Hubbry Logo
Ku Klux KlanKu Klux KlanMain
Open search
Ku Klux Klan
Community hub
Ku Klux Klan
logo
8 pages, 0 posts
0 subscribers
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Ku Klux Klan
Ku Klux Klan
from Wikipedia

Ku Klux Klan
The Mystic Insignia of a Klansman, also known as the Blood Drop Cross, has been the most well known Klan symbol dating back to the early 1900s.
Political positionFar-right
First Klan (1865–1872)
Founded inPulaski, Tennessee, U.S.
MembersUnknown
Political ideologies
Second Klan (1915–1944)
Founded inStone Mountain, Georgia, U.S.
Membersc. 3 million – 6 million[3][b]
Political ideologies[d]
Third Klan (1946/1950–present)
Founded inStone Mountain, Georgia, U.S.
Membersc. 5,000–8,000[10]
Political ideologies[d]

The Ku Klux Klan (KKK; /ˌk klʌks ˈklæn, ˌkj-/),[e] also commonly shortened to the Klan, is an American Protestant-led white supremacist, far-right hate group. It was founded in 1865 during Reconstruction in the devastated South. Various historians have characterized the Klan as America's first terrorist group. The group is typically structured as a secret society containing several different organizations, that have historically resorted to terrorism, violence and acts of intimidation to impose their criteria and oppress their victims, most notably African Americans, Jews, and Catholics. A leader of one of these organizations is called a grand wizard, and there have been three distinct iterations with various other targets relative to time and place.

The first Klan was established in the Reconstruction era for men opposed to Reconstruction and founded by Confederate veterans that assaulted and murdered politically active Black people and their white political allies in the South.[12] Federal law enforcement began taking action against it around 1871 and effectively shut it down. The Klan sought to overthrow Republican state governments in the South, especially by using voter intimidation and targeted violence against African-American leaders. The Klan was organized into numerous independent chapters across the Southern United States. Each chapter was autonomous and highly secretive about membership and plans. Members made their own, often colorful, costumes: robes, masks and pointed hats, designed to be terrifying and to hide their identities.

The second iteration of the Klan originated in the late 1910s, and was the first to use cross burnings and standardized white-hooded robes. The KKK of the 1920s had a nationwide membership in the millions and reflected a cross-section of the native born white Protestant population. The third and current Klan formed in the mid 20th century, was largely a reaction to the growing civil rights movement. It used murder and bombings to achieve its aims. All three iterations have called for the "purification" of American society. In each era, membership was secret and estimates of the total were highly exaggerated by both allies and enemies.

Each iteration of the Klan is defined by non-overlapping time periods, comprising local chapters with little or no central direction. Each has advocated reactionary positions such as white nationalism, anti-immigration and—especially in later iterations—Nordicism, antisemitism, anti-Catholicism, right-wing populism, anti-communism, homophobia, anti-atheism, anti-globalization, and Islamophobia.

Overview

[edit]

First Klan

[edit]
Depiction of Ku Klux Klan in North Carolina in 1870, based on a photograph taken under the supervision of a federal officer who seized Klan costumes

The first Klan was founded in Pulaski, Tennessee, on December 24, 1865,[13] by six former officers of the Confederate Army:[14] Frank McCord, Richard Reed, John Lester, John Kennedy, J. Calvin Jones, and James Crowe.[15] It started as a fraternal social club inspired at least in part by the then largely defunct Sons of Malta. It borrowed parts of the initiation ceremony from that group, with the same purpose: "ludicrous initiations, the baffling of public curiosity, and the amusement for members were the only objects of the Klan", according to Albert Stevens in 1907.[16][specify] The manual of rituals was printed by Laps D. McCord of Pulaski.[17] The origins of the hood are uncertain; it may have been appropriated from the Spanish capirote hood,[18] or it may be traced to the “folk traditions of carnival, circus, minstrelsy, Mardi Gras - or mid-century “Calico Indians”” of the upstate New York Anti-Rent War.[19]

According to The Cyclopædia of Fraternities (1907), "Beginning in April, 1867, there was a gradual transformation. ... The members had conjured up a veritable Frankenstein. They had played with an engine of power and mystery, though organized on entirely innocent lines, and found themselves overcome by a belief that something must lie behind it all—that there was, after all, a serious purpose, a work for the Klan to do."[16][specify]

The KKK had no organizational structure above the chapter level. However, there were similar groups across the South that adopted similar goals.[20] Klan chapters promoted white supremacy and spread throughout the South as an insurgent movement in resistance to Reconstruction. Confederate veteran John W. Morton founded a KKK chapter in Nashville, Tennessee.[21] As a secret vigilante group, the Klan targeted freedmen and their allies; it sought to restore white supremacy by threats and violence, including murder. "They targeted white Northern leaders, Southern sympathizers and politically active Blacks."[22] In 1870 and 1871, the federal government passed the Enforcement Acts, which were intended to prosecute and suppress Klan crimes.[23]

The first Klan had mixed results in terms of achieving its objectives. It seriously weakened the Black political leadership through its use of assassinations and threats of violence, and it drove some people out of politics. On the other hand, it caused a sharp backlash, with passage of federal laws that historian Eric Foner says were a success in terms of "restoring order, reinvigorating the morale of Southern Republicans, and enabling Blacks to exercise their rights as citizens".[24] Historian George C. Rable argues that the Klan was a political failure and therefore was discarded by the Democratic Party leaders of the South. He says:

The Klan declined in strength in part because of internal weaknesses; its lack of central organization and the failure of its leaders to control criminal elements and sadists. More fundamentally, it declined because it failed to achieve its central objective – the overthrow of Republican state governments in the South.[25]

After the Klan was suppressed, similar insurgent paramilitary groups arose that were explicitly directed at suppressing Republican voting and turning Republicans out of office: the White League, which started in Louisiana in 1874; and the Red Shirts, which started in Mississippi and developed chapters in the Carolinas. For instance, the Red Shirts are credited with helping elect Wade Hampton as governor in South Carolina. They were described as acting as the military arm of the Democratic Party and are attributed with helping white Democrats regain control of state legislatures throughout the South.[26][specify]

Second Klan

[edit]
KKK rally near Chicago in the 1920s

In 1915, the second Klan was founded atop Stone Mountain, Georgia, by William Joseph Simmons. While Simmons relied on documents from the original Klan and memories of some surviving elders, the revived Klan was based significantly on the wildly popular film The Birth of a Nation. The earlier Klan had not worn the white costumes and had not burned crosses; these aspects were introduced in Thomas Dixon's 1905 fictional novel The Clansman: A Historical Romance of the Ku Klux Klan, on which the film was based. When the film was shown in Atlanta in December of that year, Simmons and his new Klansmen paraded to the theater in robes and pointed hoods—many on robed horses—just like in the film. These mass parades became another hallmark of the new Klan that had not existed in the First Klan.[27]

Beginning in 1921, the Second Klan adopted a modern business system of using full-time, paid recruiters and it appealed to new members as a fraternal organization, of which many examples were flourishing at the time. The national headquarters made its profit through a monopoly on costume sales, while the organizers kept the initiation fees. It grew rapidly nationwide at a time of prosperity.[28]

Writer W. J. Cash, in his 1941 book The Mind of the South characterized the second Klan as "anti-Negro, anti-Alien, anti-Red, anti-Catholic, anti-Jew, anti-Darwin, anti-Modern, anti-Liberal, Fundamentalist, vastly Moral, [and] militantly Protestant. And summing up these fears, it brought them into focus with the tradition of the past, and above all with the ancient Southern pattern of high romantic histrionics, violence and mass coercion of the scapegoat and the heretic."[29] It preached "One Hundred Percent Americanism" and demanded the purification of politics, calling for strict morality and better enforcement of Prohibition. Its official rhetoric focused on the threat of the Catholic Church, using anti-Catholicism and nativism.[1] Its appeal was directed exclusively toward white Protestants; it opposed Jews, Black people, Catholics, and newly arriving Southern and Eastern European immigrants, most of whom were Jewish or Catholic.[30]

Some local groups threatened violence against rum runners and those they deemed "notorious sinners"; the relatively few violent episodes led by the Second KKK nearly all took place in the South.[31] The Red Knights were a militant group organized in opposition to the Klan and it responded violently to Klan provocations on several occasions.[32]

The "Ku Klux Number" of Judge, August 16, 1924

The Second Klan was a formal fraternal organization, with a national and state structure. During its heyday, its publicity was handled by the Southern Publicity Association. Within the first six months of the Association's national recruitment campaign, Klan membership had increased by 85,000.[33][specify] At its peak in the mid-1920s, the organization's membership was estimated as high as three to eight million members.[34]

In 1923, Simmons was ousted as leader of the KKK by Hiram Wesley Evans. From September 1923 there were two Ku Klux Klan national organizations: the one founded by Simmons and led by Evans with its strength primarily in the southern United States, and a breakaway group led by Grand Dragon D. C. Stephenson based in Evansville, Indiana with its membership primarily in the midwest.[35]

Internal divisions, criminal behavior by leaders—especially Stephenson's conviction for the abduction, rape, and murder of Madge Oberholtzer—and external opposition brought about a collapse in the membership of both national Klan groups. The main group's membership had dropped to about 30,000 by 1930. It finally faded away in the 1940s.[36]

Klan organizers also operated in Canada, especially in Saskatchewan in 1926–1928, where Klansmen denounced immigrants from Eastern Europe as a threat to Canada's "Anglo-Saxon" heritage.[37][38]

Third Klan

[edit]

The "Ku Klux Klan" name was used by numerous independent local secret groups opposing the civil rights movement and desegregation, especially in the 1950s and 1960s. They sometimes forged informal alliances with Southern police departments, as in Birmingham, Alabama; or with governor's offices, as with George Wallace of Alabama.[39][specify] Several activists of the Third Klan were convicted of murder in the deaths of civil rights workers in Mississippi in 1964 and of children in the bombing of the 16th Street Baptist Church in Birmingham in 1963.

The United States government considers the Third Klan to be a "subversive terrorist organization".[40][41][42][43] In April 1997, FBI agents arrested four members of the True Knights of the Ku Klux Klan in Dallas for conspiracy to commit robbery and for conspiring to blow up a natural gas processing plant.[44] In 1999, the city council of Charleston, South Carolina, passed a resolution declaring the Klan a terrorist organization.[45]

The Third Klan groups have been in a state of consistent decline. A variety of factors are involved: the public's negative distaste of the group's image, platform, and history; infiltration and prosecution by law enforcement; civil lawsuit financial forfeitures; and the radical right-wing's perception of the Klan as outdated and unfashionable. The Southern Poverty Law Center reported that between 2016 and 2019, the number of Klan groups in America dropped from 130 to just 51.[46] A 2016 report by the Anti-Defamation League claims an estimate of just over 30 Third Klan groups still active.[47] Estimates of total collective membership range from about 3,000[47] to 8,000.[48] In addition to its active membership, the Third Klan has an "unknown number of associates and supporters".[47]

History

[edit]

Etymology

[edit]

The name was probably formed in 1865 by combining the Greek kyklos (κύκλος, which means circle) with clan.[49][50] The word had previously been used for other fraternal organizations in the South such as Kuklos Adelphon.

First Klan: 1865–1871

[edit]

Creation and naming

[edit]
A cartoon threatening that the KKK will lynch scalawags (left) and carpetbaggers (right) on March 4, 1869, the day President Grant takes office. Tuscaloosa, Alabama, Independent Monitor, September 1, 1868.[f]

Six Confederate veterans from Pulaski, Tennessee, created the First Ku Klux Klan on December 24, 1865, during the Reconstruction of the South.[51][52] The group was known for a short time as the "Kuklux Clan". The Ku Klux Klan was one of a number of secret, oath-bound organizations using violence, which included the Southern Cross in New Orleans (1865) and the Knights of the White Camelia (1867) in Louisiana.[53]

Historians see the First KKK as part of the post-Civil War violent efforts to reverse the dramatically changed social situation by using extrajudicial means to restore white supremacy. In 1866, Mississippi governor William L. Sharkey reported widespread disorder, lack of control, and lawlessness. In other Southern states, armed bands of Confederate soldiers roamed at will. The Klan systematically used violence against black people and their white allies as intimidation. They burned houses and attacked and killed black people, leaving their bodies on the roads.[54]

This Harper's Weekly cartoon links the 1868 Democratic candidates Horatio Seymour and Francis Preston Blair Jr. with secession and the Confederate cause.[55]

At an 1867 meeting in Nashville, Tennessee, First Klan activists tried to create a hierarchical organization with local chapters eventually reporting to a national headquarters. Since most of the Klansmen were veterans, they were used to such military hierarchy. The effort did not succeed: the First Klan never operated under any centralized structure. Local chapters and bands were always highly independent.[56]

Nathan Bedford Forrest, KKK founder in his old Confederate uniform

Former Confederate brigadier general George Gordon developed the Prescript, which espoused white supremacist belief. For instance, an applicant should be asked if he was in favor of "a white man's government", "the reenfranchisement and emancipation of the white men of the South, and the restitution of the Southern people to all their rights".[57] The latter is a reference to the Ironclad Oath, which stripped the vote from white persons who refused to swear that they had not borne arms against the Union.

Confederate general Nathan Bedford Forrest was elected the first grand wizard, and claimed to be the Klan's national leader.[14][58] In an 1868 newspaper interview, Forrest stated that the Klan's primary opposition was to the Loyal Leagues, radical Republican state governments. They opposed people such as Tennessee governor William Gannaway Brownlow, and other "carpetbaggers" and "scalawags".[59] Forrest argued that many Southerners believed that Black people were voting for the Republican Party because they were being hoodwinked by the Loyal Leagues.[60] One Alabama newspaper editor declared "The League is nothing more than a nigger Ku Klux Klan."[61]

Despite Gordon's and Forrest's work, local Klan units never accepted the Prescript and continued to operate autonomously. There were never hierarchical levels or state headquarters. Klan members used violence to settle old personal feuds and local grudges, as they worked to restore general white dominance in the disrupted postwar society. The historian Elaine Frantz Parsons describes the membership:

Lifting the Klan mask revealed a chaotic multitude of anti­black vigilante groups, dis­gruntled poor white farmers, wartime guerrilla bands, displaced Democratic politicians, illegal whiskey distillers, coercive moral reformers, bored young men, sadists, rapists, white work­men fearful of black competition, employers trying to enforce labor discipline, common thieves, neighbors with decades-old grudges, and even a few freed­men and white Republicans who allied with Democratic whites or had criminal agendas of their own. Indeed, all they had in common, besides being over­whelmingly white, southern, and Democratic, was that they called them­selves, or were called, Klansmen.[62]

Historian Eric Foner observed: "In effect, the Klan was a military force serving the interests of the Democratic party, the planter class, and all those who desired restoration of white supremacy. Its purposes were political, but political in the broadest sense, for it sought to affect power relations, both public and private, throughout Southern society. It aimed to reverse the interlocking changes sweeping over the South during Reconstruction: to destroy the Republican party's infrastructure, undermine the Reconstruction state, reestablish control of the Black labor force, and restore racial subordination in every aspect of Southern life."[63] To that end they worked to curb the education, economic advancement, voting rights, and right to keep and bear arms of Black people.The First Klan soon spread into every Southern state, launching a reign of terror against Republican leaders both Black and white.[64]

Activities

[edit]

In a 1933 interview, William Sellers, born enslaved in Virginia, recalled the post-war "raids of the Ku Klux, young white men of Rockingham County who would go into the huts of the recently freed negroes or catch some negro who had been working for thirty cents a day on his way home from work...and cruelly whip him, leaving him to live or die."[65] Seemingly random whipping attacks, meant to be suggestive of previous condition of servitude, were a widespread aspect of the early Klan; for example in 1870–71 in Limestone Township (now Cherokee County), South Carolina, of 77 documented attacks, "four were shot, sixty-seven whipped and six had had their ears cropped."[66]

Three Ku Klux Klan members arrested in Tishomingo County, Mississippi, September 1871, for the attempted murder of an entire family.[67]

Klan members adopted masks and robes that hid their identities and added to the drama of their night rides. The South was heavily rural and most people knew each other's faces, and sometimes could recognize the attackers by voice and mannerisms. "The kind of thing that men are afraid or ashamed to do openly, and by day, they accomplish secretly, masked, and at night."[68] The night riders of the First Klan "sometimes claimed to be ghosts of Confederate soldiers so, as they claimed, to frighten superstitious Blacks. Few freedmen took such nonsense seriously."[69]

The First Klan attacked Black members of the Loyal Leagues and intimidated white Republicans and Freedmen's Bureau workers. When they killed Black political leaders, they also took heads of families, along with the leaders of churches and community groups, because these people had many roles in society. Agents of the Freedmen's Bureau reported weekly assaults and murders of Black people.[citation needed]

"Armed guerrilla warfare killed thousands of Negroes; political riots were staged; their causes or occasions were always obscure, their results always certain: ten to one hundred times as many Negroes were killed as whites." Masked men shot into houses and burned them, sometimes with the occupants still inside. They drove successful Black farmers off their land. "Generally, it can be reported that in North and South Carolina, in 18 months ending in June 1867, there were 197 murders and 548 cases of aggravated assault."[70]

George W. Ashburn was assassinated for his pro-Black sentiments.

Klan violence worked to suppress Black voting, and campaign seasons were deadly. More than 2,000 people were killed, wounded, or otherwise injured in Louisiana within a few weeks prior to the Presidential election of November 1868. Although St. Landry Parish had a registered Republican majority of 1,071, after the murders, no Republicans voted in the fall elections. White Democrats cast the full vote of the parish for President Grant's opponent. The KKK killed and wounded more than 200 Black Republicans, hunting and chasing them through the woods. Thirteen captives were taken from jail and shot; a half-buried pile of 25 bodies was found in the woods. The KKK made people vote Democratic and gave them certificates of the fact.[71]

In the April 1868 Georgia gubernatorial election, Columbia County cast 1,222 votes for Republican Rufus Bullock. By the November presidential election, Klan intimidation led to suppression of the Republican vote and only one person voted for Ulysses S. Grant.[72]

Klansmen killed more than 150 African Americans in Jackson County, Florida, and hundreds more in other counties including Madison, Alachua, Columbia, and Hamilton. Florida Freedmen's Bureau records provided a detailed recounting of Klansmen's beatings and murders of freedmen and their white allies.[73]

Garb and weapons of the Ku Klux Klan in Southern Illinois, as posed for Joseph A. Dacus of the Missouri Republican, in August 1875.

Milder encounters, including some against white teachers, also occurred. In Mississippi, according to the Congressional inquiry:

One of these teachers (Miss Allen of Illinois), whose school was at Cotton Gin Port in Monroe County, was visited ... between one and two o'clock in the morning in March 1871, by about fifty men mounted and disguised. Each man wore a long white robe and his face was covered by a loose mask with scarlet stripes. She was ordered to get up and dress which she did at once and then admitted to her room the captain and lieutenant who in addition to the usual disguise had long horns on their heads and a sort of device in front. The lieutenant had a pistol in his hand and he and the captain sat down while eight or ten men stood inside the door and the porch was full. They treated her "gentlemanly and quietly" but complained of the heavy school-tax, said she must stop teaching and go away and warned her that they never gave a second notice. She heeded the warning and left the county.[74]

By 1868, two years after the Klan's creation, its activity was beginning to decrease.[75] Members were hiding behind Klan masks and robes as a way to avoid prosecution for freelance violence. Many influential Southern Democrats feared that Klan lawlessness provided an excuse for the federal government to retain its power over the South, and they began to turn against it.[76] There were outlandish claims made, such as Georgian B. H. Hill stating "that some of these outrages were actually perpetrated by the political friends of the parties slain."[75]

Resistance

[edit]

Union Army veterans in mountainous Blount County, Alabama, organized "the anti-Ku Klux". They put an end to violence by threatening Klansmen with reprisals unless they stopped whipping Unionists and burning Black churches and schools. Armed Black people formed their own defense in Bennettsville, South Carolina, and patrolled the streets to protect their homes.[77]

National sentiment gathered to crack down on the Klan, even though some Democrats at the national level questioned whether the Klan really existed, or believed that it was a creation of nervous Southern Republican governors.[78][specify] Many southern states began to pass anti-Klan legislation.[79]

Benjamin Butler wrote the Civil Rights Act of 1871.

In January 1871, Pennsylvania Republican senator John Scott convened a congressional committee which took testimony from 52 witnesses about Klan atrocities, accumulating 12 volumes. In February, former Union general and congressman Benjamin Butler of Massachusetts introduced the Civil Rights Act of 1871 (Ku Klux Klan Act). This added to the enmity that Southern white Democrats bore toward him.[80] While the bill was being considered, further violence in the South swung support for its passage. The governor of South Carolina appealed for federal troops to assist his efforts in keeping control of the state. A riot and massacre occurred in a Meridian, Mississippi, courthouse, from which a Black state representative escaped by fleeing to the woods.[81] The 1871 Civil Rights Act allowed the president to suspend habeas corpus.[82]

In 1871, President Ulysses S. Grant signed Butler's legislation. The Ku Klux Klan Act and the Enforcement Act of 1870 were used by the federal government to enforce the civil rights provisions for individuals under the constitution. The Klan refused to voluntarily dissolve after the 1871 Klan Act, so President Grant issued a suspension of habeas corpus and stationed federal troops in nine South Carolina counties by invoking the Insurrection Act of 1807. The Klansmen were apprehended and prosecuted in federal court. Judges Hugh Lennox Bond and George S. Bryan presided over South Carolina Ku Klux Klan Trials in Columbia, S.C., during December 1871.[83] The defendants were given from three months to five years of incarceration with fines.[84] More Black people served on juries in federal court than on local or state juries, so they had a chance to participate in the process.[82][85] Hundreds of Klan members were fined or imprisoned during the crackdown, "once the national government became set upon a policy of military intervention whole populations which had scouted the authority of the weak 'Radical' government of the State became meek."[66]

End of the first Klan

[edit]

Klan leader Nathan Bedford Forrest boasted that the Klan was a nationwide organization of 550,000 men and that he could muster 40,000 Klansmen within five days' notice. However, the Klan had no membership rosters, no chapters, and no local officers, so it was difficult for observers to judge its membership.[86] It had created a sensation by the dramatic nature of its masked forays and because of its many murders.

In 1870, a federal grand jury determined that the Klan was a "terrorist organization"[87][specify] and issued hundreds of indictments for crimes of violence and terrorism. Klan members were prosecuted, and many fled from areas that were under federal government jurisdiction, particularly in South Carolina.[87] Many people not formally inducted into the Klan had used the Klan's costume to hide their identities when carrying out independent acts of violence. Forrest called for the Klan to disband in 1869, arguing that it was "being perverted from its original honorable and patriotic purposes, becoming injurious instead of subservient to the public peace".[88] Historian Stanley Horn argues that "generally speaking, the Klan's end was more in the form of spotty, slow, and gradual disintegration than a formal and decisive disbandment".[89] A Georgia-based reporter wrote in 1870: "A true statement of the case is not that the Ku Klux are an organized band of licensed criminals, but that men who commit crimes call themselves Ku Klux".[90]

Gov. William Holden of North Carolina

In many states, officials were reluctant to use Black militia against the Klan out of fear that racial tensions would be raised.[85] Republican governor of North Carolina William Woods Holden called out the militia against the Klan in 1870, adding to his unpopularity. This and extensive violence and fraud at the polls caused the Republicans to lose their majority in the state legislature. Disaffection with Holden's actions contributed to white Democratic legislators impeaching him and removing him from office, but their reasons for doing so were numerous.[91]

Klan operations ended in South Carolina[76] and gradually withered away throughout the rest of the South. Attorney General Amos Tappan Ackerman led the prosecutions.[92]

Foner argues that:

By 1872, the federal government's evident willingness to bring its legal and coercive authority to bear had broken the Klan's back and produced a dramatic decline in violence throughout the South. So ended the Reconstruction career of the Ku Klux Klan.[93]

New groups of insurgents emerged in the mid-1870s, local paramilitary organizations such as the White League, Red Shirts, saber clubs, and rifle clubs, that intimidated and murdered Black political leaders.[94] The White League and Red Shirts were distinguished by their willingness to cultivate publicity, working directly to overturn Republican officeholders and regain control of politics.

In 1882, the Supreme Court ruled in United States v. Harris that the Klan Act was partially unconstitutional. It ruled that Congress's power under the Fourteenth Amendment did not include the right to regulate against private conspiracies. It recommended that persons who had been victimized should seek relief in state courts, which were entirely unsympathetic to such appeals.[95]

Klan costumes, also called "regalia", disappeared from use by the early 1870s,[96] after Grand Wizard Forrest called for their destruction as part of disbanding the Klan. The Klan was broken as an organization by 1872.[97]

Second Klan: 1915–1944

[edit]

Refounding in 1915

[edit]

In 1915, the film The Birth of a Nation was released, mythologizing and glorifying the first Klan and its endeavors. The second Ku Klux Klan was founded in 1915 by William Joseph Simmons at Stone Mountain, near Atlanta, with fifteen "charter members".[98] Its growth was based on a new anti-immigrant, anti-Catholic, Prohibitionist and anti-Semitic agenda, which reflected contemporary social tensions, particularly recent immigration. The new organization and chapters adopted regalia featured in The Birth of a Nation; membership was kept secret by wearing masks in public.

The Birth of a Nation
[edit]
Frontispiece to the first edition of Dixon's The Clansman, by Arthur I. Keller
"The Fiery Cross of old Scotland's hills!" Illustration from the first edition of The Clansman, by Arthur I. Keller. Note figures in background.
Movie poster for The Birth of a Nation, which has been widely credited with inspiring the 20th-century revival of the Ku Klux Klan

Director D. W. Griffith's The Birth of a Nation glorified the original Klan. The film was based on the book and play The Clansman: A Historical Romance of the Ku Klux Klan, as well as the book The Leopard's Spots, both by Thomas Dixon Jr. Much of the modern Klan's iconography is derived from it, including the standardized white costume and the burning cross. Its imagery was based on Dixon's romanticized concept of old England and Scotland, as portrayed in the novels and poetry of Sir Walter Scott. The film's influence was enhanced by an alleged claim of endorsement by President Woodrow Wilson. Dixon was an old friend of Wilson's and, before its release, there was a private showing of the film at the White House. A publicist claimed that Wilson said, "It is like writing history with lightning, and my only regret is that it is all so terribly true." The likelihood of him saying this is doubtful, and he wrote a letter condemning the film following protests.[99]

Goals

[edit]
Three Ku Klux Klan members at a 1922 parade
In this 1926 cartoon, the Ku Klux Klan chases the Catholic Church, personified by St. Patrick, from the shores of America. Among the "snakes" are various supposed negative attributes of the Church, including superstition, the union of church and state, control of public schools, and intolerance.

The first and third Klans were primarily Southeastern groups aimed against Black people. The second Klan, in contrast, broadened the scope of the organization to appeal to people in the Midwestern and Western states who considered Catholics, Jews, and foreign-born minorities to be anti-American.[13]

The Second Klan saw threats from every direction. According to historian Brian R. Farmer, "two-thirds of the national Klan lecturers were Protestant ministers".[100] Much of the Klan's energy went into guarding the home, and historian Kathleen Blee says that its members wanted to protect "the interests of white womanhood".[101] Joseph Simmons published the pamphlet ABC of the Invisible Empire in Atlanta in 1917; in it, he identified the Klan's goals as "to shield the sanctity of the home and the chastity of womanhood; to maintain white supremacy; to teach and faithfully inculcate a high spiritual philosophy through an exalted ritualism; and by a practical devotedness to conserve, protect and maintain the distinctive institutions, rights, privileges, principles and ideals of a pure Americanism".[102] Such moral-sounding purpose underlay its appeal as a fraternal organization, recruiting members with a promise of aid for settling into the new urban societies of rapidly growing cities such as Dallas and Detroit.[103][specify] During the 1930s, particularly after James A. Colescott of Indiana took over as imperial wizard, opposition to Communism became another primary aim of the Klan.[13]

Organization

[edit]

New Klan founder William J. Simmons joined 12 different fraternal organizations and recruited for the Klan with his chest covered with fraternal badges, consciously modeling the Klan after fraternal organizations.[104] Klan organizers called "Kleagles" signed up hundreds of new members, who paid initiation fees and received KKK costumes in return. The organizer kept half the money and sent the rest to state or national officials. When the organizer was done with an area, he organized a rally, often with burning crosses, and perhaps presented a Bible to a local Protestant preacher. He left town with the money collected. The local units operated like many fraternal organizations and occasionally brought in speakers.

Simmons initially met with little success in either recruiting members or in raising money, and the Klan remained a small operation in the Atlanta area until 1920. The group produced publications for national circulation from its headquarters in Atlanta: Searchlight (1919–1924), Imperial Night-Hawk (1923–1924), and The Kourier.[105][106][107]

Perceived moral threats

[edit]

The second Klan was a response to fears regarding the growing power of Catholics and American Jews and the accompanying proliferation of non-Protestant cultural values.[108] The Klan had a nationwide reach by the mid-1920s, with its densest per capita membership in Indiana. It became most prominent in cities with high growth rates between 1910 and 1930, as rural Protestants flocked to jobs in Detroit and Dayton in the Midwest, and Atlanta, Dallas, Memphis, and Houston in the South. Close to half of Michigan's 80,000 Klansmen lived in Detroit.[109]

Members of the KKK swore to uphold American values and Protestant, and some Protestant ministers became involved at the local level. However, no major Protestant denomination officially endorsed the KKK;[110] indeed, the Klan was repeatedly denounced by the major Protestant magazines, as well as by all major secular newspapers. It was supported by one small cult, the Pillar of Fire Church controlled by Bishop Alma Bridwell White, but she said she and her followers did not belong to the Klan.[111]

Historian Robert Moats Miller reports that "not a single endorsement of the Klan was found by the present writer in the Methodist press, while many of the attacks on the Klan were quite savage. ...The Southern Baptist press condoned the aims but condemned the methods of the Klan." National denominational organizations never endorsed the Klan, but they rarely condemned it by name. Many nationally and regionally prominent churchmen did condemn it by name, and none endorsed it.[112]

The second Klan was less violent than either the first or third Klan were. However, the second Klan, especially in the Southeast, was not an entirely non-violent organization. The most violent Klan was in Dallas, Texas. In April 1921, several members of the Klan kidnapped Alex Johnson, a Black man who had been accused of having sex with a white woman. They burned the letters "KKK" into his forehead and gave him a severe beating by a riverbed. The police chief and district attorney refused to prosecute, explicitly and publicly stating they believed that Johnson deserved this treatment. Encouraged by the approval of this whipping, Klansmen in Dallas whipped 68 people by the riverbed in 1922 alone. Although Johnson had been Black, most of the Dallas KKK's whipping victims were white men who were accused of offenses against their wives such as adultery, wife beating, abandoning their wives, refusing to pay child support or gambling. Klansmen often invited local newspaper reporters to attend their whippings so they could write a story about it in the next day's newspaper.[113] All the Dallas newspapers strongly condemned the Klan. Historians report that the Morning News: "diligently published thousands of anti-Klan editorials, exposés, and critical stories, informing its readership of Klan activities in their community as well as from around the state and the nation."[114]

The Alabama KKK whipped both white and Black women who were accused of fornication or adultery. Although many people in Alabama were outraged by the whippings of white women, no Klansmen were ever convicted for the violence.[115][116] Anti-Catholicism was a main concern of the Alabama Klan, and Hugo Black built his political career in the 1920s on fighting Catholicism. Black, a Democrat, went on to the U.S. Senate and the U.S. Supreme Court.[117]

Rapid growth

[edit]

In 1920, Simmons handed the day-to-day activities of the national office over to two professional publicists, Elizabeth Tyler and Edward Young Clarke.[118] The new leadership invigorated the Klan and it grew rapidly. It appealed to new members based on current social tensions, and stressed responses to fears raised by defiance of Prohibition and new sexual freedoms. It emphasized anti-Jewish, anti-Catholic, anti-immigrant and later anti-Communist positions. It presented itself as a fraternal, nativist and strenuously patriotic organization; and its leaders emphasized support for vigorous enforcement of Prohibition laws. It expanded membership dramatically to a 1924 peak of 1.5 million to 4 million, which was between 4–15% of the eligible population.[119][specify]

By the 1920s, most of its members lived in the Midwest and West. Nearly one in five of the eligible Indiana population were members.[119][specify] It had a national base by 1925. In the South, where the great majority of whites were Democrats, the Klansmen were Democrats. In the rest of the country, the membership comprised both Republicans and Democrats, as well as independents. Klan leaders tried to infiltrate political parties; as Cummings notes, "it was non-partisan in the sense that it pressed its nativist issues to both parties".[120] Sociologist Rory McVeigh has explained the Klan's strategy in appealing to members of both parties:

Klan leaders hope to have all major candidates competing to win the movement's endorsement. ... The Klan's leadership wanted to keep their options open and repeatedly announced that the movement was not aligned with any political party. This non-alliance strategy was also valuable as a recruiting tool. The Klan drew its members from Democratic as well as Republican voters. If the movement had aligned itself with a single political party, it would have substantially narrowed its pool of potential recruits.[121]

Religion was a major selling point. Kelly J. Baker argues that Klansmen seriously embraced Protestantism as an essential component of their white supremacist, anti-Catholic, and paternalistic formulation of American democracy and national culture. Their cross was a religious symbol, and their ritual honored Bibles and local ministers. But no nationally prominent religious leader said he was a Klan member.[108][specify]

Economists Fryer and Levitt argue that the rapid growth of the Klan in the 1920s was partly the result of an innovative, multi-level marketing campaign. They also argue that the Klan leadership focused more intently on monetizing the organization during this period than fulfilling the political goals of the organization. Local leaders profited from expanding their membership.[119][specify]

Prohibition

[edit]

Historians agree that the Klan's resurgence in the 1920s was aided by the national debate over Prohibition.[122] The historian Prendergast says that the KKK's "support for Prohibition represented the single most important bond between Klansmen throughout the nation".[123] The Klan opposed bootleggers, sometimes with violence. In 1922, two hundred Klan members set fire to saloons in Union County, Arkansas. Membership in the Klan and in other Prohibition groups overlapped, and they sometimes coordinated activities.[124]

Urbanization

[edit]
"The End" referring to the end of Catholic influence in the US. Klansmen: Guardians of Liberty 1926

A significant characteristic of the second Klan was that it was an organization based in urban areas, reflecting the major shifts of population to cities in the North, West, and the South. In Michigan, for instance, 40,000 members lived in Detroit, where they made up more than half of the state's membership. Most Klansmen were lower- to middle-class whites who feared the waves of newcomers to the industrial cities: immigrants from Southern and Eastern Europe, who were mostly Catholic or Jewish; and Black and white migrants from the South. As new populations poured into cities, rapidly changing neighborhoods created social tensions. Because of the rapid pace of population growth in industrializing cities such as Detroit and Chicago, the Klan grew rapidly in the Midwest. The Klan also grew in booming Southern cities such as Dallas and Houston.[103][specify]

In the medium-size industrial city of Worcester, Massachusetts, in the 1920s, the Klan ascended to power quickly but declined as a result of opposition from the Catholic Church. There was no violence and the local newspaper ridiculed Klansmen as "night-shirt knights". Half of the members were Swedish Americans, including some first-generation immigrants. The ethnic and religious conflicts among more recent immigrants contributed to the rise of the Klan in the city. Swedish Protestants were struggling against Irish Catholics, who had been entrenched longer, for political and ideological control of the city.[125]

In some states, historians have obtained membership rosters of some local units and matched the names against city directory and local records to create statistical profiles of the membership. Big city newspapers were often hostile and ridiculed Klansmen as ignorant farmers. Detailed analysis from Indiana showed that the rural stereotype was false for that state:

Indiana's Klansmen represented a wide cross section of society: they were not disproportionately urban or rural, nor were they significantly more or less likely than other members of society to be from the working class, middle class, or professional ranks. Klansmen were Protestants, of course, but they cannot be described exclusively or even predominantly as fundamentalists. In reality, their religious affiliations mirrored the whole of white Protestant society, including those who did not belong to any church.[126]

The Klan attracted people but most of them did not remain in the organization for long. Membership in the Klan turned over rapidly as people found out that it was not the group which they had wanted. Millions joined and at its peak in the 1920s the organization claimed numbers that amounted to 15% of the nation's eligible population. The lessening of social tensions contributed to the Klan's decline.

Costumes and the burning cross

[edit]
Cross burning was introduced by William J. Simmons, the founder of the second Klan in 1915.

The distinctive white costume permitted large-scale public activities, especially parades and cross-burning ceremonies, while keeping the membership roles a secret. Sales of the costumes provided the main financing for the national organization, while initiation fees funded local and state organizers.

The second Klan embraced the burning Latin cross as a dramatic display of symbolism, with a tone of intimidation.[127] No crosses had been used as a symbol by the first Klan, but it became a symbol of the Klan's quasi-Christian message. Its lighting during meetings was often accompanied by prayer, the singing of hymns, and other overtly religious symbolism.[128][specify] In his novel The Clansman, Thomas Dixon Jr. borrows the idea that the first Klan had used fiery crosses from 'the call to arms' of the Scottish Clans,[129] and film director D. W. Griffith used this image in The Birth of a Nation; Simmons adopted the symbol wholesale from the movie, and the symbol and action have been associated with the Klan ever since.[130]

Women

[edit]

By the 1920s, the KKK developed a women's auxiliary, with chapters in many areas. Its activities included participation in parades, cross lightings, lectures, rallies, and boycotts of local businesses owned by Catholics and Jews. The Women's Klan was active in promoting Prohibition, stressing liquor's negative impact on wives and children. Its efforts in public schools included distributing Bibles and petitioning for the dismissal of Catholic teachers. As a result of the Women's Klan's efforts, Texas would not hire Catholic teachers to work in its public schools. As sexual and financial scandals rocked the Klan leadership late in the 1920s, the organization's popularity among both men and women dropped off sharply.[33][specify]

Political role

[edit]
Sheet music to "We Are All Loyal Klansmen", 1923

The second Klan expanded with new chapters in cities in the Midwest and West, and reached both Republicans and Democrats, as well as men without a party affiliation. The goal of Prohibition in particular helped the Klan and some Republicans to make common cause in the North.[131]

The Klan had numerous members in every part of the United States but was particularly strong in the South and Midwest. At its peak, claimed Klan membership exceeded four million and comprised 20% of the adult white male population in many broad geographic regions, and 40% in some areas.[132] The Klan also moved north into Canada, especially Saskatchewan, where it opposed Catholics.[133][specify]

In Indiana, members were American-born, white Protestants and covered a wide range of incomes and social levels. The Indiana Klan was perhaps the most prominent Ku Klux Klan in the nation. It claimed more than 30% of white male Hoosiers as members.[134] In 1924 it supported Republican Edward Jackson in his successful campaign for governor.[135]

Catholic and liberal Democrats—who were strongest in northeastern cities—decided to make the Klan an issue at the 1924 Democratic National Convention in New York City. Their delegates proposed a resolution indirectly attacking the Klan; it was defeated by one vote out of 1,100.[136] The leading presidential candidates were William Gibbs McAdoo, a Protestant with a base in the South and West where the Klan was strong, and New York governor Al Smith, a Catholic with a base in the large cities. After weeks of stalemate and bitter argumentation, both candidates withdrew in favor of a compromise candidate.[137][138]

In some states, such as Alabama and California, KKK chapters had worked for political reform. In 1924, Klan members were elected to the city council in Anaheim, California. The city had been controlled by an entrenched commercial-civic elite that was mostly German American. Given their tradition of moderate social drinking, the German Americans did not strongly support Prohibition laws – the mayor had been a saloon keeper. Led by the minister of the First Christian Church, the Klan represented a rising group of politically oriented non-ethnic Germans who denounced the elite as corrupt, undemocratic and self-serving. The historian Christopher Cocoltchos says the Klansmen tried to create a model, orderly community. The Klan had about 1,200 members in Orange County, California. The economic and occupational profile of the pro- and anti-Klan groups shows the two were similar and about equally prosperous. Klan members were Protestants, as were most of their opponents, but the latter also included many Catholic Germans. Individuals who joined the Klan had earlier demonstrated a much higher rate of voting and civic activism than did their opponents. Cocoltchos suggests that many of the individuals in Orange County joined the Klan out of that sense of civic activism. The Klan representatives easily won the local election in Anaheim in April 1924. They fired city employees who were known to be Catholic and replaced them with Klan appointees. The new city council tried to enforce Prohibition. After its victory, the Klan chapter held large rallies and initiation ceremonies over the summer.[139] The opposition organized, bribed a Klansman for the secret membership list, and exposed the Klansmen running in the state primaries; they defeated most of the candidates. Klan opponents in 1925 took back local government and succeeded in a special election in recalling the Klansmen who had been elected in April 1924. The Klan in Anaheim quickly collapsed, its newspaper closed after losing a libel suit, and the minister who led the local Klavern moved to Kansas.[139]

In the South, Klan members were still Democratic, as it was essentially a one-party region for whites. Klan chapters were closely allied with Democratic police, sheriffs, and other functionaries of local government. Due to disenfranchisement of most African Americans and many poor whites around the start of the 20th century, the only political activity for whites took place within the Democratic Party.

In Alabama, Klan members advocated better public schools, effective Prohibition enforcement, expanded road construction, and other political measures to benefit lower-class white people. By 1925, the Klan was a political force in the state, as leaders such as J. Thomas Heflin, David Bibb Graves, and Hugo Black tried to build political power against the Black Belt wealthy planters, who had long dominated the state.[140][specify] In 1926, with Klan support, Bibb Graves won the Alabama governor's office. He was a former Klan chapter head. He pushed for increased education funding, better public health, new highway construction, and pro-labor legislation. Because the Alabama state legislature refused to redistrict until 1972, and then under court order, the Klan was unable to break the planters' and rural areas' hold on legislative power.

Scholars and biographers have recently examined Hugo Black's Klan role. Ball finds regarding the KKK that Black "sympathized with the group's economic, nativist, and anti-Catholic beliefs".[141] Newman says Black "disliked the Catholic Church as an institution" and gave over 100 anti-Catholic speeches to KKK meetings across Alabama in his 1926 election campaign.[142] Black was elected US senator in 1926 as a Democrat. In 1937 President Franklin D. Roosevelt appointed Black to the Supreme Court without knowing how active in the Klan he had been in the 1920s. He was confirmed by his fellow senators before the full KKK connection was known; Justice Black said he left the Klan when he became a senator.[143]

Although the KKK has generally been seen as anti-labor, according to historian Thomas R. Pegram, "local Klans supported striking white Protestant workers" but opposed mixed-race labor unions, and working-class Klan "sympathies complicated urban socialist politics in the Midwest".[144]

Resistance and decline

[edit]
D. C. Stephenson, Grand Dragon of the Indiana Klan. His conviction in 1925 for the murder of Madge Oberholtzer, a white schoolteacher, led to the decline of the Indiana Klan.

Many groups and leaders, including prominent Protestant ministers such as Reinhold Niebuhr in Detroit, spoke out against the Klan, gaining national attention. The Jewish Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith was formed in the early 20th century in response to attacks on Jewish Americans, including the lynching of Leo Frank in Atlanta, and to the Klan's campaign to prohibit private schools (which was chiefly aimed at Catholic parochial schools). Opposing groups worked to penetrate the Klan's secrecy. After one civic group in Indiana began to publish Klan membership lists, there was a rapid decline in the number of Klan members. The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) launched public education campaigns in order to inform people about Klan activities and lobbied in Congress against Klan abuses. After its peak in 1925, Klan membership in most areas began to decline rapidly.[103][specify] Specific events contributed to the Klan's decline as well. In Indiana, the scandal surrounding the 1925 murder trial of Grand Dragon D. C. Stephenson destroyed the image of the KKK as upholders of law and order. By 1926 the Klan was "crippled and discredited".[135] D. C. Stephenson was the grand dragon of Indiana and 22 northern states. In 1923 he had led the states under his control in order to break away from the national KKK organization. At his 1925 trial, he was convicted of second-degree murder for his part in the rape, and subsequent death, of Madge Oberholtzer.[145] After Stephenson's conviction, the Klan declined dramatically in Indiana.

The historian Leonard Moore says that a failure in leadership caused the Klan's collapse:

Stephenson and the other salesmen and office seekers who maneuvered for control of Indiana's Invisible Empire lacked both the ability and the desire to use the political system to carry out the Klan's stated goals. They were uninterested in, or perhaps even unaware of, grass roots concerns within the movement. For them, the Klan had been nothing more than a means for gaining wealth and power. These marginal men had risen to the top of the hooded order because, until it became a political force, the Klan had never required strong, dedicated leadership. More established and experienced politicians who endorsed the Klan, or who pursued some of the interests of their Klan constituents, also accomplished little. Factionalism created one barrier, but many politicians had supported the Klan simply out of expedience. When charges of crime and corruption began to taint the movement, those concerned about their political futures had even less reason to work on the Klan's behalf.[146]

In Alabama, KKK vigilantes launched a wave of physical terror in 1927. They targeted both Black and white people for violations of racial norms and for perceived moral lapses.[147] This led to a strong backlash, beginning in the media. Grover C. Hall Sr., editor of the Montgomery Advertiser from 1926, wrote a series of editorials and articles that attacked the Klan. (Today the paper says it "waged war on the resurgent [KKK]".)[148] Hall won a Pulitzer Prize for the crusade, the 1928 Editorial Writing Pulitzer, citing "his editorials against gangsterism, floggings and racial and religious intolerance".[149][150] Other newspapers kept up a steady, loud attack on the Klan, referring to the organization as violent and "un-American". Sheriffs cracked down on activities. In the 1928 presidential election, the state voters overcame their initial opposition to the Catholic candidate Al Smith and voted the Democratic Party line as usual.[citation needed]

Although in decline, a measure of the Klan's influence was still evident when it staged its march along Pennsylvania Avenue in Washington, D.C., in 1928. By 1930, Klan membership in Alabama dropped to less than 6,000. Small independent units continued to be active in the industrial city of Birmingham.

KKK units were active through the 1930s in parts of Georgia, with a group of "night riders" in Atlanta enforcing their moral views by flogging people who violated them, whites as well as Black people. In March 1940, they were implicated in the beating murders of a young white couple taken from their car on a lovers lane, and flogged a white barber to death for drinking, both in East Point, a suburb of Atlanta. More than 20 others were "brutally flogged". As the police began to investigate, they found the records of the KKK had disappeared from their East Point office. The cases were reported by the Chicago Tribune[151] and the NAACP in its Crisis magazine,[152] as well as local papers.

National changes

[edit]
Estimated membership statistics
Year Membership References
1925 4,000,000–6,000,000* [153][154][specify]
1930 30,000 [153]
1965 40,000 [155]
1968 14,000 [156]
1970 2,000–3,500 [157][156]
1974 1,500 [156][154][specify]
1975 6,500 [154][specify]
1979 10,000 [154][specify]
1991 6,000–10,000 [154][specify]
2009 5,000–8,000 [158]
2016 3,000 [47]

In 1939, after experiencing several years of decline due to the Great Depression, the Imperial Wizard Hiram Wesley Evans sold the national organization to James A. Colescott, an Indiana veterinary physician, and Samuel Green, an Atlanta obstetrician. They could not revive the Klan's declining membership. In 1944, the Internal Revenue Service filed a lien for $685,000 in back taxes against the Klan, and Colescott dissolved the organization by decree on April 23 of that year. Local Klan groups closed down over the following years.[159]

After World War II, the folklorist and author Stetson Kennedy infiltrated the Klan; he provided internal data to media and law enforcement agencies. He also provided secret code words to the writers of the Superman radio program, resulting in episodes in which Superman took on a thinly disguised version of the KKK. Kennedy stripped away the Klan's mystique and trivialized its rituals and code words, which may have contributed to the decline in Klan recruiting and membership.[160] In the 1950s Kennedy wrote a bestselling book about his experiences, which further damaged the Klan.[161][specify]

Historiography of the second Klan

[edit]

The historiography of the second Klan of the 1920s has changed over time. Early histories were based on mainstream sources of the time, but since the late 20th century, other histories have been written drawing from records and analysis of members of the chapters in social histories.[162][specify][163]

Anti-modern interpretations
[edit]
Ku Klux Klan parade in Washington, D.C., September 13, 1926

The KKK was a secret organization; apart from a few top leaders, most members never identified as such and wore masks in public. Investigators in the 1920s used KKK publicity, court cases, exposés by disgruntled Klansmen, newspaper reports, and speculation to write stories about what the Klan was doing. Almost all the major national newspapers and magazines were hostile to its activities. The historian Thomas R. Pegram says that published accounts exaggerated the official viewpoint of the Klan leadership and repeated the interpretations of hostile newspapers and the Klan's enemies. There was almost no evidence in that time regarding the behavior or beliefs of individual Klansmen. According to Pegram, the resulting popular and scholarly interpretation of the Klan from the 1920s into the mid-20th century emphasized its Southern roots and the violent vigilante-style actions of the Klan in its efforts to turn back the clock of modernity. Scholars compared it to fascism in Europe.[164] Amann states that, "Undeniably, the Klan had some traits in common with European fascism—chauvinism, racism, a mystique of violence, an affirmation of a certain kind of archaic traditionalism—yet their differences were fundamental. ...[The KKK] never envisioned a change of political or economic system."[165]

Pegram says this original interpretation:

...depicted the Klan movement as an irrational rebuke of modernity by undereducated, economically marginal bigots, religious zealots, and dupes willing to be manipulated by the Klan's cynical, mendacious leaders. It was, in this view, a movement of country parsons and small-town malcontents who were out of step with the dynamism of twentieth-century urban America.[166]

New social history interpretations
[edit]

The "social history" revolution in historiography from the 1960s explored history from the bottom up. In terms of the Klan, it developed evidence based on the characteristics, beliefs, and behavior of the typical membership, and downplayed accounts by elite sources.[167][168] Historians discovered membership lists and the minutes of local meetings from KKK chapters scattered around the country. They discovered that the original interpretation was largely mistaken about the membership and activities of the Klan; the membership was not anti-modern, rural or rustic and consisted of fairly well-educated middle-class joiners and community activists. Half the members lived in the fast-growing industrial cities of the period: Chicago, Detroit, Philadelphia, Indianapolis, Denver, and Portland, Oregon, were Klan strongholds during the 1920s.[169]

Studies find that in general, the KKK membership in these cities was from the stable, successful middle classes, with few members drawn from the elite or the working classes. Pegram, reviewing the studies, concludes, "the popular Klan of the 1920s, while diverse, was more of a civic exponent of white Protestant social values than a repressive hate group."[170][specify]

Kelly J. Baker argues that religion was critical—the KKK based its hatred on a particular brand of Protestantism that resonated with mainstream Americans: "Members embraced Protestant Christianity and a crusade to save America from domestic as well as foreign threats."[171] Member were primarily Baptists, Methodists, and members of the Disciples of Christ, while men of "more elite or liberal" Protestant denominations such as Unitarians, Episcopalians, Congregationalists, and Lutherans, were less likely to join.[172]

Indiana
[edit]

In Indiana, traditional political historians focused on notorious leaders, especially D. C. Stephenson, the Grand Dragon of the Indiana Klan, whose conviction for the 1925 kidnap, rape, and murder of Madge Oberholtzer helped destroy the Ku Klux Klan movement nationwide. In his history of 1967, Kenneth T. Jackson described the Klan of the 1920s as associated with cities and urbanization, with chapters often acting as a kind of fraternal organization to aid people coming from other areas.[103][specify]

Social historian Leonard Moore titled his monograph Citizen Klansmen (1997) and contrasted the intolerant rhetoric of the group's leaders with the actions of most of the membership. The Klan was white Protestant, established Americans who were fearful of change represented by new immigrants and Black migrants to the North. They were highly suspicious of Catholics, Jews and Black people, who they believed subverted ideal, Protestant moral standards. Violence was uncommon in most chapters. In Indiana, KKK members directed more threats and economic blacklisting primarily against fellow white Protestants for transgressions of community moral standards, such as adultery, wife-beating, gambling and heavy drinking. Up to one third of Indiana's Protestant men joined the order making it, Moore argued, "a kind of interest group for average white Protestants who believed that their values should be dominant in their community and state."[173]

Northern Indiana's industrial cities had attracted a large Catholic population of European immigrants and their descendants. They established the University of Notre Dame, a major Catholic college near South Bend. In May 1924, when the KKK scheduled a regional meeting in the city, Notre Dame students blocked the Klansmen and stole some KKK regalia. On the next day, the Klansmen counterattacked. Finally, the college president and the football coach Knute Rockne kept the students on campus to avert further violence.[174]

Alabama
[edit]

In Alabama, some young, white, urban activists joined the KKK to fight the old guard establishment. Hugo Black was a member and won a seat in the U.S. Senate by campaigning in KKK chapters where he focused on anti-Catholicism. However, in rural Alabama the Klan continued to operate to enforce Jim Crow laws; its members resorted more often to violence against Black people for infringements of the social order of white supremacy.[140][specify]

Racial terrorism was used in smaller towns to suppress Black political activity. Elbert Williams of Brownsville, Tennessee, was lynched in 1940 for trying to organize Black residents to register and vote; also that year, Jesse Thornton of Luverne, Alabama, was lynched for failing to address a police officer as "Mister".[175]

Two children wearing Ku Klux Klan robes and hoods stand on either side of Samuel Green, a Ku Klux Klan Grand Dragon, at Stone Mountain, Georgia, on July 24, 1948.

Later Klans: 1940s–present

[edit]

In 1944, the second KKK was disbanded by Imperial Wizard James A. Colescott after the IRS levied a large tax liability against the organization.[176] In 1946, Samuel Green reestablished the KKK at a ceremony on Stone Mountain.[177] His group primarily operated in Georgia. Green was succeeded by Samuel Roper as Imperial Wizard in 1949, and Roper was succeeded by Eldon Edwards in 1950.[178] Based in Atlanta, Edwards worked to rebuild the organization by uniting the different factions of the KKK from other parts of the United States, but the strength of the organization was short-lived, and the group fractured as it competed with other klan organizations. In 1959, Roy Davis was elected to follow Edwards as national leader.[179] Edwards had previously appointed Davis Grand Dragon of Texas in an effort to unite their two klan organizations. Davis was already leading the Original Knights of the Ku Klux Klan in Texas, Arkansas, Louisiana, and Mississippi. Davis held rallies Florida and other southern states during 1961 and 1962 recruiting members. Davis had been a close associate of William J. Simmons and been active in the KKK since it first reformed in 1915.[180][181][182]

Congress launched an investigation into the KKK in early 1964, following the assassination of John F. Kennedy in Dallas. Davis, based in Dallas, resigned as Imperial Wizard of the Original Knights shortly after the Original Knights received a Congressional subpoena. The Original Knights became increasingly fractured in the immediate aftermath as many members were forced to testify before Congress.[183] The White Knights of the Ku Klux Klan formed in 1964 after splitting from the Original Knights.[184] According to an FBI report published in May 1965, the KKK was divided into 14 different organizations at the time with a total membership of approximately 9,000.[184] The FBI reported that Roy Davis's Original Knights was the largest faction and had about 1,500 members. Robert Shelton of Alabama was leading a faction of 400–600 members.[184] Congressional investigators found that by the end of 1965 most members of Original Knights organization joined Shelton's United Klans and the Original Knights of the KKK disbanded. Shelton's United Klan continued to absorb members from the competing factions and remained the largest Klan group unto the 1970s, peaking with an estimated 30,000 members and another 250,000 non-member supporters during the late 1960s.[183][185]

1950s–1960s: post-war opposition to civil rights

[edit]

After the decline of the national organization, small independent groups adopted the name "Ku Klux Klan", along with variations. They had no formal relationships with each other, and most had no connection to the second KKK, except for the fact that they copied its terminology and costumes. Beginning in the 1950s, for instance, individual Klan groups in Birmingham, Alabama, began to resist social change and Black people's efforts to improve their lives by bombing houses in transitional neighborhoods. The white men worked in mining and steel industries, with access to these materials. There were so many bombings of Black people's homes in Birmingham by Klan groups in the 1950s that the city was nicknamed "Bombingham".[39][specify]

During the tenure of Bull Connor as police commissioner in Birmingham, Klan groups were closely allied with the police and operated with impunity. When the Freedom Riders arrived in Birmingham in 1961, Connor gave Klan members fifteen minutes to attack the riders before sending in the police to quell the attack.[39][specify] When local and state authorities failed to protect the Freedom Riders and activists, the federal government began to establish intervention and protection. In states such as Alabama and Mississippi, Klan members forged alliances with governors' administrations.[39][specify] In Birmingham and elsewhere, the KKK groups bombed the houses of civil rights activists. In some cases they used physical violence, intimidation, and assassination directly against individuals. Continuing disfranchisement of Black people across the South meant that most could not serve on juries, which were all-white and demonstrably biased verdicts and sentences.[39]

Goodman, Chaney, and Schwerner were three civil rights workers abducted and murdered by members of the Ku Klux Klan.

According to a report from the Southern Regional Council in Atlanta, the homes of 40 Black Southern families were bombed during 1951 and 1952. Some of the bombing victims were social activists whose work exposed them to danger, but most were either people who refused to bow to racist convention or were innocent bystanders, unsuspecting victims of random violence.[186]

Among the more notorious murders by Klan members in the 1950s and 1960s were:

Resistance

[edit]

There was considerable resistance among African Americans and white allies to the Klan. In 1953, newspaper publishers W. Horace Carter (Tabor City, North Carolina), who had campaigned for three years, and Willard Cole (Whiteville, North Carolina) shared the Pulitzer Prize for Public Service citing "their successful campaign against the Ku Klux Klan, waged on their own doorstep at the risk of economic loss and personal danger, culminating in the conviction of over one hundred Klansmen and an end to terrorism in their communities".[193] In a 1958 incident in North Carolina, the Klan burned crosses at the homes of two Lumbee Native Americans for associating with white people, and threatened more actions. When the KKK held a nighttime rally nearby, they were quickly surrounded by hundreds of armed Lumbee. Gunfire was exchanged, and the Klan was routed at what became known as the Battle of Hayes Pond.[194]

While the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) had paid informants in the Klan (for instance, in Birmingham in the early 1960s), its relations with local law enforcement agencies and the Klan were often ambiguous. The head of the FBI, J. Edgar Hoover, appeared more concerned about Communist links to civil rights activists than about controlling Klan excesses against citizens. In 1964, the FBI's COINTELPRO program began attempts to infiltrate and disrupt civil rights groups.[39][specify]

As 20th-century Supreme Court rulings extended federal enforcement of citizens' civil rights, the government revived the Enforcement Acts and the Klan Act from Reconstruction days. Federal prosecutors used these laws as the basis for investigations and indictments in the 1964 murders of Chaney, Goodman, and Schwerner;[195] and the 1965 murder of Viola Liuzzo. They were also the basis for prosecution in 1991 in Bray v. Alexandria Women's Health Clinic.

In 1965, the House Un-American Activities Committee started an investigation on the Klan, putting in the public spotlight its front organizations, finances, methods and divisions.[196]

1970s–present

[edit]
Violence at a Klan march in Mobile, Alabama, 1977

After federal legislation was passed prohibiting legal segregation and authorizing enforcement of protection of voting rights, KKK groups began to oppose court-ordered busing to desegregate schools, affirmative action, and the more open immigration authorized in the 1960s. In 1971, KKK members used bombs to destroy 10 school buses in Pontiac, Michigan.[197][198] By 1975, there were known KKK groups on most college campuses in Louisiana as well as at Vanderbilt University, the University of Georgia, the University of Mississippi, the University of Akron, and the University of Southern California.[199] The KKK was involved in intimidating Vietnamese refugees in the Galveston Bay Area.[200][201]

Massacre of Communist Workers' Party protesters

[edit]

On November 3, 1979, five communist protesters were killed by KKK and American Nazi Party members in Greensboro, North Carolina, in what is known as the Greensboro massacre.[202] The Communist Workers' Party had sponsored a rally against the Klan in an effort to organize predominantly Black industrial workers in the area.[203] Klan members drove up with arms in their car trunks, and attacked marchers.

Klan infiltrations

[edit]

Jerry Thompson, a newspaper reporter who infiltrated the KKK in 1979, reported that the FBI's COINTELPRO efforts were highly successful. Rival KKK factions accused each other's leaders of being FBI informants. William Wilkinson of the Invisible Empire, Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, was revealed to have been working for the FBI.[204][specify]

Thompson also related that KKK leaders showed great concern about a series of civil lawsuits filed by the Southern Poverty Law Center, claiming damages amounting to millions of dollars. These were filed after KKK members shot into a group of African Americans. Klansmen curtailed their activities in order to conserve money for defense against the lawsuits. The KKK also used lawsuits as tools; they filed a libel suit in order to prevent the publication of a paperback edition of Thompson's book but were unsuccessful.[citation needed]

A Jewish Defense League member known by the pseudonym "Annette" infiltrated neo-Nazi and Klan groups in 1979 and informed on two dozen Klansmen and neo-Nazis to JDL leader Edward Rainov. Edwin L. Reynolds, the Grand Dragon of the White Knights, a New Jersey Ku Klux Klan group, and two others were arrested "on charges of rape, aggravated assault and threatening to kill the woman". According to Annette the men lured her to a hotel room, handcuffed her and sexually assaulted her, breaking her wrists.[205][206]

Chattanooga shooting

[edit]

In 1980, three KKK members shot four elderly Black women (Viola Ellison, Lela Evans, Opal Jackson, and Katherine Johnson) in Chattanooga, Tennessee, following a KKK initiation rally. A fifth woman, Fannie Crumsey, was injured by flying glass in the incident. Attempted murder charges were filed against the three KKK members, two of whom—Bill Church and Larry Payne—were acquitted by an all-white jury. The third defendant, Marshall Thrash, was sentenced by the same jury to nine months on lesser charges. He was released after three months.[207][208][209] In 1982, a jury awarded the five women $535,000 in a civil trial.[210]

Michael Donald lynching
[edit]

After Michael Donald was lynched in 1981 in Alabama, the FBI investigated his death. The US attorney prosecuted the case. Two local KKK members were convicted for his murder, including Henry Francis Hays who was sentenced to death. After exhausting the appeals process, Hays was executed by electric chair for Donald's death in Alabama on June 6, 1997.[211] It was the first time since 1913 that a white person had been executed in Alabama for a crime against a black person.[212]

With the support of attorneys Morris Dees of the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) and state senator Michael A. Figures, Donald's mother Beulah Mae Donald sued the KKK in civil court in Alabama. Her lawsuit against the United Klans of America was tried in February 1987.[213] The all-white jury found the Klan responsible for the lynching of Donald, and ordered the Klan to pay US$7 million, but the KKK did not have sufficient funds to pay the fine. They had to sell off their national headquarters building in Tuscaloosa.[213][212]

Neo-Nazi alliances and Stormfront
[edit]

In 1995, Don Black and Chloê Hardin, the ex-wife of the KKK grand wizard David Duke, began a small bulletin board system (BBS) called Stormfront, which has become a prominent online forum for white nationalism, Neo-Nazism, hate speech, racism, and antisemitism in the early 21st century.[214][215][216]

In a 2007 article by the ADL, it was reported that many KKK groups had formed strong alliances with other white supremacist groups, such as neo-Nazis. Some KKK groups have become increasingly "nazified", adopting the look and emblems of white power skinheads.[217][218][219]

Current developments
[edit]

The modern KKK is not one organization; rather, it is composed of small independent chapters across the United States.[220] According to a 1999 ADL report, the KKK's estimated size then was "no more than a few thousand, organized into slightly more than 100 units".[221] In 2017, the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC), which monitors extremist groups, estimated that there were "at least 29 separate, rival Klan groups currently active in the United States, and they compete with one another for members, dues, news media attention and the title of being the true heir to the Ku Klux Klan".[222] The formation of independent chapters has made KKK groups more difficult to infiltrate, and researchers find it hard to estimate their numbers. Analysts believe that about two-thirds of KKK members are concentrated in the Southern United States, with another third situated primarily in the lower Midwest.[221][223][224]

For some time, the Klan's numbers have been steadily dropping. This decline has been attributed to the Klan's lack of competence in the use of the Internet, their history of violence, a proliferation of competing hate groups, and a decline in the number of young racist activists who are willing to join groups at all.[225]

In 2015, the number of KKK chapters nationwide grew from 72 to 190. The SPLC released a similar report stating that "there were significant increases in Klan as well as Black separatist groups".[226]

A 2016 analysis by the SPLC found that hate groups in general were on the rise in the United States.[226] The ADL published a report in 2016 that concluded: "Despite a persistent ability to attract media attention, organized Ku Klux Klan groups are actually continuing a long-term trend of decline. They remain a collection of mostly small, disjointed groups that continually change in name and leadership."[47]

Recent KKK membership campaigns have exploited people's anxieties about illegal immigration, urban crime, and same-sex marriage.[227] In 2006, J. Keith Akins argued that "Klan literature and propaganda is rabidly homophobic and encourages violence against gays and lesbians. ...Since the late 1970s, the Klan has increasingly focused its ire on this previously ignored population."[228] Since the September 11 attacks in 2001, the Klan has produced Islamophobic propaganda and distributed anti-Islamic flyers.[229][230]

The American Civil Liberties Union has provided legal support to various factions of the KKK in defense of their First Amendment rights to hold public rallies, parades, and marches, as well as their right to field political candidates.[231]

The February 14, 2019, edition of the Linden, Alabama, weekly newspaper The Democrat-Reporter carried an editorial titled "Klan needs to ride again" written by Goodloe Sutton—the newspaper's owner, publisher and editor—which urged the Klan to return to staging their night rides, because proposals were being made to raise taxes in the state. In an interview, Sutton suggested that Washington, D.C., could be "clean[ed] out" by way of lynchings. "We'll get the hemp ropes out, loop them over a tall limb and hang all of them," Sutton said. He also specified that he was only referring to hanging "socialist-communists" and compared the Klan to the NAACP. The editorial and Sutton's subsequent comments provoked calls for his resignation from Alabama politicians and the Alabama Press Association, which later censured Sutton and suspended the newspaper's membership. In addition, the University of Southern Mississippi's School of Communication removed Sutton—who is an alumnus of that school—from its Mass Communication and Journalism Hall of Fame, and "strongly condemns" his remarks. Sutton was also stripped of a distinguished community journalism award he had been presented in 2009 by Auburn University's Journalism Advisory Council.[232] Sutton expressed no regret and said that the editorial was intended to be "ironic", but that "not many people understand irony today."[233]

Current Klan organizations
[edit]

A list is maintained by the Anti-Defamation League (ADL):[234]

Outside the United States and Canada

[edit]

Regarded by historians as America's first terrorist group,[244][245][246][247] there have been various attempts to organize KKK chapters outside America in places such as: Asia, Europe and Oceania, with negligible results.[248]

Africa

[edit]

In apartheid South Africa in the 1960s, some far-right activists copied KKK actions, for example by writing "Ku Klux Klan Africa" on the ANC Cape Town offices or by wearing their costumes. In response, American Klan leader Terry Venable attempted to establish a branch at Rhodes University.[249]

In the 1970s, Rhodesia had a Ku Klux Klan, led by Len Idensohn, attacking Ian Smith for his perceived moderation.[250][251]

Americas

[edit]

In Mexico, on 1924 vigilantes claimed to have organized themselves into a Klan against "criminals", publishing a program of "social epuration".[252]

In São Paulo, Brazil, the website of a group called Imperial Klans of Brazil was shut down in 2003, and the group's leader was arrested.[253]

The Klan has also been established in the Canal Zone.[248]

The Klan was present in Cuba, under the name of Ku Klux Klan Kubano, directed against both West Indian migrant workers and Afro-Cuban and using the fear of the 1912 Negro Rebellion.[248][254]

Asia

[edit]

During the Vietnam War, klaverns were established on some US military bases, often tolerated by military authorities.[255][256]

In the 1920s, the Klan briefly existed in Shanghai.[248][257]

Europe

[edit]

Recruitment activity has also been reported in the United Kingdom. In the 1960s, "klaverns" were established in the Midlands, the following decade saw visits by leading Klansmen, and the 1990s saw recruitment drives in London, Scotland and the Midlands and huge internal turmoil and splintering: for example a leader, Allan Beshella, had to resign after a 1972 conviction for child sex abuse was revealed.[258][259] In 2018, Klan-clad far-right activists marched in front of a Northern Irish mosque.[260]

In Germany, a KKK-related group, Ritter des Feurigen Kreuzes ("Knights of the Fiery Cross"), was established in 1925 by returning naturalized German-born US citizens in Berlin who managed to gather around 300 persons of middle-class occupations such as merchants and clerks. It soon saw the original founders being removed by internal conflicts, and mocking newspapers about the affair. After the Nazis took over Germany, the group disbanded and its members joined the Nazis.[261][248][262] In 1991, Dennis Mahon, then of Oklahoma's White Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, reportedly helped to organize Klan groups.[259] Another German KKK-related group, the European White Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, has organized and it gained notoriety in 2012 when the German media reported that two police officers who held membership in the organization would be allowed to keep their jobs.[263][264] In 2019, the German authorities conducted raids against a possibly dangerous group called National Socialist Knights of the Ku Klux Klan Deutschland.[265][266][267]

In 2001, David Duke came to Moscow to network with local anti-Semitic Russian nationalists. Duke said that Russia was "the key to white survival" and blamed most of the events of the 20th century Russian history on the Jews.[268][269]

In the 1920s, the Klan was rumoured to exist in Lithuania and Czechoslovakia.[248]

Some dozens of people rioted in Hennala, Finland in September 2015 and threw rocks and fireworks at refugees and the Red Cross staff working in the Hennala refugee center. The riot attracted national attention due to Ku Klux Klan imagery used in the riot. Then Finance Minister Alexander Stubb condemned the riot, saying people clad in Ku Klux Klan robes with a Finnish flag is a "travesty".[270]

Oceania

[edit]

In Australia in the late 1990s, former One Nation member Peter Coleman established branches throughout the country,[271][272] and circa 2012 the KKK has attempted to infiltrate other political parties such as Australia First.[273] Branches of the Klan have previously existed in New South Wales[273] and Victoria,[273] as well as allegedly in Queensland.[274] Unlike in the United States, the Australian branches did not require members to be Christian, but did require them to be white.[273]

A Ku Klux Klan group was established in Fiji in 1874 by white American and British settlers wanting to enact White supremacy, although its operations were quickly put to an end by the British who, although not officially yet established as the major authority of Fiji, had played a leading role in establishing a new constitutional monarchy, the Kingdom of Fiji, that was being threatened by the activities of the Fijian Klan, which owned fortresses and artillery. By March, it had become the "British Subjects' Mutual Protection Society", which included Francis Herbert Dufty.[275][276][277][278]

In the 1920s, the Klan had been rumoured to exist in New Zealand.[248][279]

Titles and vocabulary

[edit]

Membership in the Klan is secret. Like many fraternal organizations, the Klan uses signs and coded language that members can use to recognize one another. In conversation, a member may use the acronym AYAK (Are you a Klansman?) to surreptitiously identify themselves to another potential member. The response AKIA (A Klansman, I am.) completes the greeting.[280]

Throughout its varied history, the Klan has coined many words[281][196] beginning with "Kl", including:

  • Klabee – treasurers
  • Klavern – local organization
  • Imperial Kleagle – recruiter
  • Klecktoken – initiation fee
  • Kligrapp – secretary
  • Klonvokation – gathering
  • Kloran – ritual book
  • Kloreroe – delegate
  • Imperial Kludd – chaplain

All of the above terminology was created by William Joseph Simmons, as part of his 1915 revival of the Klan.[282] The Reconstruction-era Klan used different titles; the only titles to carry over were "Wizard" for the overall leader of the Klan and "Night Hawk" for the official in charge of security.

The Imperial Kludd was the chaplain of the Imperial Klonvocation and he performed "such other duties as may be required by the Imperial Wizard".

The Imperial Kaliff was the second-highest position, after the imperial wizard.[283]

Symbols

[edit]

The Ku Klux Klan has utilized a variety of symbols over its history.

Blood Drop Cross

[edit]

The most identifiable symbol used by the Klan for the past century has been the Mystic Insignia of a Klansman, commonly known as the Blood Drop Cross, a white cross on a red disk with what appears to be a blood drop in the middle. It was first used in the early 1900s, with the symbol in the center originally appearing as a red and white taijitu which in the subsequent years, lost the white lobe and was reinterpreted as a "blood drop".[284]

Triangular Klan symbol

[edit]

The Triangular Ku Klux Klan symbol is made of what looks like a triangle inside a triangle, similar to a Sierpiński triangle, but in fact represents three letter Ks interlocked and facing inward, referencing the name of the group. A variation on this symbol has the K's facing outwards instead of inwards. It is an old Klan symbol that has also been resurrected as a modern-day hate symbol.[285]

Burning cross

[edit]

Although predating the Klan, in modern times the symbol of the burning cross has become almost solely associated with the Ku Klux Klan and has become one of the most potent hate symbols in the United States.[286] Burning crosses did not become associated with the Klan until Thomas Dixon's The Clansman, and its film adaptation, D. W. Griffith's The Birth of a Nation inspired members of the second Klan to take up the practice.[287] In the modern day, the symbol of the burning cross is so associated with racial intimidation that it is used by many non-Klan racist elements and has spread to locations outside the United States.[286]

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]

Further reading

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
The Ku Klux Klan (KKK), founded in December 1865 in , by six Confederate Army veterans—John C. Lester, John B. Kennedy, James R. Crowe, Frank O. McCord, Richard R. Reed, and J. Calvin Jones—affiliated with the Democratic Party who opposed Republican-led Reconstruction policies, emerged as a secret society initially masquerading as a but rapidly transforming into a vehicle for white supremacist that served as an auxiliary to Democratic efforts to regain control in the South and restore white supremacy, aimed at undermining Reconstruction by targeting freed , Republican officials, and their supporters through , whippings, and murders. In 1867, Nathan Bedford Forrest, a Confederate general affiliated with the Democratic Party, was elected the first Grand Wizard. The political alignments of 19th-century American parties differ significantly from modern ones. The group's name derived from the Greek word kuklos (meaning "circle" or "band"), altered to "Ku Klux" for alliteration, with "Klan" added to evoke Scottish heritage. Its early activities, peaking in the late 1860s, involved widespread extralegal violence across the South, prompting congressional investigations that documented thousands of attacks and led to the of 1870-1871, including the , which authorized federal intervention to suppress the organization. The first Klan iteration largely dissolved by the mid-1870s under federal pressure, but a revived second Klan formed in 1915 at , inspired by the film , which romanticized the original group as defenders of Southern honor. This version expanded beyond anti-Black racism to encompass nativism, , anti-Semitism, and , attracting a peak membership estimated between 2 million and 5 million by the mid-1920s, with significant political influence including the election of Klan-backed officials at state and local levels. The organization employed ritualistic robes, hooded masks, and burning crosses to instill fear, while engaging in lynchings, bombings, and electoral intimidation, though internal scandals, such as the 1925 conviction of Indiana leader for murder and rape, accelerated its decline into the 1930s. Post-World War II, a fragmented third Klan surged in opposition to the , orchestrating high-profile atrocities like the 1963 Birmingham church bombing that killed four girls, but FBI countermeasures under and legal prosecutions further marginalized it. Today, the KKK persists in splintered, diminished form with membership in the low thousands, its legacy defined by persistent advocacy for and Protestant nativism amid broader societal rejection.

Origins and First Iteration

Etymology and Founding

The Ku Klux Klan was founded in , in late or early by six former Confederate Army veterans seeking camaraderie in the aftermath of the Civil War. These men—identified in historical accounts as including John C. Lester, John B. Kennedy, James R. Crowe, Richard R. Reed, Frank O. McCord, and Calvin Jones—initially organized the group as a private to combat boredom and foster brotherhood among ex-soldiers in a defeated South facing economic hardship and social upheaval. The first meetings occurred in a local law office or vacant building, where the founders drew inspiration from college fraternities and theatrical traditions prevalent among Southern elites, incorporating mock rituals, oaths, and disguises to create an air of mystery and amusement. The name "Ku Klux Klan" originated from the Greek term kuklos, meaning "circle," combined with "klan," a variant of "," selected primarily for phonetic and to suggest a tight-knit, secretive circle of associates. This reflected the group's early frivolous tone, evoking images of a rather than a entity, though the repetitive "K" sounds also lent an eerie, memorable quality suited to nighttime gatherings and pranks. Contemporaries noted that the term "Ku Klux" may have mimicked the cocking of a or local dialect inflections, but linguistic analysis confirms its roots in classical influences filtered through 19th-century , without deeper or foreign connotations. Though begun innocuously, the Klan's structure formalized rapidly, with titles like "Imperial Wizard" and "Goblins" assigned playfully, setting the stage for its transformation amid escalating tensions over federal Reconstruction policies. By mid-1866, local chapters had proliferated in , marking the shift from leisure pursuit to a vehicle for resisting perceived Northern-imposed changes in Southern society.

Objectives in Post-Civil War South

The first iteration of the Ku Klux Klan formed on December 24, 1865, in , by six Confederate veterans who initially organized as a social fraternity to alleviate postwar boredom and assert Southern identity amid federal occupation. By mid-1866, as Reconstruction policies enfranchised freedmen and empowered Republican state governments, the group's objectives shifted toward political resistance, aiming to dismantle these regimes by discouraging black political participation and targeting collaborators. Members viewed Reconstruction as an illegitimate imposition that inverted the prewar social order, seeking to restore Democratic control and white authority over local governance. The Klan's foundational document, the 1867 Prescript attributed to George W. Gordon, outlined nominal goals of upholding , aiding the distressed, and protecting the weak without explicit reference to race or , presenting the order as a patriotic loyal to the . In practice, however, these aims masked a concerted effort to suppress freedmen's voting and office-holding, as evidenced by coordinated campaigns that aligned with Democratic efforts to regain power in states like and by 1868. Congressional investigations from 1870-1871 documented over 1,000 cases of Klan-orchestrated violence aimed at nullifying the Fifteenth Amendment's protections, confirming the primary objective as neutralizing black electoral influence to prevent "Negro domination" in Southern . Beyond electoral disruption, objectives encompassed expelling Northern "carpetbaggers" and punishing Southern "scalawags" who supported Reconstruction, thereby preserving economic leverage over freed labor through threats against land ownership and contract enforcement. Under Grand Wizard Nathan Bedford Forrest's leadership from 1867, the Klan coordinated across states to bolster Confederate veterans' claims to moral and social primacy, framing their actions as defensive against federal overreach rather than unprovoked aggression. This political calculus succeeded in several locales, contributing to the collapse of Republican governments by , though federal curtailed the organization's overt operations.

Methods and Resistance to Reconstruction

The first iteration of the Ku Klux Klan employed secretive, nocturnal tactics characterized by members donning white robes and hoods to conceal their identities during night rides across the rural . These operations, beginning around 1868, targeted freed , white Republicans, and Union sympathizers to instill fear and enforce white supremacist social hierarchies disrupted by and federal Reconstruction policies. Primary methods included threats, whippings, arson against homes and churches, and murders, often without firearms to mimic ghostly apparitions and amplify psychological terror. In , the Klan emerged in April 1868, using such intimidation to discourage black voter participation shortly after their enfranchisement. Congressional testimony from 1871 documented thousands of these "outrages," including the whipping of black laborers to compel subservience and the of political organizers. These acts directly resisted Reconstruction by undermining Republican electoral majorities and state governments. Klan violence suppressed black turnout in key 1868 elections, where threats at polling places and prior attacks deterred participation, enabling Democratic resurgence in states like Georgia and . In , by 1871, the Klan orchestrated widespread campaigns of , contributing to the collapse of biracial governance through targeted killings of black officeholders and jurors. The organization's decentralized structure allowed local dens to adapt tactics to specific threats, such as disrupting operations or intimidating witnesses in federal courts, thereby perpetuating a of that eroded Reconstruction's institutional foundations until federal curtailed activities.

Federal Suppression and Dissolution

The United States Congress enacted the Enforcement Acts between 1870 and 1871 to counter Ku Klux Klan violence targeting African Americans and Republican supporters during Reconstruction. The first act, passed on May 31, 1870, criminalized interference with voting rights and authorized federal oversight of elections in cases of fraud or intimidation. A second act, approved February 28, 1871, expanded federal authority to supervise polling places and prosecute election-related conspiracies. The third Enforcement Act, commonly known as the , was signed into law by President on April 20, 1871, empowering the federal government to combat conspiracies depriving citizens of constitutional rights under the Fourteenth Amendment. This legislation permitted the president to deploy federal troops, federal marshals, and even suspend habeas corpus in districts where insurrections threatened public safety, while establishing federal jurisdiction over such offenses to bypass local courts often sympathetic to the Klan. Grant invoked the act decisively in South Carolina, where Klan activity peaked with widespread murders, whippings, and intimidation campaigns against freedmen and white Republicans. On October 12, 1871, he proclaimed in nine upcountry counties, suspending and ordering the arrest of over 1,200 suspected Klansmen by U.S. marshals and troops. Federal trials followed in , from late 1871 into 1872, resulting in convictions of key figures, including over 50 guilty pleas and sentences ranging from fines to imprisonment; however, many cases ended in acquittals due to witness intimidation or evidentiary challenges. These federal interventions, combined with internal disarray—such as Grand Wizard Nathan Forrest's public disavowal and purported disbandment order in early 1869—led to the first Klan's operational collapse by 1872, with membership fracturing and activities ceasing amid prosecutions and reduced recruitment. Enforcement waned after the 1876 , as Democratic gains in curtailed funding and political will for sustained federal oversight, allowing localized violence to persist in altered forms.

Second Klan: Revival and Peak Influence

Refounding Amid Cultural Shifts

The second Ku Klux Klan was refounded on November 25, 1915, by William J. Simmons, a former Methodist preacher and fraternal organizer, who gathered fifteen charter members atop Stone Mountain in DeKalb County, Georgia, for a cross-burning ceremony inspired by Scottish clan traditions. This event marked a deliberate revival of the original Reconstruction-era organization, which had been suppressed by federal enforcement in the 1870s. Simmons, influenced by his involvement in secret societies and a recent viewing of D.W. Griffith's film The Birth of a Nation, sought to adapt the Klan's structure to address contemporary perceived threats to white Protestant dominance. The refounding occurred amid escalating nativist anxieties in early 20th-century America, driven by record immigration levels—over 8.8 million arrivals between 1900 and 1915, predominantly from Southern and , including large Catholic and Jewish populations that native-born Protestants viewed as culturally incompatible. and the early stages of the Great Migration of to Northern cities intensified fears of social disorder and competition for jobs among rural and small-town whites. The Birth of a Nation, released on February 8, 1915, and screened at the under President , romanticized the first Klan as heroic defenders against Reconstruction-era chaos, galvanizing Simmons to position the new iteration as a bulwark against similar "alien" influences eroding traditional American values. Proponents of the revival framed it as a response to moral and cultural decay, including rising labor unrest, evolving gender roles, and the perceived spread of vice in expanding cities, though initial emphasized fraternal loyalty and Protestant exclusivity over immediate . Simmons incorporated business-like tactics, such as hiring publicists and leveraging the film's popularity, which amplified nativist sentiments already simmering in a grappling with industrialization and demographic change. By 1920, these factors had propelled membership growth, setting the stage for national expansion.

Expansion and Membership Surge

Following its refounding in 1915, the second Ku Klux Klan remained small until 1920, with membership under 5,000 primarily in Georgia and . In 1920, Imperial Wizard William J. Simmons partnered with publicist Edward Young Clarke to professionalize recruitment, employing traveling salesmen known as Kleagles who received commissions of $4 from each $10 initiation fee paid by new members. This business-like approach, including widespread advertising in newspapers and fraternal publications, fueled explosive growth, adding tens of thousands monthly by 1921. The surge capitalized on post-World War I nativism, amid fears of cultural dilution from 14.5 million immigrants arriving between 1900 and 1920, many Catholic or from southern and . The Klan positioned itself as defenders of "100% Americanism," opposing immigrants, Catholics, , and perceived moral decay, while supporting enforcement against bootleggers often associated with immigrant communities. This resonated with white Protestant middle-class professionals and businessmen in urban areas, broadening appeal beyond rural Southerners. Geographic expansion extended rapidly northward and westward; by 1923, states like , , and hosted massive klaverns, with Oregon alone claiming over 30,000 members across 50 chapters. Nationwide membership estimates peaked at 3 to 5 million by 1924-1925, representing about 15% of eligible white men, evidenced by events like the 1925 Washington, D.C., parade of over 50,000 robed Klansmen. Such scale reflected not just recruitment efficacy but alignment with era-specific anxieties over , evolving demographics, and fundamentalist Protestant values.

Organizational Framework

The Second Klan established a rigidly hierarchical structure inspired by fraternal organizations, with authority flowing from a national "Empire" through state "Realms" to local "Klaverns," enabling centralized control amid rapid expansion. At the apex, the national leadership consisted of an Imperial Wizard functioning as , a Grand Wizard as ceremonial chair, and an Imperial Kloncilium of 15 advisors holding specialized titles such as Klaliff (), Klokard ( or educator), and Kligrapp ( and accountant). This body coordinated policy, finances, and recruitment across the organization, which by 1924 generated an estimated $25 million annually from dues and sales. State-level Realms were governed by a Grand Dragon, who wielded significant political and operational influence, particularly in strongholds like where they directed local activities and lobbying efforts, supported by 15 state Hydras for administrative duties. Below the Realm, districts or Provinces were led by a Great Titan, overseeing multiple Klaverns. Local Klaverns, the basic units typically limited to 200 members for , were presided over by an Exalted Cyclops as chapter head, with an of 12 Terrors and officers including the Kludd (), Kladd (conductor of ceremonies), Kligrapp (secretary), and Kleezzle (treasurer). Additional roles encompassed the Night-Hawk (investigator and courier) and Klexter (sentinel or guard), enforcing secrecy and discipline through rituals and oaths. Recruitment fueled growth via a commission-based system resembling a , with itinerant —salesmen-like organizers—receiving $4 from each $10 initiation fee they secured, reporting to regional King Kleagles and a national Imperial ; this incentive structure propelled membership from a few thousand in 1920 to peaks exceeding 4 million by 1925. Annual dues of $5, plus imperial taxes and regalia costs (e.g., robes sold for $6.50 despite $2 production), sustained the framework while funding both fraternal activities and political campaigns.

Policy Positions and Moral Campaigns

The second iteration of the Ku Klux Klan articulated a platform centered on "100% Americanism," emphasizing native-born white Protestant supremacy and opposition to Catholics, , , and non-Nordic immigrants as threats to cultural homogeneity. This framed advocacy around restricting immigration to preserve Protestant values and economic opportunities for , influencing support for the , which imposed national-origin quotas favoring Northern Europeans while curtailing arrivals from Southern and . Klan leaders, such as Imperial Wizard Hiram Evans, promoted these positions through public rallies and endorsements, arguing that Catholic and immigrant influences undermined public schools and constitutional by fostering parochial education and alleged political conspiracies. In alignment with Progressive Era reforms, the Klan endorsed Prohibition under the 18th Amendment, ratified in 1919, positioning itself as a defender of temperance against urban vice associated with immigrants and Catholics. Membership surged in the early partly due to alliances with the , enabling the Klan to claim moral authority in enforcing the by targeting bootleggers, often through extralegal intimidation rather than legal channels. Moral campaigns extended beyond alcohol to broader social vices, with klaverns conducting vigilante actions such as whippings and tar-and-feathering against individuals accused of , , and , particularly in Midwestern and Southern states where Klan influence peaked around 1924-1925. In locales like , these efforts targeted immigrant communities perceived as eroding family structures and Protestant ethics, framing such interventions as community purification rather than mere . By 1925, with membership estimates reaching 4-5 million, the Klan leveraged these campaigns to endorse political candidates committed to anti-vice legislation, though internal corruption scandals, such as the 1925 conviction of Indiana Grand Dragon for murder and rape, undermined claims of moral superiority.

Electoral and Civic Impact

The Second Klan achieved notable electoral successes in the mid-1920s, particularly in Midwestern and Western states where its membership was concentrated. In , Klan leader orchestrated the election of as governor in 1924, while Klan-aligned candidates secured a majority in both houses of the , enabling influence over appointments and policies. Similar victories occurred elsewhere, with Klan-backed candidates winning governorships in , , and in 1924, and in , where the organization elected a majority of the . At the federal level, Klan members or sympathizers held seats in , and the group lobbied effectively for restrictive immigration policies, contributing to the passage of the , which established national origin quotas favoring Northern Europeans. The Klan's presence disrupted national party politics, most prominently at the in , which required 103 ballots over 16 days to nominate due to Klan opposition to Catholic candidate . Klan delegates and allies blocked planks condemning the organization and pushed anti-Catholic measures, such as opposition to private parochial schools, exacerbating urban-rural and immigrant-native divides within the party. This influence extended to state-level legislation, including anti-Catholic school bills in places like and Washington, where Klan-supported initiatives in 1922 and 1924 aimed to mandate public schooling and prohibit religious instruction, though some were later struck down by courts. Civically, the Second Klan positioned itself as a fraternal and reformist body, establishing institutions like the Klan Haven Orphanage in Little Rock, Arkansas, operational from 1925 to 1926 under the Women of the Ku Klux Klan, to care for Protestant children. It sponsored hospitals, scholarships, essay contests, and community events such as parades and rallies to promote its vision of Protestant moral order, while enforcing compliance through economic boycotts targeting businesses owned by Catholics, Jews, or perceived moral deviants. These activities amplified the Klan's local political leverage, as members integrated into civic leagues and churches to advocate for Prohibition enforcement and anti-vice campaigns, though such efforts often masked intimidation tactics against non-conformists. By 1925, at its peak with an estimated four to six million members, the Klan's civic footprint shaped community norms in Klan-stronghold areas, prioritizing "100% Americanism" defined by white Protestant nativism.

Internal Divisions and Decline

Internal divisions within the Second Ku Klux Klan emerged prominently in leadership struggles during its rapid expansion. In the fall of , , a dentist and rising Klan organizer, orchestrated a coup with six allies to oust founder from his position as Imperial Wizard. , who had revived the Klan in 1915, faced criticism for ineffective management amid the organization's growth to over one million members by early ; assumed control, centralizing power but fostering resentment through dictatorial oversight of state chapters. These tensions compounded with financial , as Klan officials diverted funds for personal gain, eroding member trust. The organization's peak membership of approximately 4 to 5 million occurred around 1924–1925, but internal hypocrisy became evident through high-profile scandals that contradicted its moralistic platform against vice. Most damaging was the November 1925 conviction of David Curtiss Stephenson, Grand Dragon of the —the largest state branch with over 250,000 members—for second-degree stemming from the rape and forced poisoning of Madge Oberholtzer, who subsequently took her own life. Stephenson's trial from October 12 to November 14, 1925, in , exposed elite Klansmen's debauchery, prompting mass resignations in Indiana and national disillusionment. The Stephenson scandal triggered further fallout, including Stephenson's 1927 release of records implicating Governor Ed Jackson and other officials in , leading to indictments and the collapse of Klan political dominance in the state. Membership plummeted nationwide, dropping from millions at the peak to near insignificance by the late , with estimates under by 1930. Additional factors included persistent violence and extremism alienating moderate supporters, opposition from Protestant clergy who rejected the Klan's unorthodox , and diminished urgency after legislative successes like the 1924 Immigration Act restricted inflows the group opposed. Economic prosperity in the mid-to-late also reduced nativist anxieties, sapping as the Klan's fraternal appeal waned amid revelations of graft.

Postwar and Contemporary Iterations

Reformation After World War II

Following the decline of the second Ku Klux Klan during the and , when national membership fell to fewer than 10,000 amid internal scandals and federal scrutiny, small-scale reformations emerged in the South by the mid-1940s. In 1944, Dr. Samuel H. Green, a Georgia obstetrician and former Klan official from the , reorganized local chapters into the Association of Georgia Klans, positioning it as a defender of , Protestant morality, and anti-communist vigilance without the overt political ambitions of prior iterations. Green's group avoided large-scale violence initially, focusing on recruitment through fraternal appeals and opposition to perceived federal overreach, though it maintained traditional rituals like cross burnings. Green served as Grand Wizard until his death on August 18, 1949, after which the organization splintered into competing factions amid leadership disputes and limited funding. By 1946, initiation ceremonies in Georgia, documented photographically, involved oaths of loyalty to white Protestant ideals and , drawing modest crowds of several hundred in rural areas. National coordination remained weak, with estimates placing total active membership below 5,000 across scattered klaverns, concentrated in Georgia, , and the Carolinas, as returning veterans provided some recruits but economic recovery and wartime patriotism diluted appeal. Efforts to reform persisted into the early , with the formation of the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan in in 1955 under new leadership, emphasizing and segregation amid rising anxieties over school integration rulings. A rally at —a symbolic site tied to the 1915 Klan refounding—drew approximately 3,500 attendees, featuring speeches on preserving "Southern heritage" and anti-communist rhetoric, marking a modest uptick in visibility but not yet widespread violence. These groups operated semi-autonomously, with dues funding robes and local meetings, though federal investigations into tax-exempt status and sporadic cross burnings signaled ongoing tensions with . Overall, reformation yielded fragmented, low-membership entities focused on cultural preservation rather than the mass mobilization of earlier eras, setting the stage for escalation in response to federal civil rights initiatives.

Responses to Civil Rights Era

The Ku Klux Klan underwent a resurgence in the American South during the , primarily as a reaction to the Supreme Court's ruling on May 17, 1954, which mandated the desegregation of public schools and challenged entrenched . New Klan chapters formed rapidly in states like , , and , where membership and violent activities intensified to levels not seen since the , driven by opposition to federal intervention in local racial customs. The organization framed its efforts as defending "" and traditional Southern social order against what members perceived as coerced integration and cultural erosion. Klan responses escalated from rallies and cross burnings to systematic and against civil rights activists, Black voters, and integration advocates. In alone, Klan activity surged post-Brown, with documented increases in threats, arson, and beatings targeting schools and community leaders resisting segregation. High-profile acts included the September 15, 1963, bombing of Birmingham, Alabama's by members Robert Chambliss, Thomas Blanton, and , which killed four young Black girls and injured over 20 others. On June 21, 1964, during Mississippi's voter registration drive, Klansmen murdered civil rights workers , Andrew Goodman, and near , burying their bodies in an earthen dam; the crime involved local complicity and prompted massive federal investigation. Federal countermeasures, including the and , combined with intensified FBI operations, curtailed Klan influence. The Bureau's COINTELPRO-White Hate program, launched in 1964, deployed informants and surveillance to infiltrate groups like the , leading to key prosecutions such as the 1965 conviction of Collie Leroy Wilkins for the murder of in . By the late , these efforts, alongside public backlash to documented atrocities, fragmented Klan organizations and reduced active membership, though splinter factions persisted in localized resistance to busing and affirmative action policies.

Fragmentation into Splinter Groups

Following the and intensified federal scrutiny in the 1960s and , the Ku Klux Klan underwent significant fragmentation, splintering from larger entities into numerous smaller, independent organizations due to internal power struggles, ideological divergences, and external pressures such as FBI infiltration via operations and civil lawsuits. By the late , what had been a network of regionally dominant klaverns devolved into competing factions, often divided over tactics—ranging from overt violence to political advocacy—and leadership legitimacy. Key causes of these schisms included personal rivalries, accusations of informant status among leaders, and financial strains from legal defeats; for instance, the 1987 civil judgment against the (UKA) for the 1963 Birmingham church bombing awarded $7 million to victims' families, leading to its bankruptcy and dispersal of members into new groups. Infighting over resources and strategy further exacerbated divisions, with groups like the UKA, once claiming 10,000 members under Robert Shelton, collapsing amid convictions for murders and assaults in the 1970s and 1980s. Government disruptions, including over 1,000 Klan-related arrests by the FBI between 1964 and 1971, accelerated this breakdown, reducing cohesive national structures. In the immediate post-civil rights period, major factions emerged regionally: the UKA (formed 1961 in ), known for paramilitary training and opposition to desegregation; the White Knights of (1964), which orchestrated over 200 attacks including the 1964 murders of civil rights workers; and the Original Knights of the KKK (1960 in ), emphasizing Protestant . By the 1970s, founded the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan (later Knights Party, 1975), shifting toward electoral politics with Duke's unsuccessful 1972 U.S. Senate bid, attracting 10,000 members before further splits. The Invisible Empire, Knights of the KKK (1975), under Bill Wilkinson, briefly peaked at 2,500 members with public marches but fragmented over Wilkinson's ouster in 1981. Contemporary iterations reflect ongoing splintering, with over 40 active groups documented as of 2017, many formed in the prior three years from breakaways like the Global Crusader Knights (splitting from UKA in 2017 amid informant allegations against leader Bradley Jenkins) and Teutonic Knights (from Rebel Knights in 2016 following a leadership conviction). Other prominent splinters include the (1996, Kentucky-based, focused on youth recruitment until leader Bill Tucker's 2007 imprisonment), Brotherhood of Klans (1996, ), and Loyal White Knights (active in rallies). Total membership across these entities hovers around 3,000 to 8,000, confined to small klaverns of under 25 members each, operating in 41 states with limited coordination beyond occasional alliances like the Aryan Nationalist Alliance.

Activities from 1980s to 2020s

In the , the Ku Klux Klan attempted a resurgence, with membership estimates peaking at approximately 11,500 in 1981 across fragmented groups like the (UKA). Violent acts included the March 21, 1981, of 19-year-old Michael Donald in , by UKA members Henry Hays and James Knowles, motivated by revenge for an unrelated . This incident spurred a 1984 civil wrongful death suit by Donald's mother against the UKA, resulting in a 1987 jury holding the organization liable and awarding $7 million in damages, which forced the UKA into bankruptcy and dissolution. Federal infiltration compounded setbacks, as leaders such as Imperial Wizard Bill Wilkinson had been FBI informants since 1974, providing intelligence that disrupted operations. By the late 1980s, membership had fallen to 4,500–5,500, reflecting internal distrust from penetrations—estimated at up to 40% in some chapters—and ongoing civil suits targeting assets. Remaining activities centered on rallies and recruitment drives, but these yielded limited success amid heightened scrutiny from groups like the Klanwatch Project, established in 1981 to monitor and litigate against Klan violence. The 1990s saw a pivot to public demonstrations, including a July 1990 parade through , protected by heavy police presence that prevented violence despite local opposition, and a January 1990 rally at the drawing several dozen participants under tight security. Groups like the Christian Knights emphasized a "positive" image via business cards and open meetings, yet harbored traditional supremacist views, with sporadic ties to other extremists. Violence remained rare, constrained by prior legal precedents and FBI monitoring, leading to further splintering without membership recovery. Into the 2000s, KKK factions dwindled and localized, focusing on minor efforts like flyer distributions rather than , as competition from neo-Nazi and groups siphoned potential recruits. By the , over 30 small, often ephemeral chapters existed, with total membership around 3,000, including associates; the Loyal White Knights, a leading group, numbered 150–200 in 2015 and conducted fliering in 15 states. Activities in this era included a July 8, 2017, rally in , attended by about 50 Klan members protesting statue removals, vastly outnumbered by counter-protesters under police oversight. Limited KKK participation occurred in the August 2017 Unite the Right event in the same city, but the group played a peripheral role amid broader white nationalist coalitions. Ongoing decline persisted into the 2020s, attributed to societal marginalization, asset-stripping lawsuits, disruptions, and ideological obsolescence relative to decentralized online , rendering the KKK a shadow of prior iterations with negligible organized impact.

Ideological Foundations

Core Tenets of White Supremacy and Protestantism

The Ku Klux Klan's ideology fundamentally asserted the superiority of the white race, particularly those of Northern European, Anglo-Saxon descent, as the rightful stewards of American society and governance. This doctrine viewed as divinely ordained and essential for preserving social order, economic dominance, and cultural continuity, opposing , integration, and any elevation of non-white groups to equal status. In the first Klan's founding in , on December 24, 1865, members framed their opposition to Reconstruction-era policies—such as the and black enfranchisement under the 15th Amendment ratified in 1870—as a defense of white civilization against perceived threats from emancipated and federal intervention. The second Klan, reorganized on , on November 25, 1915, explicitly codified these tenets in its "Kreed," declaring the white race's preeminence and rejecting "" with blacks as a violation of . Protestant formed the religious bedrock of Klan , portrayed not merely as a but as an inseparable element of American identity synonymous with moral rectitude, republican virtues, and resistance to "alien" influences. Klansmen invoked biblical interpretations to justify racial separation, drawing on passages like Genesis 9:18-27 (the "Curse of ") to argue for innate black subordination, while emphasizing and individualism as hallmarks of achievement. Membership was restricted to native-born males who professed Protestant beliefs, excluding Catholics, whom the Klan deemed loyal to a foreign and thus subversive to national sovereignty; this exclusion extended to rituals like cross burnings, adapted from Scottish Presbyterian traditions but repurposed as symbols of Protestant defiance. The second Klan's catechism affirmed "the sacredness of the home and sanctity of the relation" under Protestant norms, linking racial purity to family preservation against alleged black criminality and miscegenation. These tenets converged in the slogan "100% Americanism," which the Klan defined as unwavering to a white, Protestant, native-stock vision of the , free from Catholic, Jewish, or immigrant dilution. Imperial Wizard articulated this in a 1926 address, decrying "hyphenated Americans" and advocating Protestant dominance to counter Bolshevik atheism, Catholic political machines, and Jewish influence in and media. By 1924, at its peak, the second Klan claimed over 4 million members across 48 states, organizing Protestant church alliances and programs to propagate this fusion of racial and religious supremacy as patriotic duty. Later iterations, such as post-World War II groups, retained these cores but adapted amid declining membership, with some emphasizing anti-communist Protestant vigilantism against civil rights advancements.

Anti-Immigration and Nativist Elements

The second Ku Klux Klan, revived in amid post-World War I anxieties over cultural change, incorporated strong nativist elements into its ideology, viewing non-Anglo-Saxon immigrants—particularly Catholics and from Southern and —as existential threats to Protestant American identity and social order. This stance reflected broader fears of immigrant-driven labor competition, urban overcrowding, and political radicalism, with Klan publications decrying immigrants as carriers of "alien blood" incompatible with republican virtues. By the mid-1920s, at the height of its influence with an estimated 4-5 million members, the Klan promoted "100% Americanism," a creed explicitly opposing immigrant influences in , , and culture while endorsing Protestant dominance. Central to this nativism was fervent opposition to Catholic immigrants, whom the Klan accused of papal allegiance superseding U.S. loyalty, and Jewish immigrants, stereotyped as economic exploiters and Bolshevik sympathizers. The organization lobbied aggressively for immigration curbs, playing a key role in the passage of the , which imposed numerical quotas based on 1890 census figures to prioritize Northwestern Europeans and exclude most Asians, effectively reducing annual admissions from over 800,000 in the early to under 300,000 by 1929. Klan leaders like Hiram Evans framed these restrictions as essential to preserving "native" stock against "racial mongrelization," aligning with eugenic arguments prevalent in nativist circles. Subsequent Klan factions retained these nativist foundations, adapting them to contemporary demographics. In the , figures like organized "Klan Border Watch" patrols along the Texas-Mexico border to deter undocumented Hispanic migrants, portraying them as invaders diluting white American heritage and straining resources. Post-2000 iterations, fragmented into groups like the Loyal White Knights, have echoed these views in manifestos decrying and advocating deportation of non-European immigrants to restore purported ethnic homogeneity. This continuity underscores nativism as a persistent ideological pillar, distinct from but intertwined with anti-Black , rooted in a belief that unchecked erodes the causal primacy of Protestant, Anglo-Saxon cultural norms in sustaining national cohesion.

Anti-Communism and Law-and-Order Focus

The second iteration of the Ku Klux Klan, peaking in the , emphasized opposition to as a component of its broader defense of "Americanism," portraying as an alien ideology threatening native white Protestant values and social stability. Klan literature and rallies framed alongside Catholicism and as subversive forces undermining traditional order, with local chapters organizing parades explicitly against it as early as in some regions. This stance aligned with nativist fears of radical labor unrest and foreign influences during the era, though the Klan's rhetoric often conflated with anti-Semitism and without empirical distinction. In the postwar period, particularly during the and , the Klan revived its anti-communist rhetoric to link the with Soviet infiltration, claiming that integration efforts represented a "communist plot" to destabilize the and erode white supremacy. Leaders asserted that organizations like the were funded and directed by communists to provoke racial disorder, a narrative echoed in Klan publications and rallies that warned of national subversion through desegregation. This positioning drew on anxieties but lacked verifiable evidence of widespread communist control over civil rights activism, serving instead to justify violent resistance under the guise of patriotic vigilance. Parallel to its anti-communist efforts, the Klan consistently promoted a "law-and-order" platform, particularly in the 1920s, by pledging support for enforcement of Prohibition, suppression of vice, and assistance to local authorities against bootlegging and gambling. Imperial Wizard Hiram Wesley Evans articulated this in 1926, stating that Klansmen were "pledged to support law and order" through civic participation and high-quality governance, positioning the group as a fraternal bulwark against moral decay rather than vigilantism. This image facilitated political influence, with Klan-backed candidates winning elections on promises to restore order in states like Oregon and Indiana, though scandals such as D.C. Stephenson's 1925 rape and murder conviction exposed contradictions between rhetoric and actions. In the 1960s, the focus shifted to portraying federal civil rights enforcement as anarchic, framing Klan activities as defensive measures to prevent crime and unrest allegedly spurred by integration.

Evolution and Variations Across Eras

The Ku Klux Klan originated on December 24, 1865, in , formed by six Confederate Army veterans as a that quickly evolved into a organization resisting federal Reconstruction policies. Its early activities involved night rides, intimidation, and violence primarily targeting freed , Republican politicians, and their supporters to suppress Black voting and restore white Democratic control in the South. By 1868, the group had expanded across Southern states, employing disguises like white robes and hoods to instill terror, with tactics including whippings, arson, and murders estimated in the thousands during peak activity from 1868 to 1871. Federal intervention via the of 1870 and 1871, including the , led to prosecutions and the organization's effective dismantlement by the mid-1870s, though local vigilance committees persisted informally. After a dormancy of nearly 50 years, the Klan was revived on November 25, 1915, atop , by William J. Simmons, a Methodist preacher and fraternal organizer inspired by the film , which romanticized the original Klan. This second iteration differed markedly from the first, operating as a national with business-like recruitment, initiation fees, and hierarchies modeled on groups like the Masons, expanding beyond the South into Northern and Midwestern states. Membership surged in the amid nativist fears of and , reaching an estimated peak of 4 to 6 million by 1924, with significant influence in states like and where Klansmen held governorships and congressional seats. Ideological variations included not only anti-Black racism but also vehement opposition to Catholics, , and immigrants, framing the group as a defender of "100% Americanism" and Protestant values, evidenced by endorsements of immigration restriction laws like the 1924 National Origins Act. The second Klan's decline accelerated after 1925 due to internal scandals, such as the rape and murder conviction of Indiana leader , economic pressures from the , and loss of political capital, reducing membership to tens of thousands by the 1940s. Post-World War II reformation began in 1946 with groups like the Association of Georgia Klans led by Samuel Green, adapting to new contexts by focusing on resistance to desegregation following the 1954 decision and the broader . This third era featured heightened violence, including church bombings and assassinations in the 1960s, such as the 1963 Birmingham Baptist Church attack linked to Klan affiliates, prompting FBI operations like that infiltrated and disrupted cells through the 1970s. By the , the Klan had fragmented into competing factions—ranging from the more militant to splinter groups emphasizing political advocacy— with membership dwindling to under 10,000 nationwide, shifting tactics toward legal rallies and alliances with other white nationalist entities amid stricter laws. These variations reflect adaptations to changing demographics, legal constraints, and cultural shifts, from localized to mass nativism and, later, decentralized ideological persistence.

Symbols, Rituals, and Vocabulary

Robes, Cross Burnings, and Ceremonies

The attire of Ku Klux Klan members evolved significantly across its historical phases. During the first Klan's activities from 1865 to roughly 1871, disguises were improvised and varied, incorporating elements such as animal horns, masks, fake facial hair, polka dots, reflective metals, , and women's dresses to evoke supernatural terror and obscure identities while targeting freed populations in the rural . These costumes served psychological rather than uniformity, differing markedly from later standardized . The second Klan, established on November 25, 1915, by William J. Simmons atop , introduced the iconic white robes and pointed hoods, directly modeled after heroic depictions in D.W. Griffith's 1915 film , which romanticized the original Klan. Pointed hoods drew partial inspiration from Spanish Inquisition capirotes symbolizing penitence, adapted to evoke Protestant purity and anonymity for members, including community leaders. Robes varied by rank—white for standard members, colored (e.g., orange for a Grand Dragon) for officers—to denote while concealing identities during operations and gatherings. Cross burnings, absent in the first Klan, emerged as a in the second Klan around the , symbolizing a distorted of the Scottish "fiery " used historically to rally clans but repurposed by the KKK for and unity in white supremacist ceremonies. The Klan produced propaganda songs such as "The Bright Fiery Cross," a 1920s composition that adapted the melody of the Christian hymn "The Old Rugged Cross" to glorify the burning cross as a symbol of white Protestant loyalty, racial purity, and militant Americanism during the second Klan's revival. Klan members termed them " lightings" to frame the act as illumination rather than of a Christian , though courts have recognized to terrorize as distinguishing unprotected threats from symbolic speech. These events often featured 40- to 80-foot es ignited at night during rallies or near targets, amplifying fear through visibility and association with Klan presence. KKK ceremonies, particularly initiations, integrated robes and cross burnings into elaborate nighttime rituals emphasizing oaths of loyalty to , , nativism, and . In a documented 1946 initiation at , approximately 150-200 recruits, clad in white robes, marched lockstep to a stone under moonlight and fiery illumination, kneeling to pledge before the Grand Dragon and undergoing a symbolic "knighting." Such proceedings, drawing hundreds or thousands, reinforced fraternal bonds and ideological commitment, with cross lightings climaxing the event to signal divine sanction and warn outsiders. Later fragments retained these elements, though scale diminished post-1920s peak.

Emblems and Titles

The primary emblem associated with the Ku Klux Klan since the early is the Blood Drop , also known as the Mystic Insignia of a Klansman (MIOAK). This consists of a white outlined in , set against a circular background, with a teardrop-shaped "blood drop" at the center. Originating with the second iteration of the Klan around , it evolved from an earlier design featuring four "K" letters arranged in a square enclosing a yin-yang symbol, which was reinterpreted into the form where the yin-yang's colored element resembled the blood drop. The symbol purportedly represents the blood shed by Klan members and Christian martyrs in defense of the white race, though many adherents lack awareness of its precise historical derivation. Titles within the Klan's hierarchy have varied across its historical phases but generally reflect a pseudo-militaristic and fraternal structure emphasizing secrecy and authority. In the original Reconstruction-era Klan (1865–1871), the national leader was titled Grand Wizard, a position held by from 1867 until the group's disbandment in 1869. Subordinate roles included Grand Dragons for realms (states), Grand Titans for dominions (counties), and Grand Cyclops for dens (local units). The revived Klan of the 1920s, under William J. Simmons, adopted the title Imperial Wizard for its national head, with state-level leaders as Grand Dragons and local chapter heads as Exalted Cyclops. Other positions included Klokards (lecturers), Kleagles (organizers), and Kludd (chaplains), designed to evoke mystery and ancient ritual while maintaining operational control. Subsequent iterations, such as those post-1946, retained similar with minor adaptations, though fragmentation led to inconsistencies among groups. These titles underscored the organization's emphasis on hierarchical loyalty and Protestant nativism, distinct from its earlier, less formalized .

Linguistic Codes and Internal Terms

The Ku Klux Klan employed a distinctive set of linguistic codes and acronyms primarily for covert identification among members, especially during periods of heightened or infiltration risks, allowing Klansmen to verify without explicit disclosure. These phrases, drawn from the group's ritual handbook known as the , functioned as shibboleths in casual or suspicious encounters. For instance, a common challenge was "AYAK," standing for "Are You A Klansman?," with the expected response "AKIA," meaning "A Klansman I Am." Additional exchanges included "CYKNAR" ("Call Your Klan Number After Receiving") or "MIAFA" ("My Interests Are Family Altar"), reinforcing shared values of Protestant familial piety. Internal terminology emphasized alliterative words prefixed with "Kl-" to evoke the group's name and foster exclusivity, such as klavern for a local chapter or meeting unit, klonklave for assemblies, and klankraft denoting the collective practices, beliefs, and operational methods of the order. The Kloran, first published around 1916 as a ritual manual, codified much of this vocabulary, outlining oaths, ceremonies, and phrases like pledges to uphold "100% Americanism" and white Protestant supremacy, which members memorized to maintain discipline and secrecy. These terms persisted across Klan iterations, from the Reconstruction-era dens to 20th-century revivals, adapting minimally despite federal crackdowns under laws like the 1871 . Such codes served practical purposes in evading detection, as evidenced in recruitment and internal communications, where overt identifiers risked exposure. However, their proliferation also led to parodies and infiltration by outsiders, underscoring limits to their efficacy in preserving operational security. Modern splinter groups retain echoes of these phrases, though diluted by broader white nationalist lexicon.

International Extensions

Presence in Canada

The Ku Klux Klan established a presence in Canada beginning in 1921, with initial recruitment efforts in Montréal and , expanding from the second iteration of the American organization revived in 1915. By 1924, the Ku Klux Klan of Kanada was formally organized under American promoters and resident James L. Cowan, focusing on nativist sentiments against Catholic immigrants, particularly , alongside advocacy for Anglo-Protestant supremacy. The group grew rapidly in 1925, establishing its national headquarters in and forming chapters across provinces including , , , , , and . Membership peaked in the mid-1920s, with estimates reaching tens of thousands nationwide; Saskatchewan alone reportedly had up to 25,000 members, while Toronto claimed around 7,000, though some figures may have been inflated for recruitment purposes. Activities emphasized fraternal gatherings, public rallies, and cross burnings rather than widespread lynching seen in the U.S. South, adapting to Canadian demographics by targeting perceived threats from Catholic institutions and non-British immigration. Notable events included a 1927 rally in Moose Jaw, Saskatchewan, drawing 8,000 attendees, and cross burnings in Oakville, Ontario, amid protests against mixed-race marriages. Violence occurred sporadically, such as church bombings in Barrie, Ontario (1926), Quebec City, and Winnipeg, resulting in at least 10 fatalities from arson and explosives. In , the Klan exerted significant political influence, mobilizing Protestant voters against Liberal Premier Jimmy Gardiner's anti-Klan policies and contributing to his government's defeat in the provincial election. chapters, concentrated in southern regions like , Hamilton, and , faced public backlash and were deemed a by officials, with parades and recruitment drives drawing counter-protests. The organization's echoed U.S. Klan but localized it to preserve "British" , opposing Catholic schools and foreign influences while aligning with Prohibition-era moral campaigns. Decline set in by the late 1920s due to financial scandals—U.S. organizers fled with collected funds in 1927—and growing opposition from churches, labor groups, and governments, leading to localized restructuring and reduced visibility. Membership waned further during amid anti-fascist sentiments, with the group fading by the 1940s. Revivals occurred in the 1960s–1970s under leaders like James Alexander McQuirter, and again in 1979–1981 when U.S. Grand Wizard reported quadrupling Canadian membership, opening a office and recruiting in high schools before convictions and community protests forced closures by the mid-1980s. Marginal activities persisted sporadically, such as flyer distributions in communities like Chilliwack and Abbotsford in 2016–2017.

Attempts in Europe and Other Regions

In the early 1920s, during the second iteration of the Ku Klux Klan's resurgence, American officials explored alliances with European groups sharing nativist and anti-Semitic sentiments. A Klan representative returning from in July 1922 reported potential partnerships with the British "Second Hundred Thousand" and the French "Caucasian League," proposing a holding under names such as the "Anglo-Saxon Union" or "World-Wide Caucasian Union." These efforts also eyed affiliations with Italian Fascisti, Hungarian "Awakening Magyars," and German monarchist anti-Semitic groups, though no formal structures materialized from these overtures. During the Weimar Republic era, a short-lived German chapter known as the "Knights of the Ku Klux Klan" emerged, founded in 1923 by three Americans and featuring robes, cross burnings, and secret oaths modeled directly on the American original. This group attracted limited membership among anti-Semitic nationalists but dissolved amid political instability and competition from rising Nazi influences, achieving no sustained presence. Post-World War II attempts in Britain involved self-proclaimed Klansmen issuing threats, organizing meetings, and drawing inspiration from American rituals, particularly in the during economic downturns in the when small "klaverns" formed under neo-fascist auspices. American Klan figures, including Bill Wilkinson and in the 1970s, and deputies in the , traveled to Britain to recruit and organize across the Isles, while in the early 1990s, individuals like James Farrands and established minor groups in the UK and . These initiatives faced internal fractures, legal scrutiny, and membership declines—such as from around 400 to under 200 in Britain by the mid-1990s—resulting in negligible long-term impact. In Germany, sporadic modern activity persisted, including a 2019 raid on the "National Socialist Knights of the Ku Klux Klan Deutschland," which yielded weapons but led to a halted probe in 2022 due to insufficient ties to the American KKK. Overall, European efforts remained fragmented, reliant on transient American agitators, and overshadowed by local far-right movements, failing to replicate the Klan's domestic organizational scale. Beyond Europe, KKK attempts encountered even greater barriers, with no verifiable chapters or sustained operations in regions like or . Fringe claims of influence surfaced, such as a 1981 self-styled Australian KKK led by local supremacists espousing white superiority, but these lacked formal affiliation and quickly faded without institutional support. Isolated visits by figures like promoted ideology abroad, yet resulted in no enduring branches, underscoring the Klan's predominantly American-centric focus and inability to adapt to diverse demographic or cultural contexts elsewhere.

Limited Global Influence

The Ku Klux Klan's efforts to extend beyond have proven unsuccessful, with no verifiable sustained chapters or membership in , , or . Historical records document the group's ideology as inextricably linked to U.S.-specific contexts, including post-Civil War Reconstruction-era resistance to federal enforcement of Black civil rights and 1920s nativist backlash against Catholic and Jewish , rendering it ill-suited for transplantation to regions lacking analogous Protestant Anglo-Saxon dominance or racial hierarchies centered on African-descended populations. In , for instance, where mestizo and indigenous majorities prevail alongside Catholic majorities, no KKK-affiliated groups emerged, as local supremacist movements, if any, aligned with distinct ethnic or class-based nationalisms rather than the Klan's Confederate-inspired symbolism. Similarly, in and , the Klan's white Protestant found no foothold amid predominant non-white populations and competing ideologies like colonial resistance or . Brief rhetorical nods to Klan tactics appeared in isolated far-right fringes, but these lacked organizational continuity or adoption of core rituals such as cross-burnings, which symbolize Scottish Presbyterian heritage irrelevant to non-European contexts. The absence of global proliferation stems from the Klan's reliance on American legal and cultural flashpoints—such as opposition to the 14th and 15th Amendments or Prohibition-era moralism—without equivalent triggers abroad, leading scholars to classify it as a parochially U.S. entity despite sporadic inspirational echoes in European neo-Nazi circles. Modern estimates place active Klan membership under 5,000, confined to domestic fragments with no international coordination reported by federal monitoring.

Controversies and Scholarly Debates

Assessments of Violence and Efficacy

The Ku Klux Klan's violence has been assessed by historians as primarily consisting of targeted , whippings, , and selective murders rather than widespread indiscriminate slaughter, with efficacy varying by era in suppressing perceived threats to . In the Reconstruction period (1865–1877), congressional investigations documented thousands of acts of terror, including over 1,000 reported cases of Klan-attributed violence in alone by 1870, though precise death tolls remain debated due to underreporting and decentralized operations. These actions, often against black voters, Republican officials, and agents, contributed causally to the erosion of federal enforcement, as evidenced by declining black from over 90% in 1868 to near zero in key states by 1876, facilitating Democratic regains of Southern legislatures. However, efficacy was limited by federal responses like the of 1870–1871, which led to hundreds of arrests and the first Klan's dissolution by 1872, suggesting violence amplified political mobilization but did not unilaterally dictate outcomes. The second Klan (1915–1940s), peaking at an estimated 4–5 million members by 1925, exhibited lower per capita violence than its predecessor, emphasizing parades, boycotts, and electoral influence over overt , with documented incidents like floggings and occasional murders numbering in the low hundreds nationwide. Its efficacy manifested politically, as Klan-backed candidates won governorships in states like and Georgia, and it pressured passage of restrictive laws such as the 1924 Johnson-Reed Act, aligning with nativist goals against Catholic and Jewish influxes. Yet scandals, including the 1925 murder conviction of Indiana Grand Dragon , eroded legitimacy, causing rapid membership collapse to under 100,000 by 1930, indicating short-term cultural sway but long-term failure against broader societal shifts. In the civil rights era (1950s–1970s), the third Klan's violence escalated in response to desegregation, with FBI records attributing around 200 murders, bombings, and shootings to Klan factions between 1954 and 1968, including high-profile cases like the 1963 Birmingham church bombing killing four girls and the 1964 murders of Chaney, Goodman, and Schwerner. These acts aimed to deter integration but proved counterproductive, galvanizing national outrage and federal intervention under laws like the , which passed despite Klan opposition, and contributing to the organization's marginalization as membership fell below 10,000 by the 1980s. Scholarly analyses, drawing from declassified FBI files, portray this phase as ineffective that hardened resolve against segregation, contrasting with earlier eras where intimidation yielded tactical gains amid weaker opposition. Overall, while violence enabled localized control, its efficacy hinged on contextual factors like state complicity and federal inaction, often backfiring when exposing systemic racial animus to external scrutiny.

Claims of Cultural Preservation vs. Terrorism

The Ku Klux Klan's adherents have consistently framed their organization as a bulwark against threats to established cultural norms, particularly those rooted in Protestant dominance and traditional social hierarchies. In the first iteration during Reconstruction (1865–1871), Klansmen portrayed their activities as necessary to restore pre-war Southern order disrupted by federal policies empowering freed blacks and Northern transplants, viewing and Republican governance as existential assaults on and local customs. This rationale positioned the Klan as informal enforcers of racial separation, which they deemed essential to preserving agrarian traditions and familial structures in the . ![Fiery cross claim](./assets/ 'The_Fiery_Cross_of_old_Scotland's_hills!'.jpg) However, contemporaneous congressional investigations documented the first Klan's systematic use of terror, including nocturnal raids, whippings, and assassinations targeting black voters, officeholders, and white allies, with alone witnessing campaigns that federal authorities classified as among the most severe instances of in U.S. by 1871. These acts, often masked and ritualistic, suppressed political participation: for instance, the Joint Select Committee on the Condition of Affairs in the Late Insurrectionary States reported over 1,000 cases of Klan-perpetrated violence in the Carolinas by 1870, leading to the Ku Klux Klan Act of 1871, which authorized federal troops and resulted in hundreds of indictments and convictions. While apologists invoked cultural defense of "Southern heritage," the causal link between Klan intimidation and the collapse of Reconstruction governments—evident in plummeting black voter turnout from over 90% in 1868 to near zero by 1876 in key states—demonstrates enforcement through fear rather than persuasion. The second Klan, revived in 1915 and peaking at 4–5 million members by 1925, amplified preservationist under the banner of "100% Americanism," explicitly defending native-born Protestant values against Catholic immigrants, , and urban moral decay, as articulated by Imperial Wizard Hiram Evans in his 1926 address decrying "alien" influences eroding the nation's Anglo-Saxon Christian foundations. Leaders like Evans claimed the group safeguarded small-town virtues, Prohibition-era temperance, and racial purity as core to American identity, drawing on symbols like the fiery cross—repurposed from traditions to evoke ancestral heritage. Yet this era's activities included over 1,000 documented floggings and at least 12 murders in alone by 1925, alongside economic boycotts and electoral manipulations, revealing as the mechanism for cultural enforcement rather than voluntary cultural revival. Scholarly assessments, often influenced by post-1960s academic frameworks emphasizing systemic , tend to prioritize narratives while marginalizing primary Klan sources on self-perceived defensive motives, though empirical records of —such as the 1921–1925 spike in lynchings correlated with Klan strongholds—substantiate the latter's predominance over benign preservation efforts. The tension persists in , where reveals that while cultural anxieties were genuine drivers, outcomes hinged on extralegal terror to suppress demographic and ideological shifts, not organic cultural resurgence.

Historiographical Biases and Revisionism

The historiography of the Ku Klux Klan has undergone significant shifts, reflecting broader interpretive battles over Reconstruction and American racial dynamics. Early accounts, particularly those associated with the in the early , portrayed the first Klan (1865–1871) as a largely defensive of respectable Southern whites seeking to restore order amid the chaos of postwar and federal occupation. Historians like depicted the Klan's activities as a necessary counter to perceived and misrule under Radical Republican governments, emphasizing its role in mitigating black political dominance and excesses rather than inherent malice. This view drew from white Southern testimonies and minimized documented violence, such as the estimated 1,000–2,000 lynchings and intimidations reported in congressional investigations, framing them as exaggerated Northern propaganda. By the mid-20th century, particularly after and amid the , scholarly consensus pivoted toward condemning the Klan as a terrorist aimed at subjugating freedmen and enforcing through systematic atrocities. Works like Allen Trelease's White Terror (1971) relied heavily on 1871 Enforcement Act hearings, cataloging over 1,000 affidavits of whippings, murders, and property destruction, while portraying the organization as inherently criminal rather than restorative. This interpretive dominance, solidified in academic circles, often privileges primary sources from Republican investigators and black witnesses, which contemporaries like the Milwaukee Sentinel dismissed as inflated for political gain. However, such scholarship has faced criticism for underemphasizing the South's pre-Klan lawlessness—marked by banditry and unregulated freedmen militias—and for aligning with a progressive narrative that equates any white resistance with unmitigated evil, potentially overlooking causal factors like economic disruption and spikes post-1865. Revisionist challenges, though marginal in mainstream academia, argue for nuancing these portrayals by reintegrating first-principles contexts such as local against federal overreach and Klan's (1915–1940s) broader nativist agenda. Scholars like Shawn Lay have highlighted iteration's mainstream appeal, with peak membership exceeding 4 million by , driven not solely by anti-black animus but by Protestant campaigns against Catholic political machines, urban vice, and immigration—evident in endorsements from figures like Ed Jackson. These efforts contend that institutional biases in contemporary scholarship, including a left-leaning predominance in history departments, systematically amplify racial while sidelining empirical data on the Klans' electoral successes (e.g., influencing 1924 Democratic conventions) and moral reform initiatives, such as anti-saloon leagues. Congressional records from , while detailing real outrages, were compiled under partisan incentives to justify military rule, a selectivity mirrored in modern analyses that rarely cross-reference Southern court dismissals of thousands of Klan-related charges for lack of evidence. Revisionists thus advocate causal realism: the Klans emerged from tangible disorders, not abstract hatred, though their methods undeniably escalated to extralegal . This historiographical tension underscores source credibility issues, where early pro-Southern narratives reflected sectional resentment, and later critiques embed ideological priors favoring federal intervention narratives over decentralized order-restoration. Empirical reassessments, drawing from membership rosters and local records, reveal the Klans' heterogeneous composition—farmers, professionals, and even some Unionists—challenging monolithic "terrorist" labels, yet academic gatekeeping often relegates such views to fringe status, perpetuating a cycle of moralized rather than analytically detached inquiry.

Modern Misrepresentations and Legacy

The Ku Klux Klan's modern iterations exist as a collection of decentralized, competing factions with negligible national influence, a sharp contrast to its peaks in the 1920s and . Total membership across these groups is estimated at 3,000 to 6,000 individuals, primarily concentrated in rural areas of the and Midwest, engaging sporadically in online , small rallies, and recruitment efforts via . Internal divisions, leadership scandals, and federal infiltration—such as FBI operations in the and that exposed informants and provoked infighting—have perpetuated fragmentation since the post-civil era. By the 1980s, membership had plummeted below 10,000, with subsequent decades marked by further splintering into entities like the Loyal White Knights and Traditionalist American Knights, none achieving coordinated action beyond isolated incidents. Contemporary media and activist narratives frequently misrepresent the KKK's current scale by amplifying its visibility through association with broader white nationalist trends, despite its marginal role compared to decentralized online movements. Organizations like the , which track hate groups, report active KKK chapters but acknowledge declining numbers, yet their classifications sometimes bundle the Klan with unrelated extremists, potentially inflating perceptions of organized threat. This portrayal overlooks empirical data showing the Klan's inability to mobilize beyond handfuls at events, as evidenced by attendance at 2017 Charlottesville rallies where Klan participants numbered under 100 amid larger coalitions. Such depictions, often sourced from advocacy groups with ideological incentives to highlight persistence, contrast with assessments prioritizing lone actors and digital over structured outfits like the KKK. The Klan's legacy endures primarily in subtle political and cultural imprints rather than active operations. Sociological analyses of 1960s Klan activity in Southern counties reveal lasting polarization: areas with documented chapters show 2-3% higher Republican presidential vote shares from 1960 to 2000 and more conservative U.S. delegations, attributing this to entrenched resistance against federal civil rights enforcement that shaped local voting patterns. Culturally, symbols like the burning cross—popularized in the revival—persist as shorthand for in film and discourse, though their invocation today often serves rhetorical purposes disconnected from the group's diminished reality. The Klan's repeated failures against legal and social pressures underscore a causal pattern: nativist appeals thrive amid perceived threats but collapse under scrutiny and demographic shifts, leaving ideological echoes in fragmented rather than institutional power.

References

Add your contribution
Related Hubs
User Avatar
No comments yet.