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History of the Jews in Latin America and the Caribbean
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The history of the Jews in Latin America and the Caribbean began with conversos who joined the Spanish and Portuguese expeditions to the continents. The Alhambra Decree of 1492 led to the mass conversion of Spain's Jews to Catholicism and the expulsion of those who refused to do so. Many conversos, Jews who converted to Christianity under pressure during the Spanish Inquisition, did travel to the New World. While the Spanish Crown required settlers to be of Catholic lineage, conversos often presented themselves as devout Catholics to meet this requirement. Some sought refuge in the Americas to escape persecution of the Inquisition, which followed them even to the Spanish viceregal towns.
In places like Mexico and New Mexico, conversos maintained their faith in secret while outwardly adhering to Catholic practices. Their migration was driven by both the hope for greater economic opportunities and the desire to escape religious oppression.[1] The first Jews came with the first expedition of Christopher Columbus, including Rodrigo de Triana and Luis De Torres.[2]
throughout the 15th and 16th centuries a number of converso families migrated to the Netherlands, France and eventually Italy, from where they joined other expeditions to the Americas. Others migrated to England or France and accompanied their colonists as traders and merchants. By the late 16th century, fully functioning Jewish communities were founded in the Portuguese colony of Brazil, the Dutch Suriname and Curaçao; Spanish Santo Domingo, and the English colonies of Jamaica and Barbados. In addition, there were unorganized communities of Jews in Spanish and Portuguese territories where the Inquisition was active, including Colombia, Cuba, Puerto Rico, Mexico and Peru. Many in such communities were crypto-Jews, who had generally concealed their identity from the authorities.
By the mid-17th century, the largest Jewish communities in the Western Hemisphere were located in Suriname and Brazil. Several Jewish communities in the Caribbean, Central and South America flourished, particularly in those areas under Dutch and English control, which were more tolerant. More immigrants went to this region as part of the massive emigration of Jews from eastern Europe in the late 19th century. During and after World War II, many Ashkenazi Jews emigrated to South America for refuge. In the 21st century, fewer than 300,000 Jews live in Latin America. They are concentrated in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Cuba, Mexico and Uruguay.
Argentina
[edit]
Jews fleeing the Inquisition settled in Argentina, where they intermarried with native women. Portuguese traders and smugglers in the Virreinato del Río de la Plata were considered by many to be crypto-Jewish, but no community emerged after Argentina achieved independence. After 1810 (and about mid-nineteenth century), more Jews, especially from France, began to settle in Argentina. By the end of the century in Argentina, as in America, many Jewish immigrants were coming from Eastern Europe (mainly Russia and Poland) fleeing Tsarist persecution. Upon arrival they were generally called "Russians" in reference to their region of origin.
Jewish individuals and families emigrated from Europe to Argentina before and after World War II, in an attempt to escape the Holocaust and later postwar antisemitism. Between 250,000 and 300,000 Jews now live in Argentina, the vast majority of whom reside in the cities of Buenos Aires, Rosario, Córdoba, Mendoza, La Plata and San Miguel de Tucumán. Argentina has the third-largest Jewish community in the Americas after the United States and Canada, and the sixth largest in the world. According to recent surveys, more than a million Argentines have at least one grandparent of Jewish ethnicity.[3] The Jewish Argentine community legally receives seven holidays per year, with both days of Rosh Hashanah, Yom Kippur, and the first and last two days of Passover, according to the law 26,089.
Bahamas
[edit]200 Jews lived in the Bahamas in 2022.[4]
Bolivia
[edit]Jewish presence in Bolivia started at the beginning of the Spanish colonial period. Santa Cruz de la Sierra,[5] was founded in 1557 by Ñuflo de Chávez who was accompanied by a small group of pioneers, including several crypto-Jews from Ascuncion and Buenos Aires. The city became known as a safe haven for Jews during the Inquisition in the region.[3]
The second wave of Conversos came to Santa Cruz de la Sierra after 1570, when the Spanish Inquisition began operating in Lima. Alleged marranos (that is, New Christians whom others rightly or wrongly suspected of crypto-Judaism), settled in Potosi, La Paz and La Plata. After they gained economic success in mining and commerce, they faced suspicion and persecution from the Inquisition and local authorities. Most of these marrano families moved to Santa Cruz de la Sierra, as it was an isolated urban settlement where the Inquisition did not bother the conversos.[6] Most of the converso settlers were men, and many intermarried with indigenous or mestizo women, founding mixed-race or mestizo families. Conversos also settled in adjacent towns of Vallegrande, Postrervalle, Portachuelo, Terevinto, Pucara, Cotoca and others.[7]
Many of Santa Cruz's oldest families are of partial Jewish heritage; Some traces of Jewish culture can still be found in family traditions, as well as local customs. For example, some families have family-heirloom seven-branched candle sticks or the custom of lighting candles on Friday at sunset. The typical local dishes can be all prepared with kosher practices (none mix milk and meat, pork is served, but never mixed with other foods).[6] Scholars disagree on provenance and recency of these practices. After almost five centuries, some of the descendants of these families claim awareness of Jewish origins, but practice Catholicism (in certain cases with some Jewish syncretism).
From independence in 1825 to the end of the 19th century, some Jewish merchants and traders (both Sephardim and Ashkenazim) immigrated to Bolivia. Most took local women as wives, founding families that eventually merged into the mainstream Catholic society. This was often the case in the eastern regions of Santa Cruz, Tarija, Beni and Pando, where these merchants came from Brazil or Argentina.
During the 20th century, substantial Jewish settlement began in Bolivia. In 1905, a group of Russian Jews, followed by Argentines, settled in Bolivia. In 1917, it was estimated that there were 20 to 25 professing Jews in the country. By 1933, when the Nazi era in Germany started, there were 30 Jewish families. The first large Jewish immigration occurred during the 1930s; the population had climbed to an estimated 8,000 at the end of 1942. During the 1940s, 2,200 Jews emigrated from Bolivia to other countries. But the ones who remained have created communities in La Paz, Cochabamba, Oruro, Santa Cruz, Sucre, Tarija and Potosí. After World War II, a small number of Polish Jews immigrated to Bolivia.
By 2006, approximately 700 Jews remained in Bolivia. There are synagogues in the cities of Santa Cruz de la Sierra, La Paz, and Cochabamba. Most Bolivian Jews live in Santa Cruz de la Sierra.[8]
Brazil
[edit]
Jews settled early in Brazil, especially in areas of Dutch rule. They set up a synagogue in Recife in 1636, which is considered the first synagogue in the Americas. Most of these Jews were conversos who had fled Spain and Portugal to the religious freedom of the Netherlands when the Inquisition began in Portugal in 1536. In 1656, following the Portuguese reconquest of Brazil, Jews left for the Caribbean islands and New Amsterdam under Dutch rule; the latter was taken over by the English in 1664 and was renamed as New York City.
After independence in the 19th century, Brazil attracted more Jews among its immigrants, and pressure in Europe convinced more Jews to leave. Jewish immigration rose throughout the 19th and early 20th centuries, at a time of massive emigration from the Russian Empire (including Poland and Ukraine). Jewish immigration to Brazil was rather low between 1881 and 1900 although this was the height of other international immigration to Brazil; many were going to more industrialized countries. Between 1921 and 1942 worldwide immigration to Brazil fell by 21%, but Jewish immigration to Brazil increased by 57,000. This was in response to anti-immigration legislation and immigration quotas passed by the United States, Argentina, Canada and South Africa, persisting even after the crisis of Jews under the Third Reich became clear. The Brazilian government generally did not enforce its own immigration legislation. Lastly, the Jews in Brazil developed strong support structures and economic opportunities, which attracted Eastern European and Polish Jewish immigration.[9]
Brazil has the 9th largest Jewish community in the world, about 107,329 by 2010, according to the IBGE census.[10] The Jewish Confederation of Brazil (CONIB) estimates that there are more than 120,000 Jews in Brazil.[11] Brazilian Jews play an active role in politics, sports, academia, trade and industry, and are well integrated in all spheres of Brazilian life. The majority of Brazilian Jews live in the state of São Paulo, but there are also sizable communities in Rio de Janeiro, Rio Grande do Sul, Minas Gerais and Paraná.
Chile
[edit]
Although a relatively small community amounting to no more than 1% of the country's religious minorities, Jews in Chile have achieved prominent positions in its society. They have had key roles both before and after its independence in 1810. Most Chilean Jews today reside in Santiago and Valparaíso, but there are significant communities in the north and south of the country.
Mario Kreutzberger, otherwise known as "Don Francisco" and host of Sábado Gigante, the longest-running TV show in the world, is a Chilean Jew of German origin. Other Chilean Jews who have achieved recognition in arts and culture include Alejandro Jodorowsky, now established in France and best known internationally for his literary and filmic work. Others include Nissim Sharim (actor), Shlomit Baytelman (actress) and Anita Klesky (actress). Volodia Teitelboim, poet and former leader of the Chilean Communist Party, is one of the many Jews to have held important political positions in the country.
Tomás Hirsch is leader of the radical Green-Communist coalition and former presidential candidate in 2005. State ministers Karen Poniachick (Minister for Mining) and Clarisa Hardy (Minister for Social Affairs) are also Jewish. In the field of sport, tennis player Nicolás Massú (gold medalist in Athens 2004 and former top-ten in the ATP rankings) has Jewish background.
Many of the country's most important companies, particularly in the retail and commercial field, have been set up by Jews. Examples are Calderón, Gendelman, Hites, and Pollak (commercial retailers) and Rosen (Mattress and Bed Industries).
Colombia
[edit]"New Christians", fled the Iberian peninsula to escape persecution and seek religious freedom during the 16th and 17th centuries. It is estimated that some reached northern areas of Colombia, which at the time was known as New Granada. Most if not all of these people assimilated into Colombian society. Some continue to practice traces of Sephardic Jewish rituals as family traditions.
In the 18th century, practicing Spanish and Portuguese Jews came from Jamaica and Curaçao, where they had flourished under English and Dutch rule. These Jews started practicing their religion openly in Colombia at the end of the 18th century, although it was not officially legal to do so, given the established Catholic Church. After independence, Judaism was recognized as a legal religion. The government granted the Jews land for a cemetery.
Many Jews who came during the 18th and 19th centuries achieved prominent positions in Colombian society. Some married local women and felt they had to abandon or diminish their Jewish identity. These included author Jorge Isaacs of English Jewish ancestry, the industrialist James Martin Eder (who adopted the more Christian name of Santiago Eder when he translated his name to Spanish) born into the Latvian Jewish community, as well as the De Lima, Salazar, Espinoza, Arias, Ramirez, Perez and Lobo families of Caribbean Sephardim. Coincidentally, these persons and their families settled in the Cauca Valley region of Colombia. They have continued to be influential members of society in cities such as Cali. Over the generations most of their descendants were raised as secular Christians.
During the early part of the 20th century, numerous Sephardic Jewish immigrants came from Greece, Turkey, North Africa and Syria. Shortly after, Jewish immigrants began to arrive from Eastern Europe. A wave of immigrants came after the rise of Nazism in 1933 and the imposition of antisemitic laws and practices, including more than 7,000 German Jews. From 1939 until the end of World War II, immigration was put to a halt by anti-immigrant feelings in the country and restrictions on immigration from Germany.[12]
Colombia asked Germans who were on the U.S. blacklist to leave and allowed Jewish refugees in the country illegally to stay.[13] The Jewish population increased dramatically in the 1950s and 1960s, and institutions such as synagogues, schools and social clubs were established throughout the largest cities in the country.
The changing economy and wave of kidnappings during the last decade of the 20th century led many members of Colombia's Jewish community to emigrate. Most settled in Miami and other parts of the United States. Successes in the nation's Democratic security Policy has encouraged citizens to return; it has drastically reduced violence in the rural areas and criminality rates in urban areas, as well as in spurring the economy. The situation in Colombia has improved to the extent that many Venezuelan Jews are now seeking refuge in Colombia.
In the early 21st century, most of the Jews in Colombia are concentrated in Bogotá, with about 20,000 members, and Barranquilla, with about 7,000 members. Large communities are found in Cali and Medellín, but very few practicing Jews. Smaller communities are found in Cartagena and the island of San Andres. There are 14 official synagogues throughout the country. In Bogotá, Jews each run their own religious and cultural institutions. The Confederación de Asociaciones Judías de Colombia, located in Bogotá, is the central organization that coordinates Jews and Jewish institutions in Colombia.
In the new millennium, after years of study, a group of Colombians with Jewish ancestry formally converted to Judaism to be accepted as Jews according to the halakha.[14]
Costa Rica
[edit]The first Jews in Costa Rica were probably conversos, who arrived in the 16th and 17th centuries with Spanish expeditions. In the 19th century Sephardic merchants from Curaçao, Jamaica, Panama and the Caribbean followed. They lived mostly in Central Valley, married local women, and were soon assimilated into the country's general society. Most eventually gave up Judaism altogether.
A third wave of Jewish immigrants came before World War I and especially in the 1930s, as Ashkenazi Jews fled a Europe threatened by Nazi Germany. Most of these immigrants came from the Polish town Żelechów. The term Polacos, which was originally a slur referring to these immigrants, has come to mean door-to-door salesman in colloquial Costa Rican Spanish.
The country's first synagogue, the Orthodox Shaarei Zion, was built in 1933 in the capital San José (it is located along 3rd Avenue and 6th Street). Along with a wave of nationalism, in the 1940s there was some antisemitism in Costa Rica, but generally there have been few problems.
Since the late 20th century there has been a fourth wave of Jewish immigration made up of American and Israeli expatriates who are retiring here or doing business in the country. The Jewish community is estimated to number 2,500 to 3,000 people, most of them living in the capital.[15]
The San José suburb of Rohrmoser has a strong Jewish influence due to its residents. A couple of synagogues are located here, as well as a kosher deli and restaurant. The Plaza Rohrmoser shopping center had the only kosher Burger King in the country. The Centro Israelita Sionista (Zionist Israeli Center) is a large Orthodox compound where a synagogue, library and museum are located. In 2015, the Chaim Weizmann comprehensive school in San Jose had over 300 students in kindergarten, primary, and secondary grades learning in both Spanish and Hebrew.[16]
Cuba
[edit]Jews have lived on the island of Cuba for centuries. Some Cubans trace Jewish ancestry to crypto-Jews, called Marranos, who fled the Spanish Inquisition. Early colonists generally married native women and few of their descendants, after centuries of residence, practice Judaism today. There was significant Jewish immigration to Cuba in the first half of the 20th century, as noted in other countries of Latin America. During this time, Beth Shalom Temple in Havana was constructed and became the most prominent Latin American Jewish synagogue. There were 15,000 Jews in Cuba in 1959, but many Jewish businessmen and professionals left Cuba for the United States after the Cuban revolution, fearing class persecution under the Communists.
In the early 1990s, Operation Cigar was launched, and in the period of five years, more than 400 Cuban Jews secretly immigrated to Israel.[17][18] In February 2007 The New York Times estimated that about 1,500 Jews live in Cuba, most of them (about 1,000) in Havana.[19] Beth Shalom Temple is an active synagogue that serves many Cuban Jews.
Curaçao
[edit]Curaçao has the oldest active Jewish congregation in the Americas—dating to 1651—and the oldest synagogue of the Americas, in continuous use since its completion in 1732 on the site of a previous synagogue. The Jewish community of Curaçao also played a key role in supporting early Jewish congregations in the United States in the 18th and 19th centuries, including in New York City and Newport, Rhode Island, where the Touro Synagogue was built. Growth in Latin American Jewish communities, primarily in Colombia and Venezuela, resulted from the influx of Curaçaoan Jews. In 1856 and 1902 the Jews of Coro (Venezuela) were plundered, maltreated, and driven to seek refuge in their native Curaçao.
Dominican Republic
[edit]Converso Merchants of Sephardic origin arrived in southern Hispaniola during the 15th, 16th and 17th centuries, fleeing the outcome of the Spanish Inquisition. Over the centuries, many Jews and their descendants assimilated into the general population and some have converted into the Catholic religion, although many of the country's Jews still retain elements of the Sephardic culture of their ancestors. Later, in the 18th and 19th centuries, many Sephardic families from Curaçao emigrated to the Dominican Republic.[20][21][22][23][24]
Sosua, meanwhile, is a small town close to Puerto Plata was founded by Jews fleeing the rising Nazi regime of the 1930s.[citation needed] Rafael Trujillo, the country's dictator, welcomed many Jewish refugees to his island mainly for their skills rather than for religious persecution. Present-day Sosua still possesses a synagogue and a museum of Jewish history. Descendants of those Jews can still be found in many other villages and towns on the north of the island close to Sosua.[citation needed]
Ecuador
[edit]For some time, prior to the 20th century, many Jews in Ecuador were of Sephardic ancestry and some retained their use of the Judaeo-Spanish (Ladino) language. However, today, most Jewish people in Ecuador are of Ashkenazi ancestry.[25][26] Some assume that these groups were among the European settlers of Ecuador.
Many Jewish people came from Germany in 1939, on a ship called the "Koenigstein". During the years 1933–43, there were a population of 2,700 Jewish immigrants. In 1939, the Jewish population, mostly German and Polish Jews, were expelled by a decree of the Italian influenced government of Alberto Enriquez Gallo. The antisemitism spread in the population, but was stopped by the intervention of the American embassy. In 1945, there was a reported population of 3,000. About 85% of them were European refugees.
The rise of Jewish immigration to Ecuador was when the Holocaust started. In 1950, there was an estimation of 4,000 persons living in Ecuador. Most of the active Jewish communities in Ecuador are from German origin. The majority of Ecuadorian Jews live in Quito and Guayaquil. There is a Jewish school in Quito. In Guayaquil, there is a Jewish Community under the auspices of Los Caminos de Israel[27] called Nachle Emuna Congregation. Now in 2017 in Ecuador there are only 290 reported Jews in the country. "Among the Jewish immigrants who came to Ecuador were also professionals, intellectuals and artists, some of whom were professors and writers. Other Alberto Capua, Giorgio Ottolenghi, Aldo Mugla, Francisco Breth, Hans Herman, Leopold Levy, Paul Engel, Marco Turkel, Henry Fente, Benno Weiser, Otto Glass, Egon Fellig, and Karl Kohn. Olga Fis valued and spread the Ecuadorian folk art, Constanza Capua conducted archaeological, anthropological and colonial art.
From Sephardic ancestry were Leonidas Gilces and his younger brother Angel Theodore Gilces whom helped many immigrants such as Charles Liebman who reach the capital with his library, which became the most important of the capital. Simon Goldberg who had a library in Berlin, Goethe library of old books that contributed to the dissemination of reading. Vera Kohn was a psychologist and teacher, tasks that at mid-century were not of interest of Ecuadorian women who used to live in their homes given away, devoid of intellectual curiosity and only care about social life. They were not interested in politics, with the exception of Paul Beter, belonging to the second generation of Jews, who became Minister of Economy and Central Bank President.
El Salvador
[edit]Alsatian-born Bernardo Haas, who came to El Salvador in 1868, was believed to be the country's first Jewish immigrant. Another Jew, Leon Libes, was documented as the first German Jew in 1888. Sephardic families also arrived from countries such as Turkey, Egypt, Tunisia Spain and France. De Sola helped to found the first synagogue and became an invaluable member of the Jewish community. In 1936, World War II caused the Jewish community to help their ancestors escape from Europe. Some had their relatives in El Salvador. But some were forced to go into countries such as Brazil, Ecuador, Guatemala and Panama. On 30 July 1939, President Martinez barred an entry of fifty Jewish refugees going to El Salvador on the German ship Portland. On 11 September 1948, the community started and continues to support a school "Colegio Estado de Israel". According to the latest Census, there are currently about 100 Jews living in El Salvador, mostly in the capital city of San Salvador. Most of them have Sephardic roots. There is a small town called Armenia in rural El Salvador where people practice Orthodox Sephardic Judaism since the inquisition.[28]
French Guiana
[edit]History of the Jews in French Guiana redirects here.
Jews arrived in French Guiana by the way of the Dutch West India Company. Later on 12 September 1659, Jews arrived from Dutch colonies in Brazil. The company appointed David Nassy, a Brazilian refugee, patron of an exclusive Jewish settlement on the western side of the island of Cayenne, an area called Remire or Irmire. From 1658 to 1659, Paulo Jacomo Pinto began negotiating with the Dutch authorities in Amsterdam to allow a group of Jews from Livorno, Italy to settle in the Americas. On 20 July 1600, more than 150 Sephardic Jews left Livorno (Leghorn) and settled in Cayenne. The French agreed to those terms, an exceptional policy that was not common among the French colonies. Nevertheless, nearly two-thirds of the population left for the Dutch colony of Suriname.
Over the decades, the Leghorn Jews of Cayenne immigrated to Suriname. In 1667, the remaining Jewish community was captured by the occupying British forces and moved the population to either Suriname or Barbados to work in sugarcane production. Since the late 17th century, few Jews have lived in French Guiana. In 1992, 20 Jewish families from Suriname and North Africa attempted to re-establish the community in Cayenne. A Chabad organization exists in the country and maintains Jewish life within the community. Today, 800 Jews live in French Guiana, predominately in Cayenne.
Guatemala
[edit]History of the Jews in Guatemala redirects here.
The first Jewish migrations to Guatemala date back to the Spanish period. Historical records from the Mexican Inquisition reveal that the earliest Jewish settlers were Crypto-Jews and converts. And there is still descendants of them. ( mainly converted ) As in other spanish america countries.
The modern Jewish community in Guatemala, however, traces its roots to German Jewish immigrants who arrived in the mid-19th century.
The Jews in Guatemala are mainly descendants from immigrants from Germany, Eastern Europe and the Middle East that arrived in the second half of the 19th century and first half of the 20th.
The first Jewish families arrived from the town of Kempen, Posen, Prussia (today Kepno, Poland), establishing themselves in Guatemala City and Quetzaltenango. Immigrants from the Middle East (mainly Turkey) immigrated during the first three decades of the 20th century. Many immigrated during World War II. There are approximately 900 Jews living in Guatemala today. Most live in Guatemala City. Today, the Jewish community in Guatemala is made up of Orthodox Jews, Sephardi, Eastern European and German Jews.
In 2014, numerous members of the communities Lev Tahor and Toiras Jesed, who practice a particularly austere form of Orthodox Judaism, began settling in the village of San Juan La Laguna. Mainstream Jewish communities felt concerned about the reputation following this group, who had left both the US and Canada under allegations of child abuse, underage marriage and child neglect. Despite the tropical heat, the members of the community continued to wear the long black cloaks for men and full black chador for women.[29][30][31]
Haiti
[edit]When Christopher Columbus arrived in Santo Domingo, as he named it, among his crew was an interpreter, Luis de Torres, who was Jewish. Luis was one of the first Jews to settle on Santo Domingo in 1492. When the western part of the island was taken over by France in 1633, many Dutch Sephardic Jews came from Curaçao, arriving in 1634, after the Portuguese had taken over there. Others immigrated from English colonies such as Jamaica, contributing to the merchant trade. In 1683, Louis XIV banned all religions except Catholicism in the French colonies, and ordered the expulsion of Jews, but this was lightly enforced.[32] Sephardic Jews remained in Saint-Domingue as leading officials in French trading companies. After the French Revolution instituted religious freedom in 1791, additional Jewish merchants returned to Saint-Domingue and settled in several cities.[33] Some likely married free women of color, establishing families. In the 21st century, archaeologists discovered a synagogue of Crypto-Jews in Jérémie in the southwest area of the island. In Cap-Haïtien, Cayes and Jacmel, a few Jewish tombstones have been uncovered.
In the late eighteenth century at the time of the French Revolution, the free people of color pressed for more rights in Saint-Domingue, and a slave revolt led by Toussaint L'Ouverture broke out in 1791 in the North of the island. Slaves considered Jews to be among the white oppressor group.[citation needed] Through the years of warfare, many people of the Jewish community were among the whites killed; some Jews were expelled when the slaves and free blacks took power and instituted restrictions on foreign businessmen.[citation needed] Haiti achieved independence in 1804 but was not recognized by other nations for some time and struggled economically, based on a peasant culture producing coffee as a commodity crop. Foreigners were prohibited from owning land and subject to other restrictions. Planters and other whites were killed in 1805, and Jews were among the whites and people of color who fled to the United States, many settling in New Orleans or Charleston.[34]
Race, as defined in slavery years, and nationality became more important in Haiti in the 19th century than religion, and Jews were considered whites and nationals of their groups.[34] Later in the century, Polish Jews immigrated to Haiti due to the civil strife in Poland and settled in Cazale, in the North-West region of the country. Most Jews settled in port cities, where they worked as traders and merchants. In 1881 a crowd in Port-au-Prince attacked a group of Jews but was drawn back by militia men.[35]
By the end of the 19th century, a small number of Mizrahi Jewish families immigrated to Haiti from Lebanon, Syria and Egypt; there were a higher number of Levantine Christian traders arriving at the same time. German Jews arrived with other German businessmen; they were highly acculturated and were considered part of the German community.[36] In 1915, there were 200 Jews in Haiti. During the 20 years of American occupation, many of the Jews emigrated to the United States. The US and Haiti had joint interests in reducing the number and influence of foreign businessmen.[37] In 1937, the government issued passports and visas to Jews of Germany and Eastern Europe, to help them escape the Nazi persecution. They retained control of any naturalization of foreigners, restricting it. During this time, 300 Jews lived on the island. Most of the Jews stayed until the late 1950s, when they moved on to the United States or Israel.
As of 2010, the number of known Jews in Haiti is estimated at 25, residing in the relatively affluent suburb of Pétion-Ville, outside Port-au-Prince.[38]
Haiti and Israel maintain full diplomatic relations, but Israel's nearest permanent diplomat to the region is based in neighboring Dominican Republic.[citation needed]
Honduras
[edit]During the 20th century-1980s, Jewish immigrants came to Honduras, mainly from Russia, Poland, Germany, Hungary and Romania. There were also immigration from Greece, who are of Sephardic origin and Turkey and North Africa, who are of Mizrachi origin. Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, it has been absorbed a huge number of Jewish immigrants from Israel. Through the past two decades, the Honduras experienced a resurgence of Jewish life. Communities in Tegucigalpa and San Pedro Sula grew more active. In 1998, Hurricane Mitch destroyed the synagogue, which was part of the Jewish community center in the Honduras. But the Jewish community contributed money to re-build the temple. Most Honduran Jews live in Tegucigalpa.
Jamaica
[edit]The history of the Jews in Jamaica predominantly dates back to the 1490s when many Jews from Portugal and Spain fled the persecution of the Holy Inquisition.[39] When the English captured the colony of Jamaica from Spain in 1655, Jews who were living as conversos began to practice Judaism openly.[40] In 1719, the synagogue Kahal Kadosh Neve Tsedek in Port Royal was built.[39] By the year 1720, 18 percent of the population the capital Kingston was Jewish.[40] For the most part, Jews practiced Orthodox rituals and customs.[40]
A recent study has now estimated that nearly 424,000 Jamaicans are descendants of Jewish (Sephardic) immigrants to Jamaica from Portugal and Spain from 1494 to the present, either by birth or ancestry. Jewish documents, gravestones written in Hebrew and recent DNA testing have proven this. While many are non-practicing, it is recorded that over 20,000 Jamaicans religiously identify as Jews.[citation needed]
Common Jewish surnames in Jamaica are Abrahams, Alexander, Isaacs, Levy, Marish, Lindo, Lyon, Sangster, Myers, Da Silva, De Souza, De Cohen, De Leon, DeMercado, Barrett, Babb, Magnus, Codner, Pimentel, DeCosta, Henriques and Rodriques.[citation needed]
In 2006 Jamaican Jewish Heritage Center opened to celebrate of 350 years of Jews living in Jamaica. [citation needed]
Mexico
[edit]
New Christians arrived in Mexico as early as 1521. Due to the strong Catholic Church presence in Mexico, few conversos and even fewer Jews migrated there after the Spanish Conquest of Mexico.
Then, in the late 19th century, a number of German Jews settled in Mexico as a result of invitations from Maximilian I of Mexico, followed by a huge wave of Ashkenazic Jews fleeing pogroms in Russia and Eastern Europe. A second large wave of immigration occurred as the Ottoman Empire collapsed, leading many Sephardic Jews from Turkey, Morocco, and parts of France to flee. Finally, a wave of immigrants fled the increasing Nazi persecutions in Europe during World War II. According to the 2010 Census, there are 67,476[41] Jews in Mexico, making them the third largest Jewish community in Latin America.
Based in Cancún, they reached out to the whole Quintana Roo and Mexican Caribbean including Playa del Carmen, Cozumel, Isla Mujeres and Mérida.
In 2010 they opened a Chabad branch in Playa del Carmen to expand their activities. Rabbi Mendel Goldberg along with his wife Chaya and two daughters where assigned to direct the activities there and open a new center.
The State of Baja California has also had a Jewish presence for the last few hundred years. La Paz, Mexico was home to many Jewish traders who would dock at the port and do business. Many locals in La Paz descend from the prominent Schcolnik, Tuschman and Habiff families, although most are assimilated into Mexican life. In recent years, the tourist industry has picked up in Baja California Sur, which saw many American retirees purchase and live in properties around the Baja. In 2009, with a grassroots Jewish Community formulating and with the help of Tijuana-based businessman Jose Galicot, Chabad sent out Rabbi Benny Hershcovich and his family to run the operations of the Cabo Jewish Center, located in Los Cabos, Mexico, but providing Jewish services and assistance to Jews scattered throughout the Baja Sur region, including La Paz, Todos Santos and the East Cape.
Nicaragua
[edit]In the 20th century, Nicaragua's Jewish community consisted mostly of immigrants from Eastern Europe who arrived in Nicaragua after 1929.[42] The Jews in Nicaragua were a relatively small community, with most living in Managua. The Jews made significant contributions to Nicaragua's economic development while dedicating themselves to farming, manufacturing and retail sales.[43] It was approximated that the highest number of Jews in Nicaragua reached a peak of 250 in 1972.[42] Some 60 Jews left the country after the 1972 earthquake that devastated Managua, it having destroyed many Jewish businesses, while others fled during the violence and unrest of the 1978-1979 Sandinista Revolution. When Nicaraguan dictator Anastasio Somoza was deposed in 1979, almost all of the remaining Nicaraguan Jews left the country, concerned about their future under the incoming socialist government.
Beginning in 1983, the Reagan administration in the U.S. made a concerted effort to increase domestic support for funding the Contras by persuading American Jews that the Sandinista government was antisemitic.[44][45] According to Contra leader Edgar Chamorro, CIA officers told him of this plan in a 1983 meeting, justifying it with the antisemitic argument that Jews controlled the media and winning them over would be key to a public relations success.[44] The Anti-Defamation League supported the Reagan administration's charges of Sandinista antisemitism, having actively worked with Nicaraguan Jews to reclaim a synagogue that had been firebombed by Sandinista militants in 1978 and seized by the Sandinista government in 1979.[46][47][48][49] However, a variety of left-wing organizations that opposed the Reagan administration's policies in Latin America, including the progressive New Jewish Agenda, the leftist NGO the Council on Hemispheric Affairs, as well as the American Jewish Committee, all found that there was no evidence to support the U.S. charge of government antisemitism.[50][45][51] Anthony Quainton, U.S. ambassador to Nicaragua, also reported no evidence of government antisemitism after an investigation by embassy staff.[52][53][54] The dozens of Nicaraguan Jews who had fled the country supported the Reagan administration's charges of antisemitism, citing several instances of intimidation, harassment, and arbitrary arrest,[55][56][48] but two of the Jews who remained in Nicaragua denied their accuracy, and they were widely cited in the media at the time.[57][58][59]
After Daniel Ortega lost the 1990 presidential election, Nicaraguan Jews started returning to Nicaragua. Prior to 1979 the Jewish community had no rabbi or mohel (circumcision practitioner). In 2005, the Jewish community numbered about 50 people and included 3 mohalim, but had no ordained rabbi.[60] In 2017, there was a mass conversion of 114 Nicaraguans to Judaism.[61]
Panama
[edit]Viceroyalty Period
[edit]The presence of Anusim or Crypto-Jews was recorded as early as the first migrations of Spaniards and Portuguese to the territory. Researcher and writer Elyjah Byrzdett explains that the Judeo-Converso phenomenon in Panama can be divided into two main periods: the Castilian period and the Portuguese period.[62]
1. The Castilian Period (1501–1580)
[edit]This period was marked by the arrival of Crypto-Jews of Castilian origin, who played an active role in the colonization of the territory. When Rodrigo de Bastidas arrived on the Isthmus of Panama in 1501, he was accompanied by recent converts to Christianity. From the first Spanish expeditions and throughout the conquest, Judeo-Conversos were present in the region.[62]
The governor and founder of the city of Panama, Pedro Arias Dávila (known as Pedrarias), had Jewish ancestry on both his paternal and maternal sides. His paternal grandfather, Ysaque Abenazar, was an influential member of the Jewish community of Segovia, who later converted to Catholicism and adopted the name Diego Arias Dávila. Although his religious beliefs remain uncertain, it is established that he protected Judeo-Conversos from persecution led by Franciscan friar Juan de Quevedo.[62]
Other notable figures of Converso origin include the following captains and governors:
- Felipe Gutiérrez de Toledo (a member of the Pisa clan): He served as governor of Veragua and led a migratory movement from Almagro and Toledo to the Veragua region. History professor Enrique Soria Mesa studied this migration and compiled a list of Judeo-Converso individuals who traveled with him.
- Diego Gutiérrez: He was governor of Veragua and obtained, through a new asiento on November 29, 1540, the right to explore and populate the region as governor and captain of Veragua. Tragically, he was killed by the indigenous population.
In his work The Pisa Family: A Converso Lineage, Byrzdett documents the detailed genealogy of the Pisa family, whose descendants arrived in Panama before settling in other regions. Although not all Crypto-Jews bore the name "de Pisa," the author uses it as a reference due to its significance as a common lineage among several Converso families in the region.[63]
2. The Portuguese Period (1580–1640)
[edit]The Portuguese period began in 1580, following the dynastic union of Portugal with the Spanish Crown. During this period, Portuguese Crypto-Jews, who were better organized and had more resources, managed to establish a house of prayer on Calafates Street, located behind the old cathedral of Panama la Vieja. However, the Inquisition intensified its persecution against Judaizers, culminating in 1640 with an event known as the "Great Conspiracy," which dismantled much of the Crypto-Jewish network on the Isthmus. From then on, their presence in historical records became more difficult to trace, as fear of persecution led many to further conceal their identity.[62]
One of the most documented episodes of this persecution was the arrest of the Portuguese Sebastián Rodríguez, accused of being a Judaizer, meaning a practitioner of Judaism. Rodríguez led a group of Crypto-Jews, including Antonio de Ávila, González de Silva, Domingo de Almeyda, and a Mercedarian friar, all secretly practicing Judaism. During the trial, four doctors confirmed the presence of a circumcision mark on Rodríguez, which was used as evidence against him.[62]
Period of Union with Colombia
[edit]When the isthmus joined Simón Bolívar’s federation project, a new wave of Jewish migration took place, revitalizing Mosaic faith in the region. These early Jewish immigrants arrived under a new policy that encouraged religious freedom in the newly independent territories. Thanks to their proficiency in languages such as German, Spanish, French, English, Dutch, and Papiamento, they played a crucial role as intermediaries and translators, facilitating communication between the local population and foreigners arriving in or passing through the region.[62]
Sephardic (Judeo-Spanish) mainly from nearby islands such as Curaçao, St. Thomas and Jamaica, and Jewish immigrants from Central and Eastern Europe began arriving in Panama in large quantities until the mid-nineteenth century, attracted by economic incentives such as bi-oceanic railway construction and the California gold rush. And Ashkenazi (Judeo-German) Jews began arriving in significant numbers in Panama in the mid-19th century, attracted by economic opportunities such as the construction of the interoceanic railroad and the California Gold Rush. This migratory flow marked an important chapter in the history of Panama’s Jewish community.[62]
Republican Period
[edit]The Republic of Panama, in its current form, would be significantly different without the notable contributions of the Panamanian Jewish community. Its role in the struggle for the country's independence in 1903 was crucial and prevented the failure of the separatist movement. Prominent members of the Kol Shearith Israel Congregation, such as Isaac Brandon, M.D. Cardoze, M.A. De León, Joshua Lindo, Morris Lindo, Joshua Piza, and Isaac L. Toledano, provided essential financial support to the Revolutionary Junta when the promised funds from Philippe Jean Bunau-Varilla failed to materialize. Without their contribution, the lives of the leaders responsible for Panama’s separation from Colombia could have been in jeopardy. For this reason, the commitment of the Jewish community was of vital importance at this historical moment for Panama.[62]
They were followed by other waves of immigration: during the First World War the Ottoman Empire from disintegrating, before and after the Second World War from Europe, from Arab countries because of the exodus caused in 1948 and more recently from South American countries suffering economic crises.[62]
The center of Jewish life in Panama is Panama City, although historically small groups of Jews settled in other cities, like Colón, David, Chitre, La Chorrera, Santiago de Veraguas and Bocas del Toro. Those communities are disappearing as families move to the capital in search of education for their children and for economic reasons. Today Jewish community numbers some 20,000.[62]
Panama is the only country in the world except for Israel that has had two Jewish presidents in the twentieth century. In the sixties Max Delvalle was first vice president, then president. His nephew, Eric Arturo Delvalle, was president between 1985 and 1988. The two were members of Kol Shearith Israel synagogue and were involved in Jewish life.[62]
Paraguay
[edit]Toward the 19th century, Jewish immigrants arrived in Paraguay from countries such as France, Switzerland and Italy. During World War I Jews from Palestine (Jerusalem), Egypt and Turkey arrived in Paraguay, mostly Sephardic Jews. In the 1920s, there was a second wave of immigrants from Ukraine and Poland. Between 1933 and 1939, between 15,000 and 20,000 Jews from Germany, Austria and Czechoslovakia took advantage of Paraguay's liberal immigration laws to escape from Nazi-occupied Europe. After World War II, most Jews that arrived in Paraguay were survivors of concentration camps. Today, there are 1,000 Jews mostly living in Paraguay's capital, Asunción. Most are of German descent.
Peru
[edit]In Peru, conversos arrived at the time of the Spanish Conquest. At first, they had lived without restrictions because the Inquisition was not active in Peru at the beginning of the Viceroyalty. Then, with the advent of the Inquisition, New Christians began to be persecuted, and, in some cases, executed. In this period, these people were sometimes called "marranos", converts ("conversos"), and "cristianos nuevos" (New Christians) even if they had not been among the original converts from Judaism and had been reared as Catholics. The descendants of these Colonial Sephardic Jewish descent converts to Christianity settled mainly in the northern highlands and northern high jungle, and they were assimilated to local people: Cajamarca, the northern highlands of Piura as Ayabaca and Huancabamba, among others, due to cultural and ethnic contact with the southern highlands of Ecuador. In modern times, before and after the Second World War, some Ashkenazic Jews, Western and Eastern Slavic and Hungarians mainly, migrated to Peru, mostly to Lima. Today, Peruvian Jews represent an important part of the economics and politics of Peru; the majority of them are from the Ashkenazi community.
Puerto Rico
[edit]
Puerto Rico is currently home to the largest Jewish community in the Caribbean, with over 3,000 Jews supporting four synagogues; three in the capital city of San Juan: one each Reform, Conservative and Chabad, as well as a Satmar community in the western part of the island in the town of Mayagüez known as Toiras Jesed[64] for Minyanim information. Many Jews managed to settle in the island as secret Jews and settled in the island's remote mountainous interior as did the early Jews in all Spanish and Portuguese colonies.[65] In the late 1800s during the Spanish–American War many Jewish American servicemen gathered together with local Puerto Rican Jews at the Old Telegraph building in Ponce to hold religious services.[66] Many Central and Eastern European Jews came after World War II.
Suriname
[edit]Suriname has the oldest Jewish community in the Americas. During the Inquisition in Portugal and Spain around 1500, many Jews fled to the Netherlands and the Dutch colonies to escape social discrimination and inquisitorial persecution, sometimes including torture and condemnation to the stake. Those who were converted to the Catholic faith were called New Christians, conversos, and, less often, "Marranos". The stadtholder of the King of Portugal gave those who wanted to depart some time to let them settle, and supplied them with 16 ships and safe conduct to leave for the Netherlands. The Dutch government gave an opportunity to settle in Brazil. But most found their home in Recife, and merchants became cocoa growers. But the Portuguese in Brazil forced many Jews to move into the northern Dutch colonies in the Americas, The Guyanas. Jews settled in Suriname in 1639.[citation needed]
Suriname was one of the most important centers of the Jewish population in the Western Hemisphere, and Jews there were planters and slaveholders.[67]
For a few years, when World War II arrived, many Jewish refugees from the Netherlands and other parts of Europe fled to Suriname. Today, 2,765 Jews live in Suriname.[citation needed]
Trinidad and Tobago
[edit]History of the Jews in Trinidad and Tobago redirects here.
Trinidad and Tobago, a former British colony, is home to over 500 Jews.
Uruguay
[edit]
Uruguay is home to the fifth-largest Jewish community in Latin America, but the largest as a proportion of the country's total population.[68] Jewish presence began during the colonial era, with the arrival of conversos to the Banda Oriental, fleeing the Spanish Inquisition.[69] However, considerable Jewish immigration began at the end of the 19th century with the arrival of some Sephardic Jews from neighboring countries, and spread during the first half of the 20th century with the arrival of a large number of Ashkenazim.[70]
By the first decades of the 20th century, the Jewish community had already set up an educational network, and its presence was notable in several areas of the capital Montevideo, such as the Villa Muñoz neighborhood, which became known as the city's Jewish quarter.[70] In addition, Jews from Belarus and Bessarabia formed an agricultural community in the rural area of the Paysandú Department.[71]
Most of the Jewish immigration to Uruguay took place in the 1920s and 1930s, although in this latter period, there were some Fascist and liberal anti-immigration sectors that opposed all foreign immigration, weighing heavily on Jewish immigration. However, the country has traditionally been the destination of a large number of Jewish refugees during and after World War II.[72] In 1940, the Central Israelite Committee of Uruguay was founded, uniting the different Jewish communities that had been formed based on the place of origin of the Jews who arrived in the country.[73] It is estimated that between the 1950s and 1960s the Jewish community in Uruguay was made up of approximately 50,000 people.[74]
Venezuela
[edit]The history of Venezuelan New Christians most likely began in the middle of the 17th century, when some records suggest that groups of conversos lived in Caracas and Maracaibo. At the turn of the 19th century, Venezuela and Colombia were fighting against their Spanish colonizers in wars of independence. Simón Bolívar, Venezuela's liberator and his sister, found refuge and material support for his army in the homes of Jews from Curaçao. After independence, in 1826 practicing Jews came from Curaçao to Santa Ana Coro, where they had flourished under Dutch rule. Judaism was recognized as a legal religion. The government granted the Jews land for a cemetery.
According to a national census taken at the end of the 19th century, 247 Jews lived in Venezuela as citizens in 1891. In 1907, the Israelite Beneficial Society, which became the Israelite Society of Venezuela in 1919, was created as an organization to bring all the Jews who were scattered through various cities and towns throughout the country together.
By 1943, nearly 600 German Jews had entered the country, with several hundred more becoming citizens after World War II. By 1950, the community had grown to around 6,000 people, even in the face of immigration restrictions.
During the first decades of the 21st century, many Venezuelan Jews decided to emigrate due to the growth of antisemitism and to the political crisis and instability. Currently, there are around 10,000 Jews living in Venezuela, with more than half living in the capital Caracas.[75] Venezuelan Jewry is split equally between Sephardim and Ashkenazim. All but one of the country's 15 synagogues are Orthodox. The majority of Venezuela's Jews are members of the middle class.
The current president of Venezuela, Nicolas Maduro, claims to be of Sephardic Jewish descent.[76] Jewish groups, such as the Latin American Jewish Congress, have criticized Maduro and his predecessor, Hugo Chavez, of fostering antisemitism.[76]
Reported Jewish populations in the Americas and the Caribbean in 2014
[edit]| Rank (Worldwide) |
Country | Jewish Population |
% of Country |
|---|---|---|---|
| 7 | Argentina | 180,500 | 0.42% |
| 10 | Brazil | 93,800 | 0.05% |
| 14 | Mexico | 40,000 | 0.03% |
| 24 | Uruguay | 16,900 | 0.36% |
| 24 | Chile | 18,300 | 0.1% |
| 26 | Panama | 10,000 | 0.28% |
| 31 | Venezuela | 7,600 | 0.02% |
| 39 | Colombia | 7,500 | <0.01% |
| 47 | Costa Rica | 4,800 | 0.80% |
| 51 | Peru | 1,900 | <0.01% |
| 54 | Puerto Rico | 1,500 | <0.04% |
| 60 | Paraguay | 900 | <0.01% |
| 61 | Guatemala | 900 | 0.02% |
| 63 | Ecuador | 600 | <0.01% |
| 67 | Cayman Islands | 600 | 1.00% |
| 68 | Cuba | 500 | 0.00% |
| 69 | United States Virgin Islands | 500 | 0.48% |
| 74 | Bahamas | 300 | 0.09% |
| 80 | Jamaica | 300 | 0.09% |
| 81 | Netherlands Antilles | 200 | 0.07% |
| 82 | Suriname | 200 | 0.03% |
| 88 | Dominican Republic | 100 | 0.003% |
| 89 | El Salvador | 100 | <0.01% |
| 90 | Honduras | 100 | 0.00% |
| 107 | Aruba | 85 | 0.08% |
| N/A | French Guiana | 880?[77] | 0.02% |
| N/A | Barbados | 970?[citation needed] | 0.00% |
| N/A | Haiti | 25?[78] | 0.00% |
| N/A | Bermuda | 20?[citation needed] | 0.00% |
1 CIA World Factbook, with most estimates current as of July 2014; Jewish Virtual Library: Vital Statistics: Jewish Population of the World (1882 – Present).
See also
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{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: DOI inactive as of July 2025 (link) - ^ Wingerter, Eric; Delacour, Justin (2009). "Playing the 'Anti-Semitism' Card Against Venezuela". NACLA Report on the Americas. 42 (5): 49–52. doi:10.1080/10714839.2009.11725471. S2CID 157079721. Retrieved 8 December 2020.
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Bibliography
[edit]- Mordechai Arbell, Dennis Channing Landis, Ann Phelps Barry Spanish and Portuguese Jews in the Caribbean and the Guianas: A Bibliography, Interamericas, 1999, ISBN 0-916617-52-1
- Mordechai Arbell The Portuguese Jews of Jamaica, Canoe Press, 2000, ISBN 976-8125-69-1
- Marjorie Agosín Memory, Oblivion, and Jewish Culture In Latin America, University of Texas Press, 2005, ISBN 0-292-70667-7
- Alan Fredric Benjamin Jews of the Dutch Caribbean: Exploring Ethnic Identity on Curaçao, Routledge, 2002, ISBN 0-415-27439-7
- Judah M. Cohen Through the Sands of Time: A History of the Jewish Community of St. Thomas, UPNE, 2004, ISBN 1-58465-341-8
- Judith Laikin Elkin. The Jews of Latin America (rev) Holmes & Meier, 1998. ISBN 0-8419-1369-2
- Ariel Segal Frielich Jews of the Amazon: Self-Exile in Earthly Paradise, The Jewish Publication Society, 1999, ISBN 0-8276-0669-9
- Jeffrey Lesser & Raanan Rein. Rethinking Jewish-Latin Americans. University of New Mexico Press, 2008. ISBN 978-0-8263-4401-4
- Jeffrey Lesser, Welcoming the Undesirables: Brazil and the Jewish Question. University of California Press, 1995
- Ruggiero, Kristin The Jewish Diaspora In Latin America and the Caribbean: Fragments of Memory, Sussex Academic Press, 2005, ISBN 1-84519-061-0
- The Jews and the Expansion of Europe to the West, 1450–1800, Berghahn Books, 2001, ISBN 1-57181-430-2
- Leo Spitzer. Hotel Bolivia. Hill and Wang, 1998. ISBN 0-8090-5545-7
External links
[edit]
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- Brazil's Jews face 60% intermarriage rate Includes history and current stats
- Latin American Jews contend with spike in anti-Semitism By Sara Miller Llana, The Christian Science Monitor 26 July 2009
History of the Jews in Latin America and the Caribbean
View on GrokipediaColonial Era Foundations (1492–1825)
Crypto-Jews and Forced Conversions in Iberian Colonies
Following the Alhambra Decree of March 31, 1492, which expelled practicing Jews from Spain unless they converted, and Portugal's edict of December 1496 mandating mass conversions effective in 1497, tens of thousands of Iberian Jews became conversos or New Christians, many of whom retained Jewish beliefs and practices in secret as crypto-Jews.[6] These individuals, facing persistent suspicion and violence in Iberia—such as the 1391 pogroms that initially coerced over 100,000 conversions—emigrated to Iberian colonies in Latin America despite explicit prohibitions, including royal cédulas from 1501 onward barring Jews and recent conversos from the Americas to safeguard colonial Catholic orthodoxy.[7] Enforcement proved inconsistent, enabling perhaps 5,000 to 10,000 conversos to arrive in Spanish territories like New Spain (Mexico) and Peru by the 1530s, often as merchants, artisans, or participants in expeditions such as Hernán Cortés's 1519 conquest of Mexico, where crypto-Jewish practices like clandestine Sabbath observance persisted among settlers.[8] In Portuguese Brazil, New Christians similarly dominated early colonial economy, particularly sugar plantations from the 1530s, with crypto-Judaism manifesting in hidden rituals amid the Lisbon Inquisition's remote oversight until local tribunals intensified after 1591.[9] Accusations of judaizing—secret adherence to Jewish law—prompted forced public recantations, property seizures, and executions; for instance, between 1591 and 1630, the Portuguese Inquisition processed dozens of Brazilian cases, driving some crypto-Jews northward to Dutch Recife, where open synagogues like Kahal Zur Israel operated from 1636 until Portuguese reconquest in 1654 forced reversion to secrecy.[10] While initial forced conversions occurred primarily in Iberia, colonial extensions involved coerced abjurations during Inquisition autos-de-fé, blending religious enforcement with economic motives, as converso wealth fueled colonial ventures but invited confiscation upon heresy charges.[11] Spanish American Inquisitions, formalized in Mexico City (1571) and Lima (1570), targeted crypto-Jewish networks through denunciations and torture-extracted confessions, with converso lineages tracked via limpieza de sangre purity statutes excluding them from offices and guilds.[12] From 1571 to 1700, Mexican tribunal records document over 200 prosecutions for crypto-Judaism, comprising about 40% of cases, involving practices like ritual circumcision and avoidance of pork; prominent examples include the 1596 trial and 1601 execution of the Carvajal family for organizing a secret synagogue in Mexico City.[8] In Peru, Lima's Inquisition burned 18 judaizers at the stake in a single 1639 auto-de-fé, reflecting heightened scrutiny amid silver trade profits linked to converso financiers, though many accusations stemmed from familial betrayals or Inquisitorial incentives rather than widespread organized Judaism.[13] These persecutions, documented in archival relaciones de causas, underscore how crypto-Jewish survival relied on assimilation and silence, with generational dilution eroding practices by the 18th century as Inquisition vigor waned.[14]Open Sephardic Settlements in Dutch, English, and French Caribbean Territories
In the mid-17th century, following the Portuguese reconquest of Dutch Brazil in 1654, waves of Sephardic Jews, many fleeing persecution after practicing openly under Dutch rule in Recife, dispersed to Caribbean territories controlled by Protestant powers, where religious tolerance enabled public Jewish life in contrast to the Inquisition-dominated Spanish and Portuguese colonies.[2] These migrants, primarily of Portuguese and Spanish origin who had resettled in Amsterdam or London, established mercantile communities focused on trade, sugar production, and smuggling to Spanish America, leveraging familial networks across the Atlantic.[15] By the late 17th century, these "port Jews" formed autonomous congregations with synagogues, ritual baths, and cemeteries, often comprising 10-20% of island populations and holding civic privileges like land ownership and militia service.[16] Dutch territories, particularly Curaçao, hosted the most enduring open Sephardic settlements, with the first 10-12 families arriving from the Netherlands in 1651 under Dutch West India Company auspices to bolster the colony against Spanish threats.[17] The community, centered in Willemstad, grew to about 200 families by 1670 and peaked at around 2,000 individuals (roughly 50% of the white population) by the 1780s, sustaining Congregation Mikvé Israel, founded in 1659 with a synagogue completed in 1732 that remains the oldest continuously operating in the Americas. Curaçao served as a hub for contraband trade with Spanish Main ports, where Sephardim, exempt from some taxes in exchange for economic contributions, operated shops, warehouses, and shipping firms while maintaining strict communal governance through the Mahamad council.[18] This openness stemmed from Dutch mercantilist policies prioritizing commerce over Catholic uniformity, though Jews faced periodic restrictions, such as bans on public worship until 1659.[16] In English Caribbean islands like Barbados and Jamaica, Sephardic arrivals from Brazil and Amsterdam established communities after 1654, capitalizing on Oliver Cromwell's 1655 readmission of Jews to England, which extended informal toleration to colonies.[19] Barbados received about 300 Dutch Jews by 1664, forming Sha'arei Kodesh congregation with a synagogue by 1675; these merchants, often plantation owners employing slave labor, numbered around 200 families by 1680, facilitating trade in sugar, rum, and goods to North America.[15] Jamaica's Sephardic population, bolstered post-1655 English conquest of the island, reached 200-300 by the 1690s, with Sha'ar HaShamayim synagogue dedicated in 1704; Jews here thrived as traders and privateers against Spanish shipping, though facing sporadic Anglican-led expulsions, such as the 1683 ban reversed by economic lobbying.[19] English policies granted de facto rights like oath exemptions and property holding, driven by colonial needs for skilled intermediaries in Atlantic commerce.[20] French Caribbean efforts in Martinique and Guadeloupe were brief and precarious, with Sephardic settlers from Bordeaux and Dutch Brazil arriving around 1654-1658 under initial Company of the Islands tolerance, establishing small communities of 50-100 families engaged in tobacco and sugar cultivation.[21] These "Portuguese merchants," often crypto-Jews resurfacing openly, built provisional synagogues and traded with Dutch Curaçao, but the 1685 Code Noir under Louis XIV mandated Jewish expulsion to enforce Catholic exclusivity, scattering survivors to English or Dutch islands by 1690.[15] This revocation highlighted French absolutism's prioritization of religious uniformity over colonial pragmatism, limiting Sephardic presence to clandestine networks thereafter.[22]19th-Century Establishment and Early Immigration
Post-Independence Reorganization and Legal Recognition
Following the independence of most Latin American nations from Spain and Portugal between 1810 and 1825, constitutions introduced varying degrees of religious tolerance, enabling small, previously clandestine Jewish populations—primarily converso descendants and itinerant merchants—to reorganize and seek formal recognition. While Catholicism often remained the state religion, civil equality clauses in documents like Mexico's 1824 Constitution and Argentina's 1853 Constitution allowed non-Catholics to practice privately and acquire citizenship without religious tests, though public worship and institutional status lagged due to entrenched clerical influence and social conservatism.[23][24] These legal shifts facilitated the emergence of minyans and burial societies, but communities numbered only in the dozens per country, sustained by Sephardic traders from Morocco, Gibraltar, and the Ottoman Empire rather than mass settlement.[25] In Brazil, independent since 1822, the 1824 Constitution tolerated private non-Catholic worship while upholding Catholicism's primacy, prompting Moroccan Sephardim to settle in northern trading hubs like Belém and Pará by the 1830s, where they formed informal congregations amid rubber and cacao commerce. Full public recognition, including synagogue construction, awaited the 1889 republican Constitution's explicit religious freedom guarantee, by which time these groups had secured cemeteries and ritual slaughter rights through petitions to provincial authorities.[26] In Argentina, post-1816 independence, the 1853 federal Constitution's Article 14 enshrined worship freedom, catalyzing the 1862 founding of the Congregación Israelita de Buenos Aires by about 30 German, French, and English Jews, who acquired land for a cemetery in 1872 despite local opposition; this marked the first legal Jewish entity in the republic, predating significant Ashkenazi influxes.[23] Mexico's 1821 independence and 1824 Constitution diminished Inquisition remnants and church power, granting Jews de facto civil rights, yet the community remained sparse—fewer than 50 individuals in Mexico City by mid-century, mostly Levantine merchants—until Syrian arrivals prompted the 1885 establishment of the first synagogue, Vidz Guemiluth Chassidim, under federal tolerance laws.[27] In northern South America, Greater Colombia's 1821 Constitution and 1829 treaty with the Netherlands extended full religious liberty to immigrants, allowing Sephardic families in Caracas and Coro to organize by the 1820s, though the 1831 Coro riots—killing dozens and destroying property—exposed enforcement gaps amid economic envy of Jewish traders.[25] Peru and Chile saw analogous patterns, with small Moroccan groups in Lima and Valparaíso gaining cemetery concessions by the 1860s under liberal reforms, but without formal synagogues until century's end.[23] Across the region, reorganization hinged on elite patronage and economic utility, with Jews leveraging merchant networks for legal petitions; however, persistent anticlerical biases and caudillo instability delayed institutionalization, confining most activity to private homes until the 1870s liberalization waves. By 1900, these nascent communities totaled under 5,000, laying groundwork for later immigrations amid incomplete emancipation.[23][25]Initial Sephardic and Ashkenazi Influxes Amid Regional Instability
Following the abolition of Inquisition-era restrictions in newly independent Latin American states during the 1820s, small groups of Sephardic Jews began openly settling in regions previously closed to non-Catholics, primarily migrating from Dutch Caribbean islands like Curaçao and emerging communities in Morocco amid local economic depressions and conflicts.[25] In Venezuela, approximately 130-160 Sephardim from Curaçao established a community in Coro by 1824, engaging in commerce despite facing localized antisemitic riots in 1831 and 1855 amid post-independence power struggles between federalists and centralists.[25] Similarly, in Brazil, Moroccan Sephardim arrived in Belém do Pará around 1824, founding a synagogue and leveraging the rubber trade boom of the 1870s for economic footholds, while navigating the instability of imperial transitions and regional slave revolts.[25] These early settlers, often merchants, filled niches in trade disrupted by caudillo wars and civil unrest, such as Colombia's mid-century conflicts, where Sephardim from Curaçao settled in Barranquilla by the 1850s and established the Banco de Barranquilla in 1872.[25] Initial Ashkenazi influxes were even more limited, consisting mainly of individual merchants from Central Europe who arrived sporadically in the 1850s-1870s, drawn by commercial opportunities amid the political volatility of liberal reforms and conservative backlash. In Argentina, German and Prussian Ashkenazim formed the nucleus of Buenos Aires' Jewish presence by the 1860s, with the first synagogue, Congregación Israelita de la República Argentina, established in 1862 to serve a handful of families engaged in import-export amid the chaotic Rosas era aftermath and federalist infighting.[28] In Mexico, post-1821 independence saw isolated Ashkenazi traders from Alsace and Germany settling in Mexico City during the turbulent 1840s-1860s, including the Reform War and French intervention, though numbers remained under a dozen families until later decades.[29] These pioneers often operated as neutral intermediaries in unstable economies marked by currency fluctuations and territorial disputes, but their small scale—typically fewer than 50 per major city—reflected the era's risks, including sporadic expulsions and lack of communal infrastructure.[25] By the 1870s, Moroccan Sephardim began augmenting these foundations, arriving in Argentina's ports after the 1859-1860 Spanish-Moroccan War exacerbated poverty and displacement, with around 750 settling in Buenos Aires by 1905 and forming the Congregación Israelita Latina in 1891.[25] In Costa Rica and Panama, Curaçaoan Sephardim expanded early 19th-century outposts into viable communities by mid-century, capitalizing on canal projects and coffee exports despite frequent coups and U.S. interventions.[25] Overall, these influxes totaled mere hundreds across the region, laying groundwork for synagogues and benevolent societies while contending with caudillo-era banditry and anti-foreign sentiments, yet benefiting from the same instability that deterred larger European migrations by creating demand for agile traders unaligned with local factions.[25]Mass Immigration Waves (1880–1945)
Eastern European Pogroms and Economic Opportunities
The assassination of Tsar Alexander II on March 1, 1881, unleashed a series of pogroms across the Russian Empire, beginning in April in southern cities like Kiev and Odessa, where mobs looted and burned Jewish homes and businesses in over 160 localities, killing at least 40 Jews and injuring thousands more through December.[30] These attacks, fueled by longstanding antisemitic tropes blaming Jews for economic woes and revolutionary unrest, were tacitly tolerated or encouraged by local authorities, leading to the restrictive "May Laws" of 1882 that confined most Jews to the Pale of Settlement, barred them from new urban residences, and limited vocational options, thereby intensifying poverty and conscription fears among the empire's 5 million Jews. Combined with chronic overpopulation and agricultural restrictions, these factors initiated mass emigration, with roughly 2 million Jews leaving the Russian Empire between 1881 and 1914.[31] Argentina emerged as a prime destination due to its post-independence policies under presidents like Julio Roca, who subsidized European immigration to populate and cultivate the vast pampas, offering free passage, land grants, and tools to settlers regardless of origin.[32] Baron Maurice de Hirsch, motivated by reports of pogrom devastation during his 1880s philanthropy efforts, established the Jewish Colonization Association (JCA) on September 11, 1891, endowing it with £10 million to relocate and train Eastern European Jews as independent farmers, explicitly avoiding urban aid to promote self-sufficiency.[33] The JCA coordinated with Argentine officials to purchase over 600,000 hectares, founding colonies like Moisés Ville (1889) and Clara (1892); the inaugural group of 824 Russian Jews arrived on August 14, 1889, aboard the S.S. Weser, marking the start of organized settlement.[34] By 1925, JCA colonies housed 20,382 Jewish farm families, though challenges like inexperience, locust plagues, and market fluctuations prompted about half to shift to urban trades in Buenos Aires, where Jewish peddlers and artisans filled labor gaps in a booming export economy.[35] Renewed pogroms, including the 1903 Kishinev massacre (49 Jews killed) and over 600 incidents amid the 1905 Revolution (resulting in 3,000 Jewish deaths), accelerated outflows, with 200,000 Jews emigrating from Russia in 1905–1906 alone, including 13,500 to Argentina.[36] Smaller inflows reached Brazil via JCA outposts in Rio Grande do Sul (e.g., Philipson colony, 1904) and private networks, totaling several thousand Russian Jews by 1914, drawn by coffee plantation labor and urban commerce despite tropical hardships and quota limits.[31] Uruguay and other nations saw minor settlements, but Argentina absorbed the majority, transforming isolated crypto-Jewish remnants into vibrant Ashkenazi communities rooted in both survival imperatives and entrepreneurial prospects.[37]Interwar Challenges and Limited Holocaust Refugee Acceptance
The interwar period brought economic instability to Jewish communities in Latin America following the 1929 global depression, which fueled xenophobic sentiments and prompted governments to curtail immigration amid fears of job competition and urban overcrowding.[38] In Argentina, where Jewish settlers had previously thrived in agricultural colonies, the shift toward industrial labor intensified local resentments, contributing to sporadic violence and discriminatory practices against Eastern European immigrants.[39] Brazil's Jewish population, concentrated in urban centers like São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro, encountered heightened scrutiny under the 1934 constitution, which reduced overall immigration quotas and sparked public debates framing Jews as economic threats.[40] These pressures halved Jewish inflows in major destinations: Brazil admitted 96,000 Jews from 1918 to 1933 but only 12,000 from 1933 to 1941, while Argentina's figures dropped from 79,000 in the prior period to 24,000 officially between 1933 and 1943, with an additional 20,000 entering irregularly.[38] Antisemitism, previously sporadic, surged in the 1930s as Nazi ideology permeated the region through propaganda, German expatriate networks, and local fascist groups, exacerbating exclusionary policies.[39] In Argentina, nationalist military factions and media outlets like Clarinada propagated myths of Jewish overrepresentation and Bolshevik infiltration, leading to measures such as the 1938 ban on Yiddish at public meetings.[39] Brazil's Getúlio Vargas regime, consolidating power via the 1937 Estado Novo, issued secret circulars effectively barring Jewish visas under the guise of national security, influenced by Catholic elites' views of Jews as culturally incompatible.[41] Caribbean territories, under European colonial oversight or nascent independence, mirrored these trends; Cuba, for instance, rejected most Jewish applicants despite earlier openness, citing economic strain.[38] Jewish organizations, including the Joint Distribution Committee, provided relief but struggled against official indifference and scams exploiting desperate applicants, such as fraudulent "farmer" visa schemes requiring conversions or exorbitant fees.[39] As Nazi persecution escalated after 1933, Latin American responses to Holocaust refugees remained constrained, with governments at the 1938 Évian Conference aligning with Western reluctance by prioritizing domestic stability over humanitarian intake.[38] Across the region, only about 84,000 Jewish refugees were officially permitted entry from 1933 to 1945, a fraction of the millions seeking escape, due to tightened laws in countries like Mexico (1937) and Argentina (1938) that demanded proof of self-sufficiency and capped "non-productive" entrants.[38] High-profile rejections underscored the barriers: the St. Louis voyage of 1939 saw 937 passengers, many with Latin American landing certificates, denied entry in Cuba, prompting returns to Europe where hundreds later perished.[38] Brazil's policies under Vargas explicitly excluded Jews in diplomatic cables, while Argentina's quotas favored Europeans of "Aryan" descent, reflecting racial criteria embedded in populist rhetoric.[42] Rare exceptions highlighted potential but limited scale: Bolivia, under President Germán Busch, admitted over 20,000 refugees from 1938 to 1941, facilitated by mining magnate Mauricio Hochschild's advocacy and economic incentives post-Chaco War, though many later emigrated due to harsh conditions.[43] The Dominican Republic issued 5,000 visas in 1938 for its Sosúa agricultural project, settling about 645 by 1945, motivated partly by Trujillo's image rehabilitation rather than altruism.[38] These cases, however, did not offset broader rejections, as Nazi emigration bans after 1941 and regional corruption further stymied flows, leaving established Jewish communities to absorb strains through internal aid amid persistent hostility.[39]Post-World War II Developments (1945–1990)
Displaced Persons Resettlement and Community Building
Following the conclusion of World War II, Latin America emerged as a secondary destination for Jewish displaced persons (DPs) from Europe, particularly Holocaust survivors seeking resettlement outside of primary options like Israel and the United States. Between 1947 and 1953, more than 20,000 Jewish DPs immigrated to the region, with Argentina absorbing the largest share due to its established Jewish communities and relatively permissive policies under President Juan Perón.[38] Organizations such as the Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society (HIAS) played a pivotal role, arranging transportation via plane or ship and providing initial support for integration, including documentation and job placement assistance. In Argentina, approximately 15,000 Holocaust survivors arrived in the immediate postwar years, bolstering the existing population of around 200,000 Jews and contributing to urban centers like Buenos Aires.[37] Brazil and Uruguay received smaller contingents, with Brazil welcoming several thousand survivors who joined prewar communities in São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro, often leveraging familial networks from earlier Eastern European migrations.[44] These immigrants faced challenges including language barriers, economic adjustment, and sporadic antisemitism, yet many entered trades, textiles, and commerce, drawing on skills honed in European DP camps. The American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee (JDC) extended relief efforts, funding welfare programs, orphan care, and vocational training through affiliates like ORT, which established technical schools to aid professional reintegration.[45] Community building accelerated as resettled DPs founded or expanded institutions to preserve Jewish identity amid assimilation pressures. In Argentina, the Delegación de Asociaciones Israelitas Argentinas (DAIA) coordinated social services, while new synagogues, kosher facilities, and Yiddish theaters emerged in response to survivor needs.[46] Brazil saw the construction of community centers and schools in the 1950s, supported by JDC grants that facilitated self-sufficiency by the late 1950s.[45] By the 1960s, these efforts had solidified communal structures, with youth movements and Zionist organizations fostering intergenerational continuity, though emigration to Israel and North America began siphoning younger members due to regional political instability.[47]Economic Ascendancy, Political Involvement, and Rising Antisemitism
Following World War II, Jewish communities in Latin America, particularly in Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico, achieved notable economic progress through entrepreneurship, professional education, and urban integration. Many survivors and earlier immigrants transitioned from small-scale trade and agriculture to ownership in textiles, retail, manufacturing, and services, capitalizing on family networks and skills honed in Europe. By the 1960s, Jews comprised a disproportionate share of the middle class, including merchants, industrialists, physicians, and attorneys, which bolstered local economies amid postwar industrialization; for instance, in Brazil, Jewish involvement in commerce and light industry supported national development during the military regime's growth years from 1964 to 1985.[48][49] In Mexico, postwar Jewish immigrants contributed to expanding sectors like finance and real estate, aiding the country's import-substitution boom in the 1950s and 1960s.[29] Political engagement by Jews remained cautious and selective, often channeled through communal organizations, Zionist advocacy, or leftist ideologies rather than high office, due to prevailing suspicions of dual loyalty. In Brazil, Jews participated actively in Cold War-era politics, aligning with labor unions, social democratic parties, and anti-dictatorship movements, with community leaders influencing policy on immigration and civil rights during the 1950s-1970s transition to military rule. Argentina saw limited Jewish representation in Congress and Peronist circles post-1946, though systemic barriers persisted; figures like union organizer Moisés Goldman advocated for workers' rights under Juan Perón's first term.[50] Overall, political involvement emphasized philanthropy and cultural preservation over partisan dominance, reflecting adaptation to authoritarian or populist regimes across the region. This socioeconomic rise coincided with escalating antisemitism, exacerbated by economic resentments, influxes of Nazi sympathizers, and geopolitical tensions over Israel. In Argentina, hosting the largest Jewish population (around 250,000 by 1960), Perón's regime (1946-1955) balanced Jewish immigration with tolerance for ex-Nazis and antisemitic propaganda, fostering groups like the Tacuara nationalist youth in the 1950s-1960s that perpetrated synagogue attacks and assaults.[50][51] The 1976-1983 military dictatorship disproportionately victimized Jews, who formed about 10% of the "disappeared" despite being 1% of the populace, amid rhetoric portraying them as subversive capitalists or communists.[52] In Brazil and Mexico, incidents were fewer but included vandalism and media tropes linking Jews to usury or foreign influence, intensified by 1967 and 1973 Arab-Israeli wars; reports from Argentine security elements in the 1970s-1980s confirmed persistent institutional prejudice.[53][54]Contemporary Era (1990–Present)
Demographic Shifts, Emigration, and Israel Connections
The Jewish population in Latin America, estimated at approximately 500,000 in the early 1990s, has declined to around 400,000 by 2023, reflecting broader trends of low fertility rates below replacement levels, high intermarriage, and assimilation into secular or non-Jewish identities.[5] This shrinkage is most pronounced in smaller communities, such as those in Central America, where outflows since the mid-1980s have reduced numbers significantly due to economic pressures and regional instability. In major centers like Argentina, the population fell from over 200,000 in the 1990s to about 175,000 by the 2020s, driven by an aging demographic and net negative migration balances.[55] Brazil maintains the largest community at roughly 90,500 in 2024, though it too experiences gradual erosion from similar factors, while Mexico's 40,000 Jews face urban concentration and emigration to North America.[55] Emigration accelerated during economic and political crises, with Argentina's 2001 financial collapse prompting over 10,000 Jews to leave between 2000 and 2005, many citing hyperinflation, unemployment exceeding 20%, and heightened insecurity as causal drivers.[56] In Venezuela, the socialist policies under Hugo Chávez from 1999 onward, followed by Nicolás Maduro's regime, led to an exodus of tens of thousands of Jews—reducing the community from 15,000 in the 1990s to under 5,000 by 2020—fueled by hyperinflation peaking at 1.7 million percent in 2018, food shortages, and government-aligned antisemitism.[57] Brazil saw smaller outflows in the 2010s amid recessions and corruption scandals, with several thousand Jews relocating to Israel or the United States, though community stability has limited the scale compared to neighbors. Caribbean enclaves, like Cuba's remnant of fewer than 1,000, have dwindled further due to U.S. embargoes and internal decay, prompting sporadic departures.[55] Connections to Israel have intensified as a counterbalance, with aliyah serving as a primary emigration outlet during downturns; from Latin America, annual inflows averaged under 1,000 pre-2000 but spiked to over 2,000 in 2002 alone from Argentina amid the crisis.[58] Cumulatively, more than 15,000 Latin American Jews made aliyah between 1990 and 2020, motivated by economic relief via Israel's absorption benefits, familial ties, and ideological pull toward Jewish self-determination, though many returnees cite integration challenges like language barriers.[56] Communal links extend beyond migration, encompassing philanthropy—such as Argentine and Brazilian donors funding Israeli institutions—and security cooperation, with Israel providing training against threats like Hezbollah operatives in the region, as evidenced by thwarted plots in the 2020s.[59] Dual citizenship under Israel's Law of Return enables mobility, fostering networks that sustain cultural exchanges, Hebrew education, and advocacy against local antisemitism, even as some communities prioritize internal revitalization over mass relocation.Persistent Antisemitism, Security Threats, and Cultural Preservation Efforts
Despite a decline in overall Jewish population from approximately 500,000 in the early 1990s to around 300,000 by 2020 due to emigration and low birth rates, antisemitic incidents have persisted across Latin America, often linked to Islamist extremism and local political rhetoric. The most notorious event was the July 18, 1994, bombing of the Asociación Mutual Israelita Argentina (AMIA) in Buenos Aires, which killed 85 people and injured over 300, marking the deadliest antisemitic attack outside Israel since the Holocaust and attributed to Hezbollah operatives backed by Iran. This followed the 1992 bombing of the Israeli Embassy in the same city, which claimed 29 lives, highlighting a pattern of targeted violence against Jewish institutions in Argentina, where Jews comprise about 0.2% of the population but face disproportionate threats. In Venezuela, under presidents Hugo Chávez and Nicolás Maduro since 1999, state-sponsored antisemitism has included expulsions of Jewish community leaders, inflammatory rhetoric equating Jews with global conspiracies, and a reported antisemitism rate of 30 per 100,000 people as of recent surveys.[60][61][62] Post-1990 security threats have intensified with the entrenchment of Hezbollah networks in the region, facilitated by Iranian influence and tri-border areas like Argentina-Paraguay-Brazil, leading to foiled plots such as a 2023 Brazilian police operation uncovering a Hezbollah-linked explosive device targeting Jewish sites. Jewish communities have responded by bolstering defenses, including armed guards, surveillance systems, and collaboration with local authorities; for instance, Argentina's Delegación de Asociaciones Israelitas Argentinas (DAIA) has advocated for enhanced counterterrorism measures since the AMIA attack, amid ongoing impunity—only one Iranian suspect has been convicted in absentia. In Brazil, the largest Jewish community outside Argentina with about 120,000 members, incidents spiked 961% in October 2023 following the October 7 Hamas attack on Israel, including vandalism and assaults, prompting the Confederação Israelita do Brasil (CONIB) to track and report rises tied to Middle East conflicts. Mexico has seen recurrent antisemitic expressions, including online harassment and occasional physical attacks, with communities numbering around 40,000 emphasizing vigilance against narco-linked threats in border regions. Caribbean enclaves, such as in Cuba and Jamaica with dwindling populations under 1,000 each, report sporadic vandalism but fewer organized threats due to small sizes.[63][64][65] Cultural preservation efforts have countered assimilation pressures and emigration by focusing on education, historical sites, and communal institutions. In Brazil and Mexico, legislation since the 2000s defines antisemitism as a crime, supporting community initiatives like Hebrew schools and youth programs run by organizations such as the World Jewish Congress affiliates, which maintain enrollment despite demographic shrinkage. Revival movements among descendants of crypto-Jews (conversos) in regions like northeastern Brazil and Mexico have gained traction since the 1990s, with groups like the Haberman Institute documenting identity rediscoveries through DNA testing and synagogue restorations, preserving Ladino and Yiddish traditions. Caribbean efforts include UNESCO-backed inventories of sites like Curaçao's Mikvé Israel-Emanuel Synagogue (dating to 1732) and Jamaica's Shaare Shalom, emphasizing archival preservation amid declining populations from 5,000 in the mid-20th century to under 500 today. These initiatives, often funded by international bodies like the Joint Distribution Committee, prioritize empirical documentation of Sephardic heritage to sustain identity amid secularization and intermarriage rates exceeding 50% in urban centers.[66][67][15]Regional and National Histories
Argentina: From Gaucho Jews to Modern Crises
Jewish settlement in Argentina commenced on a large scale in the late 19th century, driven by pogroms in the Russian Empire and facilitated by philanthropist Baron Maurice de Hirsch's Jewish Colonization Association (JCA), established in 1891. The JCA acquired over 1.25 million acres of land between 1891 and 1932 to establish agricultural colonies for Eastern European Jewish immigrants, promoting self-sufficient farming communities as an alternative to urban ghettoization in Europe.[68][69] In 1889, the first major group of 824 Russian Jews arrived aboard the S.S. Weser, settling in areas like Santa Fe and adopting the gaucho lifestyle—herding cattle and horseback riding—thus earning the moniker "Jewish gauchos."[70] These rural colonies, including Moisés Ville founded that same year by Ukrainian Jews, developed vibrant Yiddish-speaking communities with synagogues, schools, and mutual aid societies, peaking at around 20,000 residents by the early 20th century across some 200 settlements.[71] However, economic hardships, soil exhaustion, and droughts prompted many to abandon farming; by the 1920s and 1930s, over 80% had migrated to urban centers, particularly Buenos Aires, where they entered commerce, textiles, and professions, swelling the Jewish population from 20,000 in 1900 to approximately 250,000 by the mid-20th century.[72][46] Antisemitism persisted throughout the 20th century, exacerbated by nationalist movements and government policies. During the 1930s and World War II, Argentina restricted Jewish immigration despite global refugee crises, admitting fewer than 20,000 of the millions fleeing Nazi persecution, influenced by pro-Axis sympathies among elites.[51] Postwar, under Juan Perón (1946–1955), the regime sheltered Nazi war criminals while Jews faced sporadic discrimination, though some integrated into politics and business; the 1976–1983 military dictatorship disproportionately targeted Jews, who comprised 10% of the "disappeared" despite being 1% of the population.[73][51] Modern crises intensified with Islamist terrorism and economic instability. On July 18, 1994, a Hezbollah-orchestrated suicide bombing destroyed the Asociación Mutual Israelita Argentina (AMIA) Jewish community center in Buenos Aires, killing 85 and injuring over 300—the deadliest attack on Jews since the Holocaust and in Argentine history.[74] A prior Hezbollah attack on the Israeli embassy in 1992 killed 29, highlighting Iran's local network enabled by state inaction.[74] Successive economic collapses, including hyperinflation in the 1980s and the 2001 debt default, triggered mass emigration (aliyah to Israel surged to 7,000 in 2002 alone), reducing the Jewish population from 250,000 in the 1990s to around 175,000–220,000 today, concentrated in Buenos Aires.[46][75] Ongoing antisemitic incidents, corruption in AMIA investigations, and inflation exceeding 200% in 2023 have prompted further outflows, with community leaders emphasizing fortified security and cultural preservation amid declining demographics.[76][51]Brazil: Portuguese Roots to Largest Community Dynamics
Jewish presence in Brazil traces to the early 16th century, when Portuguese New Christians—forced converts from Judaism fleeing the Inquisition—accompanied colonizers to settlements like São Vicente in 1532.[77] These crypto-Jews practiced Judaism clandestinely amid persecution, with the Portuguese Inquisition extending to Brazil in 1536 and conducting trials from 1591 to 1821, resulting in numerous denunciations and executions for Judaizing.[78] Under Dutch occupation of northeastern Brazil (1630–1654), Sephardic Jews from the Netherlands openly resettled in Recife, establishing Kahal Zur Israel in 1636, the first synagogue in the Americas, and comprising up to 1,450 members by 1645.[79] Following Portuguese reconquest in 1654, most Jews fled to Caribbean islands or New Amsterdam, while remnants reverted to crypto-Judaism or assimilated.[77] Formal Jewish life reemerged post-independence in 1822, with the Inquisition's abolition in 1821 enabling limited openness, though significant immigration began only in the late 19th century. Moroccan Jews settled in the Amazon region from the 1820s, drawn by trade in rubber and manioc, forming small communities in cities like Belém and Manaus.[80] Syrian-Lebanese Jews (often Ottoman Jews) arrived from the 1880s, initially in São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro, establishing merchant networks.[26] The early 20th century saw mass influxes of Eastern European Ashkenazi Jews fleeing pogroms and poverty; between 1904 and 1914, over 10,000 arrived, settling in agricultural colonies in Rio Grande do Sul and urban centers.[49] German Jews followed in the 1920s–1930s, numbering around 5,000 by 1939, though Brazil's quotas limited Holocaust refugees to about 20,000 total European Jews from 1933–1945.[77] Post-World War II, displaced persons and survivors bolstered numbers, with communities institutionalizing via synagogues, schools, and organizations like the Confederação Israelita do Brasil founded in 1948.[81] Brazil hosts Latin America's second-largest Jewish population, estimated at 90,000–120,000 as of 2023, concentrated in São Paulo (over 50,000) and Rio de Janeiro (around 20,000), surpassing Argentina's in some recent projections amid the latter's emigration.[82] Predominantly Ashkenazi with Sephardic minorities, the community exhibits high socioeconomic status, low intermarriage relative to other diasporas, and strong Zionist ties, evidenced by robust support for Israel and aliyah rates during crises.[83] Contemporary dynamics include urban consolidation, cultural preservation through institutions like the Albert Einstein Israelite Hospital in São Paulo, and responses to sporadic antisemitism, including government-monitored incidents rising post-2023 Israel-Hamas conflict.[81]Mexico: Colonial Crypto-Judaism to Borderland Influences
During the Spanish conquest of Mexico in 1519, conversos—Jews who had outwardly converted to Christianity but often secretly maintained Jewish practices—accompanied Hernán Cortés and subsequent settlers to New Spain, despite royal prohibitions on their migration to the colonies.[84] These crypto-Jews, fleeing the intensifying Inquisition in Spain and Portugal, engaged in clandestine observance of rituals such as lighting candles on Fridays, avoiding pork, and reciting prayers in Hebrew, though evidence of organized communities remains sparse and debated among historians.[8] The Mexican Inquisition, established in Mexico City in 1571, targeted these groups rigorously, prosecuting individuals for "Judaizing"—adhering to Mosaic laws—with records indicating approximately 1,500 convictions across the colonial era, concentrated in the 16th and 17th centuries when Mexico City served as a hub for converso activity.[24] Trials often involved denunciations of familial networks, leading to executions, galley service, or property confiscation, which suppressed overt crypto-Judaism by the 18th century, though isolated practices persisted in remote northern frontiers like Nuevo León.[85] Mexico's independence in 1821 and the 1857 Constitution's guarantee of religious freedom enabled the resurgence of open Jewish life, attracting immigrants who formed the basis of modern communities rather than direct descendants of colonial crypto-Jews.[86] Between 1881 and the early 20th century, waves of Ashkenazi Jews from Eastern Europe—fleeing pogroms and economic hardship—arrived, numbering around 9,000 by the 1920s, alongside 6,000 Sephardim from the Ottoman Empire and Balkans, and smaller groups of Syrian Jews establishing trading networks in Mexico City.[24] These immigrants, totaling over 21,000 by 1930, built synagogues, schools, and businesses, with Syrian Jews forming tight-knit, Orthodox enclaves resistant to intermarriage.[87] Northern regions saw limited settlement, but colonial crypto legacies influenced areas like Monterrey, where Portuguese-origin conversos had settled in the 1590s, fostering a cultural undercurrent later amplified by 20th-century arrivals.[85] Proximity to the United States border has shaped Jewish life in northern Mexico, particularly in Tijuana and Baja California, where Eastern European Jews denied U.S. entry in the 1920s established early communities, blending influences from American Jewish organizations and cross-border commerce.[88] By the late 20th century, Chabad-Lubavitch expanded into border cities like Tijuana, creating "Chabad Without Borders" initiatives that serve bilingual populations on both sides, providing kosher services, education, and holiday programs to transient workers and tourists amid Mexico's economic ties to California.[89] These efforts counter assimilation pressures and sporadic antisemitism, while facilitating aliyah to Israel or relocation to the U.S., with northern communities remaining small—under 1,000 individuals—compared to Mexico City's 40,000 Jews, yet pivotal in regional outreach.[86] Recent DNA testing has revived interest in crypto-Jewish ancestry among Hispanic border populations, linking colonial converso migrations to modern identity explorations, though verifiable practicing communities derive primarily from post-1880s immigrants.[90]Other South American Nations: Chile, Uruguay, Venezuela, and Smaller Cases
![Synagogue in Santiago][float-right] The Jewish presence in Chile traces back to the Spanish conquest in 1535, when conversos accompanied explorers, though practicing communities were prohibited until independence. Modern immigration commenced in the late 19th century with German Jews establishing businesses, followed by larger Ashkenazi waves from Eastern Europe between 1880 and 1930 fleeing pogroms and economic hardship. By the early 20th century, Sephardic Jews from the Ottoman Empire and Syria also arrived, forming the first minyan in Temuco in 1910. The community expanded post-World War II with some Holocaust survivors, peaking at around 18,000 by the 2020s, concentrated in Santiago with smaller groups in Viña del Mar and Valparaíso. Over 50 institutions, including synagogues and schools, sustain communal life, though assimilation and low birth rates pose challenges.[91][92][93] Antisemitism in Chile has historically been muted compared to neighboring countries, but episodes surged during the 1973-1990 Pinochet dictatorship and resurged in the 2010s amid Israel-Palestine tensions and leftist rhetoric. The 2021 election of President Gabriel Boric raised concerns among Jews due to his associations with anti-Zionist groups, though institutional protections remain. Community leaders emphasize economic integration, with Jews prominent in commerce, law, and academia, while maintaining strong ties to Israel.[94][93] In Uruguay, Jewish settlement began with Sephardic merchants from Brazil in the 18th century, but significant growth occurred in the 1920s-1930s with Ashkenazi immigrants from Poland, Lithuania, and Romania escaping European antisemitism and economic woes. The community peaked at approximately 40,000 in the mid-20th century, centered in Montevideo, with institutions like synagogues and schools established by the 1930s. Post-1960s, emigration to Israel and the United States, coupled with high assimilation rates, reduced numbers to around 12,000 by the 2010s. Antisemitic incidents, including vandalism during the 1961 Eichmann trial and a 2014 merchant murder linked to government rhetoric, have prompted vigilance, though overt hostility remains sporadic.[95][96][97] ![Public menorah in Punta del Este][center] Uruguay's Jewish community benefits from the country's stable democracy and religious freedoms, fostering cultural preservation through organizations like the Centro Israelita. However, recent surveys indicate rising online antisemitism, comprising 11% of analyzed hate speech in 2023, often tied to regional trends. Economic contributions in trade and professions underscore integration, yet demographic decline persists due to intermarriage and youth outmigration.[98] Venezuela's Jewish community originated with small Sephardic groups in the colonial era, but modern foundations were laid in the 1920s-1940s by Ashkenazi and Syrian immigrants drawn to oil wealth, growing to 22,000 by 1999. Under Hugo Chávez's presidency from 1999, alliances with Iran and rhetoric echoing antisemitic tropes, alongside economic collapse, accelerated emigration; by 2010, numbers halved, and further declined to under 10,000 amid hyperinflation and political repression by 2020. Synagogues closed, schools consolidated, and security threats intensified, with many fleeing to the United States, Israel, or Florida. The Maduro regime's continuation of these policies, including expulsion fears, has nearly dismantled communal infrastructure.[99][100][101] Smaller Jewish populations in other South American nations exhibit similar patterns of early converso roots, 19th-20th century immigration, and recent stagnation or decline. In Peru, Jews arrived with the 1532 conquest as conversos, but open communities formed in the 1920s with Eastern European and Middle Eastern arrivals; today, about 2,000 reside mainly in Lima, facing economic emigration despite cultural landmarks like the historic synagogue. Colombia's community, numbering around 4,500 in Bogotá and Barranquilla, stems from 18th-century Dutch Sephardim and 1930s German refugees, with post-war growth in commerce but vulnerability to guerrilla violence and urban insecurity prompting outflows. Ecuador hosts fewer than 1,000 Jews, primarily in Quito, from 1930s Polish and later Syrian waves, maintaining modest institutions amid high assimilation. Bolivia's Jewish population, once 6,000 in the 1980s from Central European refugees via agricultural settlements, has dwindled to under 500 due to political instability and economic hardship, concentrated in La Paz and Cochabamba. Paraguay's tiny group of about 1,000, mostly in Asunción from 1930s European immigrants, endures isolation and episodic antisemitism linked to border smuggling networks. These communities, totaling under 10,000 collectively, rely on international aid for viability, with many younger members emigrating to larger centers or Israel.[102][103]Central America: Scattered Settlements in Costa Rica, Panama, and Beyond
Jewish communities in Central America have historically been small and dispersed, lacking the concentrated settlements seen elsewhere in the region, with primary hubs in Costa Rica and Panama amid negligible presences in other nations. Early traces include crypto-Jews among Spanish colonial arrivals in the 16th and 17th centuries, but organized communities emerged only in the 19th and 20th centuries through limited immigration driven by economic opportunities and persecution elsewhere.[104][105] In Costa Rica, Sephardic Jews from Caribbean islands like Curacao and Jamaica began arriving in the 19th century, establishing initial footholds in Cartago, San Jose, and Puerto Limon, though high assimilation rates limited growth.[106] A pivotal influx of Ashkenazi Jews, predominantly from Poland, occurred between 1927 and 1939 as they fled antisemitism and economic distress in Eastern Europe; Holocaust survivors and post-war immigrants from Ukraine, Russia, and other areas followed until 1945.[104] The community encountered obstacles, including a 1937 court ruling blocking land purchases for agricultural settlements and antisemitic violence targeting homes in 1952, yet secured equal rights under the 1949 constitution and affirmations by President Jose Figueres in 1953.[106] Today, Costa Rica's Jewish population stands at 2,500 to 3,000, organized around the Centro Israelita Sionista (established 1937), which houses an Orthodox synagogue (Shaare Zion), a Reform congregation (B'nai Israel), the Haim Weizmann School with over 200 students offering Hebrew instruction, and kosher outlets including a butcher and hotels.[104][106] Panama hosts Central America's largest Jewish community, with roots tracing to 17th-century crypto-Jews from Spain and Portugal who practiced Judaism secretly amid Inquisition threats.[105] After independence in 1821, Sephardic Jews from Jamaica and Ashkenazi from Central Europe immigrated, but assimilation prevailed without robust structures until the Panama Canal era; by 1911, the Jewish count reached 505, spurring commerce in Panama City and Colon.[105] Post-World War I brought Sephardic and Ashkenazi arrivals, augmented by 1930s Nazi refugees, while post-1945 waves included Jews from Arab countries, Holocaust survivors, and, more recently, Venezuelans escaping economic collapse.[107][105] The population grew to 7,000 by the mid-1990s and now approximates 10,000 to 12,000 (including about 1,000 Israelis), coordinated by the Central Jewish Community of Panama with ten synagogues—such as the Sephardic-Orthodox Shevet Ahim (four in Panama City plus three at resorts), Orthodox Beth El, and Reform Kol Shearith Israel (founded 1876)—five day schools enrolling 98% of Jewish children, over 100 kosher establishments, and groups like B'nai Brith and WIZO.[107][105] Beyond these, settlements remain fragmented and diminutive. El Salvador's Jewish population, around 100 and concentrated in San Salvador, dates to late-19th-century arrivals who built a Conservative synagogue post-World War II; the community, represented by the Comunidad Israelita de El Salvador, endured disruptions from the 1970s–1990s civil war but maintains Shabbat services, youth programs like Noar Shelanu, and adult Hebrew classes.[108] Guatemala experienced modest Eastern European and Middle Eastern immigration from the 1850s, yielding a tiny contemporary group without major institutions. Honduras and Nicaragua host negligible numbers, often informal families or individuals integrated into local societies with minimal communal infrastructure.[109] These outlying enclaves reflect broader patterns of limited migration, assimilation pressures, and economic niches in trade or agriculture rather than large-scale organization.[105]Caribbean Islands: Jamaica, Cuba, Curaçao, and Declining Enclaves
Jewish settlement in Jamaica began with Portuguese Sephardim fleeing the Inquisition, who arrived as crypto-Jews during the Spanish period from the early 16th century, though formal communities formed after the British conquest in 1655.[110] These immigrants, often from Dutch Brazil and Amsterdam, engaged in trade, sugar production, and mercantile activities, establishing synagogues like Neve Shalom in Kingston by the 1700s and contributing to the island's economy as planters and physicians.[111] By the 18th century, Jews numbered around 1,000, comprising 6-8% of the free population, and secured gradual civil rights, including suffrage in 1831 alongside free people of color, amid emancipation debates.[112] The community peaked in influence during this era but declined due to natural disasters like the 1692 Port Royal earthquake, slave emancipation disrupting plantation economies, and later 20th-century emigration driven by economic stagnation and assimilation, reducing the population to fewer than 200 active members today, centered around the Shaare Shalom synagogue.[15] In Cuba, Jewish immigration surged in the early 20th century with Ashkenazi peddlers and merchants from Eastern Europe arriving post-Spanish-American War in 1898, forming communities in Havana, Santiago, and Camagüey with synagogues and schools by the 1920s.[113] The population grew to approximately 15,000 by the 1950s, integrated into commerce and industry, with synagogues like the Patronato serving as cultural hubs.[114] Following the 1959 revolution under Fidel Castro, nationalizations and restrictions prompted a mass exodus of over 90% of the community—around 14,000 individuals—to the United States, Israel, and elsewhere, leaving roughly 1,200 Jews who maintained a diminished presence through state-tolerated institutions amid economic isolation.[115] Persistent challenges including shortages and emigration have further eroded numbers, though aid from organizations like the American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee sustains basic communal life.[114] Curaçao's Jewish history traces to 1651, when Sephardic families from Amsterdam—descendants of Iberian exiles—settled in the Dutch colony, leveraging its position as a trading entrepôt for tobacco, hides, and enslaved labor transport.[116] By 1732, they consecrated the Mikvé Israel-Emanuel Synagogue, the oldest continuously operating one in the Americas, featuring a sand floor symbolizing wandering and secrecy, with the community peaking at about 2,000 in the late 18th century amid prosperous commerce.[117] Jews held significant economic roles, owning plantations and shipping firms, and intermarried minimally while contributing to colonial governance.[118] The 20th century brought decline through World War II refugee influxes followed by post-colonial economic shifts, oil industry fluctuations, and assimilation, reducing the population to under 500, though the synagogue remains a tourist draw and ritual center.[119] Other Caribbean enclaves, such as those in Haiti, the Dominican Republic, Barbados, and Puerto Rico, have similarly dwindled since the mid-20th century due to political instability, economic underdevelopment, and high assimilation rates.[120] In the Dominican Republic, a brief revival occurred with 800-1,000 European Jewish refugees settled in Sosúa in 1940 under Trujillo's plan, fostering dairy industries, but numbers fell to dozens by the 2000s via emigration to Israel and the U.S.[121] Haiti's crypto-Jewish remnants from colonial conversos faded amid revolutions and poverty, with no formal community persisting.[122] Puerto Rico absorbed Cuban exiles post-1959, briefly hosting 3,000 Jews, but ongoing outmigration for better opportunities has halved that figure, exemplifying broader regional trends of insecurity and social mobility pursuits eroding small, isolated groups.[123] Overall, Caribbean Jewish populations have contracted by over 50% since 1950, reflecting causal factors like decolonization upheavals and globalization pulling youth abroad.[4]Economic, Social, and Political Impacts
Contributions to Commerce, Industry, and Intellectual Life
Jewish conversos, descendants of forcibly converted Sephardic Jews, played a pivotal role in colonial commerce across Latin America, engaging in transatlantic trade, slave importation, and export of commodities like Potosí silver from Buenos Aires and sugar from Brazilian mills, where they comprised 20% of the white population in Bahia by the early 17th century and dominated international sugar exports.[124] In the Caribbean, Sephardic merchants formed extensive trading networks linking Curaçao, Jamaica, and Suriname to the Spanish Main, controlling shipping, slaving, and goods like cotton and vanilla—by 1665, Jews had nearly monopolized the vanilla trade in some islands—and accounting for 36% of Curaçao's white population by 1715.[124] [125] The late 19th and early 20th centuries saw Eastern European Jewish immigrants bolster commerce and industry through urban entrepreneurship; in Argentina, 113,000 arrived between 1881 and 1914, many as peddlers introducing household goods to rural markets and transitioning to retail and manufacturing, while establishing agricultural colonies via Baron Maurice de Hirsch's Jewish Colonization Association.[28] By 1960, around 24,000 Jews in Argentina worked in production, predominantly the garment sector, contributing to the nation's industrial proletariat.[28] In Brazil, Jewish immigrants developed robust economic networks in trade and manufacturing, attracting further settlement, while in Mexico, early converso merchants evolved into mine owners and artisans like silversmiths.[124] Modern examples include Argentine Jewish businessmen like Eduardo Elsztain in real estate and agribusiness, and Marcelo Mindlin's 2016 acquisition of a 67.2% stake in Petrobras Argentina for $892 million. [126] In intellectual life, colonial-era conversos produced works blending Jewish and local traditions, such as Bento Teixeira's 1601 epic Prosopopeia in Brazil protesting inquisitorial oppression and Antonio José da Silva's satirical plays in the 18th century, for which he was executed in 1739.[124] The 20th century yielded scientific advancements, including Nobel Prizes in Physiology or Medicine awarded to Venezuelan-born Baruj Benacerraf (1980, for immune response research) of Spanish-Jewish descent and Argentine César Milstein (1984, for monoclonal antibody technique).[127] Approximately 1,000 Jewish authors have shaped Latin American literature since the colonial period, addressing themes of identity, migration, and crypto-Judaism.[128] Jewish immigrants also advanced social mobility, with professional rates doubling across generations in Argentina by 1950, fueling contributions to education, socialism, and anarchism.[28]Criticisms of Economic Dominance, Political Radicalism, and Separatism
Criticisms of Jewish economic dominance in Latin America have historically centered on perceptions of disproportionate influence in commerce and finance, particularly during periods of economic instability. In Argentina, where Jews comprised less than 1% of the population by the mid-20th century, they founded major banks and held significant stakes in industries such as textiles, chemicals, electronics, and automobiles, often starting from immigrant peddling networks in the late 19th and early 20th centuries.[70] During the global economic crisis of 1929, Jewish merchants were accused by local nationalists and protectionist forces of undermining national economies through perceived monopolistic practices and foreign capital ties, exacerbating xenophobic sentiments amid rising unemployment and trade barriers.[54] Similar tropes emerged in Brazil and Mexico, where Jewish overrepresentation in urban business sectors—stemming from restricted access to land ownership and professions under colonial and early republican laws—fueled claims of exploitative control, though empirical data shows success largely attributable to entrepreneurial adaptation rather than conspiratorial dominance.[3] Allegations of political radicalism have focused on Jewish involvement in leftist and revolutionary movements, often portrayed by conservative regimes as evidence of ideological subversion. In Argentina during the 1970s, Jews were overrepresented among victims of the military junta's repression, comprising an estimated 5-12% of the 10,000-30,000 "disappeared" despite being only 0.5-1% of the population, largely due to participation in guerrilla groups like the Montoneros and ERP, influenced by Eastern European socialist immigrant heritage.[129] [130] Junta rhetoric explicitly linked Jewish identity to "subversive" communism, with interrogations targeting Zionist affiliations as proof of disloyalty, reflecting causal patterns where immigrant radicalism clashed with authoritarian nationalism.[52] In Brazil, Jewish participation in labor unions and leftist parties during the 1964-1985 dictatorship drew accusations of importing Bolshevik ideas, though community leaders emphasized integration; analogous patterns appeared in Mexico's student movements of the 1960s-1970s, where Jewish activists faced blame for urban unrest.[131] Charges of separatism have arisen from Jewish maintenance of communal institutions and Zionist affiliations, viewed by critics as fostering division and dual allegiance. In Brazil under the military regime (1964-1985), nationalist elites scrutinized Jewish organizations for prioritizing Israel over national unity, with Zionism equated to foreign loyalty amid Cold War suspicions.[131] Argentine nationalists in the early 1960s similarly criticized Jewish schools and synagogues as barriers to assimilation, arguing they perpetuated ethnic insularity during economic upheavals that heightened xenophobia.[132] In the Caribbean, such as Curaçao's historic Kahal Zur Israel synagogue established in 1732, early Sephardic communities' endogamy and ritual practices were decried by colonial authorities as clannish separatism, a motif recurring in 20th-century Venezuela and Uruguay where support for Israel post-1948 prompted claims of extraterritorial priorities.[133] These criticisms, while rooted in observable communal cohesion, often amplified longstanding tropes of disloyalty, as evidenced by sporadic attacks on Jewish institutions tied to regional conflicts like the 2014 Gaza war.[134]Demographic and Cultural Overview
Historical Population Fluctuations and Migration Patterns
The earliest Jewish presence in Latin America and the Caribbean stemmed from crypto-Jews (conversos) fleeing the Spanish and Portuguese Inquisitions in the 16th and 17th centuries, with small numbers settling covertly in Mexico, Brazil, and Caribbean islands like Curaçao and Jamaica, often facing persecution and forced conversions that suppressed open communities.[135] By the 19th century, modest Sephardic migrations from Morocco and the Ottoman Empire added to these foundations, particularly in Brazil and Argentina, numbering in the low thousands and focused on trade.[2] The most significant influx occurred between 1880 and 1930, when approximately 200,000 to 250,000 Eastern European Ashkenazi Jews arrived, driven by pogroms, economic hardship, and restrictive U.S. quotas; Argentina received over 113,000 from 1881 to 1914 alone, supported by Baron Maurice de Hirsch's colonization efforts establishing agricultural settlements. Brazil absorbed around 50,000, primarily in urban centers like São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro, while smaller flows reached Uruguay, Mexico, and Chile.[136] This era marked exponential growth, elevating regional Jewish numbers from under 10,000 in 1890 to over 150,000 by 1930, with communities shifting from rural enclaves to commercial urban hubs.[3] Interwar restrictions and the Holocaust prompted further refugee migrations, with Argentina admitting 79,000 Jews from 1918 to 1933 and an additional 44,000 (many illegally) from 1933 to 1943, alongside havens in Bolivia and the Dominican Republic for several thousand.[38] Post-World War II, over 20,000 displaced persons resettled in Latin America from 1947 to 1953, boosting populations in Venezuela and Brazil.[137] By 1960, the total Jewish population in Latin America and the Caribbean peaked near 500,000, reflecting cumulative immigration and modest natural growth.[58] Subsequent decades saw declines due to low fertility rates (below replacement levels), high assimilation, and emigration triggered by political instability and economic crises; Argentina's community, once the world's sixth-largest at around 300,000 in the 1960s, fell to about 180,000 by 2007 amid hyperinflation and the 2001 collapse, prompting 10,000 departures including to Israel.[138] Venezuela's population plummeted from 15,000 in the 1990s to under 6,000 by the 2010s due to socialist policies under Chávez and Maduro, with outflows to the U.S., Israel, and Panama. Brazil stabilized at around 100,000, while Caribbean enclaves like Cuba (from 15,000 pre-1959 revolution to under 1,500 today) and Jamaica (from 22,000 mid-20th century to 450) eroded via mass exodus post-revolutions and for North American opportunities.[139][140] Overall, Latin American Jewish numbers contracted to under 300,000 by the 21st century, with net migration reversing toward Israel and North America amid regional volatility.[58]| Period | Key Migration Patterns | Estimated Regional Population Change |
|---|---|---|
| 1880–1930 | Mass Ashkenazi influx from Eastern Europe to Argentina, Brazil | From ~10,000 to 150,000+[3] |
| 1933–1953 | Holocaust refugees and DPs to Argentina, Venezuela, Bolivia | Addition of ~70,000, peak buildup to ~500,000 by 1960[58][38] |
| 1970s–present | Emigration from Argentina, Venezuela, Cuba due to crises | Decline to <300,000, with assimilation accelerating losses[138] |
