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Television in Australia
View on WikipediaTelevision in Australia began experimentally as early as 1929 in Melbourne with radio stations 3DB and 3UZ, and 2UE in Sydney, using the Radiovision system by Gilbert Miles and Donald McDonald,[1][2][3] and later from other locations, such as Brisbane in 1934.[4][5]
Mainstream television was launched on 16 September 1956 in Willoughby, New South Wales, with Nine Network station TCN-9 Sydney. The new medium was introduced by advertising executive Bruce Gyngell with the words "Good evening, and welcome to television",[6] and has since seen the transition to colour and digital television.[7]

Local programs, over the years, have included a broad range of comedy, sport, and in particular drama series, in addition to news and current affairs. The industry is regulated by the Australian Communications and Media Authority, through various legislation, regulations, standards and codes of practice, which also regulates radio and in recent years has attempted to regulate the Internet.
History
[edit]Origins: Early transmission trials
[edit]In 1885, Henry Sutton developed a Telephane for closed circuit transmission of pictures via telegraph wires, based on the Nipkow spinning disk system, so that the Melbourne Cup could be seen in Ballarat. Reports differ on whether the Telephane was successfully implemented.[8][9][10][11]
The first television broadcast in Australia took place on 30 September 1929 at the Menzies Hotel in Melbourne, using the electro-mechanical Radiovision system.[12] Other transmissions took place in the city over the next few weeks. Also in 1929, the Baird system was used on 3DB, 3UZ and 2UE.[5][13]
After 18 months of test transmissions, regular broadcasts began in Brisbane on 6 May 1934 using a 30-line system, to an estimated 18 receivers around Brisbane. The test transmissions, which were of 1-hour duration each day, were made by Thomas M. B. Elliott and Dr Val McDowall from the Wickham Terrace Observatory Tower.[14][15][16] The programs included news headlines, still pictures and silent movies such as the temperance film Horrors of Drink. The Commonwealth Government granted a special licence and permission to conduct experimental television by VK4CM, in July 1934. By 1935, it expanded to 180 lines.[14][17][18][19][20][21] Other experimental transmissions followed in other cities.
Early demonstrations
[edit]
Television commenced in the United States and in the United Kingdom before World War II. The two countries developed radically different industry models, which were based on the models each used for radio broadcasting. British broadcasting was entirely controlled by the government-created broadcasting corporation, the BBC, which derived its revenue from compulsory viewer licence fees. The United States adopted a commercial model, based on privately owned stations and networks that earned revenue by charging for advertising time, with public broadcasting forming only a minor component of the larger system.
In June 1948, the Australian Labor Government under Ben Chifley, opted to follow the British model, on the advice from the Postmaster-General's Department. It decided to establish a government-controlled TV station in each capital city and called for tenders for the building of the six TV transmitters. The Broadcasting Act 1948 specifically prohibited the granting of commercial TV licences, a decision that the Liberal-Country Party opposition criticised as "authoritarian and socialistic". This policy was never put into practice, however, because the Labor government did not have the opportunity to establish the TV network before it was defeated in December 1949. The incoming Robert Menzies-led Liberal-Country Party coalition, which was to hold power for the next 23 years, changed the industry structure by also permitting the establishment of American-style commercial stations.[22]
The economic situation at the time that TV was established in Australia exerted a pivotal influence on the foundation and subsequent history of the industry. When the decision was made to go ahead with granting the first licences for broadcast TV in the early 1950s, Australia was in a recession,[23] with severe shortages of labour and materials and an underdeveloped heavy industrial base, and in this context TV was seen as a drain away from more fundamental projects.[22]
The Menzies government was concerned about the long-term viability of the new industry and worried that it might be called on to bail out struggling stations and networks if the economy deteriorated. Consequently, it decided to grant the initial commercial TV licences to established print media proprietors, with the expectation that these companies would, if necessary, be able to subsidize the new TV stations from their existing (and highly profitable) press operations.[citation needed]
Meanwhile, in 1949, the first large-scale public demonstrations of the medium took place when the Shell company sponsored a series of closed-circuit broadcasts in capital cities produced by Frank Cave.[24] These broadcasts were elaborate, usually opened by a local politician, and featured many people appearing on camera – singing, playing instruments, and giving demonstrations of cooking, sport, and magic tricks.
Buoyed by the success of these tests, in March 1950, the Astor Radio Corporation embarked upon a tour of 200 regional towns with a mobile broadcast unit, giving a series of 45-minute demonstration programs, allowing local performers and members of the public to appear on camera.[25]
In January 1953, in response to increasing pressure from the commercial lobby, the Menzies government amended the Broadcasting Act 1948 to allow for the granting of commercial licences, thus providing the legislative framework for a dual system of TV ownership.[22] This structure was directly modeled on the long-established two-tiered structure of Australian broadcast radio—one tier being the stations in a new national, government-funded TV network run by the Australian Broadcasting Commission (ABC), and the other tier being privately owned commercial stations that drew their income from advertising revenue.
Commercial TV licences were nominally overseen by the Australian Broadcasting Control Board (ABCB), a government agency responsible for the regulation of broadcasting standards and practices, while technical standards (such as broadcast frequencies) were administered by the Postmaster-General's Department. The ABC, as an independent government authority, was not subject to the regulation of the ABCB and instead answered directly to the Postmaster-General and ultimately to the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs (a situation that provoked bitter complaints from commercial radio in the mid-1970s when the ABC established its controversial youth station Double Jay).
In 1954, the Menzies Government formally announced the introduction of the new two-tiered TV system—a government-funded service run by the ABC, and two commercial services in Sydney and Melbourne, with the 1956 Summer Olympics in Melbourne being a major driving force behind the introduction of television to Australia.[26]
TCN-9 Sydney began test transmissions on 16 September 1956 and officially commenced broadcasting on 27 October.[27] HSV7 Melbourne became the first television station to broadcast to viewers in Melbourne on 4 November, soon followed by ABV-2 then GTV9 on 19 January 1957. Sydney station ABN-2 also started broadcasting in November. All of these stations were operational in time for the 1956 Melbourne Summer Olympics opening ceremony, on 22 November 1956.[28] ATN-7 started in December.[29]
An interview with Mrs Edna Everage (a comic creation of performing artist Barry Humphries) was one of the programmes screened on HSV-7's first day of programming in 1956. The character went on to great success in the United Kingdom and later, the United States.
Videotape technology was still in its infancy when Australian television was launched in 1956 and video recorders did not become widely available to Australian TV stations until the 1960s. For the first few years, the only available method for capturing TV programs was the kinescope process, in which a fixed movie camera filmed broadcasts screened on a specially adjusted TV monitor. Similarly, the playback of pre-recorded programs to air was only possible at this stage through the telecine process, in which films or kinescoped TV recordings were played back on a movie screen which was monitored by a TV camera.
Because of these limitations, it was relatively difficult and expensive to record and distribute local programming, so the majority of locally produced content was broadcast live-to-air. Very little local programming from these first few years of Australian TV broadcasting was recorded and in the intervening years, the majority of that material has since been lost or destroyed. Even the footage of the 'first' Australian TV broadcast with Bruce Gyngell on Channel 9, Sydney (see image above) is a fabrication—according to Gerald Stone the kinescope film of the actual September 1956 broadcast was lost and the footage that exists today is a considerably more polished re-enactment, made a year later.[30]
Most programs in this early period were based on popular radio formats—musical variety and quiz formats were the most popular.[31]
In the first decade after the first TV licences were granted, the federal government and the ABCB did not act to enforce local content quotas, and such measures were resisted by the commercial sector. As a result, Australian TV was soon dominated by material imported from the United States and (to a far smaller extent) Great Britain. In this period nearly every TV drama screened in Australia came from the US and the few programs that were made locally were almost all produced by the ABC. In other formats, the few locally produced programs made by or for commercial stations were typically low-cost copies of proven American talk/variety or quiz show formats. By the early 1960s, at least 80% of all Australian TV content was sourced from the US and not surprisingly American programs consistently topped the ratings.[32]
These changes led to a significant concentration of cross-media ownership. By 1960, the Packer family's Consolidated Press group controlled Channels 9 in Melbourne and Sydney (the flagship stations that formed the basis of the Nine Network), Melbourne's Herald and Weekly Times group owned HSV-7, and the Fairfax newspaper group controlled ATN-7 in Sydney. In the view of some media historians, these arrangements established a pattern of "high-level political allegiances between commercial broadcasters and Liberal-National Party governments" and that, as a result, the ABCB "was left very weak and uncertain in its capacity to control broadcaster conduct and exhibited strong symptoms of regulatory capture, or over-identification with the industry it regulated".[33]
In 1963, the Senate Select Committee on the Encouragement of Australian Productions for Television, chaired by Senator Seddon Vincent (known as the Vincent Committee) presented its report to federal parliament and its findings painted a bleak picture for local producers—the Committee found that 97% percent of all television drama shown on Australian TV between 1956 and 1963 was imported from the United States, and it criticised the ABCB for failing to use its powers to enforce local content standards on television broadcasters, particularly the commercial stations. The Vincent Report recommended a sweeping program of reforms but none were implemented by the Menzies Government at that time.[34][35]
The advent of TV effectively destroyed Australia's once thriving radio production industry within a few years, and the absence of local production quotas for TV in this formative period compounded the problem. Faced with almost unbeatable competition from American-made programming, local technical and creative professionals in radio were unable to make the transition to the new medium, as many of their American and British counterparts had done when TV was introduced there.
Those Australian producers who did try to break into TV faced almost insurmountable challenges. Imported American and British programs benefited from high budgets, an international talent pool, and huge economies of scale, thanks to their very large domestic markets (relative to Australia), established worldwide distribution networks; additionally, since most American production houses and networks were based in Los Angeles, they had access to resources and expertise built up over decades by the Hollywood movie studios. These disadvantages were further exacerbated by the fact that American producers and networks offered Australian channels significant discount rates on bundled programming. Taken as a whole, these factors meant that local producers were faced with a relative production-cost ratio on the order of 10:1 or more in favour of the imported product.[36]
Some sense of the scale of this "resource gap" can be gained by comparing the budgets of contemporary American and Australian TV programs. The pilot of the 1967 satirical sketch comedy series Laugh-In reportedly cost about US$200,000.[37] At the top end of the scale, in 1966 Desilu Studios spent almost US$1 million on the two pilot episodes for the science fiction series Star Trek – the first pilot "The Cage" (which was rejected by NBC) cost more than US$600,000 and the set for the bridge of the Enterprise alone reportedly cost US$60,000; the second pilot, "Where No Man Has Gone Before" cost around US$300,000.
By comparison, the budget for the pilot episode of the 1964 Australian topical revue series The Mavis Bramston Show was just AU£1500.[38] Adjusted for inflation, this was around A$3500 in 1967 figures; given that US–Australian dollar exchange rate in 1967 was A$1.00 = US$1.12, this still would have only equated to around US$4,000—50 times less than Laugh-In.
Although by the end of the 1950s television had expanded to also include Brisbane, Adelaide and Perth, it was estimated that in 1956 less than 5% of the residents in Melbourne, and fewer than 1% in Sydney, owned a television set, which at the time cost, on average, six to ten weeks' wages.[39] During these early years, broadcast days were very short—all stations including the ABC-only broadcast programs for a few hours each day and broadcast the test pattern for the rest of the time they were on air. Broadcast times were gradually increased over succeeding decades, although ABC did not commence 24-hour broadcasting until 1993.[40]
Early programmes
[edit]The TV series The Adventures of Long John Silver was made in the Pagewood Studios, Sydney, for the American and British market; it was shown on the ABC in 1958. Local content was limited to talk shows, variety shows, and news & current affairs.[39] Notable programs of the 1950s included TCN-9's long-running music variety program Bandstand, (based on the US version of the same name) hosted by radio presenter and future newsreader Brian Henderson; HSV-7's weekly sport program, (that would broadcast for the next 28 years) World of Sport; and the shorter-lived programs, including the ABC's Six O'Clock Rock, hosted by Johnny O'Keefe. The first Australian serial drama, Autumn Affair, ran for a 10-month run on ATN-7. Programming also covered religion; for example, Discovering the Bible.[41] Several programs in the 1950s were simply adaptations of already established radio programs such as Pick a Box.
Television and programming in the 1960s
[edit]The 1960s saw the continued growth of television in Australia, particularly into regional areas. The first regional TV services began in Victoria in 1961 with the first being Gippsland's GLV-10 followed by Shepparton's GMV-6 and Bendigo's BCV-8. NBN-3 in Newcastle was the first regional service in New South Wales commencing broadcast in 1962.
While the first television services were being established in regional areas, larger cities including Melbourne, Sydney, Brisbane, Adelaide, and Perth began to receive their second and, in the mid-1960s, third stations. In order to reduce costs, networks began to merge – originally in 1957 between HSV-7 and TCN-9, but later between almost all the metropolitan stations of a certain frequency. This led to the formation of the National Television Network (forerunner to the Nine Network) and Australian Television Network (later known as the Seven Network) in 1962. Not all stations became a part of their respective networks – TVW-7 in Perth remained independent for a number of years as the sole commercial station in the city. Throughout the decade the ABC expanded transmissions to several major centres including Adelaide, Perth, Hobart, and Canberra.
Beginning in 1964, the federal government tried to address concerns about competition and local production by licensing a third station in major cities, beginning with Channel 0 in Melbourne and Channel 10 in Sydney. More third-licence stations were established in other capitals and regional cities[citation needed] over the next few years and by the late Sixties these stations joined forces to create Australia's third commercial network, originally known as the Independent Television System (ITS), then later changed to the 0–10 Network, and now called Network 10.
Channel 0 in Melbourne took an early lead in catering to teenage viewers and quickly became the preeminent network in pop music programming, commissioning a sequence of popular and influential local pop shows including The Go!! Show and Kommotion (1964–1967), Uptight (1968–70) and Happening '70 and its successors (1970–1972).

The establishment of the Sydney–Melbourne co-axial cable link between Sydney and Melbourne in 1962 marked the first step in the establishment of effective national networking for Australian TV stations. The cable-supported the simultaneous live broadcast of the 5th test of the 1962–63 Ashes series to Sydney, Canberra, and Melbourne – a major milestone in Australian television history.[42]
The introduction of satellite broadcasting in the late 1960s allowed news stories and programs to be accessed from around the world. The first live satellite transmission occurred between Australia and the United Kingdom in 1966. The first direct telecast across the Pacific from North America to Australia took place on 6 June 1967 when "Australia Day" at Expo 67 in Montreal was broadcast live to Australia via a US satellite link. Prime Minister Harold Holt officially opened the Australian pavilion and visitors watched events including boomerang throwing, sheep-dog trials, wood chopping contests and tennis matches with members of the Australian Davis Cup team.[43]
In the afternoon a variety concert, 'Pop goes Australia', featured musicians Normie Rowe, Bobby Limb, Rolf Harris and The Seekers. The entire 10-hour program was televised live and several hundred thousand people across Australia sat up through the night to watch it. One newspaper reported that the picture was so clear that hundreds of viewers rang a Sydney television station to seek assurance that the pictures really were being broadcast live from Canada.[43]
Two weeks later, on 25 June 1967, Australia participated in the historic "Our World" broadcast, the first live global satellite television hookup involving fourteen countries. The event is now chiefly remembered for the participation of The Beatles, who performed their new song "All You Need Is Love" live from the Abbey Road Studios in London. Australia's contribution showed a Melbourne tram leaving the depot for its early morning run, which caused some controversy as people felt that it was not a very exciting image of Australia.[44] By 1970 as many as thirty-one programs were received via this manner.[45] GTV-9 in Melbourne broke records in 1969 for the world's longest scheduled live telecast with its coverage of the Apollo 11 Moon landing, running for 163 hours, a record which has since been beaten.[45]
Even though the dominance of imported American and British programming continued, local production gradually increased in the 1960s and several important new Australian programs were launched. Crawford Productions' Melbourne-based police drama Homicide premiered on 20 October 1964 on HSV-7, soon followed on 11 November by the ATN-7 satirical sketch comedy series The Mavis Bramston Show (which at its peak drew an unprecedented 59% of the audience), the rural soap opera Bellbird on the ABC (1967), and for interstate viewers Graham Kennedy's In Melbourne Tonight or the Graham Kennedy Channel Nine Show.[39] In addition to these, many programs still seen today were launched at this time including the ABC's acclaimed current affairs program Four Corners (1961) and Play School – now the country's longest-running children's show—as well as the Nine Network's Here's Humphrey,[39] which both premiered in 1966.
Veteran actor-producer John McCallum and filmmaker Lee Robinson created the children's adventure series Skippy the Bush Kangaroo which premiered in 1968 on the Nine Network. At a reported cost of A$6000 per episode it was said to have been the most expensive Australian TV series yet produced up to that time[46] (by comparison, the first series of Star Trek reportedly cost around US$200,000 per episode). Although Australian TV was still in black-and-white at the time, Skippy was filmed in colour with a view to overseas sales and it was the first Australian-made series to achieve significant international success, with sales to more than 80 countries worldwide,[47] and it became the first Australian TV show to be widely screened in the USA.[46]
Winners of the first nationally shown TV Week Logie Awards included In Melbourne Tonight host Graham Kennedy – twice, Pick-a-box host Bob Dyer, Lorrae Desmond from ABC's The Lorrae Desmond Show, Four Corners reporter Michael Charlton, Bobby Limb, Jimmy Hannan, Gordon Chater, Brian Henderson and Hazel Phillips.[45]
Numerous television stations were launched, mainly concentrated around the southern and eastern parts of the country. By the turn of the decade, the takeup of television had increased dramatically – by 1960 up to 70% of homes in Sydney and Melbourne had a television set. Following its introduction to regional centres and other capital cities through the late 1950s and 1960s over 90% of Australian homes in established markets had a television set.[31] The new medium had also become highly lucrative to advertisers.
In 1967 the NSWRFL grand final became the first football grand final of any code to be televised live in Australia. The Nine Network had paid $5,000 for the broadcasting rights.[48] That same year, ATV-0 telecast the Pakenham races in colour under the supervision of the Broadcasting Control Board.[49]
The first fully equipped – permanent – colour studios and post-production facilities were set up in 1969 at Video Tape Corporation in Sydney (VTC), by executives that decamped from TEN. Although the output was hobbled to monochrome until 1974, many original long and short-form productions were completed over the years until its closure and eventual absorption into other companies in the late 1980s.
Test broadcasting of colour began in the late 1960s.[50] The full changeover to colour transmission did not occur until 1975.
Television and programming in the 1970s
[edit]Following the new medium's establishment in most major metropolitan and regional centres, television continued to expand to remote areas, most notably those in the northern and western parts of Australia – Darwin, for example, did not receive television until ABD-6 and NTD-8 launched in 1971. Similarly, VEW-8 launched in Kalgoorlie on 18 June 1971, and ITQ-8 launched in Mount Isa on 11 September 1971. The youngest network, the 0/10 Network, as it was then known, launched the controversial sex-melodrama serial Number 96 in March 1972.[39][51] The success of this program led to this third network becoming commercially viable.
In 1969, a group of ex-network executives pooled together to create Video-Tape Corporation (VTC) in East Roseville. This was to be the first end-to-end 'fully electronic' (no film) colour video facility in the region, intended to be up and running with studios, audio, OB and post-production facilities to feed the emerging colour broadcast industry. To accommodate producers and film aesthetics, VTC also installed comprehensive 'film-to-tape' (telecine) capabilities as they grew. However the networks and government were locked in their own battles, and despite being ready for full-colour operation from around 1971, VTC was hobbled until 1973–74 before the content would ever reach "the masses". Around that same time, Royce Smeale/ECV arrived to offer a complementary service with more emphasis on production and OB services.
In 1972 it was announced that all stations would move to colour on 1 March 1975, using the European PAL standard mandated in 1968.[45][51][52] The slogan used to sell colour television to the Australian public was 'March first into colour'. Australia was to have one of the fastest change-overs to colour television in the world – by 1978 over 64% of households in Sydney and Melbourne had colour television sets.[51]
Government subsidies provided for the production of local series led to a boom in Australian-produced content. Some of the most popular series included Crawford Productions police dramas Homicide, Division 4 which started during the 1960s and Matlock Police which began in 1971; variety series Young Talent Time; comedy/variety series Hey Hey It's Saturday, which ran for 28 years until 1999, music show Countdown; soap operas Bellbird which had started in late 1967, Number 96 and The Box, and the World War II-themed The Sullivans.[39] Against the Wind, the first major mini-series produced for commercial television, was shown on the Seven Network. Later hospital drama The Young Doctors ran for 1396 episodes between 1976 and 1983, becoming at the time it ended Australia's longest-running drama series.
Graham Kennedy returned to the Nine Network after his departure from In Melbourne Tonight with The Graham Kennedy Show in 1973, but was banned from appearing on television in 1975 after an infamous 'crow-call' incident.[51] Kennedy subsequently returned in 1977 as the host of Blankety Blanks. In 1979, commercial stations were mandated to provide 'C'-classified programming targeted at children between 4-5pm, and a minimum of 30 minutes of pre-school programming prior to that. These regulations saw the establishment of a number of children's series including Simon Townsend's Wonder World and Shirl's Neighbourhood.[51]
News and current affairs, particularly on commercial television, grew significantly – the Nine Network's A Current Affair, hosted by Mike Willesee began in November 1971, while 60 Minutes, on the same network, began in 1979.[39][51] In March 1972, Brisbane station BTQ-7 claimed the first one-hour newscast in Australia.[51] The one-hour newscast format was also later adopted by regional station NBN, Newcastle, and capital city television stations TEN-10 Sydney and ATV-0 Melbourne.[51]
A special Gold Logie Award was awarded to the Apollo 11 crew in 1970, alongside actors Barry Crocker and Maggie Tabberer. Other Gold Logie winners included Gerard Kennedy, Tony Barber, Graham Kennedy, Pat McDonald, Ernie Sigley and Denise Drysdale in the first awards presentation shown in colour, Don Lane, Jeanne Little, and Bert Newton.[51]
Sports broadcasting became increasingly sophisticated through the 1970s. ABC, the Seven Network and the Nine Network joined to broadcast the 1976 Olympic Games in Montreal, with the opening and closing ceremonies telecast live, and highlights packages shown each night. During November of the same year, RTS-5a commenced transmissions in Riverland, with GTW-11 launching in Geraldton on 21 January 1977.
In 1977 the Victorian Football League Grand Final was shown live to Melbourne viewers for the first time.[51] As with the Olympics, the 1978 Commonwealth Games in Edmonton, Alberta, Canada were shown in the form of highlights packages on ABC TV.
The Special Broadcasting Service, originally a group of radio stations broadcasting government information to ethnic minorities in Sydney and Melbourne, began test transmissions on ABC in the two cities – mainly showing foreign-language programming on Sunday mornings.[53]
Television and programming in the 1980s
[edit]The country's second national public broadcaster, the Special Broadcasting Service, launched Channel 0/28 in Sydney and Melbourne in October 1980. The new station, aimed at Australia's growing multicultural population, placed a much heavier emphasis on subtitled or foreign-language content. The network expanded to cover Canberra and Goulburn in 1983, followed by Brisbane, Adelaide, Newcastle, Wollongong and the Gold Coast in June 1985. It is now available in most areas.
Although Australia had seen the introduction of the satellite in the 1960s, 1986 saw the introduction of a new, domestic satellite called AUSSAT. The Australian Broadcasting Corporation and other commercial broadcasters were able to broadcast to the more remote areas of Australia without needing to set up a new station, and by the end of 1986 the Australian Broadcasting Corporation were broadcasting both television and radio to remote areas of Australia.[54] By 1980, commercial television in Australia accounted for 33% of all mainstream advertising; this was a significant rise from the introduction of television in 1960 when it was accountable for only 15% of advertising revenue.[54]
The newly relaunched Network 10, with Rupert Murdoch controlling the flagship stations TEN-10 and ATV-10, aggressively challenged the long-held dominance of the Seven and Nine networks with the commissioning of several large-budget mini-series, many produced by the Kennedy-Miller partnership; the expansion of news and current affairs coverage; securing the exclusive Australian television rights to the 1984 and 1988 Summer Olympic Games; and a strong line-up of Hollywood blockbuster movies and mini-series.[55] The 1980s were a huge step up for the Australian Broadcasting Corporation, sealing the contracts for both Live Aid and the 1986 Commonwealth Games, live from Edinburgh.[55]
In 1983 a two-hour experiment was conducted, in which the Seven Network televised a series of 3D films.[55]
The Australian soap opera Neighbours was first broadcast on the Seven Network on 18 March 1985. The show's storylines concern the domestic and professional lives of the people who live and work in the fictional suburb of Erinsborough, Melbourne. Seven decided to commission the show following the success of Watson's other soap opera, Sons and Daughters. Neighbours underperformed in the Sydney market and it struggled for four months before Seven cancelled it. The show was immediately bought by rival network, Ten. Ten began screening Neighbours on 20 January 1986. Neighbours has since become the longest-running series in Australian television and attained great success in the United Kingdom and launched the careers of several international stars, including Kylie Minogue, Guy Pearce, Russell Crowe, Natalie Imbruglia and Margot Robbie to name a few.[56]
The soap opera Home and Away has been produced in Sydney by the Seven Network since July 1987. It premiered in January 1988 and is the second longest-running drama on Australian television, winning more than 30 Logie Awards.[57] The show initially focused on the characters of Pippa and Tom Fletcher who ran the Summer Bay Caravan Park and lived there with a succession of foster children, most notably their adopted daughter Sally, played by Kate Ritchie. Other notable actors who have starred in the series include Heath Ledger, Julian McMahon and Naomi Watts.
The late 1980s saw the ownership changeover for many commercial and regional stations. Six main ownership groups emerged, three for commercial broadcasters and three for regional broadcasters[54] This was the beginning of aggregation for Australian television.[54]
Television and programming in the 1990s
[edit]The 1990s saw a boom in Australian-made drama, which included Halifax f.p., Stingers, Water Rats, SeaChange, All Saints, and the long running police drama Blue Heelers which ran from 1993 to 2006, one of the longest running Australian programs, equaling Homicide's record of 510 episodes; a record set two decades earlier. A number of successful comedy programs also aired during the 1990s, including Fast Forward, Full Frontal, The Late Show and Good News Week. Hey Hey It's Saturday ended its 28-year run in November 1999. One of the most significant developments in terms of high-quality Australian programming was the establishment by the Federal Government of the Commercial Television Production Fund. One of the most significant changes for regional television in Australia began in the 1990s with the introduction of aggregation. Instead of being covered by a single commercial channel, regional license areas would combine to provide two or three stations in line with metropolitan areas. As a result, most regional areas went from one to three channels, although some, particularly outside eastern states New South Wales, Victoria and Queensland, remained with two or even only one commercial station.[58]
The first license area to aggregate was that of southern New South Wales, on 31 March 1989, followed by Queensland on 31 December 1990, northern New South Wales on 31 December 1991, Victoria on 1 January 1992, and Tasmania in 1994 (two stations only). Some areas too small to be properly aggregated, such as Darwin, Mildura or rural South Australia, however, either applied for a second license or introduced a supplementary second service run by the existing local station. Following aggregation in 1995, Sunshine Television was purchased by Seven Network Limited.[58]
Community television was introduced to Sydney, Melbourne, Brisbane, Adelaide and Perth in 1994. The stations, which all broadcast on channel 31, were allocated long-term temporary licences until new legislation introduced in 1997 permitted permanent licences to be granted. Briz 31 was the first community television station to launch in Australia, on 31 July 1994. C31 Melbourne and Access 31 in Perth followed in 1994 and 1999 respectively, along with a number of other stations in some capital and regional cities. The most recent to launch was Sydney's TVS. Throughout the early 1990s, SBS TV coverage continued to expand to include the Latrobe Valley, Spencer Gulf, Darwin, northeast Tasmania, Cairns and Townsville.
During the 1990s the first subscription television services were introduced to Australia. The first license was issued to Galaxy Television, which started in 1993, providing services to most metropolitan areas by 1995. Other major providers include Foxtel, Optus Television, and Austar, all of which were introduced in 1995.
Subscription television allowed customers to have access to more channels. For example, PSN (later Fox Sports) was launched in 1995 and ESPN in 1996, featuring Super 12 (rugby union), NFL (American football) and NBA (basketball).
The advent of pay television in Australia resulted in the Super League war which was fought in and out of court during the mid-1990s by the News Ltd-backed Super League and Kerry Packer-backed Australian Rugby League organisations over broadcasting rights, and ultimately control of the top-level professional rugby league football competition of Australasia.[59] This resulted in the greatest and most costly set-piece confrontation to shake the corporate landscape of Australia.[60]
Galaxy folded in 1998 and was subsequently absorbed by Foxtel.[61][62] Despite recent growth,[when?] subscription television in Australia still has relatively few subscribers.[citation needed]
Television and programming in the 2000s
[edit]
The 2000 Summer Olympics resulted in huge ratings for its broadcaster (the event was hosted in Sydney) for the Seven Network – over 6.5 million Australians watched the telecast of opening and closing ceremonies, which were amongst the most-watched programs in television history and helped Seven defeat the Nine Network in ratings terms for the first time in more than two decades. The broadcast also ran on the short-lived C7 Sport subscription channel. The Dream with Roy and HG was a sports/comedy talk show, broadcast every night during the Sydney 2000 (and subsequent Salt Lake 2002 and Athens 2004 Olympics) presented by Australian comedy duo Roy and HG which achieved great popularity during the Games.
The turn of the millennium introduced digital television to Australia, as well as the transition to widescreen standard-definition and high-definition television production. Community stations also began to receive permanent transmitter licences, replacing temporary licences that were renewed yearly. At this time it was thought that allowing Commercial Multicasting would be detrimental so the publicly owned networks (ABC and SBS) were the only networks that were allowed to create new digital SD Channels. This was only revised after Digital Television Uptake was not as high as expected in many areas, and from 1 January 2009, Network 10, Nine and Seven were allowed to create alternative SD channels.
Many successful Australian shows were created during the 2000s, including ABC comedies like Kath & Kim, CNNNN, Summer Heights High, Spicks and Specks and The Chaser's War on Everything, Network 10's Skithouse, Russell Coight's All Aussie Adventures, Thank God You're Here, H2O: Just Add Water & The Secret Life of Us, which led to the creation of many local versions throughout the world, and the growth of reality television, especially Big Brother Australia and Australian Idol. Australian content on subscription television also grew, with shows such as the Logie Award winning Love My Way. Enough Rope with Andrew Denton, a television interview show broadcast on ABC, aired from 2003 to 2008.
Amongst the new digital 'multichannels', one of the earliest was the SBS World News Channel in 2002, providing news bulletins in languages other than English. In 2003 Tasmanian Digital Television launched, providing Tasmanian viewers a third commercial station, and nationally available stations Fly TV and the ABC Kids launched, later to be eventually shut down due to funding issues and replaced in 2005 by ABC TV Plus. Mildura Digital Television, similar to TDT, launched at the start of 2006. Sydney also began testing datacasting transmissions with Digital 44 in 2003. While digital television boomed in areas that received a third channel and with the subscription television services, growth in other areas has been slow, with analogue shut-down dates pushed back several times. A number of new community stations were also opened, including C31 Adelaide in April 2004 and Television Sydney in February 2006.[63][64]
In October 2005, Network 10 announced that the morning show entitled Good Morning Australia would be cancelled at the end of the year, after a 14-year run. Although Bert Newton was offered ongoing employment at Network 10, he joined the Nine Network to host the short-lived game show Bert's Family Feud, until 23 May 2007 when the program was axed.[65]
The Nine Network, the traditional ratings leader, suffered ratings losses by the mid-2000s, losing out to the Seven Network, which became the most popular Australian network by early 2007, thanks to its "Seven in '07" campaign.[66] This was not the only loss by the network: the death of its CEO Kerry Packer in late 2005 led to network personality Eddie McGuire becoming the head of the network,[67] and the network lost AFL broadcast rights to the Seven and Ten networks in the largest Australian television rights deal in history, worth A$780 million.[68] In mid-2007, National Indigenous Television launched as Australia's 'third public broadcaster', after the ABC and SBS, replacing Indigenous Community Television on the Optus Aurora remote satellite service.[69]
High-definition TV
[edit]The move to high-definition television broadcasting came to the forefront when Network 10 announced its intentions to create the first dedicated HD multichannel 10 HD on 14 September 2007 with a December 2007 Launch date.[70]
Although 10 HD was initially expected to be the first new commercial television channel in metropolitan areas of Australia since 1988, it was instead beaten to the punch by 7HD. Following the announcement by the Ten Network, Network Seven also announced its previously hidden plans to launch a dedicated HD channel on 15 September 2007 and pushed the launch date forward to 10 October. 7HD was the first dedicated HD multichannel launched, 2 months earlier than the Channel 10 equivalent. The Nine Network's move to a HD channel was considered sluggish by industry insiders, taking until March 2008. The Network was more excited by its plans to introduce a new SD channel in 2009 called 9Go!, which is when digital multicasting restrictions were scheduled to be lifted from the commercial stations. 9Go! was released to the public on 9 August, spelling the end of 9HD which was replaced by the previous HD version of Nine.[71]
2009 also saw the launch of four other channels, 7two, a general entertainment channel, SBS Viceland available in SD, ABC Me, a dedicated children's television channel available in SD, and 10 Bold, a dedicated 24-hour sport channel and a subsidiary of Network 10 available in both HD and SD, replacing Ten HD. ABC Me, unlike commercial channels, is not constrained by local content quotas.[72]
Television and programming in the 2010s
[edit]In the early stages of the 2010s, several governmental analysts observed that commercial networks were having trouble making the transition to digital television and subsequently, a $250m rebate was implemented on their licensing fees. The government-funded stations, ABC and SBS, received increased funding in the closing stages of the 2000s to enable them to make the transition to digital TV. Meanwhile, the community station C31 received no government assistance or funding to make the transition; this still remains a source of controversy.[citation needed]
Other issues were noted such as the increased cost of producing local content on commercial networks. For example: it costs roughly $800,000 to produce one hour of local content such as Underbelly and Packed to the Rafters, in comparison to a mere $100,000 to purchase one hour of the US produced Two and a Half Men, the former example screening very often during the off ratings period 2009–10. The cost disparity has led many to question the viability of commercial networks in the future of delivering and investing in locally produced content and has also brought their financial arrangements with business and industry groups into question. Meanwhile, ABC and SBS quickly began producing very successful local content with shows such as Review, Lawrence Leung's Choose Your Own Adventure, Hungry Beast and many more publicly funded local programs, produced in Australia, with Australian cast and crews, adding to the increasing health of Australian film and television industries.
During January 2010, the ABC announced its long-awaited 24-hour news channel, ABC News to launch in July 2010.[73] It will broadcast on the current ABC HD channel and according to the ABC, "Australia's first free-to-air 24-hour television news channel". Following technical issues at ABC's new playout facility MediaHub, the ABC News launch date was pushed to 22 July 2010.[74] ABC News began to broadcast a three-minute loop promo on Channel 24 on 6 July 2010.
On 19 August 2010, the Seven Network announced their third digital channel, 7mate, which replaced 7HD. 7mate is aimed at males between 16 and 49, and launched with the AFL Grand Final on 25 September.[75] The Nine Network has also launched a third digital channel called 9Gem, broadcasting only in HD and replacing 9HD. 9Gem is targeted at middle-aged women. On 26 August, Network 10 announced their plans for a channel to replace One SD. The new channel, 10 Peach, is aimed at a youth audience and carries flagship TEN programming including Neighbours. Eleven launched on 11 January 2011.[76]
In 2011, the Seven Network created history by winning all 40 weeks of a television ratings season for the first time since OzTAM was established in 2001.[77]
On 12 December 2012, NITV started its free-to-air broadcasts under new ownership of SBS.[citation needed]
On 10 December 2013, the analogue TV shutdown completed all around Australia.[78]
On 19 August 2015, then Communications Minister Malcolm Turnbull introduced a bill retracting the legal obligation for broadcasters to broadcast their primary channel in standard definition.[79]
On 29 August 2015, Racing.com was launched owned by Racing Victoria and Seven West Media.
In October 2015, the Nine Network announced their fourth digital channel, 9Life. Launching on 26 November, 9Life is a dedicated lifestyle and reality channel on Channel 94. Around the same time, 9HD was relaunched on Channel 90.
On 28 February 2016, the Seven Network launched a fifth digital channel, 7flix, which is a dedicated movie and entertainment channel on Channel 76.
On 2 March 2016, Network 10 relaunched 10 HD on Channel 13.
On 10 May 2016, the Seven Network relaunched 7HD in Melbourne and Adelaide on Channel 70. On 16 December of the same year, it was relaunched on the same channel in Sydney, Brisbane and Perth.
Television and programming in the 2020s
[edit]With the rapid spread of COVID-19 in the early months of 2020, television production in Australia (as it did worldwide) suffered greatly due to health requirements; many programs such as Neighbours and Home and Away were forced to suspend filming in an effort to keep their respective cast and crews safe from infection. From the first (of many) 'health lockdowns' until the later months of 2021, many studios were closed or reorganised to suit the legal requirements for spread prevention. As vaccination rates against the virus increased, many of the studios began to reopen and production rates have increased, with Neighbours and Home and Away restarting production in October/November 2021.
Broadcasting
[edit]
Television broadcasting in Australia is currently available as digital, colour television, via a range of means including terrestrial, satellite, and cable television services. Both free-to-air and subscription channels/networks are available. Analogue television has been phased out, with the last service being switched off in December 2013.[78]
In most areas, there is a choice of three free-to-air commercial broadcasters as well as two national public broadcasters, the Australian Broadcasting Corporation and the Special Broadcasting Service. A third, recently established, National Indigenous Television service is available in many remote areas.[80]
Commercial television is dominated by three major metropolitan-based networks, the Seven Network, Network 10, which own stations in Sydney, Melbourne, Brisbane, Adelaide, Perth, and the Nine Network which owns stations in Sydney, Melbourne, Brisbane, Darwin, Adelaide and Perth. In addition to its metropolitan assets, Seven owns regional stations in New South Wales, Victoria, Western Australia, the ACT, Queensland and Tasmania, and Nine owns and operates its regional station NBN in Northern NSW and the Gold Coast.
Regional television in Australia consists of independently owned networks 'affiliated' to metropolitan stations. WIN Television is the country's largest regional broadcaster in terms of population reach, followed by Imparja Television.[81] Previously, Southern Cross Austereo and the Prime Media Group operated regional affiliate stations throughout the county.[82][83] Some regional centres have three commercial broadcasters, while others — such as regional Western Australia and remote central & eastern Australia — have two, and others — such as Mount Gambier and Broken Hill — have only one commercial broadcaster. In two-broadcaster markets, the two incumbent commercial broadcasters applied for and were granted a third,[clarification needed] digital-only license. In single-broadcaster markets, each incumbent commercial broadcaster was granted a second, and later a third license, to provide additional programming. This has resulted in the establishment of a number of channels including Tasmanian Digital Television, Mildura Digital Television, Darwin Digital Television and West Digital Television.[84]
Subscription television in Australia is provided in most areas by Foxtel with Optus Television also serving Sydney, Melbourne, and Brisbane. A number of smaller operators including SelecTV, TransACT, UBI World TV, and Neighbourhood Cable provide niche or local services. Most operators provide the same or similar channels. There are few genuine local channels and few independent channels. One exception is the World Movies channel owned by a consortium including SBS Television and companies owned by Kerry Stokes and the Australian Radio Network.
Community television progressively launched between the 1980s to the 2000s. The sector is represented nationally by the Community Broadcasting Association of Australia.[85] Community stations include TVS, C31 Melbourne, 31 Brisbane, C31 Adelaide and Access 31; many recognisable mainstream personalities originated from community television, including Rove McManus and Wil Anderson and Kayne Tremills
Cable television
[edit]Cable television has been available in Australia since the mid-1990s, with Galaxy TV being the first. It became insolvent in 1998, due to decreasing popularity after the launch of Foxtel and Austar in May 1995, two cable services that offered more variety than Galaxy TV. Foxtel commenced by supplying programs to Galaxy's subscribers on an interim basis. In 1999 Foxtel was able to significantly boost its customer base by acquiring Galaxy TV's subscribers from the Australis Media liquidator and commenced offering its services on a satellite television platform. There is currently one major subscription television provider in Australia, Foxtel. Foxtel bought Austar in 2012 and has now completed the merger of its operations. Other minor providers include TransACT, Neighbourhood Cable, and SelecTV.
In the capital cities, cable is the more predominant form of pay television distribution. In regional areas or in new or outskirted areas of cities, satellite is far more common.
Due to its history, financial backing, and market dominance, most local versions of channels are either owned directly by Foxtel or through related companies.
In terms of coverage, Foxtel's cable network covers parts of Sydney, Melbourne, Brisbane, Adelaide, and Perth. Optus's network covers small parts of Sydney, Melbourne, and Brisbane, though its restrictive subscription rules mean that many people living in apartments or confined living areas may be unable to connect.
Austar (now Foxtel) is available by satellite in most of regional and rural Australia, but does have a small cable network in the city of Darwin. TransACT is only available in Canberra, where a custom cable network was developed. A similar situation used to exist in Perth where a small area was covered by Bright Telecommunications (though they closed down after lack of funding) as well in parts of Geelong, Ballarat and Mildura that are reached by Neighbourhood Cable.
Satellite television
[edit]
Satellite television in Australia has proven to be a far more feasible option than cable television, perhaps due to the vast distances between population centres, (although Canada, which also has large distances between population centres, has a relatively high cable television penetration rate). The first service to come online in Australia was Galaxy, which was later taken over by cable television giant Foxtel, which now operates both cable and satellite services to all state capital cities (except Darwin and Hobart) and the whole of Western Australia. Its main metropolitan rival was Optus Vision, while rural areas are served by Austar, both of which just rebroadcast Foxtel as of 2005. In 2006 SelecTV began operating, aiming at providing comparatively low-cost packages and catering to specialised market segments.
Internet television
[edit]Internet television in Australia is the digital distribution of movies and television content via the Internet. In Australia, internet television is provided by a number of generalist, subscription-based streaming service providers, in addition to several niche providers that focus on specific genres. Australia's five major free-to-air television networks also all offer catch up TV of previously broadcast content to watch via their webpages and apps, and a number of ISPs and other companies offer IPTV – the live streaming of television channels sourced from Australia and elsewhere.
Broadcasting programming synopsis
[edit]Australia has produced numerous notable television series and miniseries, with the most prominent programs coming from the comedy, police, and medical drama genres.
Serials and dramas
[edit]One of the earliest Australian police drama series was Homicide, produced in Melbourne by Crawford Productions, widely viewed as having revolutionised Australian television drama production. It was followed by Division 4 and Matlock Police, which also enjoyed great popularity and long runs both locally and overseas. Other successful police drama series have included Cop Shop, Police Rescue, Blue Heelers, Water Rats and Stingers. Medical dramas have also proved popular with audiences, including series such as A Country Practice, The Flying Doctors, GP and All Saints.
Mini-serials
[edit]Notable miniseries have included Against the Wind, All the Rivers Run, Bodyline, Brides of Christ, The Dismissal and The Timeless Land, and in more recent times Curtin, Bastard Boys and The Slap.
Soap opera
[edit]Australian soap opera success began with Bellbird in 1967 which was a moderate but consistent success. Following this the huge success of Number 96 in 1972 prompted creation of the similar The Box in 1974. These serials were all cancelled in 1977. Following this successful serials included The Young Doctors, The Sullivans, Prisoner, Sons and Daughters, Neighbours and Home and Away. This later group were also screened internationally, finding particular success in the United Kingdom.
Comedy
[edit]Comedy series have included The Aunty Jack Show, The Paul Hogan Show, The Norman Gunston Show, and more recently The D-Generation, Frontline, The Glass House, Bogan Hunters, Summer Heights High, Please Like Me and popular series Thank God You're Here, which has since been adapted to a number of countries around the world, and already several of them have brought in creators and stars of shows like Kath & Kim to help produce, direct, star, or serve as consultants on their versions.
Scheduling
[edit]The scheduling for each network is quite diverse: while the Seven Network, Nine Network, and affiliates have an hour of news and current affairs at 6:00 pm, Network 10 has news at 5:00 pm while ABC has news at 7:00 pm and SBS has world news at 6:30 pm. The primetime slot in Australia runs from 6:00 pm to midnight, with the most popular programming shown from around 7:30 pm to 10:30 pm.
Many programs shown in these times on commercial networks are taken from American television, while ABC has a mixture of Australian and British productions. SBS, as a multicultural broadcaster, shows a range of programs produced locally and overseas in a number of languages. Imported programming has typically been shown months after its debut in the United States or the United Kingdom, however, in recent times networks have begun to air programs within hours or days of their overseas counterparts.
Seven and Nine have rival breakfast shows that run from 5:30–9:00 am while 10 airs repeated shows from the previous day at 6:00 am–8:30 am, followed by morning shows on all three networks until midday. ABC now broadcasts a breakfast news show (ABC News Breakfast) while on ABC TV Plus and ABC Me there are children's programming, also on 9Go! and Nickelodeon, Australian children's programming currently airs on 7flix, 9Go! and Nickelodeon, meanwhile on SBS foreign-language bulletins are shown for most of the morning, followed by foreign-language films and documentaries.
Most scheduling is consistent across Australia's three time zones – this means that South Australia and the Northern Territory sees programming half an hour behind Australian Eastern Time, while in Western Australia programs are seen two hours behind. When daylight saving is in effect, because it is only partially observed, Queensland gets programming one hour later, Northern Territory sees it 90 minutes behind and Western Australia receives its shows three hours behind. Consequently, many national news bulletins shown live to eastern states are seen on considerable delay in Western Australia (with the notable exception of The Midday Report, of which a second edition is produced for WA). The time delay can often deny viewers in central and western areas the opportunity to participate in interactive shows such as The Voice.
One exception to this rule are subscription channels, which always run on Australian Eastern Time regardless of the local service or time zone. The recent introduction of timeshift channels delayed two hours for all viewers, particularly on Foxtel, allowed WA viewers to see programs in sync with other states during standard time (although due to WA's non-observance of daylight saving, programs air one hour ahead during this time). However, ABC News is live across the nation with no delay, the only free-to-air television channel to do this.
News and current affairs
[edit]News
[edit]Both national public broadcasters, the ABC and SBS, produce news services. The ABC provides both local and national news bulletins in the form of ABC News at 5:30pm, 7pm and The Midday Report, presented from Sydney and state capitals. SBS broadcasts a nightly hour-long World News Australia bulletin at 6.30pm, followed by a later, half-hour edition at 10.30pm.
Higher ratings for earlier bulletins from commercial broadcasters including the Seven Network and Nine Network have prompted fierce ratings competition.[86] For most years up until the mid-1990s Nine News was traditionally the highest-rating news service in Australia, but in 2005 it was overtaken by Seven News before it regained the lead on a national basis in 2013.[87][88]
Seven News produces Seven Early News, Seven Morning News, Seven News at 4 and Seven News local bulletins in Sydney, Melbourne, Brisbane, Adelaide, and Perth.The network's news bulletins and breakfast program Sunrise compete directly with the Nine Network's offerings, which include Today and Nine Morning News, Nine Afternoon News and Nine News local bulletins. 10 News currently produces a local hour-long weeknight bulletin of 10 News and on weekends it airs a national hour-long bulletin.
In Australia, there are two local 24-hour news channels. The ABC News channel is Australia's only free-to-air news channel. ABC News launched on 22 July 2010 as ABC News 24 and it features all of ABCs news and current affairs programs. ABC News is available on digital channel 24. Sky News Australia is Australia's second news channel that is only available on Foxtel, Optus TV and BINGE. The subscription based television channel draws on the resources of its shareholders news services, using content from Seven News, Nine News and Sky News from the United Kingdom, as well as reporters based in Sydney, Canberra, and Melbourne.
A number of regional television networks produce news services. WIN Television produces WIN News bulletins for 14 regional markets in parts of New South Wales, Victoria, Queensland, South Australia, Tasmania and Western Australia. NBN produces a bulletin on both weeknights and weekends, in an hour-long format presented from Newcastle and seen across northern New South Wales. Seven produces local 30 minute news bulletins in regional New South Wales, Victoria, Queensland and Western Australia. Seven Tasmania produces a local hour long bulletin of 7NEWS for Tasmania from the stations Launceston studios, airing 7 nights a week.
In addition Sky News Australia has a regional free-to-air news channel called Sky News Regional on digital channels 53 and 56 in partnership with Network 10 and Australian News Channel on their TV stations. Viewer Access Satellite Television launched 14 bulletin channels with over 30 bulletins and a regional news menu on channel 4 showing all the channels on WIN, NBN, 7 regional and 10 regional.
Current affairs
[edit]Current affairs programming is shown in a broad range of formats, ranging between tabloid-style current affairs shows to investigative programs such as Four Corners.
ABC has had a long history of producing current affairs programs, including the award-winning This Day Tonight, the first regular current affairs program to be shown on Australian television and a training ground for many of Australia's best-known journalists. This Day Tonight was axed in 1978, however in the mid-1980s The 7.30 Report was launched in state-based editions (these were combined into a national program hosted by Kerry O'Brien in 1995). Four Corners, first seen in 1961, an investigative documentary series modelled on the BBC's Panorama, has also won many awards and broken stories previously not covered by other media outlets.
Other current affairs programs include news and analysis program Lateline, 7.30, Foreign Correspondent, Insiders and Offsiders.
SBS also shows a number of current affairs programs, such as Dateline, the country's longest-running international current affairs program, launched in 1984. Insight, originally conceived in 1999 as a domestic current affairs program, is a discussion forum focussing on a single issue. SBS's Indigenous Media Unit produces another program titled Living Black, which covers issues relevant to Australia's indigenous community.
On the Nine Network, A Current Affair, first shown in 1971 airs Monday — Saturday is the networks flagship current affairs program. On Sundays, 60 Minutes features a number of stories produced both locally and from its US counterpart.
Channel 10 launched 10 News+ in 2025, as an hour long current affairs programme to replace long running panel show The Project. 10 News+ was reduced to an air time of 30 minutes in 2026.[89][90]
On subscription television, Sky News Australia airs a number of news commentary and analysis shows such as Agenda, Sportsline, Sky Business Report, and Sky News Eco Report. A local version of Sky News Weather Channel was launched in 1999, joined in 2006 by Fox Sports News, a 24-hour sports news channel. Squawk Australia, a business news program shown from 6.00am, is seen on CNBC Asia.
Indigenous television
[edit]In the 21st century, and especially the 2010s, programmes and series by and about Indigenous Australians proliferated. The Circuit (2007) was an early example; Redfern Now, 8MMM Aboriginal Radio, The Gods of Wheat Street (2014), Ready for This, Cleverman, Black Comedy, The Warriors, Kiki & Kitty, Total Control, KGB, Little J & Big Cuz, Mystery Road were all well received. Shari Sebbens commented that a "golden age" of Indigenous television is here.[91]
The last episode of the second series of Get Krack!n, featuring Miranda Tapsell and Nakkiah Lui and co-written by Lui, trended on Twitter, outraged right wing commentator Andrew Bolt, and was widely lauded as hilarious, ground-breaking, hard-hitting satire.[92][93][94]
National Indigenous Television (NITV) is (since 2012) a national, free-to-air channel dedicated to Indigenous stories, news, films and issues, with programming produced largely by Indigenous people, funded through SBS. In early 2016, it refreshed its brand and revamped its schedule, with an increased focus on its central charter, Indigenous news and current affairs.[95]
Ratings
[edit]| Network | 2008 [96] | 2009 [97] | 2010 [98] | 2014 [99] |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| ABC | 14.2% | 14.0% | 13.8% | 14.2% |
| Seven | 24.2% | 23.0% | 23.5% | 24.8% |
| Nine | 21.9% | 21.9% | 22.7% | 23.8% |
| Ten | 17.0% | 18.4% | 17.3% | 14.6% |
| SBS | 4.6% | 4.8% | 4.6% | 4.2% |
| Foxtel | 15.5% | 15.9% | 15.5% | 16.1% |
Television ratings in Australia are collected by three main organisations: OzTAM in metropolitan areas, Regional TAM in regional areas serviced by three commercial television networks, and in areas with two commercial networks, Nielsen Media Research Australia.
Ratings are collected for 40 weeks during the year, excluding a two-week break during Easter and ten weeks over summer. The majority of locally produced comedy and drama on commercial networks is shown during the ratings period.
For many years up until the mid-nineties, the Nine Network had been the ratings leader in Australia, typically followed by the Seven Network and Network 10. Subscription television and the two national broadcasters, ABC and in particular SBS, due to its special-interest nature, typically attract fewer viewers than the three commercial networks. Network 10, due to its programming line-up, has traditionally been the market leader for younger viewers.
In 2007, the Seven Network overtook its rival Nine Network in terms of average viewers,[100] and in 2011, it became the first television network since OzTam's launch in 2001 to win all 40 weeks in a ratings season.[77] As of 2016, it has won the last ten ratings seasons consecutively.[101] ABC has also, since the early 2000s, seen ratings (as well as audience reach) as a major performance indicator. The Nine Network has, in the past, aggressively marketed its long-time ratings dominance through its promotional campaign "Still the One", which they no longer use.
Regulation
[edit]Content on Australian television is regulated by the Australian Communications and Media Authority. All codes of practice submitted to the Australian Communications and Media Authority are reviewed by the public prior to acceptance.[102] There are different regulations for different types of content, and the main categories are divided up into Australian content, children's content, commercial broadcasting, community broadcasting, public broadcasting, and subscription television.[103]
The regulations in place define what a broadcaster may put on-air, the time(s) of day they are allowed to broadcast specific material, and what advertisements are shown in relation to these criteria. In essence, the Australian Communications and Media Authority controls what content is shown, what time(s) of day it is shown, and who controls what is shown (i.e.: international media as opposed to Australian media).[104]
Genre restrictions imposed by the Australian government on digital multi-channeling were lifted along with the media ownership laws passed through the Parliament of Australia on 18 October 2006.[105] Digital-only multichannels in Australia were previously limited in the subjects they could cover, with programming identified as comedy, drama, national news, sport or entertainment, prohibited from broadcast.
See also
[edit]References
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External links
[edit]Television in Australia
View on GrokipediaHistory
Origins and Early Experiments (1920s–1950s)
Experimental television transmissions in Australia commenced in the late 1920s, primarily driven by amateur radio enthusiasts adapting mechanical scanning technologies. On 3 September 1929, engineers Gilbert Miles and Donald McDonald, operating through Melbourne radio stations 3DB and 3UZ, successfully transmitted a facsimile image of an Australian weather map using their Radiovision system, an electromechanical method involving rotating discs for image scanning and reconstruction.[13] These efforts, conducted by the Television and Radio Laboratories company, represented initial forays into visual broadcasting but remained limited to low-resolution still images receivable only by custom-built receivers among a small group of experimenters.[14] Similar amateur initiatives emerged in other cities during the 1930s. In Brisbane, radio operator Thomas Elliott, utilizing experimental station 4CM from the Old Windmill on Wickham Terrace, began transmitting rudimentary television signals in 1934, including still images such as a photograph of actress Janet Gaynor and pages from the Courier-Mail newspaper.[15] Elliott's setup employed a modified film projector for basic moving pictures, with signals received by approximately 12 enthusiasts each in Brisbane, Sydney, and Melbourne; by 1935, the station held a formal television license, though operations ceased amid equipment loss by 1949.[15] These pre-war experiments, akin to global efforts like John Logie Baird's in Britain, highlighted technical feasibility but faced constraints from rudimentary equipment, regulatory absence, and the economic disruptions of the Great Depression, preventing widespread adoption.[15] World War II halted most television development, as resources prioritized military communications and radio expansion. Post-war, government interest grew amid international advancements, culminating in the 1954 Royal Commission on Television, which recommended licensed stations in major cities to balance commercial and public service models while ensuring content standards served national interests.[1] Amalgamated Wireless Australasia (AWA) engineers, collaborating with Marconi since 1948, conducted Australia's first documented experimental television broadcast in 1954 during Queen Elizabeth II's royal tour, demonstrating viability for live event coverage.[16] Regular public television broadcasting launched on 16 September 1956 in Sydney via commercial station TCN-9, with presenter Bruce Gyngell delivering the inaugural words: "Good evening and welcome to television," marking the transition from test patterns to scheduled programming in black-and-white using the 625-line VHF standard.[17] Melbourne's HSV-7 followed on 4 November 1956, initiating dual-city coverage focused on news, variety shows, and imported content, though initial viewership was constrained by high set costs—fewer than 100,000 televisions nationwide by year's end—and limited transmission range.[17] These launches, licensed under the Broadcasting and Television Act 1942 amendments, reflected deliberate policy to foster infrastructure amid post-war prosperity, setting the stage for national expansion despite early technical and infrastructural hurdles.[1]Expansion and Commercialization (1960s–1970s)
The expansion of television services accelerated in the early 1960s with the licensing of third commercial stations in each mainland capital city, following announcements by the Australian government in March 1960.[18] These included ATV-0 in Melbourne and TVQ-0 in Brisbane, which helped form the basis of the 0-10 Network by linking stations on channel 10 frequencies across cities.[19] By the mid-1960s, over 20 commercial television stations operated nationwide, including initial regional services such as GLV-10 in Gippsland and BCV-8 in Bendigo, both commencing in December 1961.[20][21] Television ownership surged during the decade, reaching approximately 70% of households in Sydney and Melbourne by 1960 and climbing to 95% in those cities by the mid-1960s, driven by falling set prices and widespread availability.[22] The Federation of Australian Commercial Television Stations (FACTS), established in September 1960, advocated for the industry's growth, emphasizing advertising revenue as the primary funding model for commercial broadcasters amid limited local content production.[2] In the 1970s, technological advancements further commercialized the medium, with full-time color broadcasting introduced on March 1, 1975, using the PAL system after experimental transmissions in the late 1960s.[23] Adoption was rapid, with color set ownership reaching 64% in Melbourne and 70% in Sydney by 1978, fueled by competitive marketing from manufacturers and stations to boost viewership and ad sales.[24] This period also saw network affiliations strengthen, enabling national program distribution via microwave links and reducing reliance on imported content, though American shows dominated schedules to maximize profitability.[25] Regulatory oversight by the Australian Broadcasting Control Board ensured license allocations prioritized population coverage, but commercial incentives often favored urban markets over remote areas.[26]Deregulation and Diversification (1980s–1990s)
In 1987, the Australian Labor government under Prime Minister Bob Hawke enacted reforms through amendments to the Broadcasting Act, abolishing the previous restriction that limited ownership to no more than two television stations nationwide and introducing a "reach" rule capping audience coverage at 75% of the population to prevent excessive concentration.[27] These changes facilitated media consolidation while aiming to balance competition, marking a shift from post-war protectionism toward market-oriented policies influenced by global neoliberal trends.[28] Concurrently, the policy of television license aggregation was formalized, dividing regional markets—particularly in eastern Australia—into four larger "approved markets" to amalgamate small, financially precarious licenses into viable entities capable of broader signal extension and improved programming.[29] Aggregation implementation began in 1989 in southern New South Wales and progressed through the early 1990s, requiring regional broadcasters to either affiliate with metropolitan networks or expand coverage across designated zones, which increased operational costs but enhanced content access for rural audiences previously served by isolated stations.[30] By 1992, this had reduced the number of independent regional operators while fostering affiliations with the three major commercial networks (Seven, Nine, and Ten), leading to standardized scheduling and higher production values, though smaller stations faced mergers or closures amid rising competition.[31] The reforms spurred investment in transmission infrastructure, such as microwave and satellite relays, extending free-to-air services to over 95% of households by the mid-1990s, but critics argued they favored urban-centric content over local diversity.[32] Diversification accelerated with the lifting of the pay television moratorium in 1992, following a decade-long delay from initial 1982 recommendations due to concerns over free-to-air dominance and cultural impacts.[33] Services launched in 1995, including Galaxy (microwave/satellite hybrid), Optus Vision (cable in urban areas), Foxtel (satellite/cable by News Corporation and Telstra), and Austar (regional satellite focus), introducing subscription models with up to 50 channels offering niche genres like movies, sports, and international programming unavailable on free-to-air.[34] By 1997, pay TV subscribers exceeded 500,000, capturing 15% of television households and prompting free-to-air networks to counter with premium imports and original content, though early penetration was hampered by high setup costs and the 1995-1997 Super League rugby rights war between pay providers.[35] This era also saw SBS expand multicultural broadcasting, with ethnic language hours increasing to over 20% of its schedule by the late 1990s, reflecting policy emphasis on cultural pluralism amid immigration growth.[36]Digital Transition and Globalization (2000s)
Digital terrestrial television services launched in Australia on 1 January 2001, restricted initially to the metropolitan areas of Sydney, Melbourne, Brisbane, Adelaide, and Perth.[37][38] The Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC), Special Broadcasting Service (SBS), and commercial networks Seven, Nine, and Ten commenced simulcasting their primary channels in standard-definition digital format alongside existing analogue signals, utilizing the DVB-T transmission standard.[39] This infrastructure supported potential high-definition (HD) broadcasts from inception, though early HD content remained sparse due to equipment costs and limited receiver penetration, with standard definition prioritized to mirror analogue services.[39][40] The transition emphasized spectrum efficiency, allowing multiple services within the same bandwidth previously allocated for single analogue channels, though commercial broadcasters faced quotas limiting datacasting and multichannel offerings until later policy relaxations.[40] Public broadcasters led multichannel adoption, with ABC2 debuting on 7 March 2005 to provide supplementary programming, including educational and niche content, while SBS introduced HD simulcasts in December 2006.[37] Regional rollout progressed incrementally, reaching parts of Queensland and southern New South Wales by 2004–2005, but full national coverage lagged, hampered by terrain challenges and infrastructure costs. By August 2009, 53% of households had transitioned to digital reception, driven by falling set-top box and integrated digital TV prices, though analogue signals persisted to avoid service disruptions. Globalization influences intensified as digital capacity enabled networks to import and adapt international formats, with reality television genres like Survivor (premiering 2002 on Seven) and Big Brother (2001 on Ten) exemplifying U.S.-originated models customized for local audiences, boosting ratings amid competition from pay TV expansions.[41] Pay television providers, such as Foxtel, leveraged digital satellite and cable upgrades—Foxtel's digital service fully operational by 2004—to proliferate international channels, including CNN, ESPN, and BBC Worldwide, increasing foreign content exposure to over 100 channels for subscribers by decade's end.[42] Policy frameworks, including anti-siphoning rules protecting free-to-air access to major sports, mitigated risks of premium global events migrating exclusively to pay platforms, preserving broad public access.[40] This era's digital advancements thus facilitated greater content abundance, aligning Australian broadcasting with worldwide trends in format licensing and HD production standards, though local content quotas sustained domestic output amid rising imports.[43]Streaming Disruption and Decline of Traditional TV (2010s–Present)
The introduction of subscription video-on-demand (SVOD) services profoundly disrupted Australia's linear television ecosystem starting in the mid-2010s, as global and local platforms offered on-demand access, original content, and binge-watching capabilities that contrasted with scheduled broadcasts. Netflix entered the Australian market on January 29, 2015, rapidly gaining traction with its extensive library, followed by domestic competitors such as Stan (launched September 2015 by Nine Entertainment) and later Binge (April 2018 by Foxtel/News Corp). This shift accelerated cord-cutting among households, particularly younger demographics, who prioritized flexibility over traditional free-to-air (FTA) and pay-TV schedules, leading to fragmented audiences and reduced advertising revenues for legacy broadcasters.[44][45] SVOD household penetration in Australia reached approximately 90% by 2024, reflecting one of the highest adoption rates globally, with an average of 3.2 subscriptions per OTT household. Netflix led with 6.4 million Australian subscribers as of October 2025, up 3% year-on-year, while Disney+ held 3.3 million (up 6%) and Stan maintained 2.6 million. Overall SVOD subscriptions grew 4% to 25.3 million by June 2024 despite economic pressures, driving total video-on-demand spending to $1.2 billion in Q4 2024 alone, a $0.2 billion increase from the prior year. Australian adults using paid SVOD services rose from 29% in 2017 to 69% in 2024, underscoring the causal link between affordable broadband expansion—average speeds exceeding 50 Mbps nationwide by the mid-2010s—and the viability of high-quality streaming.[46][45][47] Linear TV viewership correspondingly declined, with prime-time FTA audiences dropping nearly 5% year-on-year by 2016 and continuing to erode as streaming captured over 40% of total viewing time by 2025. OzTAM data via VOZ (Video On Demand metrics integrated with linear since 2021) revealed that while Australians averaged 41 hours and 38 minutes of TV consumption monthly in 2025—predominantly linear—youth under 25 increasingly abandoned FTA for platforms and social media, with children's programming and dramas migrating online. On connected TVs, linear channels still accounted for 61.5% of viewing in mid-2025, bolstered by live events like sports, yet overall FTA industry revenues faced pressure from ad dollars shifting to digital, with global linear TV ad spend falling to 12.4% by 2025. SVOD providers invested heavily in local content, spending $341 million on Australian programs in 2023–24 (up from $324 million prior year), including 21% of budgets on live sports to compete with FTA strengths.[48][49][50] This disruption prompted industry adaptations, such as FTA broadcasters enhancing their BVOD (broadcast video on demand) platforms—e.g., 7plus, 9Now, and 10Play—which saw 16% streaming growth for Network 10 in H1 2025, reaching 22.5 million cross-platform viewers. However, empirical trends indicate sustained linear decline absent regulatory interventions like local content quotas, with SVOD revenue projected to grow at 5.6% CAGR to 2028, fueled by premium pricing (average $24.2 per household monthly in 2023 rising to $29.5). The transition reflects broader causal dynamics: technological accessibility enabling consumer preference for choice over compulsion, though legacy TV retains niches in communal viewing and must-carry events.[51][52][53]Delivery Methods
Free-to-Air Terrestrial Broadcasting
Free-to-air terrestrial broadcasting in Australia delivers television signals over the air via radio frequencies, receivable by antennas connected to standard televisions or set-top boxes, without subscription fees. This method encompasses services from the Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC), Special Broadcasting Service (SBS), and the three major commercial networks: Seven, Nine, and Network 10. These broadcasters transmit multiple channels, including standard-definition (SD) and high-definition (HD) variants, using the DVB-T digital standard adopted since the early 2000s.[54][55] The transition from analog to digital terrestrial television began with test transmissions in major cities in 2001 and culminated in a nationwide switchover, with analog signals phased out progressively from 2010 and fully completed by 10 December 2013. This shift freed up spectrum for other uses, improved signal quality by reducing interference, and enabled multichannel services, such as ABC's additional channels (ABC News, ABC Kids) and SBS's World Movies. Prior to digital, analog PAL broadcasts dominated from the medium's inception in 1956, but suffered from limitations like ghosting and limited channel capacity. The digital era, branded under Freeview since 2009, has expanded offerings to over 20 channels in metropolitan areas, though rural and remote reception often relies on supplementary satellite delivery via VAST for equivalent coverage.[56][57] Terrestrial signals operate primarily in VHF Band III (channels 6–12) and UHF Bands IV and V (channels 28–51), with transmitters located on towers in population centers to achieve line-of-sight propagation. Coverage extends to 99% of the Australian population through approximately 300 main transmission sites, though terrain, weather, and antenna quality can affect reception quality, often requiring directional antennas or boosters in fringe areas. The Australian Communications and Media Authority (ACMA) licenses these services under the Broadcasting Services Act 1992, enforcing technical standards for signal strength and interference minimization, while Free TV Australia, the industry body for commercial broadcasters, coordinates operational practices like transmitter settings for multi-dwelling units.[58][57][59] Regulatory frameworks mandate local content quotas—55% Australian programming for commercial prime-time slots—and restrict advertising volumes to preserve program integrity, with ACMA overseeing compliance through content codes. Recent developments include a 2025 TV prominence framework requiring smart TVs to prioritize free-to-air apps and signals on home screens starting January 2026, aiming to counter streaming fragmentation without mandating hardware changes. In remote areas lacking terrestrial reach, the Viewer Access Satellite Television (VAST) service, mandated for commercial networks since 2013, rebroadcasts these signals via geostationary satellite, ensuring national parity but at higher infrastructure costs.[60][10][56]Cable and Pay Television
Pay television services in Australia commenced operations in late 1995, following prolonged regulatory debates that had delayed their introduction since the 1980s due to concerns over competition with free-to-air broadcasters and potential market fragmentation.[61] The initial providers included Foxtel, a joint venture between News Limited (later News Corp) and Telstra, which launched on 23 October 1995 in selected Sydney suburbs via coaxial cable, offering 20 channels focused on movies, sports, and documentaries.[33] Concurrently, Optus Vision deployed hybrid fibre-coaxial (HFC) cable networks in Melbourne and other cities, while Australis Media introduced satellite-based services nationwide, though the latter collapsed into administration in 1998 amid high debts exceeding A$500 million.[33] Foxtel rapidly consolidated its position as the dominant pay TV operator, expanding via HFC cable in urban areas and satellite (e.g., Sky's Optus B1 and later Intelsat) for regional coverage, reaching over 2.5 million subscribers by the early 2010s through acquisitions like Multichoice and partnerships for premium content.[62] Ownership evolved with News Corp holding 65% and Telstra 35% as of 2024, though the entire Foxtel Group—including traditional pay TV—was acquired by global sports streamer DAZN in December 2024 for an enterprise value of US$2.2 billion (A$3.4 billion), signaling a strategic pivot toward integrated streaming amid cord-cutting trends.[63] Other entrants like Galaxy TV (1993 trials) and Telstra's BigAir were marginal, with Foxtel capturing over 90% of the pay TV market by subscriber count in its peak years.[7] Regulation falls under the Australian Communications and Media Authority (ACMA), which enforces broadcasting licenses, content standards, and anti-siphoning laws preventing exclusive pay TV rights for major sports events like AFL and NRL finals unless free-to-air access is exhausted.[7] Unlike free-to-air, pay TV faces minimal local content quotas, enabling heavy reliance on imported channels (e.g., HBO, ESPN) bundled into tiers priced from A$25 to A$100 monthly, with advertising permitted but capped to prioritize subscriber revenue. Subscriber penetration peaked at around 30% of households in the mid-2000s but has since declined to 15.8% in 2024, driven by competition from unbundled streaming services like Netflix and local platforms, eroding traditional cable/satellite bases as households average 4.8 hours weekly on pay TV versus rising VoD consumption.[64] The sector's revenue model, historically yielding A$2-3 billion annually, has contracted as pay TV's market share shrinks toward 21% by 2028, with Foxtel offsetting losses via streaming spin-offs like Kayo Sports (1.5 million subscribers by 2024, focused on live sports) and Binge (entertainment), which now comprise 62% of its total 4.7 million accounts.[65][66] This hybrid evolution underscores causal pressures from broadband proliferation—over 90% household penetration enabling IP delivery—and consumer preference for à la carte content over fixed bundles, though legacy infrastructure sustains rural satellite access where terrestrial alternatives lag.[62]Satellite Broadcasting
Satellite broadcasting in Australia emerged as a critical delivery method for television services, particularly to remote and regional areas underserved by terrestrial infrastructure. The Aussat A1 satellite, launched on August 27, 1985, marked the inception of Australia's domestic satellite system, enabling the extension of television signals nationwide for the first time.[67] This system, operated initially by the Aussat corporation, facilitated test transmissions by the Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC) from October 1985, allowing live broadcasts to isolated communities and bridging gaps in coverage that terrestrial towers could not reach due to Australia's vast geography.[67] Aussat's deployment reflected a causal necessity driven by the country's sparse population distribution, where over 300,000 potential viewers in outback regions previously lacked access, prioritizing empirical expansion over urban-centric models.[9] In 1991, Aussat transitioned to Optus, which expanded the satellite fleet to sustain television distribution alongside telecommunications. Optus satellites, including the D-series launched in the early 2000s, provide Ku-band transponders specifically for broadcasting, covering Australia, New Zealand, and parts of Southeast Asia with reliable signal strength suited to direct-to-home reception.[68] For free-to-air services, the Viewer Access Satellite Television (VAST) platform was introduced in 2010 as part of the digital switchover, delivering digital terrestrial free-to-air channels via satellite to approximately 200,000 households in remote and black-spot areas.[69] VAST, utilizing Optus C1/D3 at 156° east, ensures access to all metropolitan free-to-air networks, ABC, SBS, and designated regional affiliates, with mandatory smartcards for viewer registration to prevent unauthorized use in served areas.[70] This initiative addressed disparities in digital transition, where remote users risked exclusion without satellite alternatives, supported by government subsidies for equipment installation.[71] Pay television via satellite gained traction in regional markets through services like AUSTAR, which commenced operations in 1995 using satellite delivery to circumvent cable limitations in sparse populations.[72] AUSTAR's model, focusing on microwave and satellite for non-metropolitan areas, offered subscription channels including movies and sports, later integrating with Foxtel following its 2012 acquisition.[73] Foxtel, while primarily cable-based in urban centers, relies on Optus satellites for regional distribution, serving subscribers with direct broadcast satellite (DBS) setups that include interactive features via iQ boxes. This hybrid approach sustains pay TV viability in areas where broadband infrastructure lags, with Optus-Foxtel agreements extended through 2031 to maintain capacity amid streaming shifts.[74] Satellite's persistence underscores its empirical advantages in low-density regions—lower latency for live events and independence from terrestrial line-of-sight—despite challenges like higher upfront dish costs and weather-related signal attenuation.[75]Internet and Streaming Services
The advent of broadband internet in Australia, accelerated by the National Broadband Network (NBN) rollout commencing in 2009, facilitated the widespread adoption of streaming services for television content delivery.[76] By 2025, average daily downloads on the NBN network exceeded levels sufficient for high-definition streaming across households, with projections indicating a doubling by 2029 due to increased video consumption.[76] This infrastructure shift enabled on-demand viewing, bypassing traditional broadcast schedules and contributing to a decline in linear TV audiences. Global platforms dominated the Australian market following Netflix's entry on January 7, 2015, which quickly amassed subscribers by offering extensive libraries of international content.[77] As of 2025, Netflix held approximately 6.9 million subscribers, followed by Disney+ with 3.7 million, Amazon Prime Video at 3.5 million, Paramount+ with 2.7 million, and local service Stan at 2.6 million.[78] Domestic offerings like Stan, launched by the Nine Network in 2015, and Binge, introduced by Foxtel in 2020, emphasized Australian and premium international titles, including licensed HBO content on Binge.[79] Sports-focused Kayo Sports, also from Foxtel, outpaced general entertainment rivals in subscriber growth amid rising demand for live events.[80] The subscription video-on-demand sector expanded to 54.6 million active services by June 2025, reflecting a 5% annual growth despite price hikes and market saturation.[80] Revenue in the broader TV and video market reached US$10.62 billion in 2025, driven by streaming's share eclipsing traditional pay TV in viewer hours.[81] This proliferation pressured free-to-air and cable broadcasters, as households increasingly opted for flexible, ad-light alternatives, though challenges like bandwidth constraints in regional areas persisted due to NBN's hybrid fiber-copper model.[82] Australian regulators sought to counterbalance foreign dominance through proposed local content quotas, with the government committing in 2023 to mandate investments in domestic programming by streaming giants.[83] However, implementation was indefinitely delayed by November 2024, prompting industry criticism over lost production opportunities, though Prime Minister Anthony Albanese reaffirmed support for quotas in April 2025 to sustain local screen sectors.[84][85] Absent firm rules, platforms invested selectively in Australian originals, such as Netflix's funding for series like The Tourist, but prioritized global hits, exacerbating reliance on imports.[86]Content and Programming
Drama, Serials, and Soap Operas
Australian television drama, including serials and soap operas, originated with live broadcasts in the 1950s, transitioning to filmed serials by the late decade as production capabilities expanded. The first home-grown soap opera aired in 1959, three years after television's national introduction, marking the shift from imported British and American content to local narratives focused on domestic life and melodrama.[87] Early successes included Autumn Affair (1958–1959), a Sydney-produced serial about family secrets, which ran for 156 episodes across networks ATN-7 and GTV-9.[88] By the 1960s, the ABC's Bellbird (1967–1977) achieved prominence as a rural serial depicting small-town community dynamics, airing thrice weekly and sustaining viewership through serialized storytelling on everyday conflicts.[89] The 1970s saw a surge in adult-oriented soaps emphasizing controversy to capture audiences amid competition from imports. Number 96, produced by Cash Harmon Television for the 0-10 Network, premiered on 13 March 1972 and ran until 11 August 1977, amassing over 1,200 episodes with explicit themes of sex, murder, and social taboos in a Sydney apartment block, drawing peak audiences of up to 2 million nightly.[90] Crawford Productions followed with The Box (1974–1977) on ATV-0 in Melbourne, a behind-the-scenes look at a fictional TV station rife with scandals, homosexuality, and workplace intrigue, which similarly prioritized shock value and achieved high ratings before declining due to formulaic repetition.[91] These series reflected causal pressures from deregulation hints and advertiser demands for bold content, exporting Australian drama formats internationally for the first time. From the 1980s, suburban family soaps dominated, prioritizing relatable ensemble casts over sensationalism. Neighbours, created for the Seven Network and premiering on 18 March 1985 before shifting to Network Ten in 1986, chronicled Ramsay Street residents in a Melbourne suburb, exporting to over 50 countries and peaking at 14 million UK viewers by 1988 via BBC airings. Australian metropolitan ratings averaged 946,000 in 2001 but fell to 337,000 by 2011 amid fragmenting audiences.[92] Rival Home and Away, launched on Seven on 17 January 1988, focused on coastal community life in Summer Bay, maintaining stronger domestic longevity with episodes consistently exceeding 900,000 metro viewers into 2025, outperforming Neighbours through consistent scheduling and youth appeal.[93] Other serials like A Country Practice (1981–1993) blended medical drama with rural issues, while miniseries such as The Sullivans (1976–1983) captured wartime nostalgia. By the 2010s, traditional soaps faced disruption from streaming, with Neighbours production halting in 2022 before a brief Amazon Freevee revival ending in February 2025 cancellation due to insufficient viewership.[94] Overall drama expenditure, including soaps, reached $1.7 billion across 169 productions in 2023–24, with $929 million on Australian-origin stories, though serial formats declined as platforms favored prestige miniseries over perpetual narratives.[95] Exports of formats like Neighbours influenced global soaps, but local production prioritized domestic quotas over international scalability, sustaining Home and Away as the genre's enduring benchmark.[96]Comedy and Variety Shows
Variety shows emerged as foundational programming in Australian television shortly after its launch in 1956, blending live performances, comedy sketches, and guest appearances modeled on British and American formats. In Melbourne Tonight, hosted by Graham Kennedy on GTV-9 from 1957 to 1970, exemplified early success by attracting peak audiences of over 2 million viewers in a population under 11 million, establishing Kennedy as a comedy icon through improvisational humor and celebrity interviews. Similarly, The Mavis Bramston Show on the Seven Network from 1964 to 1968 pioneered satirical sketches targeting Australian politics and society, influencing later programs with its irreverent style despite occasional censorship pressures. The 1970s and 1980s saw variety formats evolve into longer-running staples, with Hey Hey It's Saturday on the Nine Network airing from 1971 to 1999 and drawing consistent ratings through games, music acts, and comedy segments hosted by Daryl Somers, which sustained family viewership amid rising competition. Sketch comedy gained prominence in the 1980s, driven by local talent pools; The D-Generation on ABC from 1985 to 1989 featured ensemble casts performing absurd and topical sketches, launching careers like those of Jane Turner and Gina Riley while critiquing media and bureaucracy. This era's output reflected causal links to deregulation, enabling edgier content that resonated with audiences skeptical of institutional narratives. The late 1980s marked a commercial peak for sketch comedy, as The Comedy Company on Seven Network from 1988 to 1990 achieved top ratings with short, character-driven segments parodying everyday Australian life, outperforming imports and solidifying sketch formats' viability.[97] Fast Forward, also on Seven from 1986 to 1992, built on this by offering rapid-fire media satires, earning critical acclaim for precision timing and cultural relevance, though mainstream media sources often downplayed its role in challenging progressive orthodoxies due to inherent biases in coverage. Subsequent shows like Full Frontal (1993–1997 on Seven) continued the tradition, but fragmentation from pay TV and internet rise reduced mass audiences by the 2000s, shifting focus to panel formats such as Good News Week (1996–2011 across networks), which blended comedy with current events commentary. These programs' enduring appeal stems from empirical viewer data favoring authentic, unfiltered humor over sanitized alternatives, with exports like Kath & Kim (2002–2007 on ABC) demonstrating global viability when grounded in observable social dynamics.News, Current Affairs, and Documentaries
Australian television news programs deliver daily bulletins across free-to-air networks, with the Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC) providing national coverage via ABC News, including morning, afternoon, and evening editions broadcast since the medium's inception in 1956. Commercial broadcasters such as the Seven Network's 7NEWS, Nine Network's 9News, and Network 10's 10 News First offer localized metropolitan updates alongside national stories, often achieving ratings above 1 million viewers per evening bulletin in major cities as of 2023.[98] These services emphasize breaking events, politics, and weather, with ABC maintaining a charter-mandated focus on impartiality while commercial outlets integrate advertiser influences.[99] Current affairs programming developed in the 1960s to provide deeper analysis beyond straight news, starting with ABC's This Day Tonight, which debuted on 10 April 1967 and pioneered investigative segments on public policy and social issues until its reformat into The 7.30 Report in 1986 and later 7.30 in 2011.[100] ABC's Four Corners, launched on 19 August 1961, remains the flagship for long-form investigations, producing approximately 30 episodes annually that have exposed institutional failures, such as banking misconduct in 2019 leading to a royal commission, and prompted over 100 parliamentary inquiries since inception.[101] [102] On commercial networks, Nine's A Current Affair, originating 22 November 1971 under Mike Willesee, airs weeknights with a tabloid style covering consumer disputes, crime, and human interest, drawing 500,000-700,000 viewers weekly in recent years.[103] [104] Seven Network's Sunday Night (2009-2019) focused on true crime and survival narratives, while its successor Spotlight continues similar in-depth reports.[105] Documentaries form a core of factual programming, often blending with current affairs on public broadcasters. ABC's Australian Story, airing since 13 March 1995, profiles personal narratives of notable Australians through first-person accounts, achieving top ratings for episodes like those on 23 September 2019 with over 1.2 million viewers in metro markets.[106] [102] Investigative documentaries, such as Four Corners episodes on topics like social media harms (aired 4 November 2024), utilize archival footage and expert interviews to examine causal factors in societal issues.[107] Commercial networks produce fewer standalone documentaries but contribute through series like Nine's 60 Minutes, which since 1979 has imported and localized formats for exposés on global and domestic events, prioritizing viewer engagement over exhaustive verification in some critiques.[108] Overall, these formats have driven public discourse but face declining linear audiences, with 2023 viewership for prime-time current affairs dropping 15-20% year-on-year amid streaming shifts, per industry data.[106]Children's and Educational Programming
Children's programming in Australia has historically been subject to specific regulations under the Australian Communications and Media Authority (ACMA), which classify content as "C" for children aged 5-14 or "P" for preschoolers, ensuring suitability based on criteria like age-appropriateness, educational value, and avoidance of violence or consumerism. These standards, originating from 1979, mandated quotas for Australian-made programs on commercial free-to-air networks to promote local production and cultural relevance, requiring broadcasters to air a minimum number of hours annually, such as 260 hours of first-release C and P content until recent changes.[109] However, in 2020, the federal government abolished dedicated children's quotas on commercial television as part of emergency media reforms during the COVID-19 pandemic, folding them into broader Australian content requirements of at least 55% overall programming between 6 a.m. and midnight, which has correlated with an 84% drop in Australian children's TV production hours from 605 in 2019 to 95 in 2022.[110][111] The Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC), as the public broadcaster, has maintained a strong focus on educational and preschool content through its dedicated ABC Kids channel, launched in 2001 and available via free-to-air and streaming, emphasizing programs that integrate learning in literacy, numeracy, social skills, and creativity without commercial pressures.[112] Iconic long-running shows include Play School, which debuted on July 18, 1966, and remains a cornerstone of preschool education with its use of everyday objects, songs, and presenter-led activities to foster curiosity and basic skills, airing over 7,000 episodes by 2023.[113] Other enduring ABC series encompass Bananas in Pyjamas (1992-2001, with revivals), featuring anthropomorphic bananas in humorous adventures promoting problem-solving, and more recent hits like Bluey (2018-present), a 7-minute animated series about a blue heeler puppy family that has achieved global success, topping Nielsen ratings in multiple countries by 2020 and emphasizing play-based learning and family dynamics, produced with ABC funding before Disney+ distribution.[113] Commercial networks historically contributed through designated children's blocks, such as Seven Network's early morning slots with imported and local content, but post-deregulation, reliance on international programming has increased, with ACMA compliance reports showing networks meeting general quotas yet commissioning far fewer new Australian children's titles—dropping from 391 broadcast hours pre-2019 to minimal levels by 2023.[114] Educational elements persist via co-productions and government-backed initiatives like the Australian Children's Television Foundation (ACTF), established in 1982 to fund quality local content, supporting over 500 titles since inception, including interactive apps and series aligned with national curriculum standards.[115] The rise of streaming services in the 2020s has disrupted traditional broadcasting, with Australian children increasingly accessing on-demand platforms like Netflix and YouTube, where algorithms prioritize global hits over local content, leading to reduced discoverability of Australian programs and a generational gap in cultural familiarity—surveys indicate many children under 10 struggle to identify homegrown shows amid international dominance.[116] Despite this, public investment sustains ABC's output, with Bluey exemplifying how targeted funding can yield exports generating $200 million in economic value by 2023, underscoring the causal link between policy support and sustained production viability.[117] Indigenous representation has grown modestly, with ABC incorporating culturally specific narratives in shows like Little J and Big Cuz (2016-present), addressing Aboriginal perspectives in education.[113] Overall, while regulations ensure baseline protections, the shift to digital platforms challenges the ecosystem, prompting calls for extended quotas to streaming services to preserve empirical benefits like long-term cultural retention evidenced in viewer nostalgia studies.[118]Imported vs. Local Content Dynamics
Australian television has historically depended heavily on imported programming, particularly from the United States and United Kingdom, due to the high costs of local production and the established appeal of foreign formats in the post-World War II era. Between 1956 and 1963, approximately 83% of content broadcast on Australian screens was imported, reflecting limited domestic infrastructure and a preference for cost-effective overseas acquisitions that offered polished production values unattainable locally at scale.[119] This reliance shaped early scheduling, with networks filling prime time slots with American sitcoms, dramas, and British series to attract audiences while building local capabilities. To counter this imbalance and foster a national industry, the Australian government introduced local content quotas in the 1960s under the Australian Content Standard, mandating commercial free-to-air broadcasters to air a minimum of 40% Australian programming by 1970, escalating to 50% by the 1990s and stabilizing at 55% of transmission time between 6 a.m. and midnight on primary channels since 2000.[120] Additional requirements include subtitling points for first-release Australian drama, totaling at least 250 points annually—equivalent to roughly 146 hours of qualifying content—to prioritize original scripted works over repeats or non-drama genres.[120] These measures, enforced by the Australian Communications and Media Authority (ACMA), have driven investment in local stories, employing thousands in production and contributing to cultural output like soap operas and news, though critics argue they inflate costs and sometimes yield formulaic content to meet compliance rather than audience demand. Recent data indicates commercial broadcasters exceed these minima, delivering an average of 74% Australian content on primary channels in 2024 and 75% in 2023, totaling over 10,700 hours across multi-channels, which surpasses the regulatory baseline and reflects strategic emphasis on local news, sports, and reality formats for viewer retention.[121][122] However, the rise of streaming services has intensified dynamics, as subscription video-on-demand (SVOD) platforms like Netflix and Disney+ operate without quotas, favoring global imports that constitute the bulk of their catalogs and eroding traditional broadcasters' share—SVOD viewing reached 69% of total video consumption in 2024, up from prior years.[53] This shift disadvantages local producers, who face competition from high-budget foreign series, prompting calls for a 20% Australian content obligation on streamers, though implementation was indefinitely delayed as of late 2024 amid industry lobbying and free trade concerns.[83][86] The interplay reveals a causal tension: quotas sustain local viability against cheaper, scalable imports but risk viewer migration to unregulated platforms offering diverse, algorithm-driven international fare, potentially diminishing domestic commissioning in genres like drama where imports dominate exports inversely—only 3% of Australian TV exports go to the US since 2005/06, versus 52% imports from there.[123] Broadcaster video-on-demand services bridge this, airing more local content than pure SVOD but less than linear TV, underscoring how regulatory asymmetry favors imports in digital realms while linear mandates preserve a core of Australian programming.[124]Public and Multicultural Broadcasting
ABC and SBS Operations
The Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC), established on 1 July 1932 as a statutory authority, serves as Australia's primary public service broadcaster with television operations launching on 5 November 1956. It delivers free-to-air services via five national channels—ABC TV (primary general-interest), ABC TV Plus (entertainment and youth-focused), ABC Kids (preschool content), ABC ME (children's and family programming), and ABC News (24-hour news)—available to over 25 million Australians through terrestrial transmission and digital platforms like ABC iview. The ABC employs over 4,000 staff and generates revenue primarily from annual government appropriations totaling approximately $1.06 billion in 2022–23 for base operations, transmission, and capital works, supplemented by commercial activities such as content licensing and ABC Commercial sales.[125][126][127] Governed by the Australian Broadcasting Corporation Act 1983, the ABC operates under a charter mandating innovative, comprehensive services that inform, educate, and entertain while reflecting Australia's cultural diversity and promoting independent journalism free from political or commercial influence. A board appointed by the Governor-General oversees strategy, with editorial decisions insulated from government direction to uphold impartiality. However, despite these safeguards, the ABC has drawn persistent criticism for alleged left-wing bias in news and current affairs coverage, particularly from conservative politicians and inquiries, which highlight disparities in scrutiny of government policies and cultural issues; such claims contrast with public trust surveys showing high credibility ratings, though source analyses from outlets like the Institute of Public Affairs have contested these metrics as misleading.[128][127][129][130] The Special Broadcasting Service (SBS), created as a statutory corporation in 1978 under the Special Broadcasting Service Act 1991, specializes in multicultural and international content to support Australia's diverse population. It runs six free-to-air television channels—SBS (core multilingual news and drama), SBS Viceland (youth and alternative), SBS World Movies (international films), SBS Food (culinary programming), NITV (Indigenous-focused), and SBS WorldWatch (global news)—plus SBS On Demand with over 15,000 hours of catch-up and on-demand viewing. Operations blend government funding, projected at around $538 million total revenue for 2025–26 primarily from appropriations for core activities, with supplementary income from limited advertising and sponsorships allowed since 2006 to offset budget shortfalls.[131][132][133] SBS's charter emphasizes providing multilingual, multicultural radio, television, and digital services that inform, educate, and entertain all Australians, prioritizing world affairs, arts, and non-Anglo content to foster social inclusion without commercial imperatives dominating output. Editorial independence is structurally enforced via a government-appointed board, yet SBS faces analogous accusations of progressive bias, especially in immigration and identity topics, mirroring institutional patterns observed in publicly funded media; these critiques, often from right-leaning analysts, argue that charter adherence favors certain viewpoints despite mandates for balance. Extending to radio in over 60 languages and digital ecosystems, SBS targets underserved communities, distinguishing its niche role from the ABC's broader national remit.[134][135][136]Indigenous Television Initiatives
Indigenous television initiatives in Australia emerged in the late 1980s to empower Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities with media production and broadcasting capabilities, addressing historical underrepresentation in mainstream outlets. The Broadcasting for Remote Aboriginal Communities Scheme (BRACS), established in 1987 by the federal government, provided video equipment to over 100 remote communities for local content creation, playback of national broadcasts, and community information dissemination, evolving into the Remote Indigenous Broadcast Services (RIBS) by the 2000s to include radio and enhanced digital facilities.[137][138] A landmark development was Imparja Television, launched on January 2, 1988, by the Central Australian Aboriginal Media Association (CAAMA) as the world's first Indigenous-owned and operated commercial television network, serving central Australia and remote areas across 3.6 million square kilometers via satellite retransmission. Imparja initially broadcast a mix of local Indigenous programs, ABC content, and affiliates, expanding to 28 sites by the 2020s while providing free satellite services to 14 Indigenous radio stations. These early efforts prioritized self-determination in storytelling, countering external portrayals often critiqued for lacking cultural authenticity.[139][140][141] National efforts culminated in the National Indigenous Television service (NITV), announced for funding in September 2005 following advocacy by Indigenous media groups and launched in July 2007 as a community-controlled digital channel focused on Indigenous-produced content, news, and cultural programming. Initially operating from Alice Springs with limited resources, NITV secured $48.5 million in federal funding through June 2010 for operations and content development. In December 2012, it integrated as a free-to-air channel within the Special Broadcasting Service (SBS), expanding reach to urban audiences while maintaining Indigenous commissioning priorities, such as diverse First Nations narratives.[142][143][144] These initiatives have fostered Indigenous control over media, with NITV commissioning programs that highlight community issues and languages, though funding dependencies on government allocations—such as the 2012 transfer to SBS—have raised concerns about editorial independence amid policy shifts. By 2023, NITV's model supported over 100 hours of annual Indigenous-led content, contributing to greater visibility without supplanting commercial or public broadcasters.[145][146][147]Regulation and Government Intervention
Licensing and Ownership Rules
Commercial free-to-air television services in Australia require a commercial television broadcasting licence issued by the Australian Communications and Media Authority (ACMA) under the Broadcasting Services Act 1992 (BSA).[148] These licences authorize the provision of services within designated licence areas, with the number of licences limited to promote competition—typically three commercial licences per metropolitan market (e.g., Sydney, Melbourne) and fewer in regional areas.[7] Licence holders must comply with conditions including content standards, technical specifications, and notification of any changes in control to the ACMA.[149] Ownership of commercial television licences is regulated to limit concentration and ensure media diversity. No person or entity may control more than one commercial television licence within the same licence area, preventing monopolization in local markets.[149] Additionally, a 75% audience reach rule prohibits any single controller from holding licences that collectively cover more than 75% of the national population, a threshold established to curb dominance by major networks. The ACMA maintains a Register of Controlled Media Groups to monitor compliance with these rules.[149] Cross-media ownership restrictions under the BSA permit a controller to own or influence up to two of the three traditional media types—commercial television, commercial radio, or associated newspapers—in a given licence area, but not all three (the "two-out-of-three" rule).[149] This is supplemented by a points system ensuring minimum independent voices: at least five in metropolitan areas and four in regional areas, calculated based on ownership of diverse media operations.[149] Reforms in 2007 relaxed prior stricter cross-media prohibitions, allowing mergers such as television-newspaper combinations provided audience reach thresholds are not exceeded, contributing to observed increases in media concentration.[151] Foreign ownership of Australian television broadcasters faces no statutory percentage caps under the BSA, following the removal of a previous 20% limit in 2007.[151] However, foreign persons or entities holding 2.5% or more company interest in a media asset, including commercial television licences, must notify the ACMA within specified timelines: initially for existing holdings, within 30 days of acquiring or disposing of such interests, and annually thereafter.[152] The ACMA publishes this information in the Register of Foreign Owners of Media Assets to enhance transparency, though broader foreign investment scrutiny falls under the Foreign Acquisitions and Takeovers Act 1975.[149] These disclosure requirements aim to track influence without imposing direct ownership barriers, reflecting a policy shift toward liberalization amid global media dynamics.[152]Local Content Quotas and Subsidies
Commercial free-to-air television broadcasters in Australia are required under the Australian Content Standard (ACCTS), administered by the Australian Communications and Media Authority (ACMA), to transmit at least 55% Australian programming content between 6:00 a.m. and midnight daily.[120] Additionally, licensees must accumulate a minimum of 250 points annually from first-release Australian programs broadcast between 6:00 a.m. and midnight, with points awarded based on genre categories such as drama (receiving higher points per hour) and increased production budgets per broadcast hour to incentivize quality local content.[120] On non-primary channels, a sub-quota mandates at least 1,460 hours of Australian content in the same period.[153] These requirements, enshrined in the Broadcasting Services Act 1992, apply to both metropolitan and regional commercial licensees, with regional stations facing further transmission quotas for local programming to preserve community relevance.[154] In 2023, all commercial television licensees achieved full compliance with these quotas, as verified by ACMA audits.[155] To support compliance and bolster domestic production amid competition from imported content, the Australian government provides subsidies primarily through the Producer Offset, a refundable tax rebate administered by Screen Australia for eligible television drama and other qualifying projects with significant Australian expenditure.[156] This offset, offering up to 40% for television series depending on criteria like cultural value and expenditure thresholds, has facilitated over $1.7 billion in total drama production spending in 2023–24, including $929 million on Australian-centric stories.[157] Broader screen industry incentives totaled $878 million in government direct funding and rebates for 2023–24, though critics argue such taxpayer-supported mechanisms disproportionately benefit content migrating to subscription platforms rather than free-to-air audiences intended under quota rationales.[96] Screen Australia also disburses recoupable investments and grants for television projects, prioritizing those enhancing national narratives, but these are selectively allocated based on merit assessments rather than automatic entitlements.[158] Proposals to extend quotas to streaming services, announced in January 2023 with a targeted July 2024 implementation, remain unlegislated as of December 2024, reflecting delays in balancing industry competitiveness against cultural protection imperatives.[83] Public broadcasters like the ABC and SBS operate under charter-based mandates for Australian content rather than enforceable quotas, relying on annual appropriations—$1.1 billion for the ABC in 2023–24—without the points system applied to commercials.[8] These measures collectively aim to sustain local employment, estimated at thousands in production roles, though empirical data indicates quotas have stabilized Australian content transmission at around 60–65% in recent years despite streaming disruptions.[121]Advertising and Censorship Policies
Australian commercial television advertising is regulated primarily through the Australian Communications and Media Authority (ACMA) and the self-regulatory Commercial Television Industry Code of Practice administered by Free TV Australia, which sets standards for ad content, placement, and volume to prevent viewer overload while ensuring distinguishability from programming.[159][160] Broadcasters must comply with licence conditions prohibiting deceptive or misleading ads, with ACMA empowered to investigate breaches, as seen in ongoing enforcement against non-compliant promotions.[161] Unlike some jurisdictions, Australia imposes no statutory cap on advertising minutes per hour for general programming, relying instead on code provisions that ads should not interrupt programs excessively or during sensitive content, though children's programming faces stricter limits under the Children's Television Standards, capping ads at four minutes per half-hour.[60] Specific product restrictions are stringent: tobacco advertising has been banned on broadcast television since 1976, extended to sponsorships by 1992, while alcohol ads are confined to after 8:30 p.m. on weekdays and limited daytime slots on weekends to minimize youth exposure, though Free TV proposed expanding these to 10 a.m. daily in May 2025, a change under ACMA review amid public health concerns.[7] Gambling advertisements, prominent in sports broadcasts, face time-based curbs—none before 9 p.m. or during child-viewing hours—and content rules barring inducements to bet, with ACMA rejecting a June 2025 proposal to relax restrictions for M-rated programs due to insufficient protections.[162] Political advertising triggers blackout periods under the Broadcasting Services Act 1992, prohibiting election or referendum ads from the Wednesday before polling day until polls close, enforced strictly as in the May 2025 federal election.[163][164] Censorship in Australian television operates via a classification system under the National Classification Scheme, where broadcasters self-classify content per ACMA-registered codes aligned with guidelines from the Classification Board, prohibiting unclassified or Refused Classification (RC) material that depicts excessive violence, sexual violence, or other harms deemed unsuitable for broadcast.[165][60] Programs receive labels such as G (general), PG (parental guidance), M (mature), or MA15+ (restricted to 15+), displayed on-screen, with codes mandating warnings for adult themes; breaches can lead to ACMA fines or licence sanctions, as in investigations into graphic depictions during news or drama.[166] The system emphasizes community standards over outright pre-censorship, allowing broadcaster discretion for most content but requiring referral to the Classification Board for borderline cases, with no major reforms to TV-specific rules post-2020 despite broader online content shifts.[167] Controversial content, including political satire or violence in factual programming, has prompted occasional ACMA interventions, prioritizing accuracy and fairness over suppression, though critics argue the regime favors institutional biases in classification decisions.[168]Economic Aspects
Industry Revenue and Employment
The Australian television industry's revenue is dominated by advertising for commercial free-to-air (FTA) broadcasters, subscription fees for pay television, and government appropriations for public entities like the Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC) and Special Broadcasting Service (SBS). In the financial year ending June 2024 (FY24), total television advertising revenue across FTA linear and broadcaster video-on-demand (BVOD) platforms totaled $3.3 billion, reflecting an 8.1% year-on-year decline primarily driven by reduced linear TV ad spend, though BVOD revenue rose 12.7% to $441 million amid audience fragmentation to streaming services.[169] Commercial FTA broadcasting revenue stood at approximately $3.8 billion in 2024-25, following a compound annual decline of 5.2% over the prior five years attributable to structural shifts toward subscription video-on-demand (SVOD) competitors eroding traditional ad markets.[170] Pay television, led by providers like Foxtel, generated $2.9 billion in total gross value added (GVA) for 2023-24, including $1.07 billion in direct GVA from operations supporting 4.78 million subscribers and 826 million hours of content viewed annually; this represented 2.7% nominal growth from 2022 levels despite broader media disruptions.[171] Public broadcaster revenue includes the ABC's $1.24 billion in 2024, largely from federal funding, enabling operations across broadcast and digital platforms.[172] Employment in commercial FTA television encompasses approximately 11,119 workers as of 2024-25, focused on production, broadcasting, and distribution amid cost pressures from digital pivots.[170] The ABC maintains a workforce of 4,682 employees supporting its charter-mandated services.[172] Subscription television directly employs 2,174 full-time equivalent (FTE) staff, with average incomes 1.7 times the national average, contributing to higher productivity in content curation and delivery.[171] These figures exclude indirect roles in production supply chains; the encompassing screen sector (including television) supported around 55,000 jobs and over $6 billion in value added in 2021-22, though television-specific employment has faced contraction from automation and outsourcing trends.[173]Market Competition and Streaming Impacts
The Australian free-to-air (FTA) television market is dominated by three major commercial networks—Seven West Media, Nine Entertainment, and Paramount's Network 10—which control the vast majority of metropolitan and regional broadcasting licenses and compete intensely for advertising revenue through ratings-driven programming.[174][170] This oligopolistic structure has persisted since the 1950s, with networks differentiating via live sports, news, and drama to capture prime-time audiences, as evidenced by Seven's national ratings lead in 2024 ahead of Nine and Ten.[175] Competition remains fierce, with annual "ratings wars" influencing scheduling and content investment, though regional affiliates often rebroadcast metropolitan feeds, limiting diversity.[170] The advent of subscription video-on-demand (SVOD) services since Netflix's 2015 launch has intensified competition by fragmenting audiences and shifting consumption from linear FTA to on-demand viewing. SVOD penetration reached approximately 90% of households by 2025, with Netflix holding over 30% revenue share, followed by Disney+ at 17%, while local platforms like Stan and Binge capture niche audiences through Australian originals.[176] The total SVOD subscriber base grew 5% year-on-year to 26.6 million services by June 2025, driven by price adjustments and anti-password-sharing measures, outpacing traditional pay TV's decline.[177] Streaming's global content libraries and algorithmic personalization have eroded FTA's historical monopoly on entertainment, particularly among under-40s, though FTA retains dominance in live events like sports.[178] Streaming has accelerated FTA viewership erosion, with average weekly linear TV time falling to 4.8 hours per person in 2024 from 5.6 hours in 2023, and less than half of adults watching FTA excluding catch-up. [179] Connected TV usage surpassed linear at 58% market share by mid-2025, correlating with FTA broadcast revenue's compound annual decline of 5.2% from 2020 to 2025, projected to worsen amid ad market fragmentation.[178][170] Networks have countered via broadcast video-on-demand (BVOD) extensions, which boosted total TV reach but failed to fully offset SVOD's subscription model, as advertisers increasingly allocate budgets to targeted digital platforms over mass linear audiences.[180] Regulatory responses highlight competitive imbalances, with FTA networks lobbying for local content obligations on streamers—achieving partial wins by 2022 requiring investment in Australian productions—yet streaming's exemption from legacy quotas has enabled cost advantages, subsidizing global hits over domestic output.[181] Overall, streaming fosters innovation in production but causally erodes FTA's economic viability through audience diversion and revenue leakage, prompting networks to diversify into digital assets while facing structural headwinds from unregulated foreign entrants.[170][182]Investment Trends in Production
In 2023-24, total Australian expenditure on drama production, encompassing television series, miniseries, and telefeatures, fell to $1.7 billion, a 29% decline from $2.4 billion the prior year, with Australian-origin titles accounting for $929 million of the total, down 18% from $1.128 billion.[183] The number of Australian drama productions dropped from 120 to 99, reflecting reduced commissioning amid economic pressures and competition from global streaming platforms.[183] Screen Australia's direct investments totaled $32 million across 34 titles, a 15% decrease from the previous year and 5% below the five-year average, prioritizing narrative projects with distinctive local perspectives.[183] Commercial free-to-air networks have curtailed spending, particularly on genres like children's television drama, where investment fell to just $1.75 million in recent years, leaving public broadcasters such as the ABC to shoulder a disproportionate share of local content production.[184] Overall industry revenue for motion picture and video production, including television, is projected to contract at a 3.4% annualized rate through 2025-26, reaching $3.3 billion, driven by fragmentation in viewer habits and rising production costs.[185] Subscription video-on-demand (SVOD) services, including Netflix, Disney+, Amazon Prime Video, Paramount+, and Stan, expended $341.5 million on Australian programs in 2023-24, representing a growing but volatile segment amid calls for mandatory local content quotas equivalent to 20% of locally acquired revenue.[186] Netflix, for instance, allocated $208 million to Australian content in 2022, exceeding a proposed 20% threshold relative to its revenue, though producers report scaling back by platforms in 2024-25 due to global content prioritization.[187] [188] Government incentives, including the Location Incentive and production offsets, have attracted international shoots, generating an estimated $16.5 billion in economic activity from 2019 onward through rebates on qualifying expenditures, though critics question the net benefits given the focus on high-budget foreign projects over sustained domestic television output.[189] Reforms in 2023 expanded eligibility by removing caps on above-the-line costs, aiming to bolster local facilities and crews, yet total drama budgets averaged lower, with many projects under $5 million.[190] [191] These trends underscore a contraction in traditional television investment, offset partially by targeted public funding and incentives, but vulnerable to international market fluctuations.[192]Audience and Ratings
Viewing Habits and Metrics
In Australia, television audience metrics are primarily compiled by OzTAM, the official source for measurement, utilizing the VOZ system that integrates panel data from over 20,000 viewers across metropolitan, regional, and rest-of-Australia markets, alongside BVOD and select streaming metrics.[193] This framework captures linear broadcast viewing alongside on-demand consumption via TV sets, providing national reach, share, and commercial audience estimates.[194] Total TV viewing reached an average of 15.704 billion minutes per week in 2024, encompassing free-to-air (FTA), subscription, and BVOD content.[195] By the first half of 2025, this figure rose 2.5% to 16 billion minutes weekly, driven partly by BVOD growth adding nearly 11% to overall totals.[196][197] Average daily viewing time per person stood at approximately 100.7 minutes in the 2024-25 period, reflecting a gradual decline from prior years amid competition from non-TV screens.[198] This equates to about 41 hours monthly across broadcast and BVOD, predominantly via TV sets rather than mobile devices.[50] Viewing habits show pronounced generational differences, with Baby Boomers and older cohorts averaging nearly 4 hours daily on television, compared to under 2 hours for younger adults, who favor flexible streaming.[199] Linear FTA viewing has eroded, with only 46% of adults reporting weekly engagement in 2024, down from 71% in 2017, as subscription video-on-demand (SVOD) penetration climbed to 69%.[53][53] Peak viewing occurs in evenings, particularly for live sports, news, and drama, where broadcast retains dominance; for instance, major events like AFL or NRL finals command national shares exceeding 30%.[200] BVOD-exclusive viewing has surged, contributing to broadcast's stable 60.8% share of total TV in mid-2025, though independent device data suggests streaming platforms capture up to 60% when excluding measured services.[201] Regional audiences exhibit higher linear reliance due to limited broadband alternatives, sustaining FTA's role in rural metrics.[53] Overall, habits reflect a hybrid model, with linear TV's live immediacy offsetting on-demand fragmentation, though total screen time for media consumption averages 6 hours daily across platforms.[202]Demographic Shifts and FTA Decline
Free-to-air (FTA) television viewership in Australia has experienced a sustained decline, with the proportion of adults watching FTA TV (excluding catch-up) falling from 71% in 2017 to 46% in 2024. This drop correlates with the rise of subscription video-on-demand services, which saw usage among adults increase from 29% to 69% over the same period, as viewers shifted toward flexible, on-demand content accessible via broadband.[53] Average weekly viewing time for FTA also decreased to 4.8 hours in 2024 from 5.6 hours in 2023, reflecting broader fragmentation driven by competing platforms like Netflix and YouTube.[179] Demographic patterns reveal stark generational divides exacerbating the FTA downturn. Older Australians, particularly those aged 65 and above, remain the core FTA audience, with 96% participating in free-to-air viewing, often prioritizing linear broadcasts for news and scheduled programming.[203] In contrast, younger cohorts show minimal engagement: only 19% of 18-24-year-olds watched FTA TV (excluding catch-up) in 2024, and 13% used FTA catch-up or broadcast video-on-demand (BVOD) services. This age-based polarization stems from younger viewers' preference for algorithm-driven, short-form content on platforms like YouTube and TikTok, which offer immediacy and personalization absent in traditional FTA schedules.[204]| Age Group | % Watching FTA TV (excl. catch-up, 2024) | % Using FTA Catch-up/BVOD (2024) | Primary Alternative Preference |
|---|---|---|---|
| 18-24 | 19% | 13% | Streaming (Netflix, YouTube)[205] |
| 65+ | High (96% overall FTA participation) | N/A | Linear FTA broadcasts[203] |
Cultural and Societal Impacts
Influence on National Identity
Television in Australia has significantly contributed to the formation and reinforcement of national identity by disseminating shared narratives, values, and historical reflections through local content and major event coverage. Mandated Australian content quotas, introduced in the 1960s and strengthened over decades, require commercial broadcasters to air programming that reflects national character, character, and cultural diversity, thereby embedding distinctly Australian stories into everyday viewing habits.[208] These quotas have ensured that dramas, comedies, and documentaries portray elements like suburban life, rural resilience, and multicultural interactions, fostering a collective sense of "Australiana" that emphasizes egalitarianism and mateship.[209] Broadcasts of national ceremonies and sports events have further solidified this identity by creating communal experiences. The Sydney 2000 Olympic Games, viewed by over 90% of Australians across free-to-air networks, evoked widespread pride and unity, with the closing ceremony's harbor fireworks symbolizing Australia's global confidence and hosting success.[210] [211] Similarly, annual ANZAC Day dawn services, live-televised since the ABC's first broadcast in Hobart in 1957, extend commemoration of military sacrifice to remote households, perpetuating the ANZAC legend as a cornerstone of national character—resilient, loyal, and understated.[212] Sports coverage, particularly of cricket's Ashes series and codes like AFL and NRL, commands mass audiences, reinforcing regional loyalties within a broader national framework and embodying cultural values of competition and camaraderie.[213] Television has also influenced identity through its role in social change, notably by humanizing Indigenous experiences during the lead-up to the 1967 referendum, where programs challenged exclusionary myths and broadened public understanding of Australia's diverse heritage.[214] Children's programming, supported by government policies since the 1970s, instills early cultural awareness through shows featuring local settings and characters, with studies indicating long-term impacts on viewers' sense of belonging and national affinity.[215] While imported content has introduced global influences, local television's emphasis on authentic representation has countered homogenization, though academic analyses note ongoing debates about the depth of cultural reflection amid commercial pressures.[216]Criticisms of Cultural Homogenization
Critics of Australian television contend that the medium fosters cultural homogenization by prioritizing commercially viable imported content, particularly from the United States, over diverse local narratives, thereby eroding distinct Australian cultural identities. This perspective draws on concerns about the dominance of foreign programming, which constituted a significant portion of broadcast schedules historically; for instance, in the late 20th century, American shows like sitcoms and dramas filled prime-time slots on commercial networks, influencing viewer preferences and lifestyles toward American norms.[217] A 2023 international survey by YouGov revealed that 54% of Australians perceive excessive U.S. influence on entertainment, including television, higher than in many other nations polled, reflecting ongoing public unease about this trend.[218] Such importation is seen as a form of cultural imperialism, where global media flows standardize tastes and values, diminishing space for indigenous storytelling. Academic analyses, such as those examining generational shifts, argue that repeated exposure to U.S. television has accelerated Americanization, with younger Australians favoring imported formats over local ones, potentially homogenizing national discourse around consumerism and individualism rather than Australian-specific experiences like regionalism or multiculturalism.[219] This criticism extends to the adaptation of international TV formats, such as reality shows, which critics claim impose uniform narrative structures that prioritize universal appeal over culturally rooted content, leading to a "placeless" aesthetic that blurs national distinctions.[220] Domestically produced content has also faced scrutiny for internal homogenization, particularly through underrepresentation of Australia's ethnic and Indigenous diversity, resulting in a predominantly Anglo-Celtic portrayal of society. Reports from Media Diversity Australia highlight that in 2020, 72% of on-screen news presenters at the Seven Network were Anglo-Celtic, with similar patterns across other outlets, excluding multicultural perspectives and reinforcing a narrow cultural narrative.[221] Research on commercial drama underscores this, noting that despite policy mandates for local content, productions often depict an "Anglo" version of Australia, sidelining the 30% of the population with non-European ancestry and contributing to a homogenized view that ignores lived multicultural realities.[222] The rise of streaming services has intensified these concerns, as global platforms like Netflix favor algorithm-driven, borderless content that sidelines Australian-specific stories in favor of scalable international hits, potentially accelerating homogenization. Advocates for local quotas argue that without regulatory intervention, such as the proposed mandates under review in 2025, cultural erosion will worsen, with commercial networks already reducing investment in distinct Australian drama amid streaming competition.[223] Recent analyses warn that unchecked reliance on global formats risks eroding national identities, as evidenced by declining local drama production points, which fell in the early 2020s due to market pressures favoring homogenized genres like reality TV.[224] While some scholars counter that hybridization in remakes mitigates pure uniformity, critics maintain that economic incentives inherently favor convergence toward dominant cultural models, undermining causal links between television and preserved local pluralism.[225]Controversies and Criticisms
Media Bias in News and Public Broadcasting
The Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC), as the primary public broadcaster, operates under a statutory charter mandating impartiality and diversity of perspectives in news coverage. Despite this, multiple content analyses have identified patterns of left-leaning bias in ABC television news and current affairs programs, including disproportionate emphasis on progressive viewpoints in topics such as climate policy, indigenous affairs, and gender issues. For instance, a 2025 study of ABC's gender identity reporting found significant slant toward activist narratives, with coverage aligning more closely with minority opinions than empirical data on public sentiment or biological realities.[226] Similarly, the Institute of Public Affairs' examination of ABC's 1998 waterfront dispute coverage revealed union-favorable framing in 36% more instances than for employer perspectives on television bulletins.[227] These findings align with Media Bias/Fact Check's assessment of ABC News Australia as left-center biased due to story selection favoring left-leaning issues, though it maintains high factual accuracy.[228] Commercial television networks, including Seven, Nine, and Ten, exhibit varied biases influenced by ownership and market pressures, with some outlets like Sky News Australia leaning right on economic and immigration matters. An Australian Communications and Media Authority (ACMA) qualitative study reported public perceptions of bias as commonplace in commercial TV news, particularly during elections, where sensationalism and commercial interests amplify partisan slants. However, empirical analyses, such as a 2024 University of Adelaide review of television caption data, indicate systemic underrepresentation of conservative viewpoints across free-to-air news, contributing to audience polarization.[229] Trust surveys underscore partisan divides: the 2024 Reuters Institute Digital News Report found ABC and SBS as Australia's most trusted sources overall (64-65% trust levels), yet right-leaning audiences report lower confidence, valuing them less than left-leaning viewers.[230] ABC audience complaints data from 2023 showed 72% of online news grievances alleging bias or inaccuracy, rising in 2025 for Middle East coverage where 65% claimed partiality, split between pro-Palestine and pro-Israel accusations but skewed toward progressive framing critiques.[231][232] Such patterns reflect institutional incentives in publicly funded media, where editorial cultures prioritize certain narratives over balanced causal analysis, eroding credibility among half the populace despite overall factual reliability.| Outlet | Bias Rating (Media Bias/Fact Check) | Trust Level (2024 Digital News Report) | Key Criticism |
|---|---|---|---|
| ABC News | Left-Center | 64% | Story selection favoring left issues[228][230] |
| SBS | Left-Center | 65% | Editorial positions moderately left[233][230] |
| Commercial TV (e.g., Seven/Nine) | Mixed (Center-Right lean in some) | 50-55% | Commercial sensationalism |
Regulatory Distortions and Market Failures
Australian commercial television broadcasters must air at least 55% Australian content on primary channels from 6 a.m. to midnight, a quota enforced by the Australian Communications and Media Authority (ACMA) to promote local programming amid market tendencies toward imported content.[234] While all licensees complied in 2024, these mandates distort resource allocation by incentivizing broadcasters to meet volume requirements with low-cost genres such as reality formats, news, and sports rather than resource-intensive scripted drama, which viewers may prefer less but which regulators deem culturally vital.[234][235] This compliance-driven approach results in inefficient production, as evidenced by adult drama expenditure dropping to $49 million in 2023–24 (under 3% of total spending), a halving from 2018–19 levels despite quotas.[236] Scripted content hours have declined sharply—55% for adult drama since 2001 (from 570 to 300 hours annually) and similarly for children's programming—highlighting a core market failure in supplying public-good cultural narratives that private markets underprovide due to high fixed costs and small audience scale.[237] Regulations exacerbate this by locking broadcasters into legacy models ill-suited to digital disruption, where streaming platforms capture audiences without equivalent obligations until recent proposals, leading to skewed investments favoring global-appeal co-productions over distinctly Australian stories.[237] Children's drama spending, at $1.8 million in 2023–24, reflects a 98% plunge since 2018–19, underscoring how quotas fail to sustain genre diversity amid rising production costs and viewer migration.[236] Cross-media ownership restrictions, eased in 2007 to allow entities to control two of three platforms (TV, radio, print) in a market provided a 5% audience reach threshold is met, have facilitated consolidation for scale efficiencies but concentrated control among fewer players, potentially diminishing content pluralism without resolving underlying production inefficiencies.[238] In regional markets, aggregation rules permitting shared programming have reduced duplication costs but strained local content mandates, contributing to revenue shortfalls and warnings of sector-wide failure, accelerated by the COVID-19 downturn in advertising.[239][240] Anti-siphoning lists reserving major sports and events for free-to-air access prevent competitive bidding by pay-TV or streamers, artificially inflating incumbent values while distorting event pricing and innovation in premium content delivery.[241] The 2024 prominence framework mandating easy access to free-to-air services on smart TVs further entrenches this protectionism, intervening in device interfaces to counter streaming dominance but risking anti-competitive effects on hardware markets.[10] Federal incentives, totaling over $1.5 billion since 2007 via rebates like the 30% producer offset, address underinvestment but prioritize economic multipliers over verifiable cultural impacts, fostering dependency without independent audits of efficacy.[237] These interventions, while rationalizing public-good provision, often amplify distortions by subsidizing outputs misaligned with audience demand, as seen in the shift toward formulaic quota-fillers over innovative narratives.[242]Local Content Effectiveness and Subsidies
Commercial free-to-air television broadcasters in Australia must air at least 55% Australian-produced content between 6 a.m. and midnight on primary channels, supplemented by a points system prioritizing first-release drama, documentaries, and children's programming.[235] In 2024, all metropolitan licensees met these requirements, with the Seven Network achieving 267 points from first-release Australian content and 275 total points overall.[234] Compliance ensures a baseline volume of local material, but fulfillment predominantly relies on low-cost genres such as news, sports, reality shows, and long-running soaps like Home and Away, rather than high-value scripted drama.[235] The effectiveness of these quotas in fostering culturally significant content remains limited, as evidenced by a steep decline in Australian television drama hours broadcast on commercial networks, from 520 hours in 1999 to 116 hours in 2023, with expenditure dropping from A$222.5 million in 2002–03 to A$71.7 million in 2021–22.[235] On subscription television, the New Eligible Drama Expenditure (NEDE) scheme mandates 10% of programming expenditure on Australian drama, yielding 164 titles and A$558 million invested between 1999 and 2019, with 80% set in Australia but variable cultural depth—some series like Grace Beside Me advance First Nations narratives, while others prioritize economic viability over distinct Australian signifiers.[243] Overall, quotas maintain regulatory compliance but fail to counteract audience shifts to streaming services, where local content investment lags without equivalent mandates, contributing to reduced commissioning of premium Australian stories.[244] Government subsidies complement quotas through mechanisms like the Producer Offset (up to 40% rebate for features) and the Australian Screen Production Incentive, particularly its Location Incentive offering 30% rebates for qualifying international projects.[245] These have driven economic activity, with international filming expenditure reaching A$1.04 billion in 2020–21 and projections of A$4.3 billion total by 2026–27, alongside 108,000 jobs and support for 36,000 businesses.[192] From 2018 to 2022, screen incentives generated A$16.5 billion in economic value, primarily via foreign productions that leverage Australian crews and locations.[246] However, total drama production spend fell to A$1.7 billion in 2023–24 (with A$929 million qualifying for offsets), reflecting broader declines amid global strikes and economic pressures, raising questions about sustainability for domestic content.[247] Critiques highlight market distortions from both quotas and subsidies: mandates compel broadcasters to air content misaligned with viewer demand, yielding low ratings for much local drama, while subsidies—totaling hundreds of millions annually—often fund underperforming projects, such as 2015–16 films that recouped less than ticket sales despite A$7.8 million in support.[248] Economic analyses from market-oriented perspectives argue these interventions impose opportunity costs by diverting taxpayer funds (e.g., A$1.6 billion in 2014–15) from higher-return sectors, failing to build competitive local IP due to reduced incentives for quality amid protected production.[248] Proposed reforms include abolishing quotas in favor of targeted production funds financed by broadcaster levies, allowing market-driven allocation while preserving cultural goals without regulatory rigidity.[244] Despite industry advocacy for expanded streaming quotas, empirical trends underscore that current policies sustain volume over viable, audience-preferred output.[249]References
- https://www.aph.gov.au/Parliamentary_Business/Committees/[Senate](/page/Senate)/Environment_and_Communications/Completed_inquiries/2004-07/crossmedia/report/c02