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Keres language

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Keresan
Native toUnited States
RegionNew Mexico
EthnicityKeres
Native speakers
13,190 (2013)[1]
Dialects
  • East Keres
  • West Keres
Language codes
ISO 639-3Either:
kee – Eastern
kjq – Western
Glottologkere1287
ELP
Pre-contact distribution of Keresan languages
Acoma–Laguna and Rio Grande Keresan are classified as Definitely Endangered by the UNESCO Atlas of the World's Languages in Danger.

Keres (/ˈkeɪreɪs/),[2] also Keresan (/ˈkɛrəsən/), is a Native American language, spoken by the Keres Pueblo people in New Mexico. Depending on the analysis, Keres is considered a small language family or a language isolate with several dialects. If it is considered a language isolate, it would be the most widely spoken language isolate within the borders of the United States. The varieties of each of the seven Keres pueblos are mutually intelligible with its closest neighbors. There are significant differences between the Western and Eastern groups, which are sometimes counted as separate languages.

Classification

[edit]

Keres is now considered a language isolate. In the past, Edward Sapir grouped it together with a Hokan–Siouan stock. Morris Swadesh suggested a connection with Wichita. Joseph Greenberg grouped Keres with Siouan, Yuchi, Caddoan, and Iroquoian in a superstock called Keresiouan. None of these proposals has been validated by subsequent linguistic research.

Internal classification

[edit]

In 2013, there was an estimate total of 13,190 speakers.[1]

  • Keres
    • Eastern Keres: total of 4,580 speakers (1990 census)
    • Western Keres: total of 3,391 speakers (1990 census)

Phonology

[edit]

Keresan has between 42 and 45 consonant sounds, and around 40 vowel sounds, adding up to a total of about 85 phonemes, depending on the analysis and the language variety. Based on the classification in the World Atlas of Language Structures, Keres is a language with a large consonant inventory.

The great number of consonants relates to the three-way distinction between voiceless, aspirated and ejective consonants (e.g. /t tʰ tʼ/), and to the larger than average[3] number of fricatives (i.e. /s sʼ ʂ ʂʼ ʃ ʃʼ h/) and affricates, the latter also showing the three-way distinction found in stops.

The large number of vowels derives from a distinction made between long and short vowels (e.g. /e eː/), as well as from the presence of tones and voicelessness. Thus, a single vowel quality may occur with seven distinct realizations: /é è e̥ éː èː êː ěː/, all of which are used to distinguish words in the language.

Consonants

[edit]

The chart below contains the consonants of the proto-Keresan (or pre-Keresan) from Miller & Davis (1963) based on a comparison of Acoma, Santa Ana, and Santo Domingo, as well as other features of the dialects compiled from The Language of Santa Ana Pueblo (1964), Kansas Working Papers in Linguistics (1987), and The Phonemes of Keresan (1946), and the Grammar of Laguna Keres (2005).[4][5][6][7]

Labial Alveolar Palatal Retroflex Velar Glottal
Nasal voiced m n ɲ
glottalized mˀ nˀ ɲˀ
Plosive voiceless p t c k ʔ
aspirated pʰ tʰ cʰ kʰ
ejective pʼ tʼ cʼ kʼ
Affricate voiceless ts tʃ tʂ
aspirated tsʰ tʃʰ tʂʰ
ejective tsʼ tʃʼ tʂʼ
Fricative voiceless s ʃ ʂ h
ejective sʼ ʃʼ ʂʼ
Approximant voiced w ɾ j
glottalized wˀ ɾˀ jˀ

Vowels

[edit]

Keresan vowels have a phonemic distinction in duration: all vowels can be long or short. Additionally, short vowels can also be voiceless. The vowel chart below contains the vowel phonemes and allophones from the information of the Keresan languages combined from The Language of Santa Ana Pueblo (1964),[4] The Phonemes of Keresan (1946),[6] and Kansas Working Papers in Linguistics (1987).[5]

Long Short
Phonemic Phonetic Phonemic Phonetic Voiceless
Close /iː/ [i] /i/ [i ɪ] [ɪ̥]
Mid-front /eː/ [eː] /e/ [e ɛ æ] [e̥]
Mid-central /ɨː/ [əː ɨː] /ɨ/ [ə ɨ ɤ] [ɨ̥]
Open /ɑː/ [aː ɑː] /ɑ/ [a ɑ] [ḁ]
Back-close /oː/ [oː] /o/ [o] [o̥]
/uː/ [uː] /u/ [u ʊ o] [ʊ̥]

Notes:

  • Western Keres does not have phonemic /oː/ or /o/, though both vowels may occur phonetically.[7] Eastern Keres words containing /o/ show /au/ in Western Keres.[8] For instance, the first vowel in the word-sentence Sraúka̠cha̠ – "I see you":
    • Kotyit Keres: [ʂóːkʰɑ̥tʃʰɑ̥]
    • Kʼawaika Keres: [ʂɑ̌ukʰɑ̥tʃʰɑ̥]

Voiceless vowels

[edit]

All Keresan short vowels may be devoiced in certain positions. The phonemic status of these vowels is controversial.[7] Maring (1967) considers them to be phonemes of Áákʼu Keres, whereas other authors disagree. There are phonetic grounds for vowel devoicing based on the environment they occur, for instance word-finally, but there are also exceptions. Vowels in final position are nearly always voiceless and medial vowels occurring between voiced consonants, after nasals and ejectives are nearly always voiced.[9]

  • Word-final devoicing: [pɑ̌ːkʊ̥] because
  • Word-medial devoicing: [ʔìpʰi̥ʃɑ́] white paint

Tones

[edit]

Acoma Keres has four lexical tones: high, low, falling and rising.[9] Falling and rising tones only occur in long vowels and voiceless vowels bear no tones:

Tones examples translation
High [tɨ́j], [áwáʔáwá] here, matrilineal uncle
Low [mùːtètsá] young boy
Rising [pɑ̌ːkʊ̥] because
Falling [ʔêː], [hêːk'a] and, whole part

Syllable structure

[edit]

Most Keresan syllables take a CV(V) shape.[7] The maximal syllable structure is CCVVC and the minimal syllable is CV. In native Keresan words, only a glottal stop /ʔ/ ⟨ʼ⟩ can close a syllable, but some loanwords from Spanish have syllables that end in a consonant, mostly a nasal (i.e. /m n/ but words containing these sequences are rare in the language.[10]

Syllable type examples translation
CV [sʼà], [ʔɪ]shv́v I have it, left
CVV [mùː]dedza, a[táù]shi young boy, cooking pot
CCV [ʃkʰí]srátsʼa I'm not fat
CCVV [ʃtùː]sra bluejay
CVC í[miʔ], [kùm]banêeru expression of fear, workmate (Spanish "compañero")

Due to extensive vowel devoicing, several Keresan words may be perceived as ending in consonants or even containing consonant clusters.

  • Word-internal cluster: yʼâakạ srûunị 'stomach' /jˀɑ̂ːkḁʂûːni/ > [jɑ̂ːkḁʂûːni] ~ [jɑ̂ːkʂûːni]
  • Word-final coda: úwàakạ 'baby'; /úwɑ̀ːkḁ/ > [úwɑ̀ːkʰḁ] ~ [úwɑ̀ːkʰ]

Phonotactics

[edit]

The only sequence of consonants (i.e. consonant cluster) that occurs in native Keresan words is a sequence of a fricative /ʃ ʂ/ and a stop or affricate. Clusters are restricted to beginnings of syllables (i.e. the syllable onset). When the alveolo-palatal consonant /ʃ/ occurs as C1, it combines with alveolar and palatal C2, whereas the retroflex alveolar /ʂ/ precedes bilabial and velar C2s, which suggest a complementary distribution. Consonant clusters may occur both word-initially and word-medially.[8]

C1/C2 Bilabial Alveolar Velar Postalveolar
/p/ /pʰ/ /pʼ/ /t/ /tʰ/ /tʼ/ /k/ /kʰ/ /kʼ/ /tʃ/ /tʃʰ/ /tʃʼ/
/ʃ/ /ʃtáʊ̯rákʊ̥/
shdáurákụ
'frog, toad' 		/ʃtʰéràʃtʼíká/
shtérashtʼígá
'cricket' 		/ʃtʼìcɑ̀ːtʰɪ̥ʃɪ̥/
shtʼidyàatịshị
'plot of land' 		/ʃtʃɨ/
shjv
'upward' 		/ʃtʃʰúmúná/
shchúmúmá
'wasp' 		/ʃtʃʼísḁ/
shchʼísạ
'six'
/ʂ/ /ʂpúːná/
srbúuná
'water jug' 		/ʂpʰɑ̀ːtʼi/
srpàat'i
'mockingbird' 		/ʂpʼeruru/
srpʼeruru
'it's full' 		/ʂkɑ́ʂkɑ́ʊ̯kʼa/
srgásrgáukʼa
'quail' 		/ʂkʰɨ́tútsʰɪ̥/
srkv́dútsị
'mound, hill' 		/ʂkʼàpɪ́hɪ́/
srkʼabíhí
'female in-law'

Orthography

[edit]

Traditional Keresan beliefs postulate that Keres is a sacred language that must exist only in its spoken form.[11] The language's religious connotation and years of persecution of Pueblo religion by European colonizers may also explain why no unified orthographic convention exists for Keresan. However, a practical spelling system has been developed for Laguna (Kʼawaika)[7] and more recently for Acoma (Áakʼu) Keres,[12] both of which are remarkably consistent.

In the Keres spelling system, each symbol represents a single phoneme. The letters ⟨c q z f⟩ and sometimes also ⟨v⟩ are not used. Digraphs represent both palatal consonants (written using a sequence of C and ⟨y⟩), and retroflex consonants, which are represented using a sequence of C and the letter ⟨r⟩. These graphemes used for writing Western Keres are shown between ⟨...⟩ below.

Consonant symbols

[edit]
Labial Alveolar Palatal Retroflex Velar Glottal
Nasal voiced ⟨m⟩ ⟨n⟩ ⟨ny⟩
glottalized ⟨mʼ⟩ ⟨nʼ⟩ ⟨nyʼ⟩
Plosive voiceless ⟨b⟩ ⟨d⟩ ⟨dy⟩ ⟨g⟩ ⟨ʼ⟩
aspirated ⟨p⟩ ⟨t⟩ ⟨ty⟩ ⟨k⟩
ejective ⟨pʼ⟩ ⟨tʼ⟩ ⟨tyʼ⟩ ⟨kʼ⟩
Affricate voiceless ⟨dz⟩ ⟨j⟩ ⟨dr⟩
aspirated ⟨ts⟩ ⟨ch⟩ ⟨tr⟩
ejective ⟨tsʼ⟩ ⟨chʼ⟩ ⟨trʼ⟩
Fricative voiceless ⟨s⟩ ⟨sh⟩ ⟨sr⟩ ⟨h⟩
ejective ⟨sʼ⟩ ⟨shʼ⟩ ⟨srʼ⟩
Approximant voiced ⟨w⟩ ⟨r⟩ ⟨y⟩
glottalized ⟨wʼ⟩ ⟨rʼ⟩ ⟨yʼ⟩

Signage at Acoma Pueblo

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Signs at Acoma Pueblo sometimes use special diacritics for ejective consonants that differ from the symbols above, as shown in the table:

Signage at Acoma Pueblo
Comparison between general orthography and the orthography used at Acoma
General ⟨pʼ⟩ ⟨tʼ⟩ ⟨kʼ⟩ ⟨sʼ⟩ ⟨tsʼ⟩ ⟨mʼ⟩ ⟨wʼ⟩ ⟨yʼ⟩ ⟨nʼ shʼ srʼ tyʼ⟩
Acoma signage ⟨ṕ⟩ ⟨t́⟩ ⟨ḱ⟩ ⟨ś⟩ ⟨tś⟩ ⟨ḿ⟩ ⟨ẃ⟩ ⟨ý⟩ ?

Vowel symbols

[edit]

Vowel sounds are represented straightforwardly in the existing spellings for Keresan. Each vowel sound is written using a unique letter or digraph (for long vowels and diphthongs). However, there are two competing representations for the vowel /ɨ/. Some versions simply use the IPA ⟨ɨ⟩ whereas others use the letter ⟨v⟩ (the sound /v/ as in veal does not occur in Keresan). Voiceless vowels have also been represented in two ways; either underlined or with a dot below (see table).

Long vowels Short vowels Voiceless vowels
Phoneme Grapheme Phoneme Grapheme Phoneme Grapheme
/iː/ ⟨ii⟩ /i/ ⟨i⟩ /ɪ̥/ ⟨i̱⟩ or ⟨ị⟩
/eː/ ⟨ee⟩ /e/ ⟨e⟩ /e̥/ ⟨e̱⟩ or ⟨ẹ⟩
/ɨː/ ⟨ɨɨ⟩ or ⟨vv⟩ /ɨ/ ⟨ɨ⟩ or ⟨v⟩ /ɨ̥/ ⟨ɨ̱⟩ or ⟨ṿ⟩
/ɑː/ ⟨aa⟩ /ɑ/ ⟨a⟩ /ḁ/ ⟨a̱⟩ or ⟨ạ⟩
/oː/ ⟨oo⟩ /o/ ⟨o⟩ /o̥/ ⟨o̱⟩ or ⟨ọ⟩
/uː/ ⟨uu⟩ /u/ ⟨u⟩ /ʊ̥/ ⟨u̱⟩ or ⟨ụ⟩

Diacritics for tone

[edit]

Tone may or may not be represented in the orthography of Keresan. When represented, four diacritics may be used above the vowel. Unlike the system used for Navajo, diacritics for tone are not repeated in long vowels.

High tone Low tone Rising tone Falling tone
Long Vowel ⟨áa⟩, ⟨úu⟩ ⟨àa⟩, ⟨ùu⟩ or unmarked ⟨ǎa⟩, ⟨ǔu⟩ or ⟨aá⟩, ⟨uú⟩ ⟨âa⟩, ⟨ûu⟩ or ⟨aà⟩, ⟨uù⟩
Short Vowel ⟨á⟩, ⟨ú⟩ ⟨à⟩, ⟨ù⟩ or unmarked -

Keres orthography and alphabetical order

[edit]

Although Keresan is not normally written, there exists one dictionary of the language in which words are listed in any given order. In this dictionary of Western Keres, digraphs count as single letters, although ejective consonants are not listed separately; occurring after their non-ejective counterparts. The symbol for the glottal stop ⟨ʼ⟩, for long vowels (e.g. ⟨aa ee ii⟩ etc.) are not treated as separate letters.

Alphabetical order in the Acoma Keres Audio Dictionary
A a B b CH ch CHʼ chʼ D d DR dr DY dy DZ dz E e G g H h I i (Ɨ ɨ) J j K k Kʼ kʼ
M m Mʼ mʼ N n Nʼ nʼ NY ny NYʼ nyʼ (O o) P p Pʼ pʼ R r Rʼ rʼ S s Sʼ sʼ SH sh SHʼ shʼ SR sr
SRʼ srʼ T tʼ TR tr TRʼ trʼ TS ts TSʼ tsʼ TY ty TYʼ tyʼ U u W w (V v) Wʼ wʼ Y y Yʼ yʼ

Letters〈f q x z〉are not used to write Keres, whereas the letters ⟨ɨ o v⟩ are only used in some dialects.


Sample texts

[edit]

Orthography marking tone

[edit]
Woodpecker and Coyote[8]
⟨Ái dítʼîishu srbígà kʼánâaya dyáʼâʼu. Shʼée srbígà ái dyěitsị ái náyáa shdyɨ dyáʼa.⟩
/ ɑ́ì títʼîːʃù ʂpíkɑ̀ kʼɑ́nɑ̂ːjɑ̀ cɑ́ʔɑ̂ʔù | ʃʼéː ʂpíkɑ̀ ɑ́ì cěǐtsʰi̥ ɑ́ì nɑ́jɑ́ː ʃcɨ̀ cɑ́ʔɑ̀ /

Orthography without tone marking

[edit]
Boas text[7]
Baanaʼa, egu kauʼseeʼe, atsi sʼaama-ee srayutse.

Morphosyntax

[edit]

Keresan is a split-ergative language in which verbs denoting states (i.e. stative verbs) behave differently from those indexing actions, especially in terms of the person affixes they take. This system of argument marking is based on a split-intransitive pattern, in which subjects are marked differently if they are perceived as actors than from when they are perceived as undergoers of the action being described.

The morphology of Keresan is mostly prefixing, although suffixes and reduplication also occur.[8] Keresan distinguishes nouns, verbs, numerals and particles as word classes. Nouns in Keresan do not normally distinguish case or number, but they can be inflected for possession, with distinct constructions for alienable and inalienable possession. Other than possession, Keresan nouns show no comprehensive noun classes.

Word order

[edit]

Keresan is a verb-final language, though word order is rather flexible.[8][7]

Laguna Keres:[7]

John

J.

John

subject

Bill

B.

Bill

object

gukacha

g-Ø-ukacha

3S-3S-see

verb

John Bill gukacha

J. B. g-Ø-ukacha

John Bill 3S-3S-see

subject object verb

'John saw Bill.'

Negation

[edit]

Negation is doubly marked in Keresan. In addition to the adverb dzaadi, verbs index negation through a suffix (e.g. -u).

  • Gukacha 'S/he saw her/him'
  • Dzaadi gukachau 'S/he didn't see her/him'

Verbal morphology

[edit]

The verb is a central grammatical category in Keres, conveying the most information about events in communicative acts.[7][8][9] Through its morphemes, Keresan verbs code not only person and number of the initiator of the action (e.g. "Tammy drinks decaf") as is common in Indo-European languages, but also how the initiator is implicated in the action. For instance, the three verbs that describe Tammy's actions in "Tammy kicked the ball" vs. "Tammy jumped" vs. "Tammy sneezed" require different levels of effort from Tammy, that is when kicking vs. jumping vs. sneezing.

Additionally, the person and number of the undergoer of the action are all coded on the verb (e.g. the word gukacha means "S/he sees her/him", a full sentence in English). The ways the speaker assesses the action (i.e. evidentiality, as in "I think Tammy arrived from class" vs. "Tammy arrived from class"). Finally, the internal temporal structure of the action (i.e. aspect, as in "Tammy was sneezing in class" vs. "Tammy sneezed in class") is also coded in Keresan verbs.

According to Maring (1967), the Keresan verb is organized around the following grammatical categories (pp. 39–40)[9]

  • Subject/Object relations
    • Subject of intransitive verbs: marked by a prefix that distinguishes 3-4 persons in the singular (see below).
    • Subject of transitive verbs: marked by a prefix that distinguishes 3-4 persons in the singular (see below).
    • Object of transitive verbs: marked by a prefix that combines with the subject prefix, or by a suffix
  • Number relations
    • Singular: usually marked by a prefix
    • Dual: can be marked by a prefix, partial reduplication or by suffixes
    • Plural: can be marked by a prefix, partial reduplication, by suffixes or by suppletive stem forms (i.e. singular and plural forms are not related etymologically)
  • Temporal relations
    • Future: is marked on the verb by a series of prefixes that also encode number
  • Modality relations
  • Voice relations
  • Aspect
    • Imperfective
    • Inceptive
    • Repetitive
    • Continuative
    • Habitual
    • Inchoative
    • Perfective

The verbal prefix

[edit]

In Keres, the verbal prefix carries information from five different grammatical categories: argument role, modality, polarity,[7] person and number. That is, a single Keresan verb prefix codes who initiated the action and how implicated that entity is (the subject/case), whom underwent the effects of the action (the direct object), the speaker's assessment of the action (the modality)[13] and whether it occurred or not (polarity). On the other hand, information about when the action took place (i.e. tense) is expressed elsewhere in a clause, mostly by adverbs.[8]

Number
[edit]

Keresan verbs distinguish three numbers: singular, dual (two entities) and plural (more than two entities); and four persons: first (the speaker), second (the hearer), third (a known, definite or salient entity being talked about) and fourth (a non-salient, unknown or indefinite entity being talked about, also known as obviative) persons. The plural and dual forms are often marked by reduplication of part of the stem (gukacha 's/he saw it' vs guʼukacha 'the two of them saw it').

Argument role
[edit]

Languages encode two main types of actions: those in which the main participant initiates an action that produces change in an object (e.g. kick a ball, buy a gift, cook a dish, read a book); and those in which the action produces no (perceived) change in the world or that have no object (sneezing, breathing, growing, diving, etc.).[14] Actions that take an object are encoded by transitive verbs, whereas those that take no object are expressed via intransitive verbs.

Intransitive verbs
[edit]

In Indo-European languages like English, all intransitive verbs behave similarly ('They sneeze/breathe/dive/think'/etc.). In Keresan, actions that take no object are conceptualized in two distinct ways depending on how the initiator of the action is implicated. More active-like intransitive verbs (e.g. 'to sneeze') are coded through one set of morphemes, whereas actions conceptualized as involving the initiator at a lesser degree (e.g. 'to believe') are coded using a separate set of prefixes.

Degrees of involvement of the initiator in Keres[7]
Actions Intransitive verb type
More to write (-dyàatra), to steal as a thief (-chʼáwʼa), to have diarrhea (-ushchʼi),

to leave (-mi), to whistle (-srbiitsa), to sweat (-shdyuwàanʼi)

Active
Less to believe (-hima), to be born (-dyá), to sleep (-bái),

to be afraid (-tyishu), to forget (-dyúmidruwi)

Inactive

Ideas expressed in Indo-European languages with adjectives are most often encoded by verbs in Keresan. That is, in Keresan one express the idea in the sentence 'He is selfish' by saying something along the lines of 'He selfishes'. In such "actions", the entity that is characterized by them is not implicated in the action directly (i.e. it's beyond their control), and thus belong in the Inactive intransitive category. The different sets of prefixes are shown below:

Intransitive Prefixes by Verb Type
Active intransive Inactive intransitive
Prefix Example Prefix Example
First s(i)- sudyàatra I write srk- srkuhima I believe
Second sr- srúuchʼáwʼa you steal kɨdr- kɨdrâidyá you were born
Third k- kashdyuwàanʼi s/he sweats dz- dzíibái he is sleeping
Transitive verbs
[edit]
Transitive verb - Indicative mood (-ukạchạ 'to see')
Direct object
Singular
Subject First ('me') Second ('you') Third ('her'/'him') Fourth
First

('I')

- srà-ukạchạ sì-ukạchạ -
I see you I see her/him
Second

('you')

dyù-ukạchạ - srù-ukạchạ
you see me you see her/him
Third

('she'/'he')

srgù-ukạchạ kudrù -ukạchạ g-ukạchạ gù-ukạchạ
s/he sees me s/he sees you s/he sees her/him s/he sees something
Fourth

('one')

- dzì-ukạchạ -
one sees it

Aspect

[edit]

Aspect in Keresan is signalled by suffixes.

-ajanu 'to rain'
kájáni it rains
káajáni it is raining
kájásɨ it keeps raining
káajatú it rained

Time (tense) adverbials

[edit]

The category of tense is expressed in Keresan via adverbs that indicate when the action about which one is speaking took place.

Time adverbials in Acoma Keres[9]
Past Future
tsikʼínuma long ago kúsra tonight
háma once, formerly nacháma tomorrow
súwa yesterday naháayashi day after tomorrow

Lexicon

[edit]

New words are coined through a number of roots that are combined to pre-existing ones. Compounding is a common strategy for word building, although derivation also occurs.

Numerals

[edit]

The Keresan numeral system is a base 10 system. Numerals 11–19, as well as those between the multiple of tens, are formed by adding the word kʼátsi (/ kʼátsʰɪ / 'ten') followed by the word dzidra (/tsɪtʂa/ 'more'). Numerals 20 and above are formed by adding a multiplicative adverb (-wa or -ya) to the base number and the word kʼátsi.[7]

Western Keres
1 ísrkʼé 11 kʼátsi-írskʼá-dzidra 21 dyúya-kʼátsi-íisrkʼé-dzidra
2 dyúuwʼée 12 kʼátsi-dyú-dzidra 22 dyúya-kʼátsi-dyú-dzidra
3 chameʼée 13 kʼátsi-chami-dzidra 30 chamiya-kʼátsi
4 dyáana 14 kʼátsi-dyáana-dzidra 40 dyáanawa-kʼátsi
5 táam'a 15 kʼátsi-táamʼa-dzidra 50 táamʼawa-kʼátsi
6 shʼísa 16 kʼátsi-shchʼísa-dzidra 60 shchʼísawa-kʼátsi
7 mʼáiʼdyàana 17 kʼátsi-mʼáidyana-dzidra 70 mʼáidyanawa-kʼátsi
8 kukʼúmishu 18 kʼátsi-kukʼúmishu-dzidra 80 kukʼúmishuwa-kʼátsi
9 máyúkʼu 19 kʼátsi-máiyúkʼa-dzidra 90 máiyúkʼuwa-kʼátsi
10 kʼátsi 20 dyúwa-kʼátsi 100 kʼádzawa-kʼátsi

Loanwords from Spanish

[edit]

European colonizers arriving in the Southwest US brought with them material culture and concepts that were unknown to the peoples living in the area. Words for the new ideas introduced by Spaniards were often borrowed into Keres directly from Early Modern Spanish, and a large number of these persists in Modern Keresan.[10]

Semantic domain Modern Western Keres Modern Spanish English translation
Household items kamárîita, kuchâaru, kujûuna, méesa, mendâan, kuwêeta camarita, cuchara, colchón, mesa, ventana, cubeta (Mexico) bed, spoon, mattress, table, window (glass), bucket
Social structure gumbanêerụ, rái, murâatụ, merigâanạ, kumanirá, ninêeru compañero, rey, mulato, americano(a), comunidad, dinero workmate, king, black person, white person, community house, money
Food géesu, arûusị, kawé, kurántụ, mantạgîiyụ, mandêegạ queso, arroz, café, cilantro, mantequilla, manteca cheese, rice, coffee, cilantro, butter, lard/butter
Animal husbandry kawâayu, kanêeru, kujíinu, kurá, dûura, wáakạshị caballo, carnero, cochino, corral, toro, vaca horse, sheep, pen/corral, bull, cow
Religious concepts míisa, Háasus Kuríistị, nachạwêena, guréesima misa, Jesús Cristo, Noche Buena, Cuaresma mass, Jesus Christ, Christmas, Lent
Days of the week tamîikụ, rûunishị, mâatịsị, mérikụsị, sruwêewesị, yêenịsị, sâawaru domingo, lunes, martes, miércoles, jueves, viernes, sábado Sunday, Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday, Friday, Saturday

Proto-language

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Proto-Keresan
Reconstruction ofKeresan languages

Selected Proto-Keresan reconstructions of plants, animals, and toponyms by Miller and Davis (1963)[15] are given below. The IPA transcription is based on the authors' description. Underlined consonants in reconstructions refer to uncertainties by the authors regarding aspiration (p. 312); these are shown as capitalized consonants in the IPA.

no. gloss Proto-Keresan IPA
10 wheat *ʔáṣánɪ */ʔáʂáni̥/
17 centipede *ʔíʔìˑdʸawa */ʔíʔìːcàwà/
19 cholla cactus *ʔiˑbánɪ */ʔiːpáni̥/
27 porcupine *ʔiˑṣ̍á */ʔiːʂʼá/
45 toad *bêˑrak̠ᴀ */pêːɾàKḁ/
63 turkey *cinᴀ */tsʰinḁ/
64 fox *cúsk̠ɪ */tsʰúsKi̥/
71 locust *c̍íˑga */tsʼíːkà/
72 Zia Pueblo *c̍íˑy̍á */tsʼíːjˀá/
78 kiva *c̆ídʸá */tʃícá/
83 medicine man *č̇áyâˑni */tʃʼájâːnì/
84 hawk *č̇ɨ́ˑríga */tʃʼɨ́ːɾíka/
85 horned toad *dabínᴜsk̠ᴀ */tapínu̥sKḁ/
87 Santa Ana Pueblo *dámáyá */támájá/
88 squash *dâˑni */tâːnì/
91 corn husk *díˑskámí */tíːskʰámí/
93 dog *díyᴀ */tíjḁ/
98 bobcat *dʸáˑdʸᴜ */cáːcu̥/
101 deer *dʸán̍é */cánˀé/
104 gourd *dʸáˑwí */cáːwí/
105 piñon pine *dʸèic̠ɪ */cèiTSi̥/
108 elk *dʸɨ́ˑṣᴀ */cɨ́ːʂḁ/
110 badger *dʸúˑbí */cúːpí/
112 beans *gánami */kánàmì/
114 seed *gáwɪc̠ɪ */káwi̥TSi̥/
119 bear *gúháyᴀ */kúhájḁ/
124 yucca *háʔásc̐á */háʔástʃʼá/
127 oak *ha̍ˑbánɪ
137 pine tree *hâˑniˑ */hâːniː/
147 Jemez Pueblo *héˑmíšíˑ-cɪ, *héˑmíšíˑ-zé */héːmíʃíː-tsʰi̥/, */héːmíʃíː-tsé/
149 turtle *héyᴀdʸɪ */héjḁci̥/
157 willow *híẓᵻsk̍áwa */híʂɨ̥skʼáwa/
158 dove *húˑʔùˑga
161 yucca fruit *hùˑsk̍ani
169 antelope *kɨ́ˑc̠ɪ
175 wolf *k̍ákana
176 spider *k̍ámᴀsk̠ᵻ
198 mountain lion *mûˑk̍aiẓᴀ
200 buffalo *múšêiẓᴀ
201 soapweed *múšɪ
213 hummingbird *m̍îˑzᴀ
225 prairie dog *nɨ́t̠ɪ
232 bedbug *peséc̍uru
239 salamander *p̍águra
241 rabbit *rèˑdʸᴀ
246 woodpecker *sbíga
247 chicken *sbíˑná
251 meadowlark *sc̐áˑná
254 grasshopper *sc̐ár̍ɪ
260 crow *sc̐ɨ́r̍á
262 wild honey *sc̐úmᵻ
264 mosquito *sc̐úy̍úˑná
274 ant *síˑʔí
275 squirrel *síˑdʸᴀ
279 mouse *síyan̍ᵻ
282 bighorn sheep *skàˑsk̠ᴜ
286 bullsnake *sk̍áʔáˑdʸᴜ
287 fish *sk̍àˑšᵻ
291 peas *sk̍úrúˑná
293 dwarf corn *spíníní
306 parrot *šâˑwit̠ᴀ
307 flea, louse *šínaˑ
309 goose *šúˑdá
318 blue jay *ṣúisɪ
319 snake *ṣûˑwiˑ
342 abalone shell *w̍a̍ˑbɨ́nɪ
347 duck *w̍âˑyuṣᴀ
354 corn silk *yábášɪ
355 corn *yáˑčínɪ
356 mesquite *yêˑt̠ᴜ
357 worm *yúʔúbɨ́
369 corn cob *y̍úˑskúm̍á
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Keres was one of the seven languages sung in the Coca-Cola "It's Beautiful" commercial during the 2014 Super Bowl featuring "America the Beautiful".[16]

See also

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References

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Bibliography

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Keres language

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from Grokipedia
The Keres languages, also known as Keresan, form a small indigenous language family spoken exclusively by the Keres Pueblo peoples in central New Mexico, United States.[1] This family is considered a linguistic isolate, with no established genetic relationship to other known language groups, and comprises two main branches—Eastern Keres (or Rio Grande Keresan) and Western Keres—encompassing seven distinct dialects that form a dialect continuum, with mutual intelligibility among neighboring varieties but significant differences between branches.[2] As of 2007, the dialects had an estimated total of around 10,670 speakers, primarily in Pueblo communities such as Acoma, Laguna, Cochiti, San Felipe, Santo Domingo, Zia, and Santa Ana, though numbers have likely declined since due to endangerment.[2] [3] The Eastern branch includes dialects spoken at the Rio Grande pueblos of Cochiti (Kotyit), San Felipe (Katishtya), Santo Domingo (Kewa), Zia (Ts'ia), and Santa Ana (Tamaiya), with an estimated 6,680 speakers as of 2007 and classified as endangered due to limited transmission to younger generations.[2] [1] In contrast, the Western branch is used at Acoma (Áakʼu) and Laguna (Kawaika) pueblos, with around 3,990 speakers as of 2007 and a status of endangered, reflecting ongoing efforts in language revitalization but persistent decline, including reports of fewer than 100 fluent speakers at Acoma as of 2017.[2] [4] [5] Both branches feature complex phonological systems, including glottalized consonants and tones in some varieties, and have developed practical orthographies since the mid-20th century to support literacy and education programs.[2] Keres languages hold cultural significance as integral to Pueblo ceremonies, oral traditions, and identity, yet face pressures from English dominance and intergenerational loss.[4] Revitalization initiatives, including community-led immersion schools such as the Keres Children's Learning Center, digital resources like online dictionaries, the 2024 Native Language Symposium, and 2025 New Mexico legislation supporting Indigenous language-based schools, aim to preserve these languages, which remain vital markers of Keresan heritage amid broader Native American language endangerment.[2] [6] [7] [8]

Classification and dialects

Language isolate status

The Keres language, spoken by the Keresan pueblos in New Mexico, is classified as a small language family consisting of Eastern and Western branches, with no demonstrable genetic affiliation to any other North American language family, rendering it a language isolate in broader typological terms. This status is supported by extensive lexical and grammatical comparisons that reveal no shared cognates or systematic correspondences with neighboring languages such as those of the Kiowa-Tanoan or Uto-Aztecan families. Internally, the varieties are often treated as dialects of a single language due to their structural similarities, though they exhibit significant variation in phonology and vocabulary.[9] Early 20th-century linguists proposed affiliations for Keresan with larger proposed stocks, such as Edward Sapir's inclusion of it within the Hokan-Siouan phylum, based on tentative typological resemblances rather than rigorous comparative evidence. Other suggestions, including Morris Swadesh's link to Siouan languages like Wichita and Joseph Greenberg's placement within a broader Penutian grouping, have similarly failed to gain acceptance due to the absence of verifiable sound correspondences or basic vocabulary matches. These proposals reflect the speculative nature of early macro-classifications in North American linguistics, which often grouped isolates into "wastebasket" categories without sufficient data. The isolate status of Keresan is affirmed by modern criteria emphasizing the lack of regular phonological shifts and shared innovations with surrounding families, distinguishing it typologically from areal influences like those in the Pueblo linguistic area.

Dialect groupings and mutual intelligibility

The Keres language is divided into two primary dialect branches: Western Keres and Eastern Keres. The Western branch encompasses the dialects spoken at Acoma Pueblo and Laguna Pueblo, located in central New Mexico. The Eastern branch includes the dialects of Cochiti Pueblo, San Felipe Pueblo, Santo Domingo Pueblo (also known as Kewa), Zia Pueblo, and Santa Ana Pueblo, situated along the Rio Grande valley in New Mexico.[10][2] Estimates indicate approximately 4,000 speakers of Western Keres and 6,125 speakers of Eastern Keres (Endangered Languages Project); these figures reflect reported usage amid the languages' endangered and threatened statuses, with fluent speakers likely fewer due to intergenerational transmission challenges.[1] Mutual intelligibility is high within each branch, as speakers of Acoma and Laguna dialects can fully understand one another, and neighboring Eastern dialects such as those of Santo Domingo and Cochiti are completely intelligible. Between the Western and Eastern branches, intelligibility is partial, with Western speakers often reporting difficulty comprehending Eastern varieties without prior exposure, though the dialects form a broader chain where geographic proximity enhances understanding among contiguous communities.[11]

Phonology

The phonology of Keres languages varies between the Eastern and Western branches, with Western Keres (e.g., Acoma and Laguna dialects) featuring a more complex system including tones and voiceless vowels, while Eastern Keres (e.g., Cochiti, Zia) exhibits pitch accent and a simpler inventory.[12] The following description primarily draws from Western Keres, particularly Acoma and Laguna, reflecting areal influences from other Puebloan languages.[13][14]

Consonants

Western Keres possesses a large consonant inventory of 37–39 phonemes, including multiple series of stops and affricates distinguished by voicing, aspiration (in some analyses), and glottalization (ejective), alongside fricatives, nasals, and approximants.[15][16] Consonants occur at bilabial, alveolar, postalveolar/palatal, velar, and glottal places, with manners including plosives, affricates (alveolar, postalveolar, and retroflex in some dialects), fricatives, nasals, laterals, and glides.[14] Stops include voiceless /p, t, k, ʔ/, voiced /b, d, g/, aspirated /pʰ, tʰ, kʰ/ (in Acoma analyses), and ejective /pʼ, tʼ, kʼ/. Affricates feature alveolar /t͡s/, postalveolar /t͡ʃ/, and sometimes retroflex /ʈ͡ʂ/, with aspirated and ejective forms. Fricatives include /s, ʃ, x, h, ɬ/, nasals /m, n/, approximants /w, j, l/, and occasional flaps /ɾ/. These contrasts are phonemic, as shown in minimal pairs demonstrating voicing or glottalization differences.[17] Allophonic variation includes palatalization of /s/ to [ʃ] before /i/.[18] The following table presents a representative consonant inventory for Western Keres (Acoma/Laguna), using IPA; counts vary by dialect and analysis (37–42 total).
Manner/PlaceBilabialAlveolarPost-alveolarVelarGlottal
Stopsp, b, pʰ, pʼt, d, tʰ, tʼk, g, kʰ, kʼʔ
Affricatest͡s, t͡sʰ, t͡sʼt͡ʃ, t͡ʃʰ, t͡ʃʼ
Fricativessʃxh
Lateral fricativeɬ
Nasalsmn
Approximantswlj
This excludes dialect-specific segments like retroflex affricates in Laguna. Orthographies align with IPA for core contrasts.[13][14]

Vowels

Western Keres maintains five basic vowel qualities: /a, e, i, o, u/, occurring short and long (/aː, eː, iː, oː, uː/), plus phonemic voiceless short vowels /ḁ, e̥, i̥, o̥, u̥/, totaling 15 vowel phonemes.[15] Voiceless vowels, realized as devoiced whispers, occur intervocalically or in low-tone contexts and contrast with voiced counterparts, e.g., in ts'ipe ('he/she ate it') with voiceless /e̥/. Long vowels lack voiceless forms and avoid word-final position in nouns/verbs.[19] The table below summarizes vowels in Laguna/Acoma, with examples:
VowelIPA (Voiced Short)Example (Voiced)IPA (Voiced Long)Example (Voiced Long)IPA (Voiceless Short)Example (Voiceless)
Low central/a/hama ('when?')/aː/dyawaa’an ('early')/ḁ/(intervocalic in low-tone)
Mid front/e/tside* (related form)/eː/s'ee ('then')/e̥/ts'ipe ('he/she ate it')
High front/i/tsiik’a ('his mouth')/iː/guwaachinyi ('orange')/i̥/dyuupi ('badger')
Mid back/o/o- (prefix)/oː/too ('water', long form)/o̥/(obstruent-flanked)
High back/u/-ukacha ('see SG')/uː/-u'ukacha ('see DL')/u̥/(intervocalic low-tone)
Tones apply suprasegmentally; no vowel harmony or nasalization.[15][20]

Tones

Western Keres employs tones on vowels for phonemic distinction. In Acoma/Laguna, heavy syllables (long vowels/diphthongs) have high, low, falling, or rising tones; light syllables (short vowels) have high, low, or glottal tones. Contour tones (falling/rising) occur only on long vowels; voiceless vowels bear no tone.[15][21] Tone contrasts meaning, though minimal pairs are rare; e.g., high vs. low tone can distinguish verb forms like 'see' vs. related actions.[15] Tone sandhi includes assimilation in compounds, with high spreading to low, and simplification in speech. The system evolved from Proto-Keresan accent via phonetic shifts, differing between branches.[22]

Syllable structure

Syllables are mostly (C)V, with optional onset and open nucleus (short/long vowel or diphthong). Closed syllables are rare, limited to glottal stop coda (/kaʔ/ 'fire' in Acoma) or loans.[23] Complex onsets include clusters like sibilant + stop (/s/ + /b, p, t, k/, e.g., /sbúuná/ 'pottery', /spáati/ 'mockingbird') and labialized /kw/. Affricates like /ts/ are unitary. Vowel hiatus is resolved by glides (VV → VwV/VyV), e.g., /tswaɬ/ 'song'. Ejectives/aspirates avoid codas; nasals/glides may coda in loans. Maximal syllable: CCVVC in complex forms. Phonotactics prohibit certain sequences, but s+stop onsets are permitted.[24][23][25]

Orthography

Consonant representation

The orthography of the Keres languages employs a modified Latin alphabet to represent consonants, with additional symbols and diacritics to capture distinctive features such as aspiration and glottalization. This system was developed in the 20th century for practical use in education and documentation, varying slightly by dialect within the Western and Eastern branches. In Western Keres dialects like Laguna, consonants are symbolized using standard Latin letters for basic stops and fricatives, digraphs for affricates, and an apostrophe to denote ejectives (glottalized consonants). For example, plain stops are written as <b, d, dy, g>, while their aspirated counterparts use <p, t, ty, k>, and ejectives are marked as <p', t', ty', k'>.[15] Affricates follow a similar pattern, with plain forms as <dz, j, dr>, aspirated as <ts, ch, tr>, and ejective versions as <ts', ch', tr'>. Fricatives include <s, sh, sr> for sibilants and for the glottal fricative, with ejective variants like <s', sh', sr'>. Nasals, glides, and the flap are represented as <m, n, w, y, r>, with glottalized forms using the apostrophe (e.g., <m', n'>). Aspiration is sometimes explicitly indicated by following the consonant in earlier notations (e.g., for /pʰ/), though modern usage often relies on contrastive distribution without the . The glottal stop is denoted by <'> alone.[15] Dialectal variations exist, particularly between Western Keres (e.g., Laguna and Acoma) and Eastern Keres. In Acoma, the orthography aligns closely with Laguna but may employ simplified spellings in public signage, such as street names like for "Butterfly," to facilitate community use without full phonetic detail. These signage forms prioritize readability over strict IPA correspondence, reflecting practical adaptations for non-linguists. No widespread pictographic system is documented, though some public displays integrate symbolic elements alongside Latin script.[26] The following table maps key consonant phonemes to their orthographic representations in Laguna Keres (Western branch), with notes on common IPA equivalents and dialectal notes where applicable. This inventory draws from phonological analyses and is representative for Laguna but may vary slightly across dialects.
CategoryTypeOrthographic SymbolIPA Equivalent (approx.)Notes
StopsPlainb/b/Voiced bilabial; used in Western dialects.
StopsPlaind/d/Voiced alveolar.
StopsPlaindy/ɟ/ or /dʲ/Palatalized alveolar.
StopsPlaing/g/Voiced velar.
StopsAspiratedp/pʰ/Voiceless aspirated bilabial.
StopsAspiratedt/tʰ/Voiceless aspirated alveolar.
StopsAspiratedty/cʰ/ or /tʲʰ/Palatalized aspirated.
StopsAspiratedk/kʰ/Voiceless aspirated velar.
StopsEjectivep'/pʼ/Glottalized bilabial.
StopsEjectivet'/tʼ/Glottalized alveolar.
StopsEjectivety'/cʼ/ or /tʲʼ/Palatalized glottalized.
StopsEjectivek'/kʼ/Glottalized velar.
AffricatesPlaindz/dz/Voiced alveolar affricate.
AffricatesPlainj/dʒ/Voiced postalveolar affricate.
AffricatesPlaindr/ɖʐ/ or /dɾ/Flapped or retroflex affricate.
AffricatesAspiratedts/tsʰ/Voiceless aspirated alveolar.
AffricatesAspiratedch/tʃʰ/Voiceless aspirated postalveolar.
AffricatesAspiratedtr/tʂʰ/ or /tɬʰ/Aspirated lateral or retroflex.
AffricatesEjectivets'/tsʼ/Glottalized alveolar.
AffricatesEjectivech'/tʃʼ/Glottalized postalveolar.
AffricatesEjectivetr'/tʂʼ/ or /tɬʼ/Glottalized lateral or retroflex.
FricativesPlains/s/Voiceless alveolar.
FricativesPlainsh/ʃ/Voiceless postalveolar.
FricativesPlainsr/ɬ/Voiceless lateral; <ł> used in some Eastern proposals.
FricativesPlainh/h/Glottal fricative.
FricativesEjectives'/sʼ/Glottalized alveolar.
FricativesEjectivesh'/ʃʼ/Glottalized postalveolar.
FricativesEjectivesr'/ɬʼ/Glottalized lateral.
NasalsPlainm/m/Bilabial nasal.
NasalsPlainn/n/Alveolar nasal.
NasalsEjectivem'/mʼ/Glottalized bilabial.
NasalsEjectiven'/nʼ/Glottalized alveolar.
GlidesPlainw/w/Labial-velar glide.
GlidesPlainy/j/Palatal glide.
GlidesEjectivew'/wʼ/Glottalized.
GlidesEjectivey'/jʼ/Glottalized.
FlapPlainr/ɾ/Alveolar flap.
FlapEjectiver'/ɾʼ/Glottalized flap.
Glottal stop-'/ʔ/Standalone symbol.
This table illustrates the systematic use of digraphs and apostrophes to distinguish series within consonant categories, aiding in the preservation and teaching of the language. Eastern Keres orthographies may substitute symbols like <ł> for /ɬ/ in some community materials, though documentation remains limited.[15]

Eastern Keres orthographic variations

Eastern Keres dialects, spoken at pueblos such as Cochiti, San Felipe, Santo Domingo, Zia, and Santa Ana, use orthographies that share the Latin base with Western varieties but feature dialect-specific adaptations. For instance, the voiceless lateral fricative /ɬ/ is often represented as <ł> or in educational materials, and tone marking may employ different conventions, such as carets for level tones in older analyses (e.g., Irvine Davis's work on Santa Ana Keres). These systems are less standardized than in Acoma or Laguna, with community efforts focusing on practical literacy rather than uniformity. Documentation for Eastern orthographies is sparser, often relying on linguistic studies from the mid-20th century.[27][2]

Vowel representation and diacritics

The orthography of the Keres language employs the basic Latin vowels a, e, i, o, and u to represent the primary vowel phonemes.[2] Long vowels are denoted by doubling the corresponding letter, such as aa for the long /aː/, ensuring a straightforward visual distinction from short vowels.[2] Voiceless short vowels, a distinctive feature of Keres phonology, are orthographically marked by inserting an h immediately after the vowel, as in ah to indicate a voiceless [ḁ].[20] This convention highlights the phonemic voicelessness without altering the base vowel symbol. Keres is a tonal language, and when tones are explicitly represented in writing—particularly in pedagogical or formal contexts—diacritics are applied to vowels. The acute accent (´) marks high tone (e.g., á), the grave accent (`) indicates low tone (e.g., à), the circumflex (^) denotes falling tone (e.g., â), and the caron (ˇ) signifies rising tone (e.g., ǎ). For long vowels, the diacritic appears only on the initial vowel of the doubled pair, such as áa, to avoid redundancy. These marks are frequently omitted in informal or everyday writing, where context and speaker familiarity suffice for disambiguation.[2] Dialectal variations affect vowel representation, with the Laguna dialect (K'awaika) employing more consistent doubling for length markers compared to other varieties like Acoma (Áak'u), where tone integration may influence application.[2]

Alphabetical order and usage variations

The alphabetical order in Keres orthographies follows a modified Latin sequence: A, B, CH, CH', D, DR, DY, DZ, E, G, H, I, K, M, N, O, P, P', S, SH, SR, SR', T, TS, TS', TR, TR', U, W, W', Y, Y', in which digraphs such as , , and are treated as distinct units rather than separate letters.[2] This ordering facilitates dictionary compilation and educational materials, particularly in the Acoma and Laguna dialects where written forms are most developed.[15] Keres lacks a unified orthography across its dialects, reflecting both linguistic variation and the language's sacred status, which traditionally prohibits written representation to preserve its oral and spiritual integrity.[2] The Acoma dialect adopted a practical orthographic system in the 1970s for revitalization efforts, emphasizing ease of use in schooling and community documentation, while the Laguna dialect relies on a more established, dictionary-oriented version that incorporates community input for spelling consistency.[28] Sacred texts and ceremonial contexts continue to avoid written forms altogether, adhering to cultural taboos that view writing as a potential dilution of the language's ritual power.[2] Historically, Keres orthographies trace back to early 20th-century transcriptions influenced by missionary Latin scripts, as documented in Noxon Toomey's 1914 grammatical notes on the Acoma-Laguna dialect, which used ad hoc Romanized spellings for linguistic analysis.[29] These evolved into contemporary practical systems by the mid-20th century, with contributions from linguists like Wick R. Miller in his 1965 Acoma grammar, prioritizing phonetic accuracy and accessibility over uniformity. Standardization remains challenging due to significant dialectal divergences—such as variations in tone marking and consonant clusters between western (Acoma, Laguna) and eastern dialects—and persistent cultural reservations about committing the sacred language to writing.[15]

Sample orthographic texts

Sample orthographic texts in Keres typically employ diacritics to denote lexical tones, which are crucial for distinguishing meaning in dialects like Santa Ana (Eastern Keres). In Irvine Davis's analysis of Santa Ana Keres, accents are marked with a caret (^) for level tone, circumflex (^) for falling tone, and apostrophe (') for glottal stops, while voiceless vowels are left unmarked but implied by context.[27] For instance, the short phrase suw^ translates to "yesterday," where the circumflex on u indicates a falling tone essential for lexical precision.[27] Similarly, cinA means "turkey," with the level accent on the final A.[27] A longer example from the same dialect is su ?e ?eu d^d-mi ?e cdza, which glosses as "and then (narrative particle su ?e) the eagle (?eu) said (d^d-mi ?e cdza)," drawn from mythological narratives.[27] Without tone marking, this becomes su ?e ?eu d-mi ?e cdza, potentially creating ambiguity, as tone contrasts can alter verb forms or lexical items in Keres.[27] Another phrase, su ?e su 'i'eu su ka-wi-d^e-mi su d^uwab^ucA, translates to "then he called his children," highlighting prefixal elements (ka-wi-) and falling tones on d^e and b^ucA.[27] To illustrate dialectal variations, compare Eastern Keres forms (e.g., Santa Ana, akin to Cochiti) with Western Keres (Acoma). In Acoma orthography, high tones are often marked with acute accents (á) on the first vowel of long sequences, as seen in sample texts like Ái dítʼîishu srbígà kʼánâaya dyáʼâʼu, which employs multiple diacritics for tones and glottals across words.[2] A simpler Acoma example is sa ("back"), matching the toneless Eastern form but potentially differing in tonal realization during speech.[2] In Cochiti-influenced Eastern dialects like Santa Ana, sa remains unmarked for tone in basic listings, but narrative contexts may add falling accents for emphasis, such as in P su ?e ?eu d^d-mf ?e cdza ("then the eagle said," with P as a predicate marker).[27] These variations underscore limited mutual intelligibility between Western (Acoma) and Eastern (Cochiti) dialects, with orthographies adapting to local phonological needs.[27][2] In practice, Keres orthographies are increasingly used in educational settings to support language revitalization, contrasting with the longstanding preference for oral transmission in Pueblo communities. Traditionally, Keres has been preserved through storytelling and rituals without writing, as literacy was not part of the cultural framework.[30] However, programs in Acoma and Santo Domingo Pueblos now incorporate written materials, such as dictionaries and textbooks, into school curricula to teach younger generations alongside oral methods.[5] This shift aids in documenting dialects but faces resistance in communities like Cochiti, where oral traditions remain central to cultural identity.[31]

Grammar

Word order and negation

The Keres languages, spoken by Pueblo peoples in New Mexico, exhibit a basic subject-object-verb (SOV) word order in canonical sentences, though this structure is flexible owing to the languages' topic-prominent organization, where topical elements often precede other constituents to highlight discourse focus.[24] This flexibility allows for variations such as subject-verb-object (SVO) in certain pragmatic contexts, but the verb-final position remains predominant, as seen in examples like su ?e 'i'eu 'i'ai ?fskA hau cd'dutisa ('someone is planting something').[24] The topic-prominent nature prioritizes semantic roles and discourse continuity over rigid syntactic positions, enabling non-canonical orders for emphasis without altering core meanings. Particles, such as postpositional elements or auxiliaries, can further mark emphasis or contrast in these flexible arrangements, reinforcing topical or focal information within the clause.[24] Keres languages display active–stative alignment (also known as split-S or split-intransitive), in which the subject of active intransitive verbs patterns with the agent of transitive verbs (using active prefixes), while the subject of stative intransitive verbs patterns with the patient of transitive verbs (using patient prefixes). This split is determined by the verb's lexical semantics.[32] Negation in Keres is primarily achieved through preverbal particles rather than suffixes or full verb inflection changes, with the particle zdzi ('not') commonly preceding the verb to indicate denial or absence. For instance, the sentence zdzi nupE sgu translates to 'I won't eat,' where zdzi negates the future auxiliary construction nupE sgu.[24] This particle-based strategy integrates with the language's modal system, often co-occurring with auxiliaries to specify negative modes like non-future or irrealis negation, as in zdzi sgkku ('I didn't hit him').[24] In some dialects, negation may involve additional discourse particles for intensification, but the core mechanism remains particle-driven and verb-adjacent.[33]

Verbal morphology and prefixes

The Keres languages exhibit a polysynthetic structure, in which verbs function as the core of clauses and may incorporate numerous prefixes—often exceeding ten in complex forms—to encode grammatical relations such as person, number, instrument, possession, subject, and object.[28] These prefixes occupy distinct slots in a templatic ordering, typically progressing from outer positions for instrumental or locative elements, through possessor markers, to inner slots for subject and object pronominals, allowing a single verb to convey an entire proposition.[28] In Western Keres dialects like Acoma and Laguna, pronominal prefixes mark person for up to two arguments, distinguishing active (non-stative) from inactive (stative) intransitive verbs. The stative series includes 1st person singular s-, 1st person dual/plural sgu-, 2nd person gẓ-, and 3rd person gj-, while the non-stative series features 1st person s-, 2nd person ṣ-, and 3rd person g- or s-.[34] For example, the verb meaning "to be lying down" appears as s-jûuc̓ai "I am lying down," with s- as the 1st person stative prefix attached to the stem jûuc̓ai; in the 1st person plural, it shifts to the stative form sgu-Ji’ikaiD "we are lying down," incorporating a suppletive stem variation.[34] Transitive verbs employ combined pronominal prefixes to indicate subject-object relations, often drawing from distinct sets (e.g., Set A for active subjects, Set B for inactive or objects). In Laguna Keres, sra- signals a 1st person subject acting on a 2nd person object, as in reciprocal constructions, while dy- reverses this for a 2nd person subject and 1st person object. Number is marked separately, typically indicating object plurality in transitives or subject plurality in select intransitives, through dedicated prefixes or stem alternations.[28] Dialectal variations affect prefix forms, particularly in 2nd person markers; Western Keres uses aspirated affricates like gẓ- (stative) and ṣ- (non-stative), whereas Eastern Keres dialects often feature glottalized or nasalized variants, such as /ʔi-/ for 1st person in contrast to Western /i-/, with additional phonological complexities like nasalization in possessive contexts. These differences arise from historical phonological shifts, including the development of glottal stops and aspiration patterns unique to each branch.

Aspect and tense markers

In Keres languages, aspect is primarily encoded through suffixes attached to the verbal stem, often following person-marking prefixes on the verb base. These suffixes distinguish between ongoing, habitual, or incomplete actions and completed or bounded events, while the language lacks dedicated morphological markers for tense. Instead, temporal relations are expressed via independent adverbials or contextual inference.[35][36] Key aspectual suffixes include the imperfective /-ka/, which denotes ongoing, habitual, or incomplete actions; the perfective /-łi/, signaling completion or punctual events; and the progressive /-ya/, emphasizing actions in immediate progress. The choice of suffix interacts with the verb's inherent semantics: perfective forms typically highlight telic or resultative interpretations, whereas imperfective and progressive forms focus on durative or atelic processes. For instance, the motion verb stem wanísh- ('go') yields /waníshka/ ('going' or habitual motion, imperfective) in contrast to /waníshłi/ ('went' or completed motion, perfective).[37][35] Temporal location relies on adverbials rather than inflectional categories, aligning with the absence of future or perfect markers in the verbal paradigm. Common adverbials include /dyáa/ ('now', indicating present relevance) and /gúu/ ('future' or prospective intent), which combine with aspectual suffixes to convey sequence or deictic time. This system prioritizes aspectual viewpoint over strict tense, allowing flexible expression of event structure in narratives and discourse.[38]

Nominal morphology

Keres nouns are inflected for number (singular, dual, plural) using suffixes or partial reduplication, and possession is marked by prefixes similar to those in verbs. Case roles are primarily expressed through postpositions rather than noun suffixes, with common postpositions including /-kʰa/ (locative) and /-tʰe/ (instrumental). These elements integrate with the verbal complex in polysynthetic constructions.[35]

Lexicon

Numeral system

The Keres language utilizes a base-10 numeral system, with cardinal numbers serving as the foundation for counting and quantification across its dialects. This system reflects the language's isolation and the cultural practices of the Keres Pueblo peoples, where numerals integrate into daily and ceremonial expressions of quantity.[15] In Western Keres dialects, such as Laguna, cardinal numbers from 1 to 10 are distinct lexical items, often derived from multiplicative adverbs that denote repetition or grouping. The following table presents these forms in community orthography, with IPA approximations where available from comparative analyses:
NumberLaguna (Western Keres)
1iisrk'e (/iːsrkʼe/)
2dyuuw'e (/djuːwʼe/)
3chami'e (/tʃamiʔe/)
4dyaana (/djaːna/)
5taam'a (/taːmʔa/)
6shch'isa (/ʃtʃʔisa/)
7m'aidyana (/mʔaidjana/)
8kuk'umishu (/kukʔumiʃu/)
9maiyuk'a (/majukʔa/)
10k'atsi (/kʔatsi/)
Numbers 11–19 are compounds of "10" plus the unit numeral connected by the element dzidra (e.g., 11 as k'atsi iisrk'e dzidra, meaning "ten and one"). Multiples of 10 use the multiplier followed by k'atsi (e.g., 20 as dyuuya k'atsi, "two tens"), while intermediate numbers add dzidra constructions (e.g., 21 as dyuuya k'atsi iisrk'e dzidra). Similar compounding applies to hundreds and beyond, though Spanish loanwords frequently appear for larger quantities in modern usage.[15] Eastern Keres dialects exhibit variations in root forms, reflecting partial mutual unintelligibility with Western varieties. Compounding patterns are analogous to Western forms.[15] Ordinal numbers are derived morphologically from cardinals, typically via suffixes indicating sequence or position, though documentation remains limited across dialects. In ceremonial contexts among Western Keres groups, the number 10 holds symbolic prominence, appearing in rituals that emphasize cycles of completion and renewal, such as in directional or grouping motifs.[39]

Loanwords and borrowings

The Keres languages, spoken by Pueblo communities in New Mexico, have integrated a significant number of Spanish loanwords since the period of Spanish colonization in the 16th century, reflecting cultural and economic exchanges. Common examples include /géesu/ for 'cheese' (from Spanish queso), /dyáabło/ for 'devil' (from diablo), and /kawa yu/ for 'horse' (from caballo). These borrowings often denote introduced items like European foods, animals, and religious concepts that lacked native equivalents.[40] Phonological adaptation follows patterns aligned with Keres sound inventory, where Spanish voiced stops like /b/ are typically shifted to approximants /w/ or fricatives /v/, as in caballo becoming /kawa yu/ or /kawâayu/ across dialects. Spanish geminate /ll/ adapts to the voiceless lateral affricate /ł/, ensuring compatibility with Keres phonotactics that prohibit certain consonant clusters and favor glottalized or aspirated sounds.[40] Semantic extensions occur in these loans to cover novel concepts; for instance, /kawa yu/ not only refers to the horse but also evokes broader associations with transportation and herding introduced by Spaniards. While core vocabulary remains predominantly native, peripheral domains like agriculture and religion show heavier borrowing. Some large numerals are also drawn from Spanish to supplement the indigenous base-10 system.[40]

Historical development

Proto-Keres reconstructions

Proto-Keresan represents the reconstructed proto-language of the Keresan family, a small group of closely related dialects spoken by Pueblo communities in New Mexico. Linguists have employed the comparative method to reconstruct its phonology and basic lexicon by identifying regular sound correspondences among the dialects, which fall into Western (Acoma and Laguna) and Eastern (Cochiti, Santo Domingo, San Felipe, Santa Ana, and Zia) groupings. This approach relies on cognate sets from shared vocabulary, revealing systematic shifts such as the Western dialect's /ł/ corresponding to Eastern /s/ in certain environments, as seen in reflexes of proto-fricatives. Key reconstructions by Miller and Davis focus on core vocabulary to establish phonological patterns. For instance, the proto-form *c̍ízɪ is proposed for 'water', with dialectal variants showing glottalized affricates and vowel qualities preserved across branches.[41] Similarly, *-m̍ᴀ reconstructs 'house', highlighting simple consonant-vowel structures typical of basic nouns. These forms illustrate the proto-language's inventory, including glottalized and aspirated consonants, which undergo lenition or fortition in daughter dialects.[41] Reconstructions extend to culturally significant terms for plants and animals, underscoring shared heritage in Pueblo subsistence. The form *yáˑčínɪ for 'corn' exemplifies a common root, with affricate elements varying by dialect—Western retaining certain fricatives while Eastern shifts to sibilants—yet maintaining semantic consistency. Other proto-forms in this domain, such as those for deer or eagle, further demonstrate how environmental terminology unites the family, aiding in tracing migrations and cultural continuity.[41] Despite these advances, Proto-Keresan reconstructions remain partial due to the languages' shallow time depth of divergence, estimated at approximately 500 years based on limited phonological and lexical innovation. This brevity reduces the number of discernible changes, complicating full etymological depth compared to older families, and relies heavily on available dialect data from the mid-20th century. Ongoing comparative work continues to refine these forms, but the core framework from early studies endures.

Evolution and documentation history

The Keres language, spoken by Pueblo communities in New Mexico, relied exclusively on oral tradition for transmission prior to European contact, with no indigenous writing system developed due to cultural beliefs associating the language with sacred spoken knowledge.[42] Following Spanish colonization in the 16th century, Franciscan missionaries established missions among Keresan Pueblos, leading to initial linguistic documentation through rudimentary vocabulary lists focused on religious and practical terms.[43] These efforts were limited, often comprising short wordlists of plants, animals, and everyday items, as evidenced by early Spanish loanwords integrated into Keres dialects, such as adaptations for horses ("kawéayu" in Santa Ana Keres) and fruits ("arawaku" for apricot in Acoma Keres).[44] This contact introduced Hispanisms that altered lexical inventories, marking the first documented evolutionary shifts influenced by external languages during the 16th to 19th centuries.[44] In the early 20th century, systematic anthropological documentation advanced with Franz Boas's fieldwork among Eastern Keres speakers in the 1920s, culminating in his 1928 publication Keresan Texts, a collection of transcribed myths, legends, and narratives from Cochiti and San Felipe dialects that preserved oral literature and provided foundational phonetic and grammatical insights.[45] Boas's notes, now archived in collections like the American Philosophical Society, emphasized the language's isolate status and dialectal variations, serving as a benchmark for later studies. Mid-century efforts included Wick R. Miller's Acoma Grammar and Texts (1965), a detailed analysis of Western Keres morphology, syntax, and texts from Acoma Pueblo, which highlighted verb complexity and included extensive lexical data drawn from native speakers.[46] Subsequent 20th- and 21st-century works built on these foundations, with Jordan Lachler's 2006 dissertation A Grammar of Laguna Keres offering a comprehensive description of the Laguna dialect's phonology, including tone systems, and nominal and verbal structures, based on fieldwork with community elders.[38] Post-2000 developments shifted toward digital preservation, exemplified by the Acoma Language Project's online dictionary launched in 2018 via dictionary.keres.co, which documents over 10,000 Western Keres words with audio recordings from 40 native speakers to facilitate access and analysis.[47] Recent efforts as of 2025 include ongoing fieldwork, such as Tyler Peterson's documentation of Santa Ana Keres orthography and language structure (2020–present).[48] Ongoing bilingualism with Spanish and English has driven evolutionary changes, such as the proliferation of loanwords for modern concepts (e.g., "merikéana" for American in Santa Ana Keres), while broader language contact has contributed to phonological simplifications in some dialects compared to proto-Keres reconstructions.[44]

Sociolinguistic status

Speaker population and endangerment

The Keres language, spoken primarily in the Pueblo communities of New Mexico, had approximately 11,465 self-reported speakers aged 5 and older according to the 2009-2013 American Community Survey.[49] More recent data from the 2017-2021 American Community Survey indicate approximately 13,300 total self-reported speakers, with 12,540 in Eastern Keres dialects and 747 in Western Keres dialects, though the number of fully proficient fluent speakers is likely much lower due to ongoing intergenerational gaps.[50] The speaker population is predominantly elderly, with the majority over 50 years old and limited proficiency among younger cohorts, as evidenced by community reports from Acoma Pueblo where few speakers under 40 remain fluent.[51] This aging demographic reflects low rates of parent-to-child transmission, driven by the pervasive use of English in schooling, media, and intergenerational communication within Pueblo communities.[30] Keres is classified as "definitely endangered" by UNESCO, meaning children no longer learn it as a mother tongue in the home, though some adults continue to use it.[52] Key contributing factors include the small size of Keres-speaking communities—typically ranging from a few hundred to a couple thousand residents per pueblo—and ongoing urbanization, which draws younger generations to English-dominant urban centers for employment and education.[53] These pressures exacerbate language shift, with English serving as the primary medium in public and professional spheres, further isolating Keres to ceremonial and familial contexts. Among Keres dialects, the Western varieties spoken in Acoma and Laguna Pueblos appear relatively more stable compared to Eastern dialects in the Rio Grande Valley pueblos (Cochiti, San Felipe, Santo Domingo, Zia, and Santa Ana), attributable in part to community-specific initiatives at Acoma that support elder-youth interactions, though Western self-reported speakers total only about 747 as of 2017-2021.[10][50] However, even Western Keres faces declines, with estimates of only around 30 fluent speakers remaining in Acoma as of recent tribal assessments.[54]

Revitalization efforts

Revitalization efforts for the Keres language have been driven by community-led initiatives, particularly through partnerships between Pueblo communities and organizations like The Language Conservancy. In 2018, the Pueblo of Acoma collaborated with The Language Conservancy to launch the Keres Online Dictionary at dictionary.keres.co, a digital resource developed over 18 months that includes over 10,500 words and serves as a foundational tool for language preservation. This project, part of broader efforts since the 2010s, also produced companion mobile apps such as the Vocab Builder and Pronunciation Guide, aimed at facilitating daily language practice and addressing the language's pitch accent system.[47] Educational programs form a core component of these efforts, with immersion-based approaches implemented in several Keres-speaking Pueblos. The Keres Children's Learning Center (KCLC) in Cochiti Pueblo, established in 2012, operates as a Montessori-style immersion school for children aged 2.5 to 12, using an intergenerational model where fluent elders teach alongside certified educators to build conversational proficiency in Keres throughout the school day. Similar programs exist at Acoma Pueblo's Language Program, which focuses on dictionary development and community classes, and at Laguna Pueblo, where revitalization initiatives integrate Keres into school curricula to reach younger generations. At the University of New Mexico, linguistic collaborations support these efforts through research and documentation, including theses on Keres language loss that inform community grammars and teaching materials.[55][56][2][30] Digital resources have expanded accessibility, with the 2018 release of the Keres Online Dictionary enabling self-study and integration into home and school settings. The associated apps provide interactive features for pronunciation practice, including audio recordings to help learners master the tonal elements of Keres dialects. These tools, developed in the late 2010s and updated into the 2020s, represent a shift toward technology-driven revitalization, allowing remote access for diaspora communities and youth.[57][47] Despite these advances, challenges persist, including chronic funding shortages that have led to gaps in formal instruction, such as a 15-year hiatus in Acoma's Keres programs before recent grants. Successes include growing youth participation, evidenced by enrollment in immersion schools like KCLC, which has sustained operations through federal grants and community support since 2012. Collaborations with linguists, including those at institutions like the University of New Mexico, have resulted in updated grammars and recovery plans, such as Acoma's 2017 Language Recovery Plan, fostering measurable increases in fluent young speakers post-2020 amid heightened awareness during the pandemic.[58][59]

Cultural representation

Usage in media and signage

The Keres language has appeared in mainstream media, notably in the 2014 Coca-Cola Super Bowl commercial "It's Beautiful," where a 16-year-old from Kewa Pueblo (Santo Domingo) sang portions of "America the Beautiful" in Eastern Keres, marking one of the first national exposures of the language to a broad audience.[60] This ad, featuring multiple languages including Keres alongside English, Spanish, and others, aimed to celebrate American diversity but sparked controversy over non-English usage, highlighting tensions around Indigenous language visibility.[61] Documentaries have also featured Keres to document preservation efforts, such as the 2012 trailer for "Keres Language Preservation" produced by Youth Development Inc. (YDI), which explores revitalization initiatives at Cochiti Pueblo through community interviews and educational programs.[62] More recently, the quad-lingual film "Ha' Agua Water Tz'itz" (2020s) incorporates Eastern Keres alongside Zapotec, English, and Spanish to address water rights and cultural connections among Pueblo and Yakanal communities, providing a platform for spoken Keres in narrative storytelling.[63] In public signage, particularly at Acoma Pueblo, practical orthographies of Western Keres are used for directional and warning signs, employing diacritics to represent ejective consonants and other phonemes unique to the language, facilitating everyday navigation within the community.[2] This application reflects a shift from traditional oral-only use, adapting the language for modern utility while preserving its phonetic integrity. Digital media has expanded Keres accessibility since the early 2020s, with YouTube channels and videos created by speakers and educators for language learning, such as the 2022 documentary-style overview "A Language Isolate in New Mexico - Keres," which includes pronunciation guides and cultural context to engage younger audiences.[64] Podcasts like episodes of "The Children's Hour" have incorporated Keres speakers discussing oral traditions and revitalization, though production remains community-driven and sporadic.[65] These media and signage uses raise awareness of Keres among non-speakers, yet representation is limited by the language's sacred status in Pueblo traditions, where it is viewed as a spoken-only medium tied to spiritual practices, restricting widespread documentation or commercialization to avoid cultural dilution.[42]

Role in Pueblo communities

The Keres language plays a central role in the ceremonial life of the seven Keresan Pueblo communities—Acoma, Cochiti, Laguna, San Felipe, Santa Ana, Santo Domingo (Kewa), and Zia—where it is essential for kiva rituals, prayers, and songs that connect participants to spiritual ancestors and the natural world.[30] These practices, often conducted exclusively in Keres, reinforce communal bonds during sacred events such as solstice ceremonies and fertility rites, with the language serving as a prestige code for religious expression shared across Pueblo societies.[66] Considered inherently sacred, Keres is believed to embody divine knowledge, and its use in these contexts is restricted to initiated community members, excluding outsiders to preserve its spiritual integrity.[2] In daily social interactions and oral traditions, Keres strengthens community identity by transmitting cultural knowledge through storytelling, which elders use to recount histories, moral lessons, and clan origins, fostering a sense of continuity among the five Eastern and two Western Keresan groups.[30] This oral emphasis underscores the language's role in maintaining social cohesion, as narratives in Keres adapt traditional themes to contemporary challenges while upholding Pueblo values like respect and reciprocity.[67] Ceremonial variants of Keres, controlled primarily by male religious leaders, further embed the language in gendered rituals, such as those invoking deities like Iyatiku for regeneration.[68] Contemporary integration of Keres persists in tribal governance, where council resolutions and festival speeches employ the language to affirm sovereignty and cultural priorities, as seen in Santo Domingo's 2004 mandate for community-led preservation.[30] Taboos against writing sacred aspects of Keres, rooted in beliefs that it must remain spoken to retain its power, limit documentation in ritual contexts but encourage immersive oral learning during events like dances.[2] For cultural preservation, Keres links directly to Pueblo cosmology, with terms for cardinal directions—such as those evoking landscape features like mountains and rivers—tying linguistic expression to spiritual orientations and environmental stewardship.[30] These elements highlight Keres' enduring function as a vessel for Pueblo worldview, even amid revitalization initiatives.[30]

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