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Imran Khan
Imran Khan
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Imran Ahmed Khan Niazi[a] (born 5 October 1952) is a Pakistani politician, philanthropist, and former cricketer who served as the 19th prime minister of Pakistan from August 2018 until April 2022. He is the founder of the political party Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) and was its chairman from 1996 to 2023.

Born in Lahore, Khan graduated from Keble College, Oxford. He began his international cricket career in a 1971 Test series against England. Khan learned reverse swing bowling from Sarfraz Nawaz and passed on this technique to Wasim Akram and Waqar Younis, who developed and popularised it in subsequent years. He was named one of the Wisden Cricketers of the Year in 1983. Khan is also credited with advancing the idea of neutral umpiring in cricket during his captaincy. Khan led Pakistan to its first-ever Test series victories in India and England during 1987. He was awarded the International Cricketer of the Year award in 1989. Playing until 1992, he captained the Pakistan national cricket team for most of the 1980s and early 1990s. He initially decided to retire after the 1987 Cricket World Cup; however, at the request of President Zia-ul-Haq, he returned to lead the team in 1988 and ultimately guided Pakistan to its first Cricket World Cup victory in 1992. In addition to achieving the all-rounder's triple of scoring 3,000 runs and taking 300 wickets in Tests, Khan holds the world record for the most wickets as a captain in Test cricket, along with the second-best bowling figures in an innings. Moreover, he has won the most Player of the Series awards in Test cricket for Pakistan and ranks fourth overall in Test history. Khan has often been compared to Franz Beckenbauer in terms of his popularity and influence in Pakistan. In 2009, he was inducted into the ICC Cricket Hall of Fame.

Founding the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) in 1996, Khan won a seat in the National Assembly from his hometown of Mianwali in the 2002 general election. PTI became the second-largest party by popular vote in the 2013 election, and five years later, running on a populist platform, PTI formed a coalition government with independents, with Khan as prime minister. Khan's government inherited a balance of payments crisis and sought bailouts from the IMF. He presided over GDP growth after initial contraction, implemented austerity policies, and increased tax collection. His government committed to a renewable energy transition, launched the Ehsaas Programme, and the Plant for Pakistan initiative, and expanded the protected areas of Pakistan and Sehat Sahulat Program. The reforms and actions undertaken during his time in office were largely responsible for Pakistan's removal from the FATF greylist, though the official exit occurred shortly after his tenure. He presided over the COVID-19 pandemic, which caused economic turmoil and rising inflation in the country. In April 2022, Khan became the first Pakistani prime minister to be removed from office through a no-confidence motion.

In October that year, Khan was disqualified by the Election Commission of Pakistan for one term from assuming office in the National Assembly of Pakistan due to the Toshakhana case. In November, he survived an assassination attempt at a political rally in Wazirabad. In May 2023, Khan was attending a hearing on corruption charges when paramilitary forces stormed into the Islamabad High Court and arrested him. Protests broke out throughout Pakistan, some turning into violent riots. Subsequently, his arrest was declared illegal by the Supreme Court. In August 2023, he was sentenced to three years in prison after being convicted of misusing his premiership to buy and sell gifts in state possession.

He was subsequently sentenced to ten years in prison in early 2024 for leaking state secrets and violating the Official Secrets Act, and an additional seven years for breaching Islamic marriage laws with his wife; both of these sentences were overturned in mid-2024. Khan has since been charged on matters related to the 2023 riots, clashes between his supporters and police in September 2024, and in the Al-Qadir Trust case in January 2025, receiving a 14-year sentence. As of December 2024, court records showed that 186 cases were filed against Khan all over Pakistan.

Early life and family

[edit]
Khan with his uncle Javed Zaman,[4] who would later become his cricket mentor, c. 1957.

Khan was born in Lahore on 5 October 1952.[5] Though some sources state he was born on 25 November 1952,[6] Khan has said that this mistake stemmed from that date being written erroneously on his passport.[7] He is the only son of Ikramullah Khan Niazi, a civil engineer, and his wife, Shaukat Khanum, and has four sisters.[8]

Khan is of Pathan origin belonging to the Niazi tribe from his paternal family,[9][10] and says that one of his ancestors was Haibat Khan Niazi, a leading general of Sher Shah Suri in the 16th century and the governor of Punjab.[11] Khan's maternal family belongs to the Burki community,[12] and has produced a number of cricketers, including those who have represented Pakistan,[8] such as his cousins Javed Burki and Majid Khan.[13] Khan's maternal family lived near Jalandhar, for centuries before migrating to Pakistan after the Independence in 1947.[14][15]

He studied at Aitchison College and Cathedral School in Lahore.[16][17] In 2021, Khan revealed that he had played for the Colts Hockey team in the mid-1960s.[18] Khan arrived at the Royal Grammar School Worcester in England in September 1971, where he excelled at cricket.[19][20] During the Indo-Pakistani War of 1971, Khan took a part-time job at a store in England to support himself while studying. He worked during the Christmas season, washing dishes and cutting cheese. "It was my first and only job," he said, adding that it ended after ten days due to an argument with someone there.[21]

In 1972, after being turned down by Cambridge University,[22] Khan was admitted to Keble College, Oxford, where he studied philosophy, politics and economics, graduating in 1975.[23] Paul Hayes, a keen cricket enthusiast, played a role in facilitating his entry.[22]

During the 1980s, Khan was inspired by the writings of the poet-philosopher Muhammad Iqbal, the Iranian writer-sociologist Ali Shariati, and the British diplomat-convert Charles Le Gai Eaton. He found their works intellectually stimulating and influential in deepening his understanding of Islam, particularly its potential for creating a just society and its compatibility with Western identity.[24]

Personal life

[edit]

Khan had numerous relationships during his bachelor life.[25] He was then known as a hedonistic bachelor and a playboy who was active in London's nightlife, frequently visiting venues such as Tramp in St James's.[26][27] One or two of his girlfriends were called "mysterious blondes" in British tabloids. During the 1980s and 1990s, Khan was regarded as one of the most eligible bachelors.[28]

His first girlfriend, Emma Sergeant, an artist and the daughter of British investor Sir Patrick Sergeant, introduced him to socialites. The Times states that Emma was the "one woman he truly loved before his first marriage".[28] They first met in 1982 and subsequently visited Pakistan. She accompanied him everywhere, including a hunting trip to Peshawar and a cricket tour to Australia.[29] She painted a portrait of Khan during their relationship at his request.[30] Khan's residence in Chelsea, near Sergeant's studio and Tramp nightclub, became a central location for his social activities. After long separations, his relationship with Sergeant ended in 1986.[28]

Jonathan Orders introduced Khan to Susie Murray-Philipson, whom Khan later invited to Pakistan and had dinner with in 1982. However, their relationship did not progress, as Philipson felt out of place in Pakistan and found their cultural differences irreconcilable. He also had a brief relationship with Susannah Constantine, whom he met through Lulu Blacker. Their relationship lasted for about a year without leading to marriage. Additionally, Julia Verdin and Doone Murray were among the women associated with Khan during this period, with their relationships receiving media attention.[28]

Some of the other women with whom he was associated during this period include Zeenat Aman,[31] Sarah Crawley, Marie Helvin,[28] Stephanie Beacham, Caroline Kellett, Liza Campbell, Goldie Hawn, Sarah Giles,[32] Anastasia Cooke, and Hannah Rothschild. These relationships did not result in permanence, as Khan made it clear that residing in Pakistan was a requirement for a serious, long-term commitment.[29]

Ana-Luisa White, daughter of British industrialist Gordon White, who later adopted the name Sita, began her relationship with Khan in 1986, shortly after his relationship with Emma Sergeant ended. The relationship lasted for two years, ending when Khan reportedly wrote White a note stating that he could not love her as Emma would always be the love of his life. Despite the breakup, White became pregnant after a final encounter in 1991 and gave birth to a daughter, Tyrian Jade,[33][34] in June 1992. White later claimed Khan was the father and continued to keep a framed photograph of him after their split.[29] Tyrian became the subject of a legal dispute in 1997 when a California court ruled Khan to be her father after White filed a paternity suit. The court issued the ruling after Khan failed to respond to the suit and a request for a blood test.[35] Khan denied paternity and called for a paternity test in Pakistan, stating that he would accept the decision of the courts of Pakistan.[36] After White's death in 2004, Jemima, Khan's wife at the time and a friend of Sita, was designated by Sita as the legal guardian of Tyrian in her will. Khan stated that Tyrian would be welcome to join their family in London, leaving the decision entirely up to her, given her established relationship with his and Jemima's sons.[37]

In August 1992, Khan began dating Kristiane Backer, a German-born MTV host. Their relationship lasted for nearly two years, during which he introduced her to Islam. After their relationship ended, she converted to Islam following a meeting with Khan in 1995.[38]

Khan and Jemima Goldsmith confirmed their engagement on 12 May 1995. The couple announced that they were to marry, with Khan stating that Jemima had converted to Islam "through her own convictions" after studying the religion. Both families approved of the match. A spokesperson for her father denied rumours that Jemima was pregnant.[39] On 16 May 1995, the couple got married in a brief two-minute Islamic ceremony in Paris. Later, on 21 June, they had another wedding in a civil ceremony at the Richmond register office before embarking on their new life in Lahore. The couple had two sons, Sulaiman Isa and Kasim.[40] On 22 June 2004, it was announced that the couple had divorced, ending their nine-year marriage as it was "difficult for Jemima to adapt to life in Pakistan."[41]

In a 2009 book, Christopher Sandford wrote that Khan and Benazir Bhutto had a close relationship when they were both students at Oxford. He wrote that Bhutto, at the age of 21, became close to Khan in 1975. They remained in a relationship for about two months. Sandford wrote that Khan's mother had attempted to arrange a marriage between them, though this was unsuccessful. He also suggested that their relationship was possibly sexual, but Khan said that they were only friends.[42]

On 8 January 2015, it was announced that Khan had married British-Pakistani journalist Reham Khan in a private Nikah ceremony at his residence in Islamabad.[43] On 22 October 2015, they announced their intention to file for divorce.[44]

In 2016, media speculations emerged regarding Khan's possible third marriage, particularly in connection with his spiritual association with the Maneka family of Pakpattan. Reports suggested that Khan had visited Pakpattan multiple times in July 2016, allegedly to meet Maryam Riaz Wattoo, the sister of his spiritual guide, Bushra Bibi. However, these reports were later refuted by Khan and his party. Khan said that the reports about his third marriage were "absolutely baseless" and that when he does decide to marry, he would make an official announcement and celebrate publicly.[45] Members of the Manika family also denied the rumour.[46] Khan said the media was "unethical" for spreading the rumour,[47] and PTI filed a complaint against the news channels that had aired it.[48]

In 2017, Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) member Ayesha Gulalai alleged that she had been sexually harassed by Khan, who was the party chairman.[49] Gulalai said that Khan had sent her "inappropriate text messages",[50] beginning in 2013.[51][52] Khan supported Prime Minister Shahid Khaqan Abbasi's proposal to form a special committee to investigate the harassment claims made by Gulalai. He said he had not sent "indecent messages" to Gulalai and "challenge[d] the [proposed] committee to find [the indecent texts] if there are any".[53] Khan refused to comply with a bipartisan committee set up to investigate Gulalai's allegations and filed a defamation suit against her. In the end, no enquiry was made into Gulalai's allegations and Gulalai did not publicly release the alleged messages sent to her by him.[51]

On 7 January 2018, the PTI central secretariat issued a statement confirming that Khan had proposed to Bushra, but she had yet to accept his proposal.[54] On 18 February 2018, PTI confirmed that Khan had married Bushra.[55] According to Khan, his life has been influenced by Sufism for three decades, which is what drew him closer to his wife.[56] The Mufti who conducted the marriage later testified in court that Khan's nikah had been conducted twice. The first nikah was performed on 1 January 2018, while his to-be wife was reportedly still in her Iddat. The Mufti alleged Khan believed he would become prime minister if he married her on that date.[57]

As of 2018, Khan owned five pet dogs, with one named Motu residing at his estate in Bani Gala.[58]

Cricket career

[edit]
Khan as a test cricketer at a luncheon with Sydney University's Vice-Chancellor John Manning Ward before playing for the university club. Seated: Imran Khan, Chancellor Sir Hermann Black, Coach John Dyson. Ward stands second from left, 1984

Khan made his first-class debut at the age of 16 in Lahore. By the early 1970s, he was playing for his hometown teams, including Lahore A,[b] Lahore B,[c] Lahore Greens,[d] and eventually Lahore.[e][59] He was also a part of the University of Oxford's Blues Cricket team during the 1973–1975 seasons.[23] Between 1971 and 1976, Khan played English county cricket for Worcestershire. During this period, he also represented Dawood Industries[f] and Pakistan International Airlines.[g] From 1983 to 1988, he played for Sussex.[59]

Khan made his Test cricket debut against England in June 1971 at Edgbaston.[60] Three years later, in August 1974, he played his first One Day International (ODI) match, again against England, at Trent Bridge for the Prudential Trophy.[61]

In both 1976 and 1980, Khan was awarded the Cricket Society Wetherell Award for Leading All-Rounder in English First-Class Cricket.[62] By 1977, Khan was included in the roster of Kerry Packer's World Series Cricket.[63]

Khan's bowling statistics as a cricketer from 1971 to 1991.

As a bowler, Khan learned reverse swing from Sarfraz Nawaz, who is regarded as the founder of that technique. Khan later passed on this skill to Wasim Akram and Waqar Younis, who mastered and popularised it.[64][65] From January 1980 to 1988, Khan took 236 Test wickets at an average of 17.77, with 18 five-wicket hauls and five 10-wicket hauls. His bowling average and strike rate were better than those of Richard Hadlee (19.03), Malcolm Marshall (20.20), Dennis Lillee (24.07), Joel Garner (20.62), and Michael Holding (23.68).[66] Khan was the highest wicket-taker in Test matches in the calendar year 1982.[67] He recorded the best Test bowling figures of his career by taking 8 wickets for 58 runs against Sri Lanka in 1981–82.[68]

Captaincy

[edit]

In 1982, Khan took over the captaincy of the Pakistan national cricket team.[69] Under Khan's captaincy, Pakistan achieved their first Test win on English soil after 28 years at Lord's in 1982.[70] In 1983, he was named one of the Wisden Cricketers of the Year.[71] During Pakistan's 1982–83 home series against India, he took 40 wickets at an average of 13.95.[72] In January 1983, he became the second cricketer, after Ian Botham, to score a century and take 10 wickets in a Test match during the series.[73] The following month, during the same series, he attained a Test bowling rating of 922 points,[h] placing him third in the ICC's all-time Test bowling rankings.[74] Khan became the first Pakistani bowler to take 200 Test wickets, while the Wisden Cricketers' Almanack said that he "bowled with such venom and fire that no Indian batsman other than Mohinder Amarnath faced him with any confidence."[75] However, the series also led to a stress fracture in his left shin, sidelining him for over two years. Initially, he could still bat but could not bowl, but after further complications, he was completely unable to participate in cricket. An experimental treatment, funded by the Pakistani government and administered in London, helped him recover by the end of 1984. Khan returned to the national team under the captaincy of Javed Miandad in a home series against Sri Lanka in 1984–85. After the series, Miandad chose not to continue as captain because, he said, Khan had not given him full co-operation. Khan was appointed captain again.[76]

Khan was the mastermind behind reforming cricket umpiring, driven by his frustration over the constant criticism of Pakistani officials after every series in Pakistan.[77] Writing for The Guardian, Mike Selvey highlighted that "such was his power" that in 1986, Khan invited Indian umpires VK Ramaswamy and Piloo Reporter to officiate a Test against West Indies, marking the first step in an initiative by the International Cricket Council towards independent umpiring. He further advanced the idea by bringing in England's John Hampshire and John Holder for the home series against India in 1989–90. This effort helped counter long-standing accusations against home umpiring, ultimately leading to the 1994 rule requiring one neutral umpire in Tests and the 2002 mandate for both umpires to be independent.[78]

In 1987, in India, Khan led Pakistan to its first-ever Test series win, which was followed by Pakistan's first series victory in England during the same year.[70] Khan retired from international cricket at the end of the 1987 Cricket World Cup.[79] He was asked to return to the captaincy by the President of Pakistan, General Zia-ul-Haq and decided to rejoin the team.[80] Soon after returning to the captaincy, Khan led Pakistan on another successful tour of the West Indies, which he recounted as "the last time I really bowled well."[13] He was declared the Man of the Series against the West Indies in 1988 after taking 23 wickets in three Tests.[81][82]

He became the first Asian cricketer and the eighth non-Australian player to win the International Cricketer of the Year award in 1989. He received a Rover 827 Vitesse worth A$72,000. According to Khan, Australia's highly nationalistic press heavily criticised his selection, making him feel as if he had "committed a crime by winning the car." The following day, he arrived for the toss with Allan Border at the Melbourne Cricket Ground for the first match of the best-of-three finals, wearing a T-shirt that read, "I'm sorry I won the car." He later told interviewer Ian Chappell that the proceeds from the car would go to his Shaukat Khanum Cancer Hospital.[83]

As captain, Khan led Pakistan in 48 Test matches, winning 14, losing 8, and drawing the remaining 26. He also captained in 139 ODIs, securing 75 victories, suffering 59 defeats, and ending one in a tie.[69] In Test cricket, he holds the world record for the most wickets as a captain, the second-best bowling figures in an innings (8 wickets for 60 runs), the most five-wicket hauls in an innings (12), and the most ten-wicket hauls in a match (4).[84] Khan has been compared to Franz Beckenbauer in terms of his popularity and influence in Pakistan.[85]

1992 Cricket World Cup final

[edit]
Khan presenting the World Cup to the then Prime Minister of Pakistan, Nawaz Sharif, during a dinner held in the team's honour after their win in the 1992 World Cup.[86]

Khan's career high as a cricketer and captain came when he led Pakistan to victory in the 1992 Cricket World Cup. During the tournament, especially in the final, he promoted himself in the batting order.[87] Khan topped the scoring in the final with 72 runs.[88] In the field, Khan brought back Wasim Akram in the 35th over after Allan Lamb and Neil Fairbrother had established a partnership of 72 runs. Akram delivered two decisive blows to England by dismissing Lamb and Chris Lewis.[89] Khan took the winning final wicket himself.[88] This was Pakistan's first world cup victory.[89] After the victory, Khan said,

It was rock-bottom when we lost to South Africa. I told the boys they had to play as if they were cornered tigers. I told them to forget about bowling no-balls and wides, and just go out there and fight.[90]

Retirement

[edit]

He played his last Test match for Pakistan in January 1992, against Sri Lanka. Khan retired from international cricket after leading Pakistan to victory in the 1992 Cricket World Cup Final.[68]

Career stats

[edit]

He ended his career with 88 Test matches, 126 innings, and scored 3,807 runs at an average of 37.69, including six centuries and 18 fifties. His highest score was 136.[68] Khan had the second-highest all-time batting average of 61.86 for a Test batsman playing at number six in the batting order.[91] As a bowler, he took 362 wickets in Test cricket.[68] He has won the most Player of the Series awards in Test cricket for Pakistan, and ranks fourth overall in Test history.[92] In ODIs, he played 175 matches and scored 3,709 runs at an average of 33.41. His highest score was 102 not out.[68] His best ODI bowling was 6 for 14, a record for the best bowling figures by any bowler in an ODI innings in a losing cause.[93] Khan achieved the all-rounder's triple (securing 3,000 runs and 300 wickets) in 75 Tests,[94] becoming one of the first four players to reach this milestone. As of 2025, he is one of eleven players to have achieved this feat,[95] and his 75-Test achievement remains the third-fastest in history.[94]

Post-retirement from cricket

[edit]
Khan at a political rally in Peshawar in 1996

After retiring, Khan admitted to ball tampering during county cricket, stating that he "occasionally scratched the side of the ball and lifted the seam." He defended his actions, stating that such conduct was commonplace at the time.[96] Khan announced his return as a domestic league coach in May 2003. Reflecting on his return, Imran remarked, "After Pakistan's disappointing performance in the World Cup, a lot of my friends asked me to help Pakistan cricket and despite my commitments in politics I have agreed to help with coaching," during the launch of regional cricket clinics. He added, "I want to pay back what this country has given me."[97]

Khan served as the chancellor of the University of Bradford between November 2005 and November 2014.

Khan has written opinion pieces in the Indian magazine Outlook,[98] The Guardian,[99] and the BBC.[100] Khan occasionally appeared as a cricket commentator on the Star TV network.[101] In 2004, when the Indian cricket team toured Pakistan, Khan appeared as a commentator on TEN Sports' special live show, Straight Drive.[102]

On 23 November 2005, Khan was appointed as the Chancellor of the University of Bradford.[103] In 2009, he was inducted into the ICC Cricket Hall of Fame.[104] On 26 February 2014, the University of Bradford Union floated a no-confidence motion to remove Khan from the post due to his absence from every graduation ceremony since 2010.[105] On 30 November 2014, Khan stepped down, citing his "increasing political commitments". Khan was essentially compelled to resign due to pressure from the union. Bradford University's Vice-Chancellor, Brian Cantor, appealed to students to show sympathy.[106] He said Khan had been "a wonderful role model for our students."[107]

Philanthropy

[edit]

Khan served as UNICEF's Special Representative for Sports and promoted health and immunisation programmes in Bangladesh, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, and Thailand.[108][109] In 1994, Khan established Pakistan's first cancer hospital, the Shaukat Khanum Memorial Cancer Hospital and Research Centre, named after his mother,[110] who had previously succumbed to cancer.[111] Khan raised the funds by touring the country and appealing for contributions, with the majority of donations coming from the poor.[110] Khan wanted the hospital to treat the poor free of charge, and as of 2024, it treats 70 percent of its patients for free.[111]

Khan fundraising for Shaukat Khanum Memorial Cancer Hospital and Research Centre in Jeddah, 1992

As a result of the 2001 Islamabad cloud burst, Pakistan faced severe flooding. In response, Khan auctioned his signed cricket bat from the 1992 Cricket World Cup and the sweater he wore while playing cricket. The bat alone raised $20,000 for flood victims. Khan stated that these were the last two items he had left, as he had previously auctioned off the rest to support Shaukat Khanum Hospital.[112]

In December 2005, Khan, then Chancellor of the University of Bradford, signed a memorandum of understanding with the University of Bradford, establishing Namal College in Mianwali as its associate college. The college was planned to be built by the Mianwali Development Trust on land donated by locals and aimed to tackle unemployment by providing technical and vocational education.[113] In July 2006, Khan announced his vision behind Namal College, saying, "I want to make young people employable by arming them with the skills they will need to get jobs."[114] Namal College officially opened in 2008.[115]

According to a 2006 report, while visiting his children in London, he also worked with the Lord's Taverners, a cricket charity.[110]

Khan established The Imran Khan Foundation (IKF) in February 2006.[116] In January 2013, IKF announced a Rs30 million emergency relief project for internally displaced persons (IDPs), refugees of the war on terror, belonging to the Mehsud tribe of North Waziristan who were neglected by the government. The project provided food supplies, winter essentials, and waterproof tents to 2,600 families in Tank, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.[117]

Political career

[edit]

Initial years

[edit]
Khan tearing his nomination paper for the National Assembly at a press conference; he boycotted the 2008 elections.

Khan was offered political positions several times during his cricketing career. In 1987, then-President Zia-ul-Haq offered him a position in the Pakistan Muslim League (PML), which he politely declined.[16] Nawaz Sharif invited Khan to join his political party, offering him the position of second-in-command and guaranteeing 30 seats in the national parliament. Khan declined the offer.[118] In 1993, Khan was appointed as the ambassador for tourism in the caretaker government of Moeenuddin Ahmad Qureshi and held the portfolio for three months until the government was dissolved. In late 1994, Khan joined hands with former Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) chief Hamid Gul and Muhammad Ali Durrani, who was heading Pasban, a breakaway wing of Jamaat-e-Islami. The three planned to launch a "pressure group," which was intended to act as a civil society watchdog rather than a full-fledged political party. Khan soon became uncomfortable with the idea of being seen as a puppet of Gul, which led to his departure from the group.[16]

In 1995, Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, fearing a potential military coup that could appoint Khan as Prime Minister, responded with marked hostility towards him. The state-run television refused to broadcast archival footage of Imran's cricketing heyday and banned fundraising advertisements for his Shaukat Khanum Memorial Cancer Hospital during Ramadan, a month when Muslims traditionally give to charity. Authorities also spread rumours that Khan was suspected of embezzling hospital funds and was being investigated for tax irregularities. As a result, donations to the hospital, which relied entirely on charitable contributions, were halved that year.[119]

On 25 April 1996, Khan founded a political party, Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI).[120] He ran for a seat in the National Assembly of Pakistan in the 1997 Pakistani general election as a candidate of PTI from two constituencies – NA-53 Mianwali and NA-94 Lahore – but was unsuccessful and lost both seats to candidates of PML-N.[121]

Khan supported General Musharraf's 1999 Pakistani coup d'état,[122] believing that Musharraf would "end corruption and clear out the political mafias."[123] Khan's PTI was one of the parties that supported Pervez Musharraf in the 2002 Pakistani referendum.[124] According to Khan, he was Musharraf's choice for Prime Minister in 2002, but he turned down the offer.[13] Khan participated in the 2002 Pakistani general election and said that if his party did not get a majority of the vote, they would consider forming a coalition.[125] He was the only member of his party to win a seat in that election.[126]

Khan in 2007

On 6 May 2005, Khan was described by Hendrik Hertzberg as the "most directly responsible" for drawing attention in the Muslim world to the Newsweek story concerning the alleged desecration of the Qur'an at a US military prison in Guantánamo Bay Naval Base, Cuba.[127]

In August 2005, Declan Walsh described Khan as a "miserable politician", observing that "Khan's ideas and affiliations since entering politics in 1996 have swerved and skidded like a rickshaw in a rainshower... He preaches democracy one day but gives a vote to reactionary mullahs the next."[128]

In March 2006, Khan was escorted by police to his home and placed under house arrest after he threatened to organise a protest against President George W. Bush, who was on a visit to Pakistan.[129]

On 2 October 2007, as part of the All Parties Democratic Movement, Khan joined 85 other MPs to resign from Parliament in protest of the presidential election scheduled for 6 October, which general Musharraf was contesting without resigning as army chief.[130] On 3 November 2007, Khan was put under house arrest after president Musharraf declared a state of emergency in Pakistan. He later escaped from detention.[131] He eventually came out of hiding on 14 November to join a student protest at the University of the Punjab.[132] At the rally, Khan was dragged into a physics building by activists from the Islami Jamiat-e-Talaba, the student wing of Jamaat-e-Islami, and was held in a headlock.[133] He was arrested during the protest and was sent to the Central Jail, Dera Ghazi Khan, where he spent a week before being released.[134]

Khan at the conference "Rule of Law: The Case of Pakistan" organised by the Heinrich Böll Foundation in Berlin, 2009

On 30 October 2011, Khan addressed more than 100,000 supporters in Lahore, challenging the policies of the government, and referred to his movement as "not a flood that is coming, but a tsunami."[135] Another public gathering of at least 100,000 supporters was held in Karachi on 25 December 2011.[136] According to a survey conducted by the International Republican Institute (IRI) in 2012, Khan's Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) topped the list of popular political parties in Pakistan at the national level, securing 31% of the vote. The survey, conducted between 9 February and 8 March 2012, placed PTI ahead of the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N), which received 27%, and the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), which garnered 16%. The survey also highlighted PTI's strong performance, particularly in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (49%) and Balochistan (35%), where the party secured the top position, though it stood second in Punjab with 33%.[137]

On 6 October 2012, Khan joined a vehicle caravan of protesters from Islamabad to the village of Kotai in South Waziristan region to protest against US drone missile strikes.[138]

2013 elections

[edit]
Khan chose the cricket bat as the electoral symbol for his party in the 2013 elections, and it remained as such until 2023

On 21 April 2013, Khan launched his election campaign from Lahore, where he addressed thousands of supporters at The Mall.[139] Khan announced that he would pull Pakistan out of the US-led war on terror and bring peace to the Pashtun tribal belt.[140] He addressed various public meetings in different cities of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and other parts of the country, where he announced that PTI would introduce a uniform education system in which the children of both the rich and the poor would have equal opportunities.[141] Khan concluded his campaign in South Punjab's Seraiki belt by addressing rallies in various cities.[142]

The last survey before the elections by The Herald showed that 24.98 percent of voters nationally planned to vote for his party, slightly behind Nawaz Sharif's PML-N, which secured 25.1 percent of the vote.[143] On 7 May, just four days before the elections, Khan was shifted to Shaukat Khanum Memorial Cancer Hospital and Research Centre in Lahore after falling from a lifter while boarding a stage at a rally. He sustained head injuries,[144] and fractured four vertebrae.[145] Khan ended the campaign by addressing a rally of supporters in Islamabad via a video link while lying on a bed at a hospital in Lahore.[146]

The 2013 Pakistani general election was held on 11 May across the country. Nawaz Sharif and his party, the Pakistan Muslim League (N), secured victory in the elections, while Khan alleged vote-rigging.[147] Khan's party emerged as the leading party in the Provincial Assembly of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.[148] Khan's party became the second-largest in terms of popular vote nationwide, securing 28 directly elected parliamentary seats, making it the third-largest party in the National Assembly of Pakistan behind the PML-N and the PPP.[149] The day after the elections, Asad Umar, a leader from his party, announced that Khan had conceded defeat to PML (N).[150] While Khan's party welcomed the vote, Khan pledged to release a white paper on the alleged vote-rigging and vowed to hold protests. He praised the record voter turnout, particularly the participation of youth and women, describing it as a "step forward for democracy."[151]

While recovering in hospital, Khan nominated Pervez Khattak to form and lead his party's first provincial government in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.[152]

In opposition

[edit]

Khan assumed the role of parliamentary leader of his party in the National Assembly of Pakistan following the 2013 elections.[153] On 31 July 2013, Khan received a contempt of court notice for allegedly criticising the superior judiciary and referring to it as "shameful."[154] The notice was discharged after Khan submitted before the Supreme Court of Pakistan that he had criticised the lower judiciary for their actions during the May 2013 general elections, while those judicial officers were working as returning officers.[155] Khan was criticised for his support of Sami-ul-Haq, known as the "Father of the Taliban," and for providing funds to his seminary, Darul Uloom Haqqania.[156]

Khan meets U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry in August 2013 while he was in opposition

Khan accused the United States of sabotaging peace efforts with the Pakistani Taliban by killing its leader Hakimullah Mehsud in a drone strike in 2013. He said that he would organise protests and block NATO's supply lines to Afghanistan if the US did not end its drone attacks, which, he said, were "fanning fanaticism."[157]

Voice of America reports on Khan-led protest, August 2014

A year after the elections, on 11 May 2014, at a rally of his supporters, Khan called for the resignation of all members of the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP), the formation of a new ECP, and strict punishment for those who "stole the mandate of the masses."[158] On 14 August 2014, Khan led a rally of supporters from Lahore to Islamabad, demanding the resignation of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and an investigation into the alleged electoral fraud.[159] Khan and Canadian-Pakistani cleric Muhammad Tahir-ul-Qadri entered into a "de facto" alliance,[160] both aiming to mobilise their supporters for a regime change campaign against Sharif.[161]

In 2014, then PTI president, Javed Hashmi, alleged that Khan had been instructed by the army to coordinate his protests with the Pakistan Awami Tehreek (PAT), led by Qadri.[153] Hashmi accused Khan of being "influenced by a 'signal' from outside", which the New York Times described as "an apparent reference to military intervention."[162] Hashmi resigned from the party presidency in 2014 while suspended for failing to explain allegation he had made against Khan. He said he could not continue membership in a "party 'conspiring' to dismantle democracy in Pakistan."[163] The Inter-Services Public Relations said it backed neither the PTI nor the PAT. The army acted as mediator between the protesters and the government.[164] Aqil Shah, visiting professor at Dartmouth College, said in an interview with Deutsche Welle that Hashmi had "confirmed widely held suspicions" that Khan and Qadri were "acting in collaboration with the military's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), which has encouraged them to follow a slash and burn policy till the government relents."[165] In 2016, Hashmi claimed Khan had "conspired" with "disgruntled elements in the army".[163] In the Routledge Handbook of Contemporary Pakistan, Aparna Pande, a Research Fellow and Director of the Initiative on the Future of India and South Asia at the Hudson Institute, writes that sections of the army played an active role in the protests, with Khan being advised by the then Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) chief, Zaheer-ul-Islam, and the ISI drafted Qadri to lead the protests.[166]

Khan urged his supporters to burn electricity bills, refuse to pay taxes, and take part in widespread civil disobedience. Protesters from Khan's PTI forced their way into the state-run television channel PTV's studios in Islamabad, creating chaos. They assaulted PTV staff and journalists, and engaged in acts of hooliganism.[167] On 1 September, protesters led by Qadri and Khan attempted to storm Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif's official residence, prompting the outbreak of violence. Three people were killed, and more than 595 people were injured, including 115 police officers.[168]

Following the 2014 Peshawar school massacre, Khan called off his 126-day sit-in in the interest of national unity on 17 December.[169]

In March 2015, Khan's party reached an agreement with the Sharif administration to form a judicial commission to probe electoral fraud allegations — a move facilitated by the then Army Chief, General Raheel Sharif.[170] In July, the commission determined that the elections had been broadly fair and found no systemic rigging.[171] Khan accepted the commission's findings but expressed reservations over not having received a copy. "We have not seen the report yet, if we had, I would have been in a better position to comment on the report. We will comment on the report tomorrow after reading it," Khan said while addressing a press conference.[172]

Khan campaigned against Nawaz Sharif in the wake of the Panama Papers leaks in 2016, which revealed offshore companies linked to the Sharif family. He led protests, filed petitions through his party, and called for Sharif's resignation, citing allegations of corruption.[173] Khan's party petitioned the Supreme Court regarding the Panama Papers case to investigate allegations of corruption involving Sharif's family. Khan described the case as a "defining moment" for the country.[174]

On 7 April 2017, Khan criticised Pakistan's decision to support the Afghan jihad in the 1980s. Khan stated, "We made a big mistake in the 80s by entering into the jihad against the soviets. That left Pakistan with militants, militant groups, we had Kalashnikovs flooded and we had drugs which could be used to finance the war." Khan further added that prior to joining the war, Pakistan never had sectarian militant groups, "Fast forward to another decade later 9/11 happens and we are hunting the same jihadi groups which became terrorists." Khan remarked that Pakistan took dollars to prepare militants and then later took dollars to fight against them. Regarding US President Donald Trump, Khan said, "When Trump got elected and then I saw his team...I thought to myself he is not as bad as I thought he was, he is much worse."[174]

2018 elections campaign

[edit]
Khan campaigns for the elections in Sindh while wearing a traditional Sindhi cap and Ajrak in 2017

Khan contested the 2018 Pakistani general election from NA-35 (Bannu),[175] NA-53 (Islamabad-II),[176] NA-95 (Mianwali-I),[177] NA-131 (Lahore-IX),[178] and NA-243 (Karachi East-II).[179] According to early official results, Khan's party led the poll. His opposition, mainly the PML (N), alleged large-scale vote rigging and administrative malpractices.[180] On 28 July, election officials declared that Khan's party had won 116 of the 270 seats,[181] giving PTI the most seats in the National Assembly of Pakistan.[182] Khan became the first person in the history of Pakistan elections to contest and win in all five constituencies, surpassing Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, who had contested four but won three constituencies in the 1970 elections.[183]

On 20 May 2018, Khan's party announced a 100-day agenda ahead of the 2018 general elections. The plan proposed sweeping reforms in nearly all areas of governance. Key elements included the creation of a new province in Southern Punjab, fast-tracking the merger of the Federally Administered Tribal Areas with Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, improvements to the law and order situation in Karachi, and efforts to improve relations with political leaders in Balochistan.[184]

Khan holding a media press with Arif Alvi during the 2018 electoral campaign

A number of opposition parties alleged "massive rigging" in Khan's favour, amid allegations of military interference in the general elections.[185] Nawaz Sharif and his PML-N party, in particular, alleged that the military had manipulated the election process in favour of Khan and PTI, with judicial actions also seen as aligned with this effort.[186] The Election Commission rejected allegations of rigging.[187] Hamza Shehbaz, a senior PML-N leader, said that his party would concede victory to strengthen democracy, despite having lingering reservations about the manner in which the election was conducted.[188] Two days after the 2018 general elections were held, the chief observer of the European Union Election Observation Mission to Pakistan, Michael Gahler, said that the overall situation of the election was satisfactory.[189]

During his victory speech, Khan laid out the policy outlines for his future government. He said that his inspiration was to build Pakistan as a humanitarian state based on the principles of the first Islamic state of Medina. He said that his future government would prioritise the poor and common people of the country, and all policies would be directed towards raising the standard of living of the less fortunate. He promised an investigation into the allegations of rigging. He expressed his desire for a united Pakistan and pledged not to victimise his political opponents. He said that everyone would be equal before the law. He also promised a simple and less extravagant government, in which the Prime Minister of Pakistan House would be converted into an educational institute and the Governor Houses would be used for public benefit. On foreign policy, he praised China and expressed hope for better relations with Afghanistan, the United States, and India. Regarding the Middle East, he said that his government would strive to maintain a balanced relationship with Saudi Arabia and Iran.[190]

Nominations and appointments

[edit]

On 6 August 2018, his party formally nominated him as its candidate for the office of prime minister.[191] In his speech, Khan vowed to reserve an hour each week to interact with the public and answer questions they send his way, calling it "one hour of accountability."[192] He designated Asad Umar as finance minister for his upcoming government.[193] He nominated Mahmood Khan as Chief Minister of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa,[194] and Usman Buzdar for Chief Minister of Punjab. Announcing the nomination, Khan said that he chose Buzdar because he hails from the most underdeveloped area of Punjab.[195] According to sources within PTI, Buzdar was nominated as a stop-gap arrangement because it would be easier to remove a lesser-known individual when Shah Mahmood Qureshi was ready to become chief minister. Some within PTI suggested that he was chosen because other potential candidates like the Dareshaks, Khosas, and Hashim Jawan Bakht declined the offer to take on a temporary role.[196] In Balochistan, Khan directed his party to support the Balochistan Awami Party, which nominated Jam Kamal Khan for the position of chief minister and Abdul Quddus Bizenjo for speaker.[197]

Khan's party nominated Asad Qaiser as the Speaker of the National Assembly of Pakistan,[198] and PML-Q leader Pervaiz Elahi for the position of Speaker of the Punjab Assembly.[199] In Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Mushtaq Ahmed Ghani was nominated as Speaker of its Assembly.[200]

Prime Minister (2018–2022)

[edit]
Khan (left) is sworn in as Prime Minister, with President Mamnoon Hussain administering the oath in 2018.

Khan was sworn in as the 22nd Prime Minister of Pakistan on 18 August 2018 after his party, Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), won the 2018 Pakistani general election.[201] His inauguration speech emphasised governance based on the principles of the Islamic state of Medina.[202][190] Early bureaucratic reshuffles saw the appointment of Sohail Mahmood as Foreign Secretary, Rizwan Ahmed as Maritime Secretary, and Naveed Kamran Baloch as Finance Secretary.[203][204] His first major military appointment was Lt. General Asim Munir as Director-General of Inter-Services Intelligence.[205] Khan initially held the Ministry of Interior portfolio after forming his cabinet.[206]

Domestic policy

[edit]

Economy

[edit]
Khan, accompanied by his finance minister Abdul Hafeez Shaikh and other cabinet members, meets US President Donald Trump and his secretary of commerce Wilbur Ross, among others, at the World Economic Forum held in Davos, Switzerland, in 2020

Khan's government faced significant economic challenges after taking office in 2018, inheriting a twin balance of payments and debt crisis. His administration sought to stabilize the economy through a mix of austerity measures, structural reforms, and a $6 billion bailout from the International Monetary Fund (IMF). These measures, which included devaluing the rupee, slashing subsidies, and targeting ambitious tax revenue goals, led to criticism from those who believed they contradicted Khan's promises of establishing an Islamic welfare state. Among the unpopular reforms were increased gas and electricity tariffs.[207][208] Despite these challenges, Khan's policies achieved some economic progress. In its 2020 report, the World Bank's Ease of doing business index noted that Pakistan's business environment improved significantly, moving from 136th to 108th in global rankings, driven by six key regulatory reforms.[209][210]

Fiscal measures and a significant increase in non-tax revenue helped reduce the fiscal deficit to 0.9% of GDP by the beginning of FY21. Persistent inflation, stagnant exports, and limited resource mobilization continued to undermine economic growth, with exports contracting by 16.6% in mid-2020.[211] While tax collection showed improvement, Khan's government faced significant economic setbacks, including high inflation and a weakening currency, leading to political criticism.[212] Economic reforms such as the second phase of the China-Pakistan Free Trade Agreement (FTA-II) were implemented to boost exports.[213]

Austerity measures
[edit]

Upon taking office, Khan cut government spending by reducing the Prime Minister's staff from 524 to two and auctioning luxury items like bulletproof vehicles and helicopters.[214] Despite criticism over his use of a helicopter,[215] official documents in 2021 showed a 49% drop in Prime Minister's House expenses and a 29% cut in the Prime Minister's Office budget.[216] Additionally, his 12 foreign trips across three continents cost the national exchequer $680,000—far less than a single New York visit by his predecessors.[217]

Environment and energy

[edit]

In July 2018, then Chief Justice of Pakistan, Saqib Nisar, launched a fundraiser for the construction of the Diamer-Bhasha Dam and Mohmand Dam.[218] In September 2018, Khan endorsed Nisar's initiative and urged overseas Pakistanis to contribute through voluntary donations.[219] As of November 2023, the dams fund stood at Rs17.86 billion.[218]

His government reported record hydropower generation by WAPDA in 2019–2020, marking a 20% increase from the previous year. Key hydropower projects, including Dasu Dam, Mohmand Dam, and Diamer-Bhasha Dam, were initiated, alongside the $2.5 billion Kohala Hydropower Project (1,124 MW) signed in June 2020.[220] His government pledged to avoid new coal-fired power stations, aiming instead for a renewable energy target of 60% by 2030. The cancellation of two planned coal projects was part of this shift.[221] Efforts towards climate change mitigation included the launch of the 10 Billion Tree Tsunami Programme, aiming to plant 10 billion trees across Pakistan. The government reported that approximately 1.5 million trees were planted on the programme's first day.[222] A special audit revealed mismanagement of over Rs5.2 billion in the programme.[223]

Press freedom

[edit]

Khan's government faced criticism for suppressing dissent. The Human Rights Watch said there was increased restrictions on media and civil society.[224] Journalists were subjected to legal actions, raids, and physical threats, with Khan reportedly referring to them as "mafias" and "blackmailers."[225] Reporters Without Borders condemned investigations into journalists and proposals to centralise media regulation.[226]

National security and terrorism

[edit]

During Khan's tenure as Prime Minister of Pakistan, there was progress in improving security, as evidenced by a 13% reduction in terrorist attacks in 2019 compared to the previous year. Challenges remained in regions such as Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and concerns about terrorism financing persisted.[227] In 2019, his government formally banned the Hafiz Saeed-led Jamaat-ud-Dawa and its affiliate Falah-e-Insaniat Foundation under the Anti-Terrorism Act, and arrested Saeed.[228][229] The following year, foreign investors expressed greater confidence in Pakistan's improving security situation.[230]

Public sector

[edit]

Public sector reforms included Pakistan International Airlines achieving operational breakeven after "quite a long time" and golden handshake schemes for employees at Pakistan Steel Mills.[231][232]

Accountability

[edit]

Khan's government launched an anti-corruption campaign, run by the National Accountability Bureau (NAB), aimed at addressing elite political corruption. Critics said the programme had slowed the economy because officials put off projects for fear of being investigated. Khan created a unit within NAB to deal with the officials' complaints.[233] The Human Rights Watch said that Pakistani authorities were using the programme to intimidate and harass opponents.[234]

Khan's relationship with Jahangir Tareen soured when Khan set up an inquiry into an allegation that Tareen had benefitted from government subsidies on sugar exports and profited from increasing local sugar prices. The rift between the two led to Tareen's self-imposed exile in London.[235] The inquiry found that sugar mills, including Tareen's JDW Group, received a substantial share of export subsidies between 2015 and 2018, contributing to rising sugar prices.[236]

In 2021, the NAB released its three-year performance report, revealing financial recoveries of Rs487 billion.[237][238] Pakistan's ranking on the Corruption Perceptions Index worsened from 117th in 2018 to 140th in 2021, leading to criticism of the effectiveness of Khan's anti-corruption measures.[212] The Cabinet Division yearbook prepared in May 2022 revealed that the Assets Recovery Unit (ARU), established by Khan, was involved in recovering Rs426.4 billion in collaboration with agencies including NAB, with Rs389.5 billion being recovered under the supervision and assistance of the ARU. As shown in the yearbook, this amount was Rs93.9 billion more than the total amount recovered over the 17 years from 2000 to 2017. The yearbook said that the ARU did not directly recover assets but instead supported law enforcement agencies in the recovery process. Throughout Khan's tenure, the ARU faced criticism from the then-opposition, which demanded an audit of the unit.[239]

In 2023, The Daily Telegraph reported that Lt. General Asim Munir intended to investigate corruption allegations involving Khan's wife, Bushra Bibi, during Khan's tenure in June 2019. Shortly afterward, Munir was removed as Director-General of Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) and replaced by Lt. General Faiz Hameed. Khan said Munir's proposed investigation was not the reason for his removal.[240]

Social policy

[edit]
Gurdwara Darbar Sahib renovated by Khan's government

Khan's government supported the restoration and construction of religious sites for minorities. In Quetta, a 200-year-old Gurdwara, previously used as a school for Muslim girls, was returned to the Sikh community after a prolonged legal battle, allowing worship for the first time in 73 years.[241] His government also supported the construction and renovation of Sikh shrines, including the Gurdwara Darbar Sahib.[242] Khan formally inaugurated the Kartarpur Corridor on 9 November 2019, providing visa-free access for Indian Sikh pilgrims. While the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) fully supported this initiative, the Pakistan Muslim League (N) (PML-N) criticised it, citing India's negative responses and tensions over Kashmir.[243]

Khan's government introduced the Single National Curriculum (SNC) to standardise the education system, initially targeting classes 1 to 5.[244] The Sehat Sahulat Program was launched to provide free medical care, with over 7 million families in Punjab reportedly receiving coverage.[245] The government also launched the Ehsaas Programme as a comprehensive social safety net. During the COVID-19 pandemic, the Ehsaas Emergency Cash Programme reportedly disbursed Rs. 175 billion to 14.6 million beneficiaries.[246] The programme received praise from Michael Barber, who described it as a transparent, results-driven poverty alleviation model.[247][248]

Khan proposed measures regarding sexual violence, including the public hanging and chemical castration of convicted rapists.[249] Following objections from the Council of Islamic Ideology deeming chemical castration un-Islamic, the punishment was removed.[250]

In June 2021, Khan caused controversy when he suggested that the rise in rape cases in Pakistan was linked to women wearing "very few clothes," claiming that such behavior would "have an impact on the men unless they are robots." This comment led to backlash from women's rights groups, accusing him of being a "rape apologist."[251]

Locust infestation

[edit]

Khan's government also responded to a severe locust infestation between 2019 and 2020, declaring a national emergency and implementing measures like aerial spraying. Despite initial delays, Pakistan managed to bring the crisis under control by October 2020, with the Food and Agriculture Organization commending the country's efforts as exemplary.[252][253][254]

COVID-19 pandemic

[edit]
Prime Minister Khan calls for global debt relief amidst the COVID-19 pandemic, April 2020

During the COVID-19 pandemic in Pakistan, Khan initially resisted a complete lockdown, citing Pakistan's economic vulnerability, where a quarter of the population lived in extreme poverty. Instead, his government implemented limited restrictions, such as closing educational institutions and restricting public gatherings, while also introducing screening procedures at airports. He stated that preparations had begun in January 2020 in anticipation of the virus's arrival from China.[255]

After Khan ruled out a lockdown in his 22 March 2020 address, the Pakistan Army intervened at the request of the provinces, imposing a nationwide lockdown within 24 hours. The military took charge of the COVID-19 response, establishing the National Core Committee to coordinate between the national and provincial governments.[256][257] The Pakistan Army's spokesperson announced that, following government instructions, the army chief had ordered the deployment of all available troops to help contain the virus's spread.[258] Analyst Ayesha Siddiqa described Khan as appearing confused and dependent on the military, which made key decisions without his involvement.[259]

At the Iran–Pakistan border crossing, individuals quarantined under the government's procedures faced inadequate screening, overcrowding, and unsanitary conditions, contributing to the virus's spread.[260] The government also faced allegations of corruption, including an investigation into his health adviser Zafar Mirza for allegedly smuggling 20 million face masks.[261]

Khan launched Pakistan's largest welfare programme,[262] distributing a lump sum of Rs12,000 to 10 million low-income citizens under the Ehsaas Programme. The initiative aimed to provide relief to daily wage earners affected by the pandemic.[263] The programme was praised internationally, with the World Health Organization commending Pakistan's commitment to establishing temporary isolation wards.[264]

Khan also promoted a smart lockdown strategy, which used military technology for tracking and tracing COVID-19 cases, targeting specific virus hotspots instead of implementing a nationwide lockdown.[265][266] He said that strict lockdowns would devastate Pakistan's economy and lead to starvation.[267] Murad Ali Shah, Sindh's chief minister, acknowledged his efforts to build consensus on lockdown measures.[268]

Khan led calls for debt relief for developing nations during the pandemic, a proposal that gained support from the United Nations and several African countries.[269][270] His government's response remained controversial, with inconsistencies in federal policy leading to varied enforcement across the country. Religious clerics pressured the government to keep mosques open during Ramadan, undermining safety measures.[271] In May 2020, Khan said the lockdown decision had been forced by the elite, without considering the poor.[272]

Khan's government received a 73% approval rating for its handling of the pandemic, according to a 2021 Gallup Pakistan survey, ranking the country 8th among 32 surveyed nations.[273] Pakistan's economy showed mixed results, with a 9% growth in textile exports in February 2021, though overall exports declined by 2.27% in the first eight months of FY21, and imports surged by 27%, widening the trade deficit.[274] The government allowed duty-free imports of cotton yarn to counter a raw material shortage in the textile sector, which had seen increased exports to the US, surpassing India and performing better than Bangladesh.[275]

Fitch Ratings projected a decline in Pakistan's public debt-to-GDP ratio due to the rupee's appreciation and nominal GDP growth but highlighted fiscal vulnerabilities, with a government fiscal deficit of 7.5% of GDP in FY21 and an interest burden of 38.7% of revenue, far exceeding the B median.[276] His government introduced tax relief measures, including reduced customs duty on industrial raw materials, leading to an estimated Rs119 billion in foregone revenue, partially offset by a 17% sales tax on imported food and luxury goods.[277] In July 2021, The Economist ranked Pakistan third on its normalcy index for pandemic response. The country's positivity rate for COVID-19 cases increased to over 3% on 7 July.[278]

Foreign policy

[edit]

In November 2018, after President Donald Trump accused Pakistan of failing to aid the U.S. in the War on Terror, Khan responded by highlighting Pakistan's losses and contributions, stating that the country was "not your hired gun anymore."[279]

Khan authorised a military response to any Indian aggression following the 2019 Pulwama attack.[280] In response to India's subsequent 2019 Balakot airstrike, Pakistan carried out Operation Swift Retort, during which Indian pilot Abhinandan Varthaman was captured and later released by Khan as a gesture of peace.[281] Khan refused to engage with India after the Revocation of the special status of Jammu and Kashmir in August 2019 and twice denied Narendra Modi the use of Pakistani airspace.[282][283]

Khan with Afghan President Ashraf Ghani in Kabul, November 2020

Khan supported Turkey during the 2019 Turkish offensive into north-eastern Syria.[284] He championed the Afghan peace process and facilitated trade by inaugurating a 24/7 border crossing with Afghanistan.[285]

In 2019, he was named in the Time 100 list of the world's most influential people.[286]

In June 2020, while addressing the National Assembly of Pakistan, Khan called Osama bin Laden a shaheed (martyr), a remark that drew criticism from the opposition.[287]

His government improved relations with Gulf states, including the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia, with Pakistan securing debt relief and diplomatic engagement.[288] His visit to Saudi Arabia was seen as an effort to restore relations strained by Pakistan's refusal to support the Saudi-led intervention in the Yemeni civil war.[289]

Khan met with Russian President Vladimir Putin in Moscow just hours after Russia's invasion of Ukraine began.[290]

In February 2022, Khan became the first Pakistani prime minister in two decades to visit Moscow, seeking to strengthen economic ties and address Pakistan's energy needs. His visit coincided with the onset of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, prompting international criticism, including from the United States, which urged responsible nations to oppose Vladimir Putin's actions.[291][292] Discussions with Putin focused on "economic and energy cooperation," including the development of the Pakistan Stream gas pipeline.[293][294]

Khan said that the visit to Russia was pre-planned and aimed at fostering neutrality in global alliances.[295] During a subsequent UN General Assembly emergency session, Pakistan abstained from condemning Russia, with Khan advocating for de-escalation and adherence to international law.[296] He later criticised Western envoys who urged Pakistan to support the UN resolution against Russia.[297] After his government's ouster, Khan stated that the visit had secured offers for discounted oil and wheat from Russia. The Russian Ambassador to Pakistan stated that no formal agreements had been signed.[298] The ambassador suggested that the visit may have contributed to Khan's removal from power.[299]

FATF compliance

[edit]

In June 2018, before Khan became Prime Minister, Pakistan was placed on the FATF grey list due to deficiencies in anti–money laundering and counter-terrorism financing laws.[300] His government introduced the Anti-Terrorism (Amendment) Bill 2020 in Parliament.[301] The opposition objected to specific provisions, including those granting authorities the power to arrest without a warrant and conduct covert operations. They described these as "draconian laws" that violated fundamental rights and claimed they exceeded FATF requirements.[302][303][304] Khan criticized the opposition for blocking the bills, accusing them of seeking an NRO.[305] By June 2021, 26 out of 27 points were addressed and FATF urged swift action to complete the final item.[306][307]

In June 2022, two months following Khan's ouster, FATF decided to remove Pakistan from the grey list, recognizing the completion of both the 2018 and 2021 action plans.[308] Khan credited his government for the achievement, particularly his former energy minister, Hammad Azhar, who led the FATF Coordination Committee.[309] The Shehbaz Sharif government also claimed credit for the success, while The Express Tribune acknowledged that Khan's government had "done most of the work."[310] Pakistan was officially removed from the grey list in October 2022 after a successful FATF on-site visit.[311]

Stance regarding Islamophobia

[edit]
While addressing the Seventy-fifth session of the United Nations General Assembly in 2020, Prime Minister Khan suggested an international day to combat Islamophobia.[312]

In September 2019, Khan, alongside Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad, announced the launch of a joint English-language TV channel aimed at addressing Islamophobia.[313] In October 2020, Khan criticised the spread of Islamophobia, urging Facebook to ban Islamophobic content and accusing French President Emmanuel Macron of attacking Islam for supporting the cartoons depicting Prophet Muhammad. These comments came amidst protests in Pakistan against the cartoons.[314]

In 2021, Khan called on Muslim countries to pressure Western governments to make insulting the Islamic Prophet Muhammad a crime, "likening this measure to laws against Holocaust denial".[315] Khan added, "We need to explain why this hurts us, when in the name of freedom of speech they insult the honour of the prophet... when 50 Muslim countries will unite and say this, and say that if something like this happens in any country, then we will launch a trade boycott on them and not buy their goods, that will have an effect."[316]

In March 2022, Pakistan led a UN resolution to designate 15 March as the International Day to Combat Islamophobia.[317]

Removal from office

[edit]
Imran Khan, accompanied by foreign minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi and Chief of Army Staff Qamar Javed Bajwa

In August 2023, The Intercept published the text of a leaked Pakistani diplomatic cipher. The cipher revealed that, during a meeting on 7 March 2022, US State Department officials, including Donald Lu, expressed concerns over Khan's stance on the Russian invasion of Ukraine. According to the cipher, as reported by Pakistan's ambassador, the U.S. said that "all will be forgiven in Washington" if Khan were removed in the upcoming no-confidence motion, and warned of potential economic and political isolation for Pakistan if he remained in office. After the cipher was published, the U.S. denied any attempt to remove Khan, stating that its concerns were about his policies rather than about who led Pakistan.[318]

On 8 March 2022, opposition parties submitted a no-confidence motion against Khan, citing his government's mismanagement of the economy — including rising inflation, heavy debt, and a weakening currency — as well as its foreign policy.[319] By 18 March, some members of his party had defected, and two coalition partners joined the opposition, resulting in the loss of Khan's majority in the National Assembly.[320][321]

On 27 March, Khan presented a letter alleging foreign interference in Pakistan's politics, suggesting US involvement in his potential removal.[322] The National Security Council (NSC) also expressed concerns about foreign interference.[323] On 3 April, following the Deputy Speaker's rejection of the no-confidence motion, President Arif Alvi dissolved the National Assembly, leading to legal challenges by the opposition.[324] Russian Foreign Ministry Spokesperson Maria Zakharova criticized the US for its alleged attempts to remove Khan from office over his independent foreign policy, including his relations with Russia.[325] On 10 April, Khan sent the cipher to the Supreme Court, despite warnings from legal advisors about the potential violation of constitutional oaths and the Official Secrets Act.[326]

Khan was ultimately ousted after a Supreme Court ruling on 10 April that deemed the rejection of the no-confidence motion illegal, with the vote passing in favor of his removal, making him the first Pakistani PM to be ousted by a no-confidence vote.[327][328] Following his removal, Khan continued to allege US involvement in his ouster, blaming the US for opposing his independent foreign policy, which fostered closer ties with China and Russia.[329] Subsequently, the new government held another National Security Council meeting, rejecting the claim that Khan's government was removed through a foreign conspiracy. However, it quietly agreed with the earlier meeting, chaired by Khan's government, that the U.S. had interfered in Pakistan's internal affairs.[330]

Post-premiership

[edit]

Misogynistic remark

[edit]

During a speech in 2022, Imran Khan referenced a clip of a speech by Maryam Nawaz, in which she mentioned Khan's name multiple times. Khan remarked: "Someone sent me a clip on social media of Maryam's speech, somewhere. She took my name so many times and with so much passion, I want to tell her that Maryam, please be careful, your husband might get upset the way you call my name again and again." Khan's comments followed Maryam's repeated tirades against him and his wife, Bushra Bibi. Perceived as inappropriate and misogynistic, the comment was criticised by the opposition and some supporters.[331]

The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan condemned Khan's remarks, describing them as having "plumbed the depths of misogyny" and calling for an apology not only to Maryam but to all women.[332]

2022 Toshakhana reference case

[edit]

The government, formed by the Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM), filed the Toshakhana case against Imran Khan in August 2022, alleging that he had failed to disclose details of official gifts received during his premiership and the proceeds from their sale in his declarations to the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP),[333] and that he had not declared the proceeds for tax purposes.[334]

Of the gifts received, Khan reportedly retained 58 gifts, with only 14 valued at over Rs 14,000 each. On 8 September, Khan rejected the allegations as misleading and false, and requested the ECP to dismiss the case. In his reply to the ECP, Khan stated that all purchases were lawfully declared in his tax returns and wealth statements. The ECP hearings were delayed as Khan's legal team sought extensions.[335]

On 21 October 2022, the ECP disqualified Khan under Article 63(1)(p) of the Constitution, declaring that he had submitted a false statement and incorrect declaration of assets for the tax year 2020–21. A four-member ECP bench unanimously ruled that Khan had deliberately misled officials regarding Toshakhana gifts. The commission also ordered the initiation of criminal proceedings against him under various sections of the Election Act, 2017.[336]

Assassination attempt

[edit]
Khan speaking to media at Shaukat Khanum hospital after treatment

On 3 November 2022, Khan was shot in the leg in an assassination attempt in Wazirabad while leading a march towards Islamabad to demand early elections.[337] One of his supporters was killed during the attack.[338] The alleged perpetrator, identified as Muhammad Naveed, was overpowered by one of Khan's supporters, which threw off his aim.[339] Naveed said that he had acted alone and had targeted Khan because he believed Khan was misleading the people.[340][341] Khan blamed the incumbent government for the assassination plot, primarily Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, Interior Minister Rana Sanaullah and the Director General Counter Intelligence of the Inter-Services Intelligence, Faisal Naseer. He did not present any evidence to substantiate these claims. In response to these accusations, both government and military officials denied any involvement in the attack. Federal Information Minister Maryam Aurangzeb refuted Khan's allegations, questioning how he could demand the resignation of these officials before an investigation had even begun. The Inter-Services Public Relations, the media wing of Pakistan's military, condemned the allegations, which it said were baseless and irresponsible, and said that no one would be allowed to defame the military or its personnel. Sanaullah also rejected Khan's allegations, calling them grievous.[342][343]

Second alleged attempt

[edit]
Imran Khan speaks on the second alleged attempt on his life, 2023

Khan alleged that a trap had been set at the Federal Judicial Complex (FJC) on 18 March 2023, where he had arrived for a Toshakhana case hearing. He said that a colleague had signalled him to escape, having understood the situation to be a trap.[344] In an audio message sent to journalists, Khan said that he had been waiting outside the FJC and was trying to enter, but the police's use of tear gas made it seem as if they did not want him to reach the court. The Islamabad Police tweeted that upon Khan's arrival at the FJC, his supporters began pelting the police with stones, prompting them to respond with tear gas.[345] Khan said that the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) had taken control of the area around the FJC the night before.[346] Despite waiting for five hours, he did not disembark from his vehicle. Khan said that the purpose of the 20 unknown individuals in plain shalwar kameez was another attempt on his life, similar to the Wazirabad attack.[344]

Khan also accused police, the Pakistan Rangers, and unidentified individuals of provoking his supporters to create chaos in order to use it as a cover to kill him. He condemned a police raid on his home in his absence, calling it unlawful and a violation of court orders, and added that the plan was orchestrated on the instructions of Maryam Nawaz.[347]

Arrests and imprisonment

[edit]
Imran Khan provides his perspective on the May 9 riots in July 2023.

As a result of an arrest warrant issued by the district and sessions court in Islamabad, the Islamabad Police and the Lahore Police launched an operation to arrest Khan on 14 March 2023.[348] On 9 May, Khan was arrested at the Islamabad High Court (IHC) by paramilitary forces who stormed into the courthouse,[349] in connection with his alleged role in the 190 million pound case.[350] The case centres around corruption allegations claiming that Khan and his wife, Bushra Bibi, secured land worth billions of rupees from property tycoon Malik Riaz in exchange for a deal that allegedly caused the national exchequer to lose Rs50 billion (£190 million).[351] The funds, originally recovered by the UK's National Crime Agency, were reportedly meant for the national treasury but were instead used to pay fines imposed on Riaz for acquiring government land at below-market rates. The couple, who are the sole trustees of the Al-Qadir Trust, are accused of benefiting from this settlement, including the acquisition of 458 kanals of land for Al-Qadir University in Jhelum.[352]

His arrest triggered violent unrest, including the May 9 riots, during which PTI supporters allegedly attacked military and government installations.[353] The Supreme Court of Pakistan (SCP) declared Khan's arrest illegal, ruling that it was invalid due to the manner in which it was carried out—by paramilitary forces seizing him from within the court premises, which the judges deemed a violation of judicial sanctity.[354] On 12 May, Khan appeared in court, where judges granted him protective bail, meaning he could not be re-arrested on the same charges for two weeks.[355]

On 5 August 2023, Khan was arrested for the second time and sentenced to three years' imprisonment after being found guilty of misusing his premiership to buy and sell gifts in state possession, received during visits abroad and valued at more than 140 million rupees.[356] On 29 August 2023, an appeals court suspended Khan's corruption conviction and three-year prison term, and granted him bail.[357] A special court ordered that he remain incarcerated in connection with the cypher case,[358] in which he was accused of leaking state secrets and thereby violating the Official Secrets Act.[359][further explanation needed] Since then, Khan has been held in Adiala Jail in Rawalpindi, where the special court was also set up to conduct the trial.[360]

In August 2023, the government submitted a report to the Supreme Court of Pakistan, stating that Khan's daily meals included bread, omelette, curd, and tea for breakfast, along with fresh fruits, vegetables, pulses, rice, and desi mutton cooked in ghee for lunch and dinner. His cell was cleaned daily by a designated sanitary worker, and additional security personnel were deployed for his safety. The Supreme Court had ordered the government to submit this report following Khan's complaints about the conditions in which he was being held.[361]

On 30 January 2024, Khan was convicted and sentenced to 10 years' imprisonment in the cypher case.[360] Khan said that all the charges against him were politically motivated.[360] The next day, Khan was convicted and sentenced to 14 years' imprisonment in the Toshakhana case, which involved the unlawful sale of state gifts presented to him and his wife, Bushra Bibi, during his tenure as prime minister.[362] The sentence was suspended on 1 April, pending a court decision after the Eid holidays.[363] On 3 February, Khan and his wife were convicted and sentenced to seven years' imprisonment and fined 500,000 rupees each in a criminal case arising from allegations that Bushra did not complete the Islamic waiting period, known as Iddat, before marrying Khan in 2018.[364]

On 8 February, a PTI official said that Khan had been permitted to vote from prison in the 2024 Pakistani general election through a postal ballot.[365]

On 30 May 2024, Khan informed the Supreme Court that he was being kept in solitary confinement and that the government had imposed restrictions on his meetings with lawyers and family members. In June, the Pakistani government told the Supreme Court that the conditions of Khan's imprisonment included a walking area adjacent to his cell, a cooler, a television, and exercise equipment. It said that Khan had access to a separate kitchen and could meet his legal team and family. In its submission, the government provided photographs of Khan's cell and other items, as well as a photo showing a meeting between him and his legal team in prison.[366]

On 3 June 2024, the Islamabad High Court overturned Khan's conviction in the cipher case. Khan remained in prison despite the acquittal, as he had been convicted in other cases and was facing additional charges.[367] On 13 July, Khan's conviction in the marriage case involving Bushra Bibi was overturned on appeal. However, he remained in prison after a court cancelled his bail in a separate case related to the May 9 riots.[368]

In June 2024, a United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention called for Khan's release, stating that his detention was arbitrary and politically motivated.[369] In an interview with The Sunday Times in July from prison, Khan said he is being held in a small, 'death cell' typically reserved for terrorists.[370] In September 2024, Amnesty International said that it had "noted a pattern of weaponisation of the legal system to keep Khan under detention and away from all political activity". It called for his immediate release.[371] In September 2024, Khan's sister, Aleema Khan, said that the authorities are endangering his life and attempting to weaken him by keeping him in poor conditions.[372] In October 2024, authorities said that a regular medical examination is conducted every two weeks and that no health issues have been observed during his imprisonment.[373]

On 8 October 2024, Pakistani police charged Khan with attempted murder over the death of a police officer during protests by his supporters in Islamabad.[374]

On 22 November 2024, the IHC granted Khan bail in the Toshakhana case, but he was not released from jail due to multiple other cases against him.[375] On 24 November, supporters of Khan attempted to hold nationwide protests demanding his release.[376]

Since the 2022 no-confidence vote, Khan has been named in 186 legal cases across Pakistan, as reported to the court in December 2024 by the Ministry of Interior, Islamabad Police, Federal Investigation Agency, and National Accountability Bureau.[377]

On 17 January 2025, Khan was sentenced to 14 years' imprisonment by an accountability court in the Al-Qadir Trust case, while his wife, Bushra Bibi, was handed a seven-year jail term.[352]

On 21 August 2025, the SCP granted Khan bail in eight cases connected to the 9 May riots. However, he was not released from jail due to his sentence in the Al-Qadir Trust case.[378]

Views regarding imprisonment

[edit]

Khan has said that his imprisonment is politically motivated, alleging involvement by the Pakistan Armed Forces (referred to as the Establishment) and the government of Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif.[379] Both the military and the government have denied these allegations, with the military labelling them as "fabricated and malicious", and Prime Minister Sharif rejecting them as "blatant lies".[380] When he appeared before the Supreme Court via video link from jail in June 2024, Khan said that Pakistan is under an "undeclared martial law."[381] In August 2024, Khan said that the ISI controls all administrative matters related to his imprisonment. He further stated that it has made his conditions in jail more severe.[346]

University of Oxford Chancellor candidacy

[edit]

In August 2024, Zulfi Bukhari announced that he had submitted an application on Khan's behalf to contest the University of Oxford Chancellor election.[382] On 16 October 2024, university officials excluded him from the race for chancellorship, saying that his candidacy had been disqualified based on established exclusion criteria, which led to the acceptance of 38 out of over 40 applicants.[383][384] Key factors cited included Khan's prior conviction and his active political role, which were viewed as inconsistent with the requirements for the position. Legal analysis by King's Counsel Hugh Southey of Matrix Chambers, as well as the policy advocacy group Beltway Grid, held that Oxford's regulations set standards of integrity and impartiality that Khan did not meet.[384]

In November 2024, Khan's sister, Rubina Khanum, said that Zulfi "had dragged Imran Khan into the chancellor candidacy race for self-interest."[385]

Wealth and assets

[edit]

In his 2003 statement to the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP), Khan declared his home in Zaman Park, Lahore, an apartment in Islamabad, 39 kanals[i] of land in Islamabad, 530 kanals[j] in Khanewal, and a share in 363 kanals[k] of inherited agricultural land.[386]

According to a 2011 interview with the Financial Times, Khan said that he purchased a penthouse in South Kensington in 1983 for £110,000 and sold it in 2003 to buy land in Islamabad.[387]

In 2017, Khan's 300-kanal residence in Bani Gala, Islamabad, was valued at Rs. 750 million (US$2.6 million), according to figures reported by the ECP. Other assets included furniture worth Rs. 0.6 million (US$2,100) and livestock.[388] In 2020, the ECP released another report on Khan's assets, saying that he declared assets worth Rs80.6 million, including a six-kanal plot in Mohra Noori worth Rs0.5 million and five inherited plots in Mianwali, Bhakkar, Sheikhupura, and Khanewal. He sold his property in Ferozewala for Rs70 million. Additionally, he purchased two apartments on Shahrah-e-Dastoor for Rs10.19 million. Khan had Rs50.66 million in a bank account in Pakistan and Rs10.99 million in cash. He also maintained four foreign currency accounts, holding £518, $328,760, and $1,470, with an empty euro account. He also declared four goats valued at Rs200,000.[389]

In his nomination papers for the 2024 Pakistani general election, Khan declared that he holds over Rs90 million in multiple bank accounts and more than $300,000 in his foreign currency account. He owns over a dozen properties, most of them inherited, including agricultural land and his residence in Zaman Park. Khan made an advance payment of Rs11.97 million for an apartment on Shahrah-e-Dastoor and declared Rs11.47 million in expenditures for his residence in Bani Gala. He also said that he does not own any vehicle.[390]

Taxes

[edit]

According to The News International, tax records indicated that Khan paid nearly Rs. 4.7 million in taxes between 1981 and 2017. He was exempt from paying taxes in several of those years.[391] In January 2022, the FBR published its tax directory for parliamentarians for the year 2019, stating that Khan paid Rs9.8 million in taxes in that year.[392] In 2022, his income was Rs185.68 million, owing to the sale of a watch gifted to him by a foreign dignitary. The year before, his income was just over Rs7 million.[390] For the fiscal year ending on 30 June 2023, Khan's tax contributions increased to Rs15.59 million, as his net worth rose to Rs315.95 million.[393]

Political views

[edit]

Domestic policies

[edit]
Khan speaking at the Chatham House in London, 2012.

Khan's political agenda blends Islamic values, leftist economics with a focus on social welfare and economic disparity, and an emphasis on clean government and democracy. He rededicated himself to Islam in the latter stages of his cricket career, influenced by a spiritual awakening encouraged by a Sufi mystic. Khan initially supported General Pervez Musharraf after the 1999 coup, calling him the country's saviour, but later reversed his position, criticising him as a "stooge of the U.S. government and enemy of democracy" ahead of the 2002 general elections. Khan rejected Musharraf's offer to make him prime minister and described being charmed by Musharraf's convincing rhetoric during their nearly three-year alliance.[101]

At a rally in May 2006, Khan criticised Musharraf for "licking George W. Bush's shoes". He further said that Hosni Mubarak and Hamid Karzai were puppets sitting on the Muslim world.[394]

A leaked US diplomatic cable from January 2010 released by WikiLeaks, revealed that US Ambassador to Pakistan Anne W. Patterson met with Khan at his residence, where Khan criticised the United States for its "dangerous" policies, including drone operations.[395]

In a 2012 interview with Barkha Dutt, Khan referred to liberals in Pakistan as the "scum of the country" and described them as fascists. He said that these liberals supported the bombing and drone attacks on villages. He further said that it was the liberals who backed the United States' policies, including the War on Terror, which had contributed to the rise of extremism in the country.[396]

Foreign relations

[edit]
Prime Minister Khan's message on the 25th Memorial Day of the Srebrenica Genocide, 2020

In November 1999, Khan condemned the United Nations for failing to stop Russian "atrocities" in Chechnya.[397]

After the 2003 invasion of Iraq began, Khan participated in a protest held in Hyde Park, London, opposing the war. There, Khan said: "The fear is that this is not going to be the last war; first it was Afghanistan, now it's Iraq, and if the hawks in Washington have their way, then it's going to be some other country very soon."[398]

In a 2010 interview, Khan said: "I grew up hating India because I grew up in Lahore and there were massacres of 1947, so much bloodshed and anger. But as I started touring India, I got such love and friendship there that all this disappeared."[399]

In 2011, Khan became the first Pakistani dignitary to demand an official apology from the Government of Pakistan to the people of Bangladesh for the atrocities committed by the Pakistan Army during the Bangladesh Liberation War in 1971. He said he had initially supported the operation due to the lack of independent media in Pakistan but later came to know the truth from Bengali friends in England. Khan further said that Pakistan must learn lessons from past mistakes and should not repeat them in Balochistan and the tribal areas.[400]

In August 2012, the Pakistani Taliban issued death threats against Khan if he went ahead with his march to their tribal stronghold to protest U.S. drone strikes in Pakistan, calling him a "liberal" and "secular" — terms they equated with being an infidel.[401] On 1 October, they withdrew their death threats and offered him protection for the rally. They "endorse[d] Imran Khan's plea that drone strikes are against our sovereignty. The anti-drone rallies should have been taken out by the religious leaders long ago but Imran had taken the lead and we wouldn't harm him or his followers".[402]

On 6 October, Khan led a convoy of 10,000 people to protest US drone strikes. The convoy was stopped by hundreds of security personnel just miles from the border of South Waziristan. After an hour of unsuccessful negotiations, Khan announced that the rally would return to the city of Tank, about 15 kilometres away. Earlier, while addressing a crowd in Tank, Khan emphasised that the rally would not force its way into South Waziristan. "We do not want to clash with the administration because it is a peace march. We have already succeeded in our mission," Khan said.[403]

Khan in conversation with the United States Institute of Peace, 2019.

His perceived sympathy towards the Taliban, as well as his criticism of the US-led war on terror, has led to him being labelled "Taliban Khan" by critics. Commenting on the moniker, Khan said, "I've been called Taliban Khan for supporting the tribal Pashtuns and I've been called part of a Jewish conspiracy to take over Pakistan. I am of course neither."[404] He has expressed support for negotiations with the Taliban,[405] and has opposed specific military operations, such as the 2010 operation in Kala Dhaka.[406]

Khan has described himself as a pacifist and anti-war. He has opposed military interventions, particularly in Afghanistan, and has criticised Pakistan's involvement in the U.S.-led war on terror.[407] Khan has opposed the Iraq War, the Russian Invasion of Ukraine,[408] the Gaza genocide, and the Israeli invasion of Lebanon.[409]

In 2013, Khan proposed secret talks between India and Pakistan to resolve the Kashmir issue, saying that open negotiations risk being subverted by vested interests on both sides.[410]

In 2014, when the Pakistani Taliban announced armed struggle against Ismailis and the Kalash people, Khan released a statement describing "forced conversions as un-Islamic."[411] He has also condemned the incidents of forced conversion of Hindu girls in Sindh.[412]

Public image

[edit]

In the 1970s and 1980s, Khan attracted media attention for his looks and charm.[413] In the 1980s, he sported a playboy image in the British press for his exploits on the London party circuit, although he said that he never drank alcohol.[101] He was referred to as the Sexiest Man Alive by the British media in the early 1990s.[414] He was also known to millions of cricket fans as the Lion of Lahore.[415]

In 1996, The Wall Street Journal described him as employing populist rhetoric, combining anti-elite messaging with appeals to religious values. His criticism of Westernised Pakistani elites was contrasted with his own privileged background and connections to the Western jet set.[416] He has said of his past that "I have never claimed to be an angel. I am a humble sinner."[13] As part of his 2006 interview with Khan, Peter Lloyd described his transformation as a "playboy to puritan U-turn" that left many people scratching their heads in wonder.[394] In 2018, Reuters described Khan as a Pakistani cricketing icon and former London playboy who had "transformed himself into a pious, firebrand nationalist".[417]

Imran Khan signs autographs for supporters, 2009

In June 2011, a Pew Research Center poll showed Khan with a 68 percent approval rating, significantly higher than Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gillani's 37 percent and President Asif Ali Zardari's 11 percent. That same year, The Washington Post described Khan as an underdog, stating that he "often sounds like a pro-democracy liberal but is well known for his coziness with conservative Islamist parties." H. M. Naqvi referred to Khan as a "sort of a Ron Paul figure," noting that "there is no taint of corruption and there is his anti-establishment message."[418]

Pankaj Mishra, writing for The New York Times in 2012, characterised Khan as a "cogent picture out of his—and Pakistan's—clashing identities," adding that "his identification with the suffering masses and his attacks on his affluent, English-speaking peers have long been mocked in the living rooms of Lahore and Karachi as the hypocritical ravings of "Im the Dim" and "Taliban Khan"—the two favoured monikers for him." Mishra concluded, "like all populist politicians, Khan appears to offer something to everyone. Yet the great differences between his constituencies—socially liberal, upper-middle-class Pakistanis and the deeply conservative residents of Pakistan's tribal areas—seem irreconcilable."[419]

After the 2013 Pakistani general election, Mohammed Hanif, writing for The Guardian, said that while Khan appealed to the educated middle classes, Pakistan's main problem was that the country did not have enough educated urban middle-class citizens.[420]

Khan addressing an Interfaith Christmas Dinner in 2014

According to a survey by Gallup Pakistan in August 2018,[421] 52% of Pakistanis believed that Khan's tenure as Prime Minister would be better than the previous government.[422] In a 2019 poll by the International Republican Institute (IRI), 40% of respondents said Khan's performance was "good", and 17% said "very good".[423] A 2021 survey by Ipsos Pakistan found that 55% of respondents said the Khan government was 'worse than you expected'.[424] In a 2022 poll by Gallup Pakistan, 48% of respondents held a negative perception of Khan's performance, while 36% expressed a favourable opinion.[425] Another survey by Gallup Pakistan, conducted after Khan's vote-of-no confidence, said that 57% of respondents were 'happy' about his removal from office, while 43% were 'angry'.[426] A March 2023 survey by Gallup Pakistan, conducted after the end of his premiership, said that 61% of Pakistanis held a 'good opinion' of Khan.[427]

The arrest and imprisonment of Khan in August 2023 angered many in Indian-administered Kashmir.[428]

Relationship with the military

[edit]

Several news reports and scholarly works have characterised Khan's political career as being marked by a perception of closeness to Pakistan's military establishment. According to Christopher Clary, who is an Assistant Professor of Political Science at State University of New York-Albany, Khan entered politics in the mid-1990s in open alliance with Hamid Gul, a former chief of the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI).[429] In 2012, author Fatima Bhutto criticised Khan for "incredible coziness not with the military but with dictatorship," citing his favourable remarks about Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq and his support for Pervez Musharraf's 2002 referendum.[430]

He was also close to Ahmed Shuja Pasha, another former ISI chief. Clary said that, during the 2014 Tsunami March and sit-in led by Khan, there were widespread allegations of the involvement of then-serving ISI chief Zaheer-ul-Islam.[429] Historian Ian Talbot said that Khan's role in the 2014 protests was controversial. Talbot stated that Khan "denied that he was a military cat’s paw", which he said conflicted with former PTI president Javed Hashmi's claim that the protests were inspired by Pasha. Talbot wrote that "Khan's actions, if not sinister, were reckless" and that they threatened the hoped-for rebalancing of civil–military relations in Pakistan.[431][432] He added that these actions contributed to the strengthening of military authority rather than civilian assertion,[431] and concluded that "The army rather than the democratic forces had clearly emerged as a winner in the political crisis that some believed it had secretly orchestrated."[432]

According to Mohammad Waseem, Professor of Political Science at the Lahore University of Management Sciences, Khan's populist movement was facilitated by the military establishment, which sought to counter the influence of the two major political parties—the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) and the Pakistan Muslim League (N) (PML (N)). Waseem said that Khan was cultivated by the establishment as an alternative political force, and that the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) functioned as a "shadow" Muslim League designed to attract electable candidates ahead of the 2018 general election. He said that Khan responded to middle-class aspirations to eliminate dynastic politics, and attained office not through popular mobilisation, but through the support of the military. Waseem also said that Khan was portrayed in national and international media as the military's preferred candidate, contributing to opposition claims that he was a "selected" rather than elected prime minister.[433]

US diplomat Theodore Craig, in his book Pakistan and American Diplomacy, wrote that, after the 2018 elections, the United States refrained from pressing for an "unblemished election" or rejecting "antidemocratic manipulations", as "[h]ad we challenged the military's Imran Khan project, it would not have changed the government, but it could have ended hopes for progress on Afghanistan."[434]

The New York Times wrote in 2024 that Lt. Gen. Faiz Hameed, another former ISI chief, was an ally of Khan.[435] In a 2024 retrospective report, Arab News wrote that Khan was widely believed to have been propelled to power in 2018 with the backing of the military.[436] Arab News said that, in the period following his ouster in 2022, Hameed was widely believed to have provided counsel to Khan as his party, the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), openly criticised the army and its senior leadership. Since 2022, Khan has waged a campaign of defiance against the military establishment, blaming the army for not preventing the no-confidence motion that led to his removal.[436]

Ashok Swain, Professor of Peace and Conflict Research at Uppsala University, Sweden, wrote that Khan's challenging of, and accusations against the military is unique in Pakistan's history. Swain said that Khan had become the military's strongest critic with the potential to reform the military's historically unchecked power. Khan's approach has divided his allies and the military, but, according to Swain, has "mobilised a new generation of politically aware Pakistanis, including women and youth who previously shunned politics".[437]

[edit]

During his cricketing days, Khan appeared in television commercials for products such as Pepsi Pakistan, Brooke Bond tea, Thums Up (along with Sunil Gavaskar), and the Indian soap brand Cinthol, at a time when Bollywood actor Vinod Khanna was also endorsing the same product.[438] Dev Anand offered him a role in his 1990 sports action-thriller Bollywood movie Awwal Number, that of a cricket star in decline; Khan, however, refused, citing his lack of acting skills.[439]

In 2014, Canadian rock band Nickelback released a music video for its politically themed single "Edge of a Revolution", featuring a short clip of a PTI rally among other protests. The brief clip from the rally shows party flags along with a poster of Khan.[440]

Chacha Nooruddin, who rose to fame as Captain Chappal,[441] gifted a pair of specially crafted Peshawari chappals to Khan for his 2015 wedding. Although the double-soled design had been around for years,[442] the traditional Peshawari chappal became iconic as Khan's footwear of choice.[443]

Awards and honours

[edit]

Authorship

[edit]

In the late 1980s, Khan served as editor of The Cricketer, a London-based cricket magazine.[444] He periodically wrote editorials on cricket and Pakistani politics in several leading Pakistani and British newspapers. It was revealed in 2008 that Khan's second book, Indus Journey: A Personal View of Pakistan, had required heavy editing from the publisher. The publisher, Jeremy Lewis, revealed in a memoir that when he asked Khan to show his writing for publication, "He handed me a leather-bound notebook or diary containing a few jottings and autobiographical snippets. It took me, at most, five minutes to read them; and that, it soon became apparent, was all we had to go on."[445] Khan's autobiography, titled Pakistan: A Personal History, was published in 2011, detailing his transition from cricketer to politician, as well as the challenges he faced in his philanthropic work.[446] Khan has penned an op-ed for CNN in 2021, where he advocated for the conservation and restoration of damaged natural ecosystems.[447]

Khan's publications include:

  • West and East (Macmillan, 1975)
  • Imran: The Autobiography of Imran Khan (Pelham, 1983)
  • Imran Khan's Cricket Skills (Hamlyn, 1989)
  • Indus Journey: A Personal View of Pakistan (Chatto & Windus, 1991)
  • All Round View (Mandarin, 1992)
  • Warrior Race: A Journey Through the Land of the Tribal Pathans (Chatto & Windus, 1993)
  • Pakistan: A Personal History (Bantam Press, 2011)
  • Main Aur Mera Pakistan (Orient, 2014)

See also

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References

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Bibliography

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Imran Ahmed Khan Niazi (born 5 October 1952) is a Pakistani politician, philanthropist, and retired international cricketer who served as the 19th Prime Minister of Pakistan from 18 August 2018 to 10 April 2022. He founded the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) party in 1996 with an emphasis on governance reform, anti-corruption measures, and welfare initiatives, eventually guiding it to form government after the 2018 general elections. As a cricketer, Khan excelled as an all-rounder, amassing 3,807 Test runs and 362 wickets while captaining Pakistan to its inaugural ICC Cricket World Cup victory in 1992, a triumph that cemented his status as a national icon and earned him induction into the ICC Hall of Fame in 2009. Prior to politics, Khan established the Shaukat Khanum Memorial Cancer Hospital in Lahore in 1994 as a charitable response to his mother's illness, expanding his philanthropy to include educational institutions and, during his premiership, projects like the Kartarpur Corridor facilitating Sikh pilgrimage access. His tenure as prime minister focused on economic stabilization efforts amid fiscal challenges, foreign policy shifts emphasizing sovereignty, and domestic policies targeting inequality, though it ended with a no-confidence motion amid allegations of establishment interference. Since 2022, Khan has faced over 180 legal cases, culminating in multiple convictions and his continued detention in Adiala Jail as of February 2026 amid pending petitions for suspension of sentences and bail on medical grounds, convictions he and PTI assert are politically motivated to neutralize his influence following mass public support demonstrated in protests and by-elections.

Early Life and Education

Family Background and Upbringing

Imran Ahmed Khan Niazi was born on 5 October 1952 in Lahore, Pakistan, to Ikramullah Khan Niazi, a civil engineer from the Niazi Pashtun tribe originating in Mianwali, northwestern Punjab, and Shaukat Khanum, a homemaker from the Burki Pashtun clan. His father's family had long settled in the Punjab region despite their Pashtun ethnic roots, tracing ancestry to the Shermankhel branch of the Niazi tribe. Khan's mother descended from a lineage of civil servants and landowners, with her family migrating to Pakistan following the 1947 partition after residing near Jalandhar in pre-independence India. As the only son among five siblings—including four sisters—Khan grew up in an upper-middle-class household in Lahore, benefiting from his family's relative affluence and connections in Pakistani society. His upbringing emphasized Pashtun cultural values such as honor and resilience, instilled particularly by his mother, though the family's urban life in Lahore oriented daily practices toward Punjabi and Urdu linguistic norms rather than Pashto. Ikramullah Khan's engineering career provided stability, allowing the family to maintain a comfortable existence amid post-colonial Pakistan's developing economy. Khan's early years were marked by a blend of tribal heritage and modern urban influences, with his parents fostering discipline and education in a household that valued public service; his mother, in particular, shaped his sense of familial duty, later reflected in his philanthropic efforts named after her following her death from cancer in 1985. This environment, rooted in Pashtun identity yet adapted to Lahore's cosmopolitan setting, contributed to his formative worldview, prioritizing self-reliance over dependency on state institutions prevalent in Pakistani elite circles.

Schooling and Early Influences

Imran Khan received his primary and early secondary education in Lahore, attending Aitchison College, an elite institution established in 1886 for the sons of Pakistani elites, where he developed interests in academics and sports. He also studied at the Cathedral School in Lahore, completing middle school there before pursuing further education abroad. In September 1971, at age 18, Khan moved to England and enrolled at the Royal Grammar School, Worcester to prepare for A-levels, arriving shortly after playing under Worcestershire County Cricket Club's youth program during the summer. At the school, he excelled in cricket, batting and bowling effectively in matches, which honed his skills amid the competitive English environment and contributed to his selection for Pakistan's national team later that year. From 1972 to 1975, Khan attended Keble College at the University of Oxford, studying philosophy, politics, and economics, during which he captained the university's cricket team and balanced academics with sporting commitments. His time at Oxford exposed him to Western intellectual traditions and political discourse, though he later reflected that his primary focus remained on cricket development. Khan's early influences were shaped by his affluent Pashtun family from the Niazi tribe, particularly his maternal Burki relatives, who instilled a deep passion for cricket; uncles and cousins including Javed Burki, a former Pakistan captain, and Majid Khan, an international player, provided role models and familial encouragement for athletic pursuit from childhood. This cricketing heritage, combined with elite schooling emphasizing discipline and competition, directed his youth toward sports excellence over other career paths, evident in his early participation in local and school-level games in Lahore.

Cricket Career

Professional Achievements and Records

Imran Khan represented Pakistan in 88 Test matches from 1971 to 1992, scoring 3,807 runs at an average of 37.69, with a highest score of 136 and six centuries. He captured 362 wickets at an average of 22.81, including 23 five-wicket hauls and six instances of ten or more wickets in a match, with best innings figures of 8/58 and match figures of 14/116. In One Day Internationals, he played 175 matches, accumulating 3,709 runs at 33.41 with one century, and took 182 wickets at 26.62, highlighted by a best of 6/14.
FormatMatchesRuns (Avg)Wickets (Avg)Notable Records
Tests883,807 (37.69)362 (22.81)40 wickets vs India (1982–83 series); 4 Player of the Series awards
ODIs1753,709 (33.41)182 (26.62)1 five-wicket haul; 19 fifties
As Pakistan's leading wicket-taker in Tests at the time of his retirement, Khan's all-round prowess included achieving 3,000 runs and 300 wickets in both formats, a rare feat underscoring his versatility. His peak performance came in the 1982–83 series against India, where he claimed 40 wickets across six Tests. Khan holds the distinction of the most Player of the Series awards in Test cricket with four. These accomplishments earned him induction into the ICC Cricket Hall of Fame in 2009.

Captaincy and the 1992 World Cup Victory

Imran Khan first assumed the captaincy of the Pakistan national cricket team in 1982, leading the side intermittently through periods including 1982–1984, 1986–1987, and 1988–1992. During his tenure, he captained Pakistan in 48 Test matches and transformed the team into a formidable force, emphasizing aggressive play and resilience. His leadership saw Pakistan achieve notable series victories, such as the 1987 Test series win in England, though the team experienced inconsistencies, including early exits in previous World Cups. Prior to the 1992 Cricket World Cup, Khan had announced his retirement but reversed the decision to lead Pakistan, hand-picking a squad that included emerging talents like [[Inzamam-ul-Haq|Inzamam-ul-Haq]] and a potent pace attack featuring [[Wasim Akram|Wasim Akram]] and [[Waqar Younis|Waqar Younis]]. The tournament, held in Australia and New Zealand from February to March 1992, began disastrously for Pakistan, who won only one of their first five round-robin matches; Khan missed two games due to a shoulder injury, and key bowler Waqar Younis was sidelined by a stress fracture, contributing to low morale. Facing elimination, Khan motivated the team by urging them to fight like "cornered tigers," a metaphor for desperate, ferocious determination that became emblematic of the campaign. This pep talk sparked a remarkable turnaround, with Pakistan securing five consecutive victories to qualify for the semifinals and ultimately the final. In the semifinal against New Zealand on March 22, 1992, Pakistan chased 262, led by Inzamam-ul-Haq's explosive 60 off 37 balls. The final against England on March 25, 1992, at the Melbourne Cricket Ground saw Pakistan post 249/6, with Khan top-scoring with 72 runs off 82 balls and Inzamam contributing 42 off 35. Wasim Akram's devastating spell of 3/49, including the wickets of [[Graham Gooch|Graham Gooch]] and [[Allan Lamb|Allan Lamb]], restricted England to 227, securing a 22-run victory and Pakistan's first World Cup title. At age 39, Khan regarded the triumph as his finest cricketing achievement, dedicating it to his late mother's memory and the [[Shaukat Khanum Memorial Cancer Hospital]] he founded. The victory elevated Pakistan's status in international cricket, with Khan's strategic acumen and inspirational leadership credited for turning underdogs into champions, though some accounts debate the exact phrasing of his motivational rhetoric. He retired from international cricket immediately after, having captained Pakistan to 75 ODI wins in 139 matches overall.

Retirement and Statistical Legacy

Imran Khan retired from international cricket immediately after captaining Pakistan to victory in the 1992 Cricket World Cup final against England on 25 March 1992 at the Melbourne Cricket Ground. This triumph fulfilled his earlier pledge to return from a partial retirement announced post-1987 World Cup, where he had stepped away due to team underperformance but rejoined to pursue the title. His final One Day International (ODI) appearance was in that match, marking the end of a 21-year international career that began in 1971. Khan's last Test match occurred earlier, from 2 to 5 January 1992, against Sri Lanka in Faisalabad, after which he focused on the World Cup campaign. Khan's statistical legacy underscores his status as one of cricket's premier all-rounders, blending pace bowling prowess with late-career batting maturity. In 88 Test matches, he scored 3,807 runs at an average of 37.69, including 6 centuries and 18 half-centuries, with a highest score of 136; his bowling yielded 362 wickets at 22.81, featuring 23 five-wicket hauls, 6 ten-wicket match hauls, and best innings figures of 8/58. In ODIs, across 175 matches, he amassed 3,709 runs at 33.41 with 1 century and 19 half-centuries, while claiming 182 wickets at 26.39, including one five-wicket haul and best figures of 6/14. His career trajectory highlighted remarkable improvement: in his final 51 Tests from the early 1980s onward, Khan's batting average exceeded 50, complementing an already elite bowling record that placed him among the top Test wicket-takers of his era. At retirement, aged 39, he ranked 7th among Test bowlers and 15th among batsmen in official ICC assessments, reflecting sustained excellence.
CategoryTestsODIs
Matches88175
Batting Runs3,807 (Avg: 37.69, HS: 136)3,709 (Avg: 33.41, HS: 102*)
Centuries/Fifties6/181/19
Wickets362 (Avg: 22.81, Best: 8/58)182 (Avg: 26.39, Best: 6/14)
Five-Wicket Hauls231
These figures, drawn from match records, cement Khan's contributions to Pakistan's cricketing ascent, particularly through all-round impact in pivotal series and tournaments.

Philanthropy and Pre-Political Activities

Establishment of Shaukat Khanum Hospital

Imran Khan established the Shaukat Khanum Memorial Cancer Hospital and Research Centre in Lahore, Pakistan, in response to the death of his mother, Shaukat Khanum, from cancer in 1985. Observing the inadequate cancer treatment facilities available in Pakistan during her illness, Khan resolved to create a specialized institution offering advanced care, particularly free treatment for underprivileged patients unable to afford it. The initiative gained formal structure with the development of a master plan in 1990, overseen by pulmonologist Dr. Nausherwan K. Burki, which outlined a state-of-the-art facility built in phases on a 20-acre site in Johar Town, Lahore. Fundraising began leveraging Khan's cricketing prominence, including donations from his personal earnings, such as £85,000 from an award, directed toward the project. The first phase required approximately US$22 million, with 67% sourced from public and philanthropic contributions, emphasizing a model where operational costs would be sustained through ongoing donations rather than government funding. Khan's captaincy of Pakistan's 1992 Cricket World Cup victory provided a pivotal platform to amplify appeals, rallying overseas Pakistanis and domestic supporters to donate toward the hospital's construction. By late 1994, with the facility nearing completion but US$4 million short for final equipping, Khan made a direct public television appeal, securing the balance within days through surged contributions. The hospital opened on December 29, 1994, as Pakistan's inaugural charitable cancer treatment center, committing to provide free care to 75% of patients based on financial need while maintaining international standards through partnerships with institutions like the Mayo Clinic for training and protocols.

Educational and Community Initiatives

In 2005, Imran Khan initiated the Namal Education Foundation with the goal of establishing a higher education institution in rural Pakistan to empower underprivileged youth. This effort culminated in the founding of Namal College in 2008, located near Namal Lake in Mianwali District, Punjab, on land donated for the purpose. The college began as a not-for-profit associate institution of the University of Bradford, offering undergraduate programs in disciplines such as computer science, management, and engineering, with a focus on admitting students from low-income backgrounds through merit-based scholarships covering tuition, boarding, and stipends. By emphasizing local recruitment and infrastructure development, the project aimed to generate employment and stimulate economic growth in the surrounding community, serving as a model for grassroots educational upliftment independent of government funding. The Imran Khan Foundation, established to coordinate philanthropic activities beyond healthcare, supported complementary community initiatives, including basic education outreach in remote areas. These efforts involved constructing schools to address illiteracy among children in rural regions, with at least three such facilities built to provide primary education and social services. Khan's approach prioritized self-reliance, drawing on private donations to avoid reliance on state mechanisms often hampered by corruption, thereby fostering sustainable local capacity. These pre-political endeavors reflected Khan's commitment to addressing Pakistan's educational disparities—where rural enrollment rates lagged significantly behind urban areas—through targeted, verifiable investments rather than broad policy promises. Empirical outcomes included graduating hundreds of students by the mid-2010s, many of whom entered professional fields, contributing to human capital development in underdeveloped districts.

Political Entry and Rise

Founding of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI)

Imran Khan founded the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), translating to "Pakistan Movement for Justice," on April 25, 1996, in Lahore, positioning it as a platform to challenge entrenched corruption and dynastic political control in Pakistan. The initiative emerged from Khan's growing disillusionment with the governance failures of the ruling Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) under Nawaz Sharif and the opposition Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), which he viewed as perpetuating elite capture, economic mismanagement, and systemic graft rather than delivering accountable rule of law. Drawing from his post-cricket philanthropy, particularly the establishment of Shaukat Khanum Memorial Cancer Hospital in 1994, Khan emphasized PTI's core ideology of anti-corruption reforms, social welfare modeled on Islamic principles of justice (insaf), and empowerment of the marginalized through transparent institutions. Initially structured as a sociopolitical movement rather than a conventional party, PTI's launch attracted a modest following, leveraging Khan's celebrity as a national cricket hero to appeal to urban youth and disillusioned professionals frustrated with feudal and bureaucratic dominance. The founding event in Lahore capitalized on Khan's strong local support base among cricket enthusiasts, but it faced skepticism regarding its viability against established parties, with early rallies drawing limited crowds compared to PTI's later mobilizations. Khan articulated PTI's manifesto around eliminating "VIP culture," recovering looted national wealth, and fostering self-reliance, though these pledges were criticized by opponents as idealistic without immediate policy blueprints. The party's formal constitution, which outlined democratic internal structures and intra-party elections, was not drafted until 1999, reflecting an evolutionary approach to organization amid initial resource constraints. PTI's founding marked Khan's shift from apolitical advocacy to electoral contention, with him contesting the 1997 general elections from Lahore but securing no seats, underscoring the party's nascent organizational weaknesses against vote-bank politics of incumbents. Despite early struggles, the movement's emphasis on meritocracy and rejection of compromise with corrupt elites laid the groundwork for its eventual expansion, though sources affiliated with PTI highlight ideological purity while critics, including PML-N and PPP outlets, have retroactively portrayed the launch as opportunistic celebrity politics lacking grassroots depth.

Electoral Campaigns Prior to 2018

Imran Khan led Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) into its debut electoral contest during the February 3, 1997, general elections, emphasizing anti-corruption reforms, social justice, and a welfare-oriented state modeled on Islamic principles. Leveraging his fame as a national cricket hero, Khan campaigned intensively but the nascent party lacked a robust organizational base and voter network against entrenched rivals like the Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz). PTI secured no seats in the National Assembly, reflecting limited appeal amid a polarized contest dominated by Nawaz Sharif's PML-N, which won a supermajority. In the October 10, 2002, elections held under General Pervez Musharraf's military regime, PTI again fielded candidates, including Khan from NA-71 Mianwali, focusing on critiques of dynastic politics and calls for genuine democracy. Despite contesting amid a fragmented opposition and Musharraf's constitutional manipulations favoring his allies, the party won just one National Assembly seat. Khan's personal bid in his home district yielded votes but fell short against competitors, underscoring PTI's organizational weaknesses in rural strongholds. PTI boycotted the February 18, 2008, general elections, with Khan denouncing participation as legitimizing Musharraf's authoritarian rule following emergency rule and judicial purges. Khan, under house arrest at times, argued the polls were rigged to perpetuate military influence, prioritizing principled opposition over tactical gains. The boycott resulted in zero seats for PTI, though it positioned the party as an uncompromising critic of the establishment amid widespread allegations of fraud favoring the Pakistan People's Party (PPP). The May 11, 2013, elections represented PTI's breakthrough, with Khan orchestrating a high-energy campaign targeting urban youth, middle-class voters, and those alienated by PPP and PML-N governance failures, including corruption scandals and economic stagnation. Promises of Naya Pakistan—a corruption-free, merit-based system with youth empowerment, tax reforms, and counter-terrorism—were amplified through massive rallies, social media like Twitter for direct engagement, and fielding fresh, non-dynastic candidates. A dramatic fall from a stage at a Lahore rally on May 7 hospitalized Khan with injuries, yet he persisted via video messages, framing it as resilience against elite resistance. PTI garnered 7.7 million votes, the second-highest nationally, securing 28 general seats in the National Assembly and sweeping Khyber Pakhtunkhwa with enough to form a provincial government, signaling a shift toward anti-status-quo sentiment driven by demographic changes and voter disillusionment rather than mere celebrity. From 2014 to 2017, PTI sustained opposition through protests alleging irregularities in the 2013 elections, sit-ins demanding electoral reforms, and anti-corruption drives against the PML-N government. In August 2014, Khan led the Azadi March from Lahore to Islamabad in alliance with other opposition groups, culminating in prolonged sit-ins that called for Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif's resignation over rigging claims and accountability. These efforts, lasting several months despite failed negotiations, heightened PTI's visibility among urban and youth demographics, contributing to momentum for the 2018 elections.

Premiership (2018–2022)

Economic Policies and Austerity Efforts

Upon assuming office on August 18, 2018, Prime Minister Imran Khan inherited an economy strained by low foreign exchange reserves, a current account deficit reaching 5.3% of GDP in fiscal year 2018, and reliance on short-term external borrowing. His administration initiated an austerity campaign emphasizing reduced government expenditure and fiscal discipline, including directives to minimize official perks such as luxury vehicles and excessive staffing at official residences. Khan personally oversaw the dismissal of over 400 servants from the Prime Minister's House and committed to forgoing unnecessary foreign travel for the first three months in office to curb non-essential costs. To address the balance-of-payments crisis, the government negotiated a $6 billion Extended Fund Facility (EFF) from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) approved on July 3, 2019, spanning 39 months and mandating structural reforms such as subsidy rationalization, tax base expansion, and public spending cuts. These measures included phasing out energy subsidies, which contributed to higher utility tariffs, and efforts to increase revenue through taxation on under-taxed sectors like retail and real estate, though implementation faced resistance and uneven results. Fiscal deficit was reduced to 3.5% of GDP in fiscal year 2021 from higher levels prior, reflecting partial success in expenditure control amid the IMF program's constraints. Complementing austerity, the Ehsaas Programme, launched in March 2019 as Pakistan's flagship social safety net, targeted poverty alleviation through conditional cash transfers, asset provision, and health stipends, reaching over 7.5 million additional families during the COVID-19 response with one-time payments totaling PKR 203 billion (approximately $1.23 billion). The initiative aimed to mitigate austerity's short-term hardships on vulnerable groups by enhancing targeting via a national socioeconomic registry, though critics noted its reliance on expanded borrowing strained public finances. Economic outcomes under these policies showed stabilization in key indicators but persistent challenges: foreign reserves recovered from near-depletion to cover several months of imports by 2021, and GDP growth rebounded to 6% in fiscal year 2021 following a -0.5% contraction in 2020 due to the pandemic. However, public debt escalated to PKR 149 trillion by September 2021, driven by bailout inflows and domestic borrowing needs, while inflation averaged double digits, exacerbated by currency depreciation and subsidy removals. The austerity framework, while curbing some excesses, was undermined by off-budget subsidies and political pressures, limiting long-term fiscal sustainability as evidenced by recurring IMF reviews highlighting compliance gaps.

Foreign Policy and Security Stance

Imran Khan pursued an independent foreign policy, emphasizing Pakistan's sovereignty and refusing subservience to major powers, as articulated in statements where he declared Pakistan would not be "anyone's slave." He praised India's approach to maintaining autonomy in dealings with Russia amid the Ukraine conflict, citing its ability to import discounted oil despite Western pressure, and positioned Pakistan similarly by abstaining from the UN vote condemning Russia's February 2022 invasion. This stance extended to diversified ties, including a historic visit to Moscow on February 23-24, 2022, where Khan met President Vladimir Putin hours before the Ukraine invasion began; he later described remaining in Russia post-invasion announcement as a miscalculation but defended the trip's intent to foster economic and strategic links. Relations with the United States deteriorated after the 2021 Afghanistan withdrawal, with Khan criticizing past U.S. exploitation of Pakistan in the War on Terror and rejecting alignment on post-withdrawal policies, including demands to recognize the Taliban government or combat Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) militants sheltered in Afghanistan. Ties with China strengthened via the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), which Khan defended against debt-trap critiques, viewing Beijing as a reliable partner unlike the transactional U.S. approach. With India, tensions persisted after the February 2019 Pulwama attack and subsequent Balakot airstrikes, though Khan offered dialogue conditional on Kashmir discussions, achieving a ceasefire along the Line of Control by February 2021 but no broader thaw. Afghanistan policy focused on facilitating U.S.-Taliban Doha talks in 2018-2019, but post-August 2021 Taliban takeover, cross-border TTP attacks surged, prompting Khan to urge restraint against escalation while blaming Afghan soil for harboring militants. On security, Khan's government maintained counter-terrorism operations inherited from prior administrations, including actions against TTP and Islamic State-Khorasan affiliates, but faced criticism for incomplete eradication, with terrorism incidents rising toward 2022 due to Afghan spillovers. He extended Army Chief Qamar Javed Bajwa's tenure by three years in November 2022 amid internal military debates, signaling efforts to stabilize civil-military relations, though he later accused forces of negligence in border security lapses. Khan advocated diplomatic pressure over military incursions into Afghanistan to curb TTP threats, warning that escalation risked regional instability without addressing root causes like safe havens. This approach reflected a broader emphasis on internal reforms over expansive external engagements, prioritizing economic stabilization amid security challenges.

Social, Environmental, and Health Initiatives

The Ehsaas Programme, launched on March 27, 2019, formed the foundation of Khan's social welfare agenda, delivering targeted cash transfers, subsidies, and services to reduce poverty among Pakistan's most vulnerable, including over 8 million families through biometric-verified distributions. Sub-components such as Ehsaas Kafalat provided monthly stipends of 2,000 Pakistani rupees to women in deserving households starting January 2020, while the Ehsaas Emergency Cash initiative disbursed 65-83 billion rupees to 6.8 million families amid the 2020 COVID-19 lockdowns, utilizing digital platforms for rapid, fraud-resistant payouts. The programme's Ehsaas Nashonuma component, rolled out on August 13, 2020, targeted stunting—affecting nearly 40% of Pakistani children under five—by issuing quarterly conditional cash transfers of up to 3,500 rupees to pregnant, lactating women, and mothers of children under 23 months in the poorest quintile, bundled with nutritional supplements and growth monitoring. Social outreach extended to religious minorities with the 2019 opening of the Kartarpur Corridor, a 4-kilometer visa-free pathway connecting Pakistan's Gurdwara Darbar Sahib—site of Guru Nanak's final resting place—to India's Dera Baba Nanak, enabling thousands of Sikh pilgrims annual access and fostering interfaith goodwill without prior passport requirements. On health, the Sehat Sahulat Programme was scaled federally in 2019 as Sehat Sahulat Programme-II, extending coverage to 67 districts and approximately 100 million people below the poverty line, reimbursing up to 1 million rupees per family annually for inpatient secondary and tertiary care, including dialysis, cancer treatment, and transplants at empaneled hospitals. This built on Khyber Pakhtunkhwa's 2015 pilot under PTI governance, emphasizing cashless access to curb out-of-pocket expenses that previously drove 25% of households into poverty from medical costs. Environmentally, the Ten Billion Tree Tsunami Programme, initiated in 2018 under the broader Clean Green Pakistan vision, aimed to plant and naturally regenerate 10 billion trees by 2023 to restore 6% forest cover lost to deforestation and urbanization, with over 2.5 billion trees verified planted by 2022 through community mobilization, drone monitoring, and species selection suited to arid climates. The effort included the 2020 Tiger Force volunteer drive, which mobilized millions for 3.5 million saplings in a single day, yielding measurable carbon sequestration and biodiversity gains in degraded regions like Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Punjab, though independent audits noted variable survival rates amid water scarcity challenges.

Governance Challenges and Anti-Corruption Drive

Upon assuming office in August 2018, Imran Khan prioritized an anti-corruption agenda, empowering the National Accountability Bureau (NAB) to pursue high-profile cases against political opponents from prior administrations. NAB indicted former President Asif Ali Zardari on corruption charges in August 2020 related to fake bank accounts used for money laundering. Similarly, an accountability court sentenced former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif to seven years in prison in December 2018 for failing to declare assets in a graft case stemming from the Panama Papers revelations. Khan publicly urged Sharif and Zardari to return "looted" funds via plea bargains, framing accountability as a mechanism to recover billions in state losses. The drive intensified NAB's operations, with the bureau conducting thousands of investigations and filing cases against over 3,500 suspects by early 2023, many initiated during Khan's tenure targeting entrenched elites. Khan's government amended NAB laws in 2022 to expedite trials and broaden asset recovery, though critics, including opposition parties, alleged selective enforcement that spared PTI allies while ensnaring rivals, leading to claims of a "charter of muk muka" (deal-making) in leaked diplomatic cables. Despite recovering significant assets, such as from real estate tycoons and bureaucrats, the process faced legal pushback, with several convictions later overturned on appeal, highlighting procedural flaws and judicial inconsistencies. Governance challenges compounded these efforts, as Khan's coalition government struggled with parliamentary fragility and bureaucratic resistance rooted in patronage networks. Lacking a simple majority post-2018 elections, PTI relied on independents and allies, whose defections eroded stability by 2022. Economic mismanagement drew scrutiny, with business activity contracting by at least 30% amid rising inflation and debt burdens inherited from previous regimes but exacerbated by policy delays in privatization and tax reforms. Khan's insistence on austerity and anti-corruption purity clashed with institutional inertia, including military-influenced civil service appointments and provincial opposition in Sindh and Balochistan, hindering policy implementation like police reforms. Protests by opposition alliances, such as the Pakistan Democratic Movement formed in 2020, accused Khan of undermining democratic norms through NAB's aggressive tactics, which opposition sources claimed stalled legislative progress and fueled political polarization. These tensions culminated in governance gridlock, as anti-corruption probes disrupted administrative continuity without yielding systemic reforms, per analyses from economic observers.

No-Confidence Vote and Removal

In early March 2022, opposition parties in Pakistan, primarily the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) under Nawaz Sharif's influence and the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) led by Bilawal Bhutto Zardari, tabled a no-confidence motion against Prime Minister Imran Khan in the National Assembly, accusing his government of economic mismanagement, rising inflation exceeding 12% year-on-year, and failure to address fuel and food price hikes amid a balance-of-payments crisis. The motion required 172 votes for passage in the 342-seat assembly, where Khan's Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) coalition initially held a slim majority but faced defections from allies like the Muttahida Qaumi Movement-Pakistan (MQM-P) and Balochistan Awami Party (BAP), reducing effective support to around 155 seats. The process encountered delays when National Assembly Speaker Asad Qaiser, a PTI affiliate, postponed the vote multiple times, prompting opposition petitions to the Supreme Court. On 3 April 2022, anticipating defeat, Khan advised President Arif Alvi to dissolve the assembly and call fresh elections under Article 69 of the Constitution, but the Supreme Court ruled this action unconstitutional on 7 April, reinstating the assembly and mandating the vote within 48 hours. The session convened on 9 April, extending past midnight into 10 April amid PTI protests and walkouts; ultimately, 174 members voted for the motion, surpassing the threshold, while PTI lawmakers largely abstained or were absent following the boycott call. Khan framed his ouster as a foreign-orchestrated conspiracy, referencing a March 2022 diplomatic cipher from Pakistan's ambassador in Washington detailing a U.S. official's remark that ties would improve if Khan was removed, which he linked to his government's neutral stance on the Russia-Ukraine conflict and visit to Moscow on 23 February 2022. The U.S. State Department denied any involvement, calling the allegations "fiction," though the cipher's contents were later declassified by Khan in 2023, fueling ongoing debate without independent verification of causation. Analysts attributed the motion's success more to domestic factors, including reported strains in Khan's relations with military leadership—evident in the March 2022 extension of Army Chief Qamar Javed Bajwa's tenure without Khan's preferred successor—and coalition fractures, rather than proven external interference. Following the vote's passage at approximately 2:30 a.m. on 10 April 2022, Speaker Qaiser accepted the result, vacating the prime minister's office and advising President Alvi to summon a session for electing a successor. Shehbaz Sharif of PML-N was elected as the new prime minister later that day with 176 votes, forming a coalition government that excluded PTI. Khan's removal marked the first successful no-confidence ouster of a sitting Pakistani prime minister, ending his 3.5-year tenure amid economic contraction of 0.4% in fiscal year 2022 and public discontent, though PTI retained significant provincial strongholds like Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.

Post-Premiership Developments

Immediate Aftermath and Opposition Role

Following his ouster as prime minister on April 10, 2022, via a National Assembly vote of no-confidence that passed 174-0 after PTI defectors joined the opposition coalition, Imran Khan immediately rejected the outcome as illegitimate, framing it as the result of a foreign-orchestrated conspiracy to install an "imported government" under Shehbaz Sharif. Khan cited a classified diplomatic cable, or "cipher," from Pakistan's ambassador in Washington alleging U.S. pressure for his removal over his neutral stance on Russia's Ukraine invasion, which he declassified and waved in parliament sessions prior to dissolution on April 3. This narrative, while lacking direct evidence of U.S. orchestration per subsequent PTI clarifications distancing from explicit regime-change claims, galvanized supporters by portraying the vote—enabled by 25 PTI dissidents and allies—as a betrayal amid economic woes rather than policy failure. Khan swiftly pivoted PTI to an aggressive opposition posture, urging mass mobilization against the Sharif-led coalition and demanding early general elections by autumn 2022 to validate public mandate. PTI lawmakers, now the single largest party in the dissolved assembly, boycotted key sessions and filed Supreme Court challenges to reinstate Khan, though these failed; the party retained formal opposition status in Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa assemblies, where it held majorities. Street actions escalated with nationwide rallies in late April, drawing thousands despite police crackdowns, as Khan accused the military of tacit support for the new regime—a charge later echoed in his critiques of establishment neutrality erosion. The centerpiece of immediate opposition was the May 25, 2022, "Azadi March" to Islamabad, announced days earlier to pressure dissolution of assemblies for polls, with Khan leading convoys from Lahore and Peshawar that swelled to estimates of 50,000-100,000 participants chanting anti-government slogans. Clashes erupted on May 26 near D-Chowk, involving stone-throwing, tear gas, and baton charges; PTI reported over 500 arrests and injuries, while authorities blamed provocateurs for violence that damaged public property and led to PTI's temporary sit-in dispersal after Khan urged restraint to avoid escalation. The march, though truncated, demonstrated PTI's organizational resilience, boosting morale amid defections and foreshadowing sustained unrest, with Khan vowing non-violent persistence until electoral concessions. In ensuing months, Khan's opposition role emphasized hybrid tactics: parliamentary filibustering by PTI deputies, who stalled budget approvals and demanded probes into the cipher, combined with by-election victories—securing 15 of 20 Punjab seats on July 17, 2022—that restored PTI control over the province's assembly via Speaker Elahi's rulings against rival claims. These gains, attributed to anti-establishment sentiment over inflation exceeding 24% and fuel shortages, underscored Khan's enduring popularity, with PTI polling at 35-40% nationally per independent surveys, though legal threats and media curbs intensified. Khan's rhetoric consistently prioritized "real freedom" from imported leadership, rejecting coalition overtures and positioning PTI as the sole anti-corruption bulwark, even as internal rifts emerged over protest intensity. Following his removal from office in April 2022, Imran Khan faced a proliferation of legal cases, with authorities filing dozens of charges against him ranging from corruption to violations of state secrets laws. Khan has publicly claimed the proceedings number over 150, asserting they constitute a systematic effort by political rivals and the military establishment to sideline him politically. These cases intensified after his fallout with the military, leading to multiple arrests, convictions, acquittals, and ongoing appeals as of December 2025, where he remains incarcerated primarily due to upheld sentences in graft-related matters. Khan's first major arrest occurred on May 9, 2023, when the National Accountability Bureau (NAB) detained him at the Islamabad High Court premises over allegations in the Al-Qadir Trust case, prompting widespread protests and violence that resulted in dozens of deaths. The Supreme Court of Pakistan declared this arrest unconstitutional two days later, ordering his immediate release, a ruling that fueled accusations of judicial overreach by NAB but was criticized by Khan's opponents as enabling unrest. He was re-arrested shortly thereafter in connection with the Toshakhana case and other probes, marking the start of prolonged detention cycles interspersed with bails that were often swiftly revoked. The Toshakhana cases centered on Khan's alleged unauthorized sale of state gifts received during his premiership, including luxury items like Rolex watches, diamonds, and perfumes valued at over 140 million Pakistani rupees (approximately $500,000), stored in the government's Toshakhana repository. In August 2023, a trial court convicted him of failing to declare profits from these sales, imposing a three-year sentence. This was escalated in January 2024 when Khan and his wife, Bushra Bibi, received 14-year prison terms each, along with fines of 787 million rupees apiece and a 10-year ban from public office, for illegally profiting from the transactions. Further proceedings in a related Toshakhana matter led to a 10-day remand extension for the couple in July 2024, though acquittals in peripheral aspects occurred amid appeals. In the Al-Qadir Trust case, Khan was accused of misusing a 190 million pound ($242 million) settlement from a UK property tycoon—intended for Pakistan's treasury—to acquire land for a religious trust benefiting his wife, in exchange for facilitating the donor's bail. An Islamabad accountability court convicted him and Bibi on January 17, 2025, sentencing Khan to 14 years and her to seven years, with Khan rejecting the verdict as predetermined and politically engineered from Adiala Jail. This conviction, upheld against appeals including one heard by the Islamabad High Court in May-June 2025, has been pivotal in sustaining his imprisonment beyond bails granted in other matters, such as May 9 riot-related cases by the Supreme Court in August 2025. The cipher case involved Khan's alleged violation of the Official Secrets Act by declassifying and waving a diplomatic cable from Pakistan's ambassador in Washington, which he claimed evidenced a US-orchestrated conspiracy behind his 2022 ouster. Arrested in August 2023 over this, he was convicted alongside former foreign minister Shah Mahmood Qureshi in January 2024 to 10 years each, but the Islamabad High Court acquitted both in June 2024, citing insufficient evidence of misuse, though Khan remained detained on parallel charges. Additional cases included the iddat matter, where Khan and Bibi were sentenced to seven years in February 2024 for contracting an Islamic marriage during her mandatory waiting period, only to be acquitted in July 2024 before re-arrest in Toshakhana proceedings. These legal battles have featured rapid trials, prison-based hearings, and frequent transfers between facilities like Adiala Jail, with Khan's Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf party decrying them as engineered to disqualify him from elections, while critics argue they reflect accountability for governance lapses. In early December 2025, military spokesperson Lt Gen Ahmed Sharif Chaudhry (DG ISPR) and Information Minister Attaullah Tarar publicly described Khan's anti-army narrative as a threat to national security. As of December 2025, convictions in Al-Qadir and select Toshakhana matters predominate in barring his release, despite over a dozen acquittals or bails in ancillary probes.

Assassination Attempts and Security Concerns

On November 3, 2022, Imran Khan was wounded by gunfire during a political rally in Wazirabad, Punjab province, while leading a long march against the government. The attack occurred as Khan exited a vehicle in his convoy, with shots fired from close range striking his right leg, causing a bullet graze wound that required surgical intervention. One Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) supporter, identified as Muazzam Nawaz, was killed, and at least 13 others were injured in the incident. Police arrested a suspect, Muhammad Naveed, who confessed to targeting Khan exclusively and claimed no accomplices initially, though investigations later indicated firing from four locations and potential involvement of up to three additional shooters. Khan accused Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, Interior Minister Rana Sanaullah, and a senior Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) official of orchestrating the attempt, assertions echoed by PTI leaders who described it as a deliberate assassination plot amid escalating political rivalries following Khan's ouster via no-confidence vote earlier that year. Khan was discharged from the hospital three days later, resuming campaign activities despite the injury. The incident amplified longstanding security concerns for Khan, who had previously alleged assassination plots against him during public speeches in September and October 2022. Post-event probes by Punjab police registered a first information report (FIR) but omitted naming high-profile suspects initially, fueling PTI claims of institutional cover-up. Following Khan's arrests starting in May 2023 on corruption charges, PTI supporters and allies expressed fears for his safety in custody, citing the military's influence and history of political violence in Pakistan, though no subsequent verified assassination attempts have been reported as of October 2025. These apprehensions persist amid ongoing legal battles and PTI's assertions of targeted persecution by state elements.

Imprisonment Status and Political Influence (as of early 2026)

As of February 2026, Imran Khan remains incarcerated in Adiala Jail, Rawalpindi, having been detained for over 880 days since his initial arrests in 2023 related to corruption allegations, including the Toshakhana and Al-Qadir Trust cases. His 14-year sentence in the Al-Qadir case, upheld without immediate appeal prospects, ensures continued imprisonment unless overturned or a settlement occurs, with sources indicating he is unlikely to be released before 2026 due to pending trials like Toshakhana-II. Restrictions on family, lawyer, and party meetings were imposed since December 2025, with reports of prolonged solitary confinement and denied routine visits despite court orders. The Islamabad High Court has mandated full implementation of visitation rights at the facility, amid reports of restricted access; in early 2026, the Supreme Court intervened to allow specific counsel meetings and inspections of detention conditions at Adiala Jail. PTI claims these measures constitute human rights violations, while government officials assert they maintain health stability and curb political activities from custody. Concerns about his health have intensified, with PTI, his family, and court submissions reporting an 85% vision loss in his right eye (retaining 15% vision) due to retinal vein occlusion diagnosed in early 2026 while imprisoned, following alleged denial of timely medical intervention for symptoms including blurred vision and discomfort, alongside claims of inhumane conditions and isolation; government officials maintain that proper care is provided. This development elicited public support from several Pakistani celebrities, including actors Khaqan Shahnawaz, who voiced concerns; Mishi Khan, who broke down in a viral video expressing sorrow; and Maya Ali, who posted emotional solidarity on social media, underscoring Khan's enduring influence. Internationally, fourteen former international cricket captains, including Sunil Gavaskar, Kapil Dev, Greg Chappell, and Steve Waugh, signed a letter drafted by Greg Chappell to Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, urging the government to provide immediate medical attention, dignified treatment, and access to personal physicians for Khan amid reports of his deteriorating health, including vision loss. His lawyers have filed petitions in the Islamabad High Court and other courts seeking suspension of his Toshakhana sentence and bail on medical grounds; no release has been granted, and the petitions remain pending, with health concerns and allegations of inadequate care persisting. A government minister proposed designating Khan's Banigala residence as a sub-jail for house arrest, though PTI has not pursued it formally. PTI attributes the detention to authoritarian military orchestration under General Asim Munir, rejecting the charges as fabricated to neutralize political opposition. In December 2025, Pakistan's military spokesperson described Imran Khan as a "security risk" and his narrative as a threat to national security during a press conference criticizing his anti-army rhetoric, with PTI rejecting the characterization. Despite incarceration, Khan sustains substantial political influence via Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), which secured 92 directly elected National Assembly seats in the February 2024 elections—outpacing rivals—through PTI-affiliated independents amid claims of electoral manipulation and military interference. PTI governs Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province outright, leveraging a public mandate to resist federal encroachments, as Khan affirmed in a July 2025 jail message emphasizing accountability to provincial voters over national compromises. The party's resilience stems from Khan's enduring popularity, evidenced by sustained protests and mobilization potential, including PTI's announcement of nationwide demonstrations on February 8, 2026, demanding his immediate release. For instance, in early January 2026, protests at Zaman Park in Lahore demanded Khan's release, with leaders Mahmood Khan Achakzai and Allama Nasir Abbas reaching the site despite Punjab Police attempts to prevent them. However, Supreme Court rulings reallocating reserved seats to the ruling coalition have diminished PTI's parliamentary strength, prompting accusations of judicial bias favoring the establishment. Khan communicates directives from prison, shaping PTI strategy—such as rejecting deals that betray core principles—and fueling narratives of resistance against corruption and military overreach, which resonate with youth and urban demographics. This influence manifests in ongoing legal challenges, like petitions over his X account's usage for provocative posts during custody, and broader unrest risks if convictions harden, as seen in prior agitation phases since his 2022 ouster. Repression tactics, including military trials of PTI supporters for 2023 violence, underscore efforts to curb his sway, yet public sympathy and PTI's grassroots network preserve Khan's role as a pivotal opposition figure. In November 2025, online rumors of his death in custody prompted protests outside Adiala Jail and demands from his son Kasim for proof of life, claiming no trace of life, but jail authorities denied the claims and confirmed his survival and stability.

Personal Life and Finances

Marriages, Family, and Relationships

Imran Khan was born on October 5, 1952, in Lahore, Pakistan, to Ikramullah Khan Niazi, a civil engineer from the Pashtun Niazi tribe, and Shaukat Khanum, a homemaker from the Punjabi Burki clan and daughter of a civil servant. As the only son among five siblings, Khan grew up in a relatively affluent family with four sisters, though specific names and details of his siblings are not widely documented in public records. Khan's first marriage was to British socialite and filmmaker Jemima Goldsmith on May 16, 1995 (Islamic Nikah in Paris), with a civil ceremony on June 21, 1995 in England, following his conversion to a more observant form of Islam. The couple had two sons: Sulaiman Isa Khan, born in November 1996, and Kasim Khan, born in April 1999. They divorced amicably on June 22, 2004, citing cultural differences and the demands of Khan's political career, with Goldsmith retaining primary custody of the sons, who primarily reside in the United Kingdom. Khan has maintained contact with his sons, though access has been reportedly restricted amid his legal troubles, including claims by Goldsmith in 2024 that Pakistani authorities threatened their arrest if they visited him. His second marriage, to British-Pakistani journalist Reham Khan, occurred via nikah on January 8, 2015 (private Nikah), after a brief courtship, though some reports indicate a secret ceremony in late 2014. Reham, a divorced mother of three from a prior marriage, brought no additional children to the union with Khan. The marriage lasted approximately 10 months, ending in divorce in October 2015, amid reports of family opposition and personal incompatibilities. Post-divorce, Reham published a memoir in 2018 alleging Khan's involvement in extramarital affairs and unverified claims of five illegitimate children, including purported ties to India, though these assertions lack independent corroboration and appear motivated by personal grievances. Khan's third and current marriage is to Bushra Bibi (née Riaz Watto), a spiritual healer and advisor who reportedly influenced his adoption of a more pious lifestyle, with the nikah solemnized on February 18, 2018, in a private ceremony at her residence in Lahore. The union was publicly announced shortly thereafter and produced no children. The marriage faced legal scrutiny, culminating in a February 2024 conviction by a Pakistani court sentencing both to seven years imprisonment for violating Islamic law's iddat waiting period—allegedly contracting the nikah within three months of Bibi's prior divorce—though Khan and supporters dismissed the ruling as politically engineered. Bibi has remained largely out of public view, exerting influence behind the scenes on Khan's decisions. Khan has faced additional allegations of impropriety in relationships, including a 2017 claim by PTI member Ayesha Gulalai of sexual harassment via text messages, which Khan denied as fabricated for political sabotage; no charges resulted, and the matter was framed by supporters as intra-party rivalry. Khan was also photographed at a 1990s party with Ghislaine Maxwell, an associate of Jeffrey Epstein; in an email sent on July 31, 2018, to an unidentified recipient and released by the US House Oversight Committee in November 2025, Epstein wrote: “[Mr Putin] hasn’t pointed out assassinations to overthrow [governments] … coup funding … Imran [Khan] in Pakistan, a much greater threat to peace than [Turkish President Recep Tayyip] Erdogan, Khamenie, [China’s President] Xi or [Mr] Putin,” though no direct involvement by Khan in Epstein's crimes has been alleged. Overall, Khan's personal life has intersected with his public image, often portrayed by critics as inconsistent with his advocacy for Islamic values, though he attributes marital choices to personal growth and faith.

Wealth, Assets, and Tax Compliance

Imran Khan's officially declared assets, as submitted to the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP), totaled Rs 315.95 million in mid-2024, reflecting an increase of approximately Rs 277 million over the preceding five years from 2018 levels of around Rs 38 million. These declarations include agricultural land holdings, primarily inherited family properties in Punjab province, valued at significant portions of his portfolio, alongside residential properties such as his Zaman Park residence in Lahore. Khan's wealth sources trace principally to his cricket career earnings, which were modest by international standards—estimated in the low millions of rupees annually during his playing days—and subsequent agricultural income from land, with no substantial business ventures or investments reported in official filings. Public disclosures indicate Khan maintained a relatively austere personal lifestyle, channeling much of his post-cricket influence toward philanthropy rather than personal accumulation; for instance, he raised over Rs 2 billion in the 1990s for Shaukat Khanum Memorial Cancer Hospital without drawing personal salary or assets from the project. Allegations of undisclosed wealth, often leveled by political opponents, have centered on state gifts retained via the Toshakhana scheme during his premiership (2018–2022), which contributed to asset undervaluation charges but did not alter core declared holdings of land and residences. Independent estimates inflating his net worth to $50 million or higher, circulated on non-official platforms, lack substantiation against ECP-verified figures and appear derived from unverified property valuations or conflation with party funds. Regarding tax compliance, Khan has consistently filed annual returns with the Federal Board of Revenue (FBR), reporting income of Rs 4.78 million and paying Rs 103,763 in taxes for the year prior to his 2018 declaration. FBR data for tax year 2019 shows he paid Rs 9.8 million in income taxes, exceeding payments by several political peers from opposing parties who reported zero or minimal liabilities. In 2023, he received a provincial luxury tax notice for Rs 1.44 million on his Lahore property, which pertains to property valuation rather than income evasion, and no convictions for tax non-compliance have been recorded against him. These filings align with Pakistan's requirements for public officials, though critics from establishment-aligned media have questioned completeness amid broader financial probes into his associates, without direct evidence implicating Khan's personal tax adherence.

Political Ideology

Domestic Vision and Reforms

Imran Khan articulated a domestic vision for Pakistan as an Islamic welfare state inspired by the Medinan caliphate, prioritizing poverty eradication, equitable justice, and anti-corruption measures to redistribute resources from elites to the masses. This framework underpinned initiatives like the Ehsaas Programme, launched on March 27, 2019, which consolidated over 100 social protection schemes into a unified system providing cash transfers, subsidies, and targeted aid to approximately 8 million households, with an initial budget augmentation of Rs 80 billion for underprivileged segments, later expanded by Rs 120 billion. A Stanford University analysis commended Ehsaas for its integrated, data-driven approach to multidimensional poverty reduction, registering over 15 million beneficiaries by 2022 through biometric verification and digital disbursements. In healthcare, Khan's administration rolled out the Sehat Sahulat Programme, offering up to PKR 1 million in annual insurance coverage per family at public and private facilities, initially nationwide in Punjab by 2020 and extended to other provinces, covering over 80% of the population by 2022 and reducing out-of-pocket expenses for low-income groups. Complementary efforts included Ehsaas Kafaalat, disbursing PKR 2,000 monthly stipends to 7 million poorest women via direct bank transfers starting January 2020, aiming to enhance female financial inclusion. These welfare expansions, however, strained fiscal resources amid rising public debt, with critics noting implementation gaps in rural outreach and dependency risks without complementary job creation. Economic reforms focused on broadening the tax base, austerity, and deregulation; tax collection rose from PKR 3.8 trillion in fiscal year 2018-19 to PKR 6.1 trillion by 2021-22 through Federal Board of Revenue digitization and enforcement against evasion, while GDP growth rebounded to 5.97% in 2021-22 after an initial contraction. The government improved Pakistan's World Bank Ease of Doing Business ranking from 147th in 2018 to 108th in 2020 via single-window clearances and construction permit streamlining, alongside the Naya Pakistan Housing Programme targeting 5 million low-cost units over five years with subsidized financing. Yet, these measures coincided with inflation peaking at 13.4% in 2022, currency depreciation, and IMF-mandated subsidy cuts, exacerbating household costs and exposing vulnerabilities to external shocks like COVID-19 and oil price surges. Khan's anti-corruption crusade, a cornerstone of his Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf platform, involved empowering the National Accountability Bureau to recover over PKR 500 billion in assets by 2022 and prosecuting high-profile figures, but Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index reflected deterioration, with Pakistan's score falling from 33/100 (117th rank) in 2018 to 28/100 (140th) in 2021, attributed to perceived selective prosecutions favoring allies and institutional politicization. In education, the Single National Curriculum initiative of 2020 sought uniform standards across public and private schools to curb inequality, piloted in grades 1-5, but encountered resistance over content uniformity and teacher training deficits, yielding uneven provincial adoption. Overall, while Khan's reforms introduced scalable social innovations and fiscal discipline signals, governance analyses highlight execution shortfalls due to bureaucratic inertia, elite capture, and macroeconomic pressures, limiting sustained poverty drops to around 2-3 percentage points per official metrics despite program scale-up. These efforts reflected a causal emphasis on state capacity-building from first principles of accountability and empathy, though empirical outcomes underscored the challenges of reforming entrenched patronage systems without broader institutional buy-in.

Views on Islam, National Identity, and Global Affairs

Imran Khan has consistently advocated for governing Pakistan according to the principles of the Riyasat-e-Madina, the welfare-oriented state established by the Prophet Muhammad in Medina in 622 CE, emphasizing unity derived from Tawhid (the oneness of God), rule of law applicable to all including the powerful, social welfare for the underprivileged, and justice without discrimination. He described this model not as a literal replication of 7th-century practices but as an adaptation of core Islamic values like equality, anti-corruption, and state provision for the poor, which he argued Pakistan had failed to implement, leading to societal inequities. Khan positioned this vision as a moderate, humanitarian alternative to Western secular models, rejecting extremism while critiquing distortions of Islam that fuel militancy, and he urged Muslims worldwide to counter Islamophobia, including desecrations of the Quran and insults to the Prophet Muhammad, as violations beyond free speech limits. Khan's conception of Pakistani national identity is deeply intertwined with Islamic foundations, viewing the nation's founding as a homeland for Muslims based on Quranic ideals of justice and collective welfare, which he claimed prior governments had undermined through elite capture and feudalism. In speeches, he constructed a discourse of national renewal through religious symbolism, portraying Pakistan's challenges—such as poverty and corruption—as deviations from the Medina state's emphasis on accountability and equity, thereby fostering a unified identity rooted in faith rather than ethnic divisions. This approach, while drawing criticism for blending religion with politics in ways that could marginalize secular voices, aimed to revive a cohesive identity by prioritizing Islamic principles over imported ideologies, as evidenced in his calls for policies like interest-free banking and expanded social safety nets inspired by early Islamic practices. In global affairs, Khan pursued a non-aligned foreign policy, advocating neutrality in great-power rivalries such as the U.S.-China competition and the Russia-Ukraine conflict, while maintaining economic ties with China—praising its poverty alleviation as a model—and engaging Russia for balanced multipolarity. He criticized excessive U.S. influence, alleging in 2022 that American pressure contributed to his government's ouster for Pakistan's independent stance, and sought equitable relations without subservience. On Kashmir, Khan elevated it as a flashpoint for Muslim solidarity, demanding international mediation post-India's 2019 revocation of Article 370, warning of radicalization risks if unresolved, and framing it as integral to Pakistan's security rather than mere territoriality. His broader outlook emphasized the Muslim ummah's unity against perceived Western biases, as in UN addresses linking local insurgencies to global Islamophobia, while prioritizing diplomacy over militarism in regional disputes like Afghanistan.

Public Perception and Controversies

Relationship with Military and Establishment

Imran Khan's ascent to power in the 2018 general elections was widely perceived as benefiting from tacit support by Pakistan's military establishment, which viewed him as a preferable alternative to the PML-N leadership under Nawaz Sharif, whom courts had convicted on corruption charges. This alignment fostered an initial cooperative civil-military dynamic, exemplified by Khan's close rapport with then-Army Chief General Qamar Javed Bajwa, including joint public appearances and policy coordination on security matters. However, strains emerged by late 2021, triggered by Khan's push for a three-year extension of Bajwa's tenure—granted in November 2021 amid controversy—and his abrupt dismissal of ISI Director-General Faiz Hameed in October 2021, moves interpreted as attempts to assert civilian primacy over military appointments. Tensions escalated in early 2022, culminating in Khan's ouster via a parliamentary no-confidence vote on April 10, 2022, which the military publicly described as maintaining "absolute neutrality" but which Khan and PTI supporters attributed to establishment orchestration, citing leaked diplomatic cables alleging U.S. pressure conveyed through military channels. Khan's declassification of a diplomatic cipher on March 27, 2022, claiming it evidenced a foreign conspiracy backed by domestic forces including the military, further polarized relations, leading to his disqualification from office and charges under the Official Secrets Act. Post-ouster, Khan openly accused Bajwa of duplicity and betrayal, stating in May 2024 that his "only regret" from premiership was trusting the general, whom he blamed for engineering his government's collapse and subsequent legal persecutions. Following Khan's arrest on May 9, 2023, by paramilitary Rangers amid corruption proceedings, widespread protests targeted military installations, marking a rare direct civilian challenge to the establishment and prompting military trials for over 100 PTI affiliates under the Army Act. The military, under new Chief General Asim Munir since November 2022, has denied political interference, asserting judicial processes as independent, yet Khan's ongoing imprisonment—exceeding 800 days by October 2025—has intensified accusations of establishment vendetta, with Khan labeling Munir's regime a "hard state" reliant on force rather than democratic legitimacy. As of October 2025, no reconciliation appears forthcoming, with the military consolidating influence through rigged 2024 elections favoring PML-N and PPP coalitions, while PTI endures suppression despite grassroots resilience. Imran Khan retains substantial popular support in Pakistan, evidenced by consistent polling data and electoral performance despite his incarceration since August 9, 2023. A Gallup Pakistan survey in January 2025 recorded his approval rating at 65%, increasing to 67% by April 2025, positioning him as the country's leading political figure ahead of rivals like Nawaz Sharif and Bilawal Bhutto Zardari. This backing is particularly strong among urban youth and the middle class, driven by perceptions of his anti-corruption stance and opposition to entrenched elites. In the February 8, 2024, general elections, PTI-affiliated independent candidates—running without the party's official cricket bat symbol due to regulatory decisions—captured the highest number of National Assembly seats, initially tallying 93 out of 264 contested, surpassing PML-N's 75 and PPP's 54. Voter turnout reached 59.22 million, with PTI-linked candidates securing the largest vote share amid allegations of rigging, underscoring Khan's grassroots mobilization capabilities even under suppression. Subsequent Supreme Court rulings in July 2024 awarded PTI additional reserved seats, further validating its mandate. Public demonstrations reinforce this base, with PTI organizing nationwide protests demanding Khan's release. On August 5, 2025, thousands marched in Lahore to mark two years of his imprisonment, resulting in over 240 arrests across cities as security forces dispersed crowds. Similar actions in November 2024 saw encampments of thousands approach Islamabad, met with tear gas and paramilitary intervention, highlighting sustained defiance against crackdowns. Media coverage of Khan domestically reflects systemic constraints, with pro-establishment outlets and regulators like PEMRA enforcing censorship, including a 2022 ban on his live speeches and pre-election 2024 directives to avoid PTI reporting, effectively creating blackouts to curb his narrative. These measures, attributed to alignment with military and governmental interests, contrast with sympathetic channels like ARY News and social media, where Khan's supporters amplify his message amid youth-driven consumption patterns. International reporting is more varied, often noting his popularity and election irregularities—such as in Commonwealth observer critiques of media bias—but tempered by scrutiny of his tenure's economic challenges. This divergence underscores how domestic coverage prioritizes official viewpoints over empirical indicators of support like polls and turnout.

Key Controversies and Responses

Imran Khan faced multiple legal cases following his ouster as prime minister in April 2022, primarily centered on allegations of corruption, abuse of power, and violations of official secrets. In the Toshakhana case, Khan was convicted in January 2024 of illegally retaining and selling state gifts, including luxury watches and jewelry valued at over 140 million Pakistani rupees (approximately $500,000 USD at the time), which he had purchased from the government's Toshakhana repository at undervalued prices set by prior administrations. The court sentenced him to 14 years in prison and barred him from public office for 10 years, though the Islamabad High Court later suspended the sentence pending appeal, citing procedural irregularities in the valuation process. In the Al-Qadir Trust case, adjudicated in January 2025, Khan and his wife Bushra Bibi were accused of receiving land worth billions of rupees from real estate developer Malik Riaz as a bribe, in exchange for directing approximately £190 million in repatriated funds—originally seized from Riaz by the UK's National Crime Agency—to the Al-Qadir University project run by a trust linked to the couple, rather than returning it to Pakistan's national exchequer. Khan received a 14-year sentence, Bibi seven years, with the court ruling it constituted abuse of authority during his 2018-2022 tenure. Appeals are ongoing, with PTI supporters arguing the funds were legally allocated for charitable education modeled after Khan's Shaukat Khanum Cancer Hospital. The cypher controversy stemmed from Khan's public waving of a classified diplomatic cable in March 2022, alleging it proved a U.S.-orchestrated conspiracy to remove him due to his neutral stance on the Russia-Ukraine conflict and visit to Moscow on February 23, 2022. The leaked cable, sent by Pakistan's ambassador to the U.S., detailed a March 7, 2022, meeting where Assistant Secretary of State Donald Lu reportedly told the ambassador that the U.S. would "have no problem" with Khan's government if it aligned more closely with Western positions, though U.S. officials denied any direct involvement in his ouster. Khan faced charges under Pakistan's Official Secrets Act, resulting in a 10-year sentence in January 2024, which he contested as fabricated to suppress evidence of external interference. Khan's February 2018 marriage to Bushra Bibi drew scrutiny in the iddat case, where they were convicted in February 2024 of violating Islamic law by marrying during her iddat period—the mandatory waiting period post-divorce—based on testimony from her former husband Khursheed Ahmad Qureshi. Each received a seven-year sentence, but an Islamabad court acquitted them in July 2024, ruling insufficient evidence of iddat observance breach, though government appeals continue. Additionally, in leaked 2018 emails, Jeffrey Epstein described Imran Khan as "really bad news" and a "much greater threat to peace" than figures such as Erdogan, Khamenei, Xi, or Putin. Khan's past association with Ghislaine Maxwell, Epstein's associate, has been noted via a 1990s party photo, but no direct involvement in Epstein's crimes is alleged. In declassified Jeffrey Epstein-related documents, a June 2013 email from former UN official Nasra Hassan, a Pakistani-born diplomat who served 27 years at the UN including as Director of the UN Information Service in Vienna, described Imran Khan as a "London society lion" in the context of potential Western-backed health initiatives in Pakistan and Khan's social influence. There is no evidence in these documents or reliable sources linking Imran Khan to Jeffrey Epstein's criminal activities or network. Khan consistently rejected these allegations as politically engineered persecution by a coalition of opposition parties (PML-N and PPP), the military establishment, and foreign actors, asserting over 200 cases were filed post-2022 no-confidence vote to neutralize his Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) party ahead of elections. He maintained Toshakhana transactions followed precedents set by predecessors like Nawaz Sharif and Asif Ali Zardari, who faced no similar prosecution, and framed Al-Qadir as transparent philanthropy without personal gain. PTI leaders echoed this, citing rushed trials—often within days—and judicial transfers as evidence of institutional bias, while Khan's popularity surged, with PTI-backed independents winning 93 National Assembly seats in February 2024 polls despite alleged rigging. Critics, including government officials, countered that convictions stemmed from forensic audits revealing undervalued assets and fund diversions, though international observers noted the cases' timing aligned with PTI's electoral threats.

Awards, Honors, and Legacy

Sporting Recognitions

Imran Khan's contributions to cricket earned him multiple prestigious awards and honors during and after his playing career. In 1983, he was selected as one of the Wisden Cricketers of the Year by Wisden Cricketers' Almanack, recognizing his all-round performance, including 130 wickets in first-class cricket that season. The same year, the Government of Pakistan conferred upon him the Pride of Performance award for his sporting excellence. In 1985, Khan received the Sussex Cricket Society Player of the Year award for his impactful performances while playing county cricket for Sussex. Following Pakistan's victory in the 1992 Cricket World Cup under his captaincy, he was awarded the Hilal-i-Imtiaz, one of Pakistan's highest civilian honors, in recognition of his leadership and the team's achievement. Khan's induction into the ICC Cricket Hall of Fame occurred in 2009, honoring his status as one of the game's greatest all-rounders and captains, with career statistics including 3,807 Test runs at an average of 37.69 and 362 wickets at 22.81. During his international career from 1971 to 1992, he also secured numerous Player of the Match awards, underscoring his match-winning contributions in Tests and One Day Internationals.

Philanthropic and Political Accolades

Khan established the Shaukat Khanum Memorial Cancer Hospital in Lahore, which opened on 29 December 1994 as Pakistan's first dedicated cancer treatment facility, providing free care to a significant portion of indigent patients through funds raised via nationwide appeals and his personal donation of nearly half his assets. The institution has treated over 500,000 patients since inception, with 75% of care delivered free, and earned Joint Commission International accreditation in 2018, 2021, and 2022 for clinical standards. In parallel, Khan founded Namal University in Mianwali in 2008 to deliver STEM-focused higher education in rural Pakistan, offering scholarships to over 93% of students based on merit and need, with reported employability rates exceeding 90%. For these initiatives, Khan received the Lifetime Achievement Award at the Asian Jewel Awards in London on 8 July 2004, recognizing his leadership in international charities and humanitarian projects. He was further honored with the Humanitarian Award at the Asian Sports Awards in Kuala Lumpur on 13 December 2007 for pioneering Pakistan's inaugural cancer hospital. On 28 July 2012, the Royal College of Physicians of Edinburgh conferred upon him an honorary fellowship for his contributions to cancer patient care via Shaukat Khanum, marking rare recognition of a non-physician for advancing treatment access in a developing context. In the political domain, Khan's founding of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf in 1996 and advocacy for governance reforms earned him the Jinnah Award from the Jinnah Society on 30 April 2011, bestowed for outstanding public service to Pakistan amid his rising opposition role. This accolade highlighted his efforts to mobilize civil society against entrenched corruption, though critics from rival establishments dismissed it as partisan endorsement given the society's alignment with reformist circles.

References

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