. Security policies emphasized deterrence, including naval blockades on Gaza post-Operation Cast Lead, amid rocket threats, with coalition hawks like Lieberman pushing citizenship loyalty oaths, passed in preliminary readings but diluting internal debates. This setup navigated ideological tensions, prioritizing stability over rapid peace advances, as evidenced by stalled direct talks until 2010.

Third Term (2013–2021): Sustained Governance and Major Challenges

Netanyahu secured a third term as prime minister following the January 22, 2013, Knesset elections, where his Likud-Yisrael Beiteinu alliance obtained 31 seats, down from 42 in the prior election, amid a fragmented result that included strong showings by the centrist Yesh Atid party with 19 seats. Despite the reduced margin, he formed a coalition government on March 15, 2013, incorporating Yesh Atid, the Jewish Home party, and Shas, totaling 68 seats and emphasizing economic reforms, haredi draft exemptions, and settlement policies. This coalition faced internal tensions, leading to its partial dissolution by December 2014 after disputes over the budget and draft laws, prompting early elections in March 2015. During this period, Netanyahu's governments pursued sustained economic policies building on prior liberalization, achieving average annual GDP growth of approximately 3.5% from 2013 to 2019, driven by high-tech exports and low unemployment dipping below 4% by 2019, though critics attributed rising housing costs and inequality to insufficient regulatory interventions. Security initiatives included bolstering Iron Dome defenses, which intercepted over 90% of rockets during escalations, and expanding military budgets to counter threats from Gaza and Hezbollah. In 2014, Israel launched Operation Protective Edge in response to Hamas rocket barrages exceeding 4,500 projectiles since the prior conflict, resulting in 73 Israeli deaths (mostly soldiers) and over 2,100 Palestinian fatalities, with the IDF targeting tunnels and command structures amid urban warfare challenges. Foreign policy highlighted Netanyahu's vocal opposition to the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) with Iran, which he addressed in a March 3, 2015, speech to the U.S. Congress, warning it legitimized Iran's nuclear program and provided sanctions relief funding terrorism without adequate inspections, a stance echoed by subsequent U.S. withdrawal in 2018. Relations with the Obama administration strained over settlement expansions and the Iran deal, though ties improved under Trump, culminating in the 2020 Abraham Accords normalizing relations with the UAE, Bahrain, Sudan, and Morocco, which Netanyahu hailed as advancing peace without Palestinian concessions and countering Iran through economic integration. Major challenges intensified with recurring elections—2015 (Likud gaining to 30 seats), April 2019 (deadlock at 35 seats for Likud), September 2019 (similar stalemate), and March 2020 (Likud at 36 seats)—stemming from coalition impasses and opposition from Blue and White leader Benny Gantz. Corruption investigations, initiated in late 2016 by Israeli police, culminated in Attorney General Avichai Mandelblit's February 2019 recommendation for indictments on bribery, fraud, and breach of trust in three cases: Case 1000 (gifts from benefactors), Case 2000 (media influence for favorable coverage), and Case 4000 (regulatory favors to Bezeq telecom). Netanyahu denied wrongdoing, labeling probes a "witch hunt" by biased institutions, while forming a May 2020 unity government with Gantz amid COVID-19, which allocated emergency funds exceeding 200 billion shekels but dissolved by December 2020 over disputes. Escalations persisted, including the May 2021 Gaza conflict with Hamas firing over 4,000 rockets, prompting Israeli airstrikes killing 256 Palestinians and 13 Israelis. Netanyahu's term ended June 13, 2021, when a Bennett-Lapid coalition ousted him via a 60-59 Knesset vote, marking the conclusion of 12 consecutive years in power.

Fourth Term as Prime Minister (2022–Present)

Government Formation and Judicial Reform

Following the November 1, 2022, Knesset election, in which Likud secured 32 seats and allied right-wing parties collectively achieved a 64-seat majority in the 120-seat parliament, Benjamin Netanyahu was tasked with forming Israel's 37th government. Netanyahu announced the coalition agreement on December 21, 2022, comprising Likud, the ultra-Orthodox Shas and United Torah Judaism parties, and the right-wing Religious Zionism alliance (including Otzma Yehudit). The government was sworn in on December 29, 2022, marking Netanyahu's sixth term as prime minister and the most right-leaning coalition in Israeli history, with key portfolios allocated to ultranationalist figures such as Itamar Ben-Gvir as national security minister and Bezalel Smotrich overseeing settlements and finance. A central early agenda item was judicial reform, driven by long-standing critiques from Netanyahu and coalition partners that the judiciary wielded excessive unchecked power, including the ability to annul government decisions via the "reasonableness" doctrine. Justice Minister Yariv Levin introduced the reform package in January 2023, proposing changes to judicial selection (shifting control toward elected officials), limiting the Supreme Court's override of Knesset laws, and curtailing the reasonableness standard for reviewing administrative actions. Proponents argued the measures would restore democratic balance by aligning judicial authority with elected branches, while opponents, including opposition parties, legal experts, and civil society groups, contended they risked eroding checks on executive power and enabling corruption amid Netanyahu's ongoing trials. The proposals ignited unprecedented protests beginning in January 2023, involving hundreds of thousands weekly, general strikes, and refusals by thousands of military reservists to serve, fracturing national unity and drawing international concern over Israel's democratic institutions. Netanyahu paused the full package on March 27, 2023, to pursue dialogue, but the Knesset passed the reasonableness amendment on July 24, 2023, by a 64-0 vote in the coalition's narrow majority. In a landmark ruling on January 1, 2024, Israel's Supreme Court struck down the amendment 8-7, asserting its authority to review Basic Laws for the first time and deeming the change a disproportionate threat to judicial independence and the rule of law; an 12-3 majority affirmed the court's power to invalidate such legislation. Subsequent reform efforts stalled amid the October 7, 2023, Hamas attack and ensuing war, though tensions persisted into 2024 with debates over judicial appointments.

October 7, 2023, Hamas Attack and Gaza War

On October 7, 2023, Hamas launched a coordinated assault from Gaza into southern Israel, involving thousands of rockets, ground incursions via paragliders and breached border fences, and attacks on civilian communities and a music festival. The militants killed approximately 1,200 people, predominantly civilians, including over 800 in their homes, kibbutzim, and at the Nova music festival site. Around 250 individuals were taken hostage to Gaza, with over 45 still held captive as of October 2025. Prime Minister Netanyahu, who was in the midst of domestic political challenges including judicial reform protests, convened an emergency security cabinet meeting that evening and addressed the nation, vowing severe retaliation against Hamas. Netanyahu declared a state of war on October 8, 2023, authorizing the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) to pursue Hamas leadership and dismantle its military infrastructure in Gaza. The stated objectives included eliminating Hamas's capacity to govern and attack Israel, rescuing all hostages, and preventing future threats from the territory, with Netanyahu emphasizing that "Hamas will pay the price" for the atrocities. He formed a unity war cabinet including opposition leaders Benny Gantz and Yair Lapid, sidelining far-right coalition partners from direct decision-making to broaden domestic support. The IDF initiated airstrikes followed by a ground invasion in late October 2023, targeting Hamas tunnels, command centers, and rocket sites, which Netanyahu described as necessary to achieve "total victory" over the group. In a speech on October 28, 2023, announcing the expansion of ground operations, Netanyahu invoked the biblical command from Deuteronomy, stating, "You must remember what Amalek has done to you, says our Holy Bible." The ensuing Gaza campaign, extending into its third year by October 2025, resulted in significant IDF-reported successes, including the deaths of thousands of Hamas fighters—estimated at around 14,000 militants by mid-2025—and the neutralization of much of Hamas's rocket arsenal and leadership, such as Yahya Sinwar in October 2024. Gaza's Hamas-controlled Health Ministry reported over 67,000 deaths by early October 2025, figures that include combatants and have been criticized for lack of independent verification, potential inflation, and failure to distinguish between civilians and fighters; IDF assessments indicate a higher proportion of military casualties, with civilian deaths attributed partly to Hamas's use of human shields and embedding in populated areas. Netanyahu rejected ceasefire proposals that did not meet Israel's goals, insisting on continued operations to demilitarize Gaza and secure long-term deterrence. He articulated a vision for post-war Gaza as demilitarized and deradicalized, drawing parallels to the post-World War II transformations of Germany and Japan through disarming militant structures and reshaping governance to eliminate radical ideologies, which he stated could lead to decades of peace, prosperity, and security. In a May 2024 interview on The Dr. Phil Podcast, Netanyahu compared the approximately 1,200 Israeli deaths on October 7—likening the attack's scale to Pearl Harbor, 9/11, and the worst attack on Jews since the Holocaust—to the proportional equivalent of around 40,000 to 43,000 American deaths based on population differences, reiterated the deradicalization imperative akin to post-World War II Germany and Japan, and described the fight against disinformation on social networks as an "eighth front" alongside seven military fronts. On February 4, 2025, Netanyahu met with U.S. President Donald Trump at the White House to discuss the Gaza conflict, hostage release, and regional security; official readouts and reports did not mention discussion or endorsement of the two-state solution, and no such meeting occurred in January 2025 prior to Trump's inauguration. In a January 2026 interview with The Economist editors Zanny Minton Beddoes and Edward Carr, Netanyahu was questioned on Israel's policy of restricting independent international journalists' access to Gaza; he responded by emphasizing the need for IDF escorts due to safety risks in the warzone and denying that Israel targets journalists, amid claims of over 200 Palestinian journalists killed. In a January 2026 press conference, Netanyahu stated that IDF soldiers fell in Gaza due to insufficient ammunition at a certain stage of the war, attributing this to an arms embargo under the Biden administration, and noted the situation improved after Donald Trump took office, quoting "Our soldiers fell [in Gaza] because we didn't have enough ammunition." The claim was disputed by former Biden officials as false and ungrateful, and by Israeli opposition MKs and defense sources who denied that ammunition shortages caused deaths. Netanyahu also defended Israel's Gaza operations by comparing the October 7 attack to a hypothetical invasion of Britain killing 8,000 people near London, arguing that Israel's ground operations demonstrated greater restraint than Britain's World War II bombing campaigns, and framing the conflict as a battle against radical Islam threatening Western civilization. The attack exposed systemic intelligence failures, including ignored warnings from IDF and Shin Bet about Hamas preparations, such as the "Jericho Wall" training exercises simulating the incursion, and a specific alert to Netanyahu's office hours before the assault that was not escalated. Netanyahu acknowledged overall governmental responsibility but attributed primary blame to military and intelligence agencies, resisting calls for an independent state inquiry in favor of internal reviews, arguing external probes would be politically biased. Public protests intensified against his leadership, accusing him of prioritizing political survival over security preparedness, though Netanyahu maintained the focus must remain on wartime objectives rather than scapegoating. By August 2025, the security cabinet approved plans for expanded control over Gaza City to enforce disarming and hostage return, signaling Netanyahu's commitment to indefinite military pressure until Hamas capitulates.

Regional Escalations: Syria Invasion and Iran Strikes

Following the collapse of the Assad regime on December 8, 2024, Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) advanced into the demilitarized buffer zone in southwestern Syria, adjacent to the Israeli-occupied Golan Heights, to neutralize residual threats from Iranian-backed militias and secure strategic positions including Mount Hermon. On December 9, 2024, Israel executed airstrikes targeting over 50 military sites across Syria, including weapon depots and air defense systems linked to the former regime and Hezbollah supply lines. Prime Minister Netanyahu described these operations as essential to preventing the transfer of advanced weaponry to hostile groups and affirmed that IDF forces would remain in the buffer zone and Mount Hermon indefinitely to enforce border security. By early 2025, Israel's ground presence expanded to approximately 400 square kilometers in southern Syria, effectively voiding the 1974 disengagement agreement with Syria, as Netanyahu argued it no longer held after Assad's fall and amid risks of jihadist or Iranian resurgence. In February 2025, Netanyahu publicly demanded the complete demilitarization of southern Syria up to 40 kilometers from the border, rejecting any foreign troop deployments without Israeli approval and vowing to dismantle remaining Iranian entrenchments. These actions dismantled key Iranian proxy infrastructure, including Hezbollah outposts, but drew international criticism for potentially destabilizing Syria's transition, though Netanyahu maintained they were defensive responses to post-October 7, 2023, threats from Tehran's "axis of resistance." Parallel to Syrian operations, Israel escalated direct strikes against Iran, building on tit-for-tat exchanges in 2024. After Iran's April 13, 2024, barrage of over 300 drones and missiles—prompted by an Israeli strike on Iran's Damascus consulate—Israel retaliated with targeted hits on air defenses near Isfahan nuclear facilities on April 19. Iran launched another 180 ballistic missiles on October 1, 2024, following Israeli assassinations of Hezbollah and Hamas leaders; Israel responded on October 26 with precision strikes on Iranian missile production sites and radars, avoiding nuclear or oil targets to limit escalation. The most significant confrontation occurred on June 13, 2025, when Israel initiated preemptive airstrikes using warplanes and pre-positioned drones to hit Iran's core nuclear infrastructure at Natanz and Fordow, as well as conventional military bases, killing at least three top Revolutionary Guard generals. Netanyahu framed the operation as a necessary degradation of Iran's nuclear breakout capability, which intelligence indicated was advancing toward weapons-grade enrichment despite IAEA monitoring lapses. Iran retaliated with missile salvos causing limited damage in Israel, but both sides de-escalated short of all-out war, with the strikes reportedly setting back Iran's nuclear program by years while exposing vulnerabilities in its air defenses. These moves under Netanyahu's leadership capitalized on the weakening of Iran's regional proxies after the Gaza war and Assad's ouster. In late December 2025, Netanyahu informed cabinet ministers that U.S. President Donald Trump had approved large-scale Israeli airstrikes on Hezbollah in Lebanon, providing a green light for operations targeting the group amid efforts to enforce its disarmament. This development aimed to further reestablish deterrence against remaining threats without broader conflict. In a January 2026 interview with The Economist, Netanyahu stated that Israel aims to end reliance on U.S. military aid within ten years, noting that the country has developed sufficient capacities to taper off dependence on American military aid. U.S. Senator Lindsey Graham responded by expressing intent to accelerate the process of ending the aid and redirecting funds to the U.S. military. On January 10, 2026, Netanyahu held a phone call with U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio, during which an Israeli source reported discussions on the possibility of U.S. intervention in Iran amid ongoing anti-government protests there; a U.S. official confirmed the call took place but did not disclose the topics discussed, while Israel remained on high alert.

Policy Positions and Achievements

Economic Reforms and Growth

During his tenure as Finance Minister from March 2003 to August 2005, Netanyahu implemented a series of market-oriented reforms aimed at addressing Israel's economic recession exacerbated by the Second Intifada, which had led to a contraction in GDP and rising public debt. Central to these efforts were sharp reductions in government spending, equivalent to about 3% of GDP annually, alongside privatization of state assets such as banks and utilities, and measures to dismantle monopolies in sectors like food and telecommunications. These steps reduced the government's fiscal footprint, with public expenditure curbed to stabilize the shekel and reverse deflationary pressures. Tax policy reforms formed a cornerstone, including a reduction in the top marginal individual income tax rate from 64% to 44% and corporate tax rates from 36% to lower levels phased over time, alongside cuts in value-added tax and incentives for investment. These changes, justified by Netanyahu as necessary to boost labor participation and entrepreneurship, resulted in tax revenues rising as a share of economic activity post-implementation, with total tax burden falling from 35.6% of GDP in 2000 to 30.5% by 2015, contrary to predictions of revenue shortfalls. Empirical outcomes included accelerated GDP growth from negative territory in 2002 to an average of over 4% annually by 2005-2007, unemployment dropping from 10.7% in 2003 to below 7% by 2008, and a surge in foreign direct investment, laying groundwork for Israel's high-tech sector expansion. As Prime Minister from 2009 onward, Netanyahu sustained and expanded these pro-growth policies, emphasizing deregulation, low corporate taxes (further reduced to 18% by 2016), and support for innovation hubs, which propelled Israel to become known as the "Start-Up Nation" with R&D spending at 4.9% of GDP by 2019, the highest globally. Real GDP per capita rose from $27,512 in 2009 to $40,731 by 2020, outpacing many OECD peers, driven by tech exports comprising over 50% of total exports by the mid-2010s and annual growth averaging 3.5% through the 2010s, though partly attributable to employment gains rather than pure productivity surges. Critics, including analyses from left-leaning outlets, have noted uneven benefits, with inequality rising as measured by Gini coefficients climbing to 0.35 by 2018, yet aggregate data affirm the reforms' role in transforming a socialist-leaning economy into a dynamic market-driven one resilient to external shocks.

Security and Counter-Terrorism Measures

Netanyahu has prioritized proactive counter-terrorism strategies emphasizing intelligence-driven preemption, technological defenses, and targeted operations to disrupt terrorist networks, particularly those of Hamas, Hezbollah, and Iranian proxies. During his premierships, Israel under his leadership expanded multi-layered missile defense systems, including the Iron Dome, which was first deployed operationally on March 27, 2011, successfully intercepting Gaza-launched rockets aimed at populated areas. By 2019, the system had intercepted thousands of projectiles, with Netanyahu crediting it for saving countless lives amid barrages from Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad, while securing U.S. funding exceeding $1 billion to bolster deployment. This approach reflects a doctrine of deterrence through denial, minimizing civilian casualties from rocket fire without conceding territory. Border security infrastructure has been a cornerstone, with Netanyahu overseeing the construction of advanced fences along the Gaza border, completed in 2021, featuring underground barriers, sensors, and automated machine guns to prevent infiltrations by Hamas militants. Similarly, expansions to the West Bank security barrier, initiated earlier but fortified under his governments, reduced suicide bombings by over 90% post-Second Intifada, as evidenced by sharp declines in attacks crossing from Palestinian areas after 2003. These physical measures, combined with heightened IDF patrols and raids, aimed to contain threats from groups like Hamas, though vulnerabilities were exposed in the October 7, 2023, breach, prompting Netanyahu's subsequent vows for fortified northern and eastern borders against Hezbollah and West Bank militants. Targeted killings of terrorist leaders have intensified under Netanyahu, with Israeli operations eliminating key figures such as Hamas military chief Yahya Sinwar in October 2024 and Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah in September 2024, disrupting command structures and operational capabilities. Innovative tactics, including the September 2024 exploding pager operation against Hezbollah operatives—hailed by Netanyahu as the "first mass targeted assassination in history"—demonstrated precision intelligence integration, killing or injuring thousands of militants while minimizing collateral damage. These actions, often executed via Mossad and IDF special forces, align with Netanyahu's long-standing policy of holding terror sponsors accountable, extending to over 365 Hezbollah members eliminated since October 2023. Aerial campaigns against Iranian entrenchment in Syria, numbering hundreds of strikes confirmed by Netanyahu since 2017, have prevented weapons transfers to Hezbollah, including precision-guided missiles and drones. Notable operations include the May 2018 assault on nearly all Iranian military infrastructure in Syria and repeated hits on nuclear-related sites, as in June 2025 strikes on Tehran facilities, underscoring Netanyahu's strategy of degrading Iran's proxy axis to avert direct threats to Israel. This preemptive posture, rooted in first-hand experience from the 1976 Entebbe raid honoring his brother, has maintained low terror penetration rates in Israel proper compared to pre-2009 levels, though critics from biased outlets question sustainability without broader diplomatic shifts. Netanyahu has outlined a vision for postwar Gaza involving its demilitarization, through the destruction of military capabilities, and deradicalization of the population by instilling a different way of life, analogous to the transformations in Germany and Japan after World War II.

Diplomatic Accomplishments

Netanyahu oversaw the Abraham Accords, a series of bilateral normalization agreements signed in 2020 between Israel and four Arab states: the United Arab Emirates on September 15, Bahrain on September 11, Sudan on October 23, and Morocco on December 10. These pacts established full diplomatic relations, including embassy exchanges, direct flights, trade deals, and security cooperation, without preconditions related to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, diverging from prior Arab League stipulations. The accords facilitated over $3 billion in annual bilateral trade with the UAE alone by 2023 and joint ventures in technology, energy, and tourism, enhancing Israel's regional integration. In a January 2026 interview, Netanyahu expressed intent to expand the Abraham Accords following resolution of the Gaza conflict. Under Netanyahu's third term, Israel deepened strategic ties with India, culminating in his state visit from January 14 to 19, 2018, which marked 25 years of formal diplomatic relations established in 1992. The visit yielded agreements on cybersecurity, agriculture innovation, and defense, including joint production of missile systems; bilateral trade reached $10.7 billion by 2022, with India becoming Israel's third-largest trading partner. Netanyahu's emphasis on shared interests in counter-terrorism and technology transfer positioned India as a counterweight to traditional non-aligned stances, fostering military sales exceeding $2 billion annually in drones and surveillance systems. Netanyahu's diplomacy with the United States under President Trump advanced several recognitions aligned with long-standing Israeli positions, including the U.S. relocation of its embassy to Jerusalem on May 14, 2018, acknowledging it as Israel's capital, and the recognition of Israeli sovereignty over the Golan Heights on March 25, 2019. These steps, preceded by Netanyahu's congressional address opposing the 2015 Iran nuclear deal on March 3, 2015, reinforced U.S.-Israel alignment against Iranian influence, leading to the accords' framework and over $25 billion in U.S. military aid commitments through 2028. In a January 2026 interview with The Economist, Netanyahu stated plans to taper off U.S. Foreign Military Financing to zero within 10 years due to Israel's growing self-sufficiency, citing economic growth and shifting U.S. political sentiments, aiming to transform the relationship into a strategic partnership focused on mutual benefits in security and innovation. U.S. Senator Lindsey Graham responded by welcoming the statement and advocating for an expedited phase-out to redirect the funds to U.S. military needs rather than waiting a decade. Such outcomes expanded Israel's diplomatic maneuverability, prioritizing alliances with Sunni Arab states and rising powers over stalled Palestinian negotiations.

Controversies and Criticisms

In November 2019, Israeli Attorney General Avichai Mandelblit indicted Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on charges of bribery, fraud, and breach of trust across three cases (numbered 1000, 2000, and 4000), marking the first time an incumbent Israeli leader faced criminal prosecution while in office. The charges stemmed from investigations launched in 2016 by Israeli police, which alleged quid pro quo arrangements involving personal benefits, media influence, and regulatory decisions, though Netanyahu has consistently denied wrongdoing, characterizing the proceedings as a politically orchestrated "witch hunt" by left-leaning elites and media opponents. Case 1000 involved allegations of fraud and breach of trust, centered on Netanyahu and his wife Sara accepting approximately 700,000 shekels (about $200,000) in gifts—including cigars, champagne, and jewelry—from Hollywood producer Arnon Milchan and Australian billionaire James Packer between 2007 and 2016. Prosecutors claimed these donors received favors in return, such as Netanyahu's advocacy for Milchan's U.S. visa extensions and tax legislation benefiting returning Israeli expatriates, though no bribery charge was filed due to insufficient evidence of explicit quid pro quo. Netanyahu's defense argued the gifts were from personal friends without strings attached, a practice not uncommon among politicians, and that acceptance reflected cultural norms rather than corruption. Case 2000 accused Netanyahu of fraud and breach of trust for negotiating with Arnon Mozes, publisher of Yedioth Ahronoth, in recorded 2016–2017 conversations to secure more favorable coverage of Netanyahu in exchange for supporting legislation that would limit circulation of his rival paper, Israel Hayom, owned by Sheldon Adelson. The deal allegedly collapsed when talks leaked, but prosecutors viewed the discussions as an illicit attempt to trade regulatory influence for biased media treatment. Netanyahu countered that the talks were exploratory and aimed at promoting press pluralism, not personal gain, dismissing them as "nonsense" in court testimony. Case 4000, the most severe with a bribery charge, alleged that as communications minister from 2014 to 2017, Netanyahu granted regulatory approvals worth hundreds of millions of shekels to Bezeq telecom—controlled by businessman Shaul Elovitch—in return for positive coverage on Elovitch's Walla news website, which shifted from critical to supportive of Netanyahu, including suppressing negative stories about his family. Evidence included witness testimonies from former Walla executives and internal communications showing editorial interference, potentially carrying a 10-year prison term if convicted. The defense has challenged the credibility of cooperating witnesses, portraying them as self-interested and noting evidentiary weaknesses, such as reliance on circumstantial links rather than direct proof of bribery. The trial commenced in May 2020 at Tel Aviv District Court but faced repeated delays due to COVID-19, Netanyahu's scheduling conflicts, and procedural disputes; by December 2024, over 120 prosecution witnesses had testified before Netanyahu took the stand for the first time on December 10, describing the charges as an "ocean of absurdities, fabrications, and lies." As of October 2025, proceedings remain ongoing amid Netanyahu's requests for reduced hearing days— rejected by the court on October 26—to accommodate his prime ministerial duties, with his legal team threatening to withdraw if demands are unmet. Further delays occurred in June 2025 for diplomatic reasons, highlighting tensions between judicial demands and national security priorities. Critics, including legal analysts, have questioned the prosecution's evidentiary foundation in lighter cases like 1000 and 2000, suggesting political motivations given the timing post-2015 elections and involvement of opposition-aligned investigators. No verdict has been reached, and Netanyahu continues to lead the government without legal impediment under Israeli law, which presumes innocence until proven guilty.

Accusations of Democratic Erosion

Critics, including opposition figures and civil society groups, have accused Netanyahu's governments of eroding democratic institutions primarily through efforts to reform Israel's judiciary, which they claim undermine judicial independence and concentrate power in the executive and legislature. In 2023, Netanyahu's coalition advanced a judicial overhaul package that included limiting the Supreme Court's power to strike down laws deemed "unreasonable" and altering judge selection processes to give politicians greater influence, prompting massive protests and warnings from figures like former Supreme Court President Aharon Barak that it would end the "liberal democratic era" in Israel. These reforms were partially paused amid unrest but resumed, culminating in a March 27, 2025, Knesset law that expanded elected officials' control over judicial appointments, defying ongoing protests and drawing condemnation from outlets like The Guardian as a "tightening grip" on the judiciary. Detractors, such as those cited in analyses from the Middle East Institute, argue these measures reflect a broader pattern of democratic backsliding, motivated in part by Netanyahu's ongoing corruption trials, where a weakened judiciary could shield him from accountability. Accusations extend to perceived attacks on media freedom, with Netanyahu's administration criticized for curtailing press independence amid political pressures. In November 2024, Reporters Without Borders (RSF) condemned Communications Minister Shlomo Karhi's proposals to regulate media outlets, including fines for perceived bias, as direct threats to pluralism, noting the government's targeting of critical broadcasters like Kan and Channel 12. By April 2025, Netanyahu began boycotting major Israeli media outlets, granting interviews primarily to sympathetic platforms like Channel 14, which Haaretz described as curating a one-sided public image and exacerbating information silos during wartime. Further restrictions emerged in June 2025, when the government issued directives limiting media coverage of operations against Iran, including censorship of strike details, prompting Al Jazeera to highlight risks to transparency in conflict reporting. Critics from organizations like the Nieman Foundation have linked these actions to a longer-term strategy, including past attempts to influence media ownership, as outlined in Brandeis University assessments of backsliding under Netanyahu's tenure. A January 2026 Channel 12 investigation reported that approximately half of politically active Israeli social media accounts are bots, with many rapidly liking and reposting content from Netanyahu and his coalition to manipulate platform algorithms and generate artificial engagement. Post-October 7, 2023, accusations intensified, with observers alleging Netanyahu exploited the Hamas attack and ensuing Gaza war to consolidate power and sideline democratic oversight. Reports from The Conversation in July 2024 pointed to expanded emergency powers, trial delays, and suppression of dissent as accelerating backsliding, including efforts to appoint a government-controlled inquiry into the attack that sidelined independent probes and incorporated anti-protest narratives. A July 2025 New York Times analysis claimed Netanyahu prolonged the conflict to maintain his coalition and evade legal reckoning, citing internal divisions and policy blocks on ceasefires that prioritized political survival over resolution. Such claims, echoed in Journal of Democracy pieces, frame Israel's protests as a fading "last safeguard" against executive overreach, though surveys from 2019-2021 indicate stronger Netanyahu support correlates with tolerance for reduced liberal norms. Netanyahu and allies counter that reforms address an activist judiciary's historical overreach—evident in rulings against elected policies—and that wartime measures are necessary for security, not erosion, as argued in Middle East Forum defenses of the overhaul as a "democratic correction." These debates highlight polarized interpretations, with critics often from opposition-aligned or international human rights circles potentially amplified by institutional biases against right-wing governance. On 20 May 2024, ICC Prosecutor Karim A.A. Khan applied for arrest warrants against Netanyahu and former Defense Minister Yoav Gallant, alleging their responsibility for war crimes and crimes against humanity in Gaza stemming from policies restricting humanitarian aid and directing military operations. On 21 November 2024, ICC Pre-Trial Chamber I issued the warrant for Netanyahu, charging him with war crimes of starvation as a method of warfare under Article 8(2)(b)(xxv) of the Rome Statute and intentionally directing attacks against the civilian population under Article 8(2)(b)(i), as well as crimes against humanity including murder under Article 7(1)(a), persecution under Article 7(1)(h), and other inhumane acts under Article 7(1)(k). The temporal scope covers conduct from at least 8 October 2023—one day after the Hamas attack on Israel—to at least 20 May 2024, attributing responsibility to Netanyahu in his capacity as Prime Minister for overarching policies on aid restrictions and attacks purportedly causing civilian harm and deprivation. The Chamber rejected Israel's challenges under Articles 18 and 19 of the Statute, ruling that jurisdiction exists over Gaza as territory of the State of Palestine—a 2021 ICC decision Israel disputes—and that the investigation, authorized in 2021, did not require fresh deferral notifications. Israel, a non-party to the Rome Statute, maintains the ICC lacks authority over its nationals, viewing the warrants as politically motivated and equating them to antisemitic targeting, while noting the simultaneous issuance of warrants for three Hamas leaders—Mohammed Deif, Yahya Sinwar, and Ismail Haniyeh—for October 7 atrocities including murder, extermination, rape, and hostage-taking. Netanyahu remains at large, with the warrant binding 124 ICC states parties to arrest and surrender him upon entry; enforcement varies, as Canada affirmed compliance in October 2025, while the U.S. denounced the decision as "outrageous" and imposed sanctions on ICC officials in response. In July 2025, the ICC rejected Israel's bid to withdraw the warrants. Broader war crimes claims against Netanyahu arise from NGO and UN reports alleging systematic civilian targeting and aid blockades during the Gaza campaign, though these lack prosecutorial weight. Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch documented purported violations like disproportionate strikes and restrictions exacerbating famine risks, attributing policy-level culpability to Israeli leadership. A September 2025 UN Independent International Commission of Inquiry concluded Israel committed acts of genocide in Gaza, including killings and conditions calculated to destroy Palestinians, implicating senior officials without naming Netanyahu individually; the report's findings, drawn from witness accounts and data, have faced criticism for relying on potentially unverified Palestinian sources amid Hamas control in Gaza. No other international tribunals have issued personal legal actions against him, distinguishing these from state-directed ICJ proceedings, such as October 2025 orders rebuking Israel for obstructing Gaza aid in violation of the Genocide Convention. In a January 2026 interview with The Economist's editor-in-chief Zanny Minton Beddoes, Netanyahu responded to war crime accusations, including arrest risks in Europe, Israel's declining public opinion in Europe and America, and restrictions blocking independent international journalist access to Gaza, stating that Israel does not target journalists and limits access to prevent them from being killed in the warzone.

Ideological Foundations

Jewish Religious Influences

Benjamin Netanyahu identifies as a secular or traditional Jew, not Hasidic and not a member of Chabad-Lubavitch. In 1984, as Israel's ambassador to the United Nations, he met personally with the Lubavitcher Rebbe, Menachem Mendel Schneerson, for a 40-minute private audience during which the Rebbe discussed themes of truth combating darkness, influencing Netanyahu's perspectives on diplomacy and security challenges. He has hosted Chabad delegations at his office, including during Sukkot holidays to receive the Four Species, and has publicly cited the Rebbe's teachings on the necessity of strength for Israel's security. These interactions reflect Netanyahu's respect for Chabad-Lubavitch's pro-Israel advocacy and efforts in Jewish education and outreach, fostering warm ties without formal affiliation. Netanyahu has also drawn on biblical rhetoric in addressing security threats; for instance, in an October 2023 speech amid the Gaza War following the October 7 Hamas attack, he referenced the biblical command regarding Amalek, stating, "You must remember what Amalek has done to you, says our Holy Bible."

Revisionist Zionism and Security Hawkishness

Netanyahu's ideological foundations are deeply rooted in Revisionist Zionism, a strand of the movement pioneered by Ze'ev Jabotinsky in the 1920s, which advocated for a maximalist Jewish claim to territory on both sides of the Jordan River and an "iron wall" of military strength to deter Arab opposition rather than relying on negotiation or British goodwill. This perspective was profoundly shaped by his father, Benzion Netanyahu, a historian and activist who served as Jabotinsky's personal secretary in 1940 and later led the Revisionist Zionist organization in the United States, promoting its tenets of uncompromised sovereignty and armed self-reliance amid rising antisemitism in Europe. Benzion's writings and activism instilled in his son a worldview skeptical of conciliatory approaches toward adversaries, emphasizing that Jewish security required overwhelming defensive capabilities and rejection of partition schemes that weakened Israel's strategic depth. As leader of the Likud party, which traces its lineage directly to Jabotinsky's Revisionist movement through the Herut faction founded by Menachem Begin, Netanyahu has consistently invoked these principles in policy and rhetoric, framing Israel's survival as contingent on maintaining territorial integrity and military superiority over revisionist territorial maximalism. In his 1993 book A Place Among the Nations, Netanyahu echoed Jabotinsky's iron wall doctrine by arguing that peace could only emerge after Arabs recognized Israel's permanence through demonstrated strength, not goodwill gestures, a stance that informed his initial opposition to the Oslo Accords as a risky concession without reciprocal security guarantees. This ideological commitment manifested in his premierships, where he prioritized settlement expansion in Judea and Samaria—echoing Revisionist claims to historical Jewish heartlands—and resisted unilateral withdrawals, as seen in his 2005 critique of the Gaza disengagement as endangering border security by ceding strategic buffers. Netanyahu's security hawkishness extends Revisionist Zionism's emphasis on deterrence into a doctrine of proactive defense, asserting that Israel must act unilaterally against existential threats rather than defer to international mediation, a view reinforced by his interpretation of historical precedents like the 1967 Six-Day War as validations of preemptive military action. He has described this approach as rooted in the lesson that "the weak crumble, are slaughtered, and erased from history while the strong, for all their wrongs and rights, survive," drawing directly from Jabotinsky's realist assessment of power dynamics in the region. Under his leadership from 2009 to 2021 and again from 2022, this translated into operations like the 2014 Protective Edge campaign against Hamas rocket fire, involving over 4,500 airstrikes and ground incursions to degrade tunnel networks and militant capabilities, justified as necessary to restore deterrence after rocket barrages exceeding 4,000 in 2014 alone. Netanyahu's advocacy for such measures reflects a causal understanding that partial responses invite escalation, prioritizing empirical outcomes—such as reduced infiltration attempts post-operation—over diplomatic optics, even amid international criticism. This hawkish posture, while credited by supporters with maintaining Israel's qualitative military edge through investments exceeding 5% of GDP annually on defense, has drawn accusations of inflexibility from opponents who attribute ongoing conflicts to its rejection of compromise.

Views on Iran and Nuclear Threats

Netanyahu has consistently characterized Iran's nuclear program as an existential threat to Israel, arguing that Tehran's pursuit of nuclear weapons, combined with its ideological commitment to Israel's destruction and support for proxy terrorism, necessitates proactive measures including sanctions, covert operations, and potential military strikes, while distinguishing between the regime and the Iranian people by expressing hopes for renewed friendship between the Israeli and Iranian peoples, referencing historical ties such as those under King Cyrus the Great, and conducting outreach via a Farsi-language Twitter account launched in 2015. In a 1995 book, Fighting Terrorism, he warned that Iran's nuclear ambitions could not be tolerated, advocating for an international coalition led by the United States to uproot the threat. This perspective stems from his assessment that Iran's regime views nuclear capability as a means to achieve regional hegemony and deter opposition to its expansionist policies. Throughout the 2000s and 2010s, Netanyahu repeatedly highlighted timelines for Iran's potential nuclear breakout, drawing on Israeli intelligence assessments. In a 2012 address to the United Nations General Assembly, he presented a diagram of a bomb to illustrate that Iran was 70% toward sufficient enriched uranium for a weapon, urging a "clear red line" to prevent weaponization within months. He reiterated this urgency in 2018 at the UN, revealing intelligence on a covert atomic warehouse in Tehran storing nuclear-related materials, claiming it evidenced Iran's deception despite the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). Netanyahu opposed the JCPOA from its inception, addressing the U.S. Congress in March 2015 to argue that the deal's sunset provisions and permission for continued low-level enrichment would enable Iran to retain infrastructure for rapid weapon development, describing it as paving Iran's path to the bomb rather than blocking it. In subsequent years, Netanyahu advocated "maximum pressure" campaigns, crediting the Trump administration's withdrawal from the JCPOA in 2018 and reimposed sanctions for delaying Iran's progress. He maintained that diplomacy must condition any agreement on Iran's cessation of ballistic missile development, regional aggression, and uranium enrichment entirely, as partial deals incentivize violations. In his 2022 memoir Bibi: My Story, he detailed arguments for U.S.-led confrontation of Iran's nuclear program to avert catastrophe. By 2024 and 2025, amid reports of Iranian advances toward weapons-grade material, Netanyahu emphasized Israel's readiness for self-defense. He addressed a joint session of the US Congress, including senators, in July 2024, criticizing Iran's nuclear program and threats. In a September 2024 UN speech, he accused Iran of seeking to weaponize its program, warning of threats to global security. Following Israel's June 2025 Operation Rising Lion—targeted strikes on Iranian nuclear and missile sites—he stated the action aimed to eliminate the existential nuclear threat, asserting Iran could produce a bomb in a short time if unchecked, and vowed to prevent rebuilding. In a June 24, 2025, statement, he declared the operation had neutralized two core dangers: nuclear annihilation and missile barrages, framing it as a historic victory rooted in deterrence doctrine. These positions reflect his broader hawkish stance, prioritizing prevention over containment, informed by Israel's historical experiences with hostile neighbors and the regime's explicit threats.

Perspectives on Palestinian Conflict and Peace

In his 2009 Bar-Ilan University speech, Netanyahu outlined a conditional endorsement of Palestinian statehood, proposing a demilitarized Palestinian state alongside Israel provided the Palestinians recognized Israel as the nation-state of the Jewish people, forswore the right of return for Arab refugees into Israel proper, accepted Israeli control over airspace and borders to prevent arms smuggling, and united Jerusalem under Israeli sovereignty. He framed this as a pragmatic response to Israel's security needs, citing historical Arab rejection of partition plans like the 1947 UN proposal and subsequent wars as evidence that concessions without ironclad guarantees invite existential threats. Subsequent policies under Netanyahu's premierships reflected skepticism toward Palestinian negotiating partners, particularly the Palestinian Authority (PA) and Hamas. Settlement construction in the West Bank accelerated, with approximately 500,000 Israeli settlers residing there by 2025, alongside expansions totaling over 24,000 housing units advanced in 2025 alone—double the prior annual record—effectively creating facts on the ground that complicate territorial contiguity for a viable Palestinian state. Netanyahu justified this by arguing that Jewish communities in Judea and Samaria (the West Bank's biblical names) enhance Israel's defensible depth against threats from the east, and that Palestinian incitement and PA payments to families of terrorists undermine trust in their commitment to peace. Netanyahu's approach to Gaza emphasized deterrence and division between Palestinian factions to avert unified pressure for statehood. From 2012 onward, his governments permitted Qatari cash transfers—totaling hundreds of millions annually—to Hamas, ostensibly for humanitarian aid and civil salaries but enabling military fortification, a strategy critics attribute to weakening the PA and stalling negotiations, though Netanyahu maintained it bought temporary calm amid thousands of rocket attacks. Following Hamas's October 7, 2023, assault killing 1,200 Israelis and taking 250 hostages, he pledged "total victory" through dismantling Hamas's military and governance capacities, rejecting permanent Israeli reoccupation while insisting on indefinite security control to prevent resurgence. By 2024–2025, amid international pushes for renewed talks, Netanyahu explicitly rejected Palestinian statehood as a "huge prize for terror," vowing no withdrawal from the West Bank and full Israeli security oversight west of the Jordan River, arguing empirical failures of past concessions—like the 2005 Gaza disengagement leading to Hamas rule and rocket barrages—demonstrate that sovereignty for rejectionist entities perpetuates conflict rather than resolves it. He has advocated economic incentives and PA reforms to foster "peace for prosperity," but subordinated political settlements to verifiable deradicalization, citing data on persistent PA glorification of violence as causal barriers to coexistence.

References

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