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Prostitution
Prostitution
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Prostitution
Femmes de Maison, painting by Henri de Toulouse-Lautrec, c. 1893—1895
Occupation
Activity sectors
Sex industry
Description
Fields of
employment
Sex work
Related jobs
Stripper, porn actor, sex worker, sugar dating

Prostitution is a type of sex work that involves engaging in sexual activity in exchange for payment.[1][2] The definition of "sexual activity" varies, and is often defined as an activity requiring physical contact (e.g., sexual intercourse, non-penetrative sex, manual sex, oral sex, etc.) with the customer.[3] The requirement of physical contact also creates the risk of transferring infections. Prostitution is sometimes described as sexual services, commercial sex or, colloquially, hooking. It is sometimes referred to euphemistically as "the world's oldest profession" in the English-speaking world.[4][5] A person who works in the field is usually called a prostitute or sex worker, but other words, such as hooker and whore, are sometimes used pejoratively to refer to those who work in prostitution. The majority of prostitutes are female and have male clients.[6][7]

Prostitution occurs in a variety of forms, and its legal status varies from country to country (sometimes from region to region within a given country). In most cases, it can be either an enforced crime, an unenforced crime, a decriminalized activity, a legal but unregulated activity, or a regulated profession. It is one branch of the sex industry, along with pornography, stripping, and erotic dancing. Brothels are establishments specifically dedicated to prostitution. In escort prostitution, the act may take place at the client's residence or hotel room (referred to as out-call), or at the escort's residence or a hotel room rented for the occasion by the escort (in-call). Another form is street prostitution.

According to a 2011 report by Fondation Scelles there are about 42 million prostitutes in the world, living all over the world (though most of Central Asia, the Middle East and Africa lack data, studied countries in that large region rank as top sex tourism destinations).[8] Estimates place the annual revenue generated by prostitution worldwide to be over $100 billion.[9]

The position of prostitution and the law varies widely worldwide, reflecting differing opinions. Some view prostitution as a form of exploitation of or violence against women,[10] and children,[11] that helps to create a supply of victims for human trafficking.[12][13] Some critics of prostitution as an institution are supporters of the "Nordic model" that decriminalizes the act of selling sex and makes the purchase of sex illegal. This approach has also been adopted by Canada, Iceland, Ireland,[14] Northern Ireland, Norway, France and Sweden. Others view sex work as a legitimate occupation, whereby a person trades or exchanges sexual acts for money. Amnesty International is one of the notable groups calling for the decriminalization of prostitution.[15]

Etymology and terminology

[edit]

General

[edit]
Prostitute c. 1890.

Prostitute is derived from the Latin prostituta. Some sources cite the verb as a composition of "pro" meaning "up front" or "forward" and "stituere", defined as "to offer up for sale".[16] Another explanation is that prostituta is a composition of pro and statuere (to cause to stand, to station, place erect). A literal translation therefore is: "to put up front for sale" or "to place forward". The Online Etymology Dictionary states: "The notion of 'sex for hire' is not inherent in the etymology, which rather suggests one 'exposed to lust' or sex 'indiscriminately offered'."[17][18]

The word prostitute was then carried down through various languages to the present-day Western society. Most sex worker activists groups reject the word prostitute and since the late 1970s have used the term sex worker instead. However, sex worker can also mean anyone who works within the sex industry or whose work is of a sexual nature and is not limited solely to prostitutes.[19][20]

A variety of terms are used for those who engage in prostitution, some of which distinguish between different types of prostitution or imply a value judgment about them. This terminology is hotly contested among scholars.[21] Common alternatives for prostitute include escort and whore; however, not all professional escorts are prostitutes.

The English word whore derives from the Old English word hōra, from the Proto-Germanic *hōrōn (prostitute), which derives from the Proto-Indo-European root *keh₂- meaning "desire", a root which has also given us Latin cārus (dear), whence the French cher (dear, expensive) and the Latin cāritās (love, charity). Use of the word whore is widely considered pejorative, especially in its modern slang form of ho. In Germany, however, most prostitutes' organizations deliberately use the word Hure (whore) since they feel that prostitute is a bureaucratic term.[citation needed]

Those seeking to remove the social stigma associated with prostitution often promote terminology such as sex worker, commercial sex worker (CSW) or sex trade worker. Another commonly used word for a prostitute is hooker. Although a popular etymology connects "hooker" with Joseph Hooker, a Union general in the American Civil War, the word more likely comes from the concentration of prostitutes around the shipyards and ferry terminal of the Corlear's Hook area of Manhattan in the 1820s, who came to be referred to as "hookers".[22] A streetwalker solicits customers on the streets or in public places, while a call girl makes appointments by phone, or other means of communication.

Correctly or not, the use of the word prostitute without specifying a sex may commonly be assumed to be female; compound terms such as male prostitution or male escort are therefore often used to identify males. Those offering services to female customers are commonly known as gigolos; those offering services to male customers are hustlers or rent boys.

Procuring

[edit]
The Procuress by Dirck van Baburen (1622)

Organizers of prostitution may be known colloquially as pimps if male or madams if female. More formally, one who is said to practice procuring is a procurer, or procuress.[23] They may also be called panderers or brothel keepers.

Examples of procuring include:

  • deriving financial gain from the prostitution of another
  • operating a prostitution business
  • trafficking a person into a country for the purpose of soliciting sex
  • transporting a prostitute to the location of their arrangement

Clients

[edit]

Clients of prostitutes, most often men by prevalence, are sometimes known as johns or tricks in North America and punters in Britain and Ireland. These slang terms are used among both prostitutes and law enforcement for persons who solicit prostitutes.[24] The term john may have originated from the frequent customer practice of giving one's name as "John", a common name in English-speaking countries, in an effort to maintain anonymity. In some places, men who drive around red-light districts for the purpose of soliciting prostitutes are also known as kerb crawlers.

Female clients of prostitutes are sometimes referred to as janes or sugar mamas.[25][26][27]

Other meanings

[edit]

The word "prostitution" can also be used metaphorically to mean debasing oneself or working towards an unworthy cause or "selling out".[28] In this sense, "prostituting oneself" or "whoring oneself" the services or acts performed are typically not sexual. For instance, in the book The Catcher in the Rye, Holden Caulfield says of his brother ("D.B."): "Now he's out in Hollywood, D.B., being a prostitute. If there's one thing I hate, it's the movies. Don't even mention them to me." D.B. is not literally a prostitute; Holden feels that his job writing B-movie screenplays is morally debasing.

The prostitution metaphor, "traditionally used to signify political inconstancy, unreliability, fickleness, a lack of firm values and integrity, and venality, has long been a staple of Russian political rhetoric.[29] One of the famous insults of Leon Trotsky made by Joseph Stalin was calling him a "political prostitute".[29] Leon Trotsky used this epithet himself, calling German Social Democracy, at that time "corrupted by Kautskianism", a "political prostitution disguised by theories".[30] In 1938, he used the same description for the Comintern, saying that the chief aim of the Bonapartist clique of Stalin during the preceding several years "has consisted in proving to the imperialist 'democracies' its wise conservatism and love for order. For the sake of the longed alliance with imperialist democracies [Stalin] has brought the Comintern to the last stages of political prostitution."[31]

Besides targeting political figures, the term is used in relation to organizations and even small countries, which "have no choice but to sell themselves", because their voice in world affairs is insignificant. In 2007, a Russian caricature depicted the Baltic states as three "ladies of the night", "vying for the attentions of Uncle Sam, since the Russian client has run out of money".[29]

Usage of the "political prostitute" moniker is by no means unique to the Russian political lexicon, such as when a Huffington Post contributor expressed the opinion that Donald Trump was "prostituting himself to feed his ego and gain power" when he ran for President of the United States.[32]

Sex work researcher and writer Gail Pheterson writes that these metaphorical usages exist because "the term prostitute gradually took on a Christian moralist tradition, as being synonymous with debasement of oneself or of others for the purpose of ill-gotten gains".[33]

History

[edit]

Europe

[edit]

Ancient

[edit]
A prostitute and her customer illustrated on an ancient Greek wine cup; the act of prostitution is indicated by the coin purse above the figures.

Although historically it was suggested that peoples of the Ancient Near East engaged in sacred prostitution based on accounts of ancient Greek authors like Herodotus, the veracity of these claims has been seriously questioned due to a lack of corroborating evidence.[34][35] Amongst the oldest reliable references to prostitution in ancient Greece comes from the Archaic era poet Anacreon ( c. 575 – c. 495 BC) in his poem about Artemon, which references "whores by choice". The record of prostitution in the classical period is better documented, and includes references to both free-born voluntary prostitutes, including the high social status hetairai, as well as involuntary slave prostitutes.[36] Male prostitutes also existed in Ancient Greece.[37]

Fresco from the Pompeii brothel

There was never a unified legal approach to prostitution in ancient Rome.[38] In ancient Rome, prostitutes had low social status and were considered infamia.[39] Under the reign of emperor Caligula, a taxation on prostitution was implemented.[38] Roman slave owners were able to include the ne serva prostituatur covenant as part of slave sale contracts, which prohibited the slaves being forced to prostitute themselves by their owners after being sold.[40]

Middle Ages

[edit]

Throughout the Middle Ages the definition of a prostitute has been ambiguous, with various secular and canonical organizations defining prostitution in constantly evolving terms. Even though medieval secular authorities created legislation to deal with the phenomenon of prostitution, they rarely attempted to define what a prostitute was because it was deemed unnecessary "to specify exactly who fell into that [specific] category" of a prostitute.[41] The first known definition of prostitution was found in Marseille's thirteenth-century statutes, which included a chapter entitled De meretricibus ("regarding prostitutes").[41] The Marseillais designated prostitutes as "public girls" who, day and night, received two or more men in their house, and as a woman who "did business trading [their bodies], within the confine[s] of a brothel."[42] A fourteenth-century English tract, Fasciculus Morum, states that the term prostitute (termed 'meretrix' in this document), "must be applied only to those women who give themselves to anyone and will refuse none, and that for monetary gain".[42] In general prostitution was not typically a lifetime career choice for women. Women usually alternated their career of prostitution with "petty retailing, and victualing," or only occasionally turned to prostitution in times of great financial need.[43] Women who became prostitutes often did not have the familial ties or means to protect themselves from the lure of prostitution, and it has been recorded on several occasions that mothers would be charged with prostituting their own daughters in exchange for extra money.[44] Medieval civilians accepted without question the fact of prostitution, it was a necessary part of medieval life.[45] Prostitutes subverted the sexual tendencies of male youth, just by existing. With the establishment of prostitution, men were less likely to collectively rape honest women of marriageable and re-marriageable age.[46] This is most clearly demonstrated in St. Augustine's claim that "the removal of the institution would bring lust into all aspects of the world."[47] Meaning that without prostitutes to subvert male tendencies, men would go after innocent women instead, thus the prostitutes were actually doing society a favor, according to Augustine.

In urban societies there was an erroneous view that prostitution was flourishing more in rural regions rather than in cities, however, it has been proven that prostitution was more rampant in cities and large towns.[48] Although there were wandering prostitutes in rural areas who worked according to the calendar of fairs, similar to riding a circuit, in which prostitutes stopped by various towns based on what event was going on at the time, most prostitutes remained in cities. Cities tended to draw more prostitutes due to the sheer size of the population and the institutionalization of prostitution in urban areas which made it more rampant in metropolitan regions.[48] Furthermore, in both urban and rural areas of society, women who did not live under the rule of male authority were more likely to be suspected of prostitution than their oppressed counterparts because of the fear of women who did not fit into a stereotypical category outside of marriage or religious life.[44]

Secular law, like most other aspects of prostitution in the Middle Ages, is difficult to generalize due to the regional variations in attitudes towards prostitution.[49] The global trend of the thirteenth century was toward the development of positive policy on prostitution as laws exiling prostitutes changed towards sumptuary laws and the confinement of prostitutes to red light districts.[50]

Sumptuary laws became the regulatory norm for prostitutes and included making courtesans "wear a shoulder-knot of a particular color as a badge of their calling" to be able to easily distinguish the prostitute from a respectable woman in society.[50] The color that designated them as prostitutes could vary from different earth tones to yellow, as was usually designated as a color of shame in the Hebrew communities.[51] These laws, however, proved no impediment to wealthier prostitutes because their glamorous appearances were almost indistinguishable from noble women.[52] In the 14th century, London prostitutes were only tolerated when they wore yellow hoods.[53]

Although brothels were still present in most cities and urban centers and could range from private bordelages run by a procuress from her home to public baths and centers established by municipal legislation, the only centers for prostitution legally allowed were the institutionalized and publicly funded brothels.[54] This did not prevent illegal brothels from thriving. Brothels theoretically banned the patronage of married men and clergy, but it was sporadically enforced and there is evidence of clergymen present in brawls that were documented in brothels.[55] Thus the clergy were at least present in brothels at some point or another. Brothels also settled the "obsessive fear of the sharing of women" and solved the issue of "collective security."[56] The lives of prostitutes in brothels were not cloistered like that of nuns and "only some lived permanently in the streets assigned to them."[57] Prostitutes were only allowed to practice their trade in the brothel in which they worked.[58] Brothels were also used to protect prostitutes and their clients through various regulations. For example, the law that "forbid brothel keepers [from] beat[ing] them."[59] However, brothel regulations also hindered prostitutes' lives by forbidding them from having "lovers other than their customers" or from having a favored customer.[59]

Courts showed conflicting views on the role of prostitutes in secular law as prostitutes could not inherit property, defend themselves in court, or make accusations in court.[60] However, prostitutes were sometimes called upon as witnesses during trial.[61]

Brothel scene; Brunswick Monogrammist, 1537; Gemäldegalerie, Berlin

16th–present

[edit]

By the end of the 15th-century attitudes seemed to have begun to harden against prostitution. An outbreak of syphilis in Naples 1494 which later swept across Europe, and which may have originated from the Columbian Exchange,[62] and the prevalence of other sexually transmitted infections from the earlier 13th century, may have been causes of this change in attitude. By the early 16th century, the association between prostitutes, plague, and contagion emerged, causing brothels and prostitution to be outlawed by secular authority.[63] Furthermore, outlawing brothel-keeping and prostitution was also used to "strengthen the criminal law" system of the sixteenth-century secular rulers.[64] Canon law defined a prostitute as "a promiscuous woman, regardless of financial elements."[65] The prostitute was considered a "whore … who [was] available for the lust of many men," and was most closely associated with promiscuity.[66]

The Church's stance on prostitution was three-fold: "acceptance of prostitution as an inevitable social fact, condemnation of those profiting from this commerce, and encouragement for the prostitute to repent."[67] The Church was forced to recognize its inability to remove prostitution from the worldly society, and in the fourteenth century "began to tolerate prostitution as a lesser evil."[68] However, prostitutes were to be excluded from the Church as long as they practiced.[69] Around the twelfth century, the idea of prostitute saints took hold, with Mary Magdalene being one of the most popular saints of the era. The Church used Mary Magdalene's biblical history of being a reformed harlot to encourage prostitutes to repent and mend their ways.[70] Simultaneously, religious houses were established with the purpose of providing asylum and encouraging the reformation of prostitution. 'Magdalene Homes' were particularly popular and peaked especially in the early fourteenth century.[71] Over the course of the Middle Ages, popes and religious communities made various attempts to remove prostitution or reform prostitutes, with varying success.[72]

With the advent of the Protestant Reformation, numbers of Southern German towns closed their brothels in an attempt to eradicate prostitution.[73] In some periods prostitutes had to distinguish themselves by particular signs, sometimes wearing very short hair or no hair at all, or wearing veils in societies where other women did not wear them. Ancient codes regulated in this case the crime of a prostitute that dissimulated her profession. In some cultures, prostitutes were the sole women allowed to sing in public or act in theatrical performances.

An illustration depicting street prostitution

In the 19th century, legalized prostitution became the center of public controversy as the British government passed the Contagious Diseases Acts, legislation mandating pelvic examinations for suspected prostitutes; they would remain in force until 1886. The French government, instead of trying to outlaw prostitution, began to view prostitution as a necessary evil for society to function. French politicians chose to regulate prostitution, introducing a "Morals Brigade" onto the streets of Paris.[74] A similar situation did in fact exist in the Russian Empire; prostitutes operating out of government-sanctioned brothels were given yellow internal passports signifying their status and were subjected to weekly physical exams. A major work, Prostitution, Considered in Its Moral, Social, and Sanitary Aspects, was published by William Acton in 1857, which estimated that the County of London had 80,000 prostitutes and that 1 house in 60 was serving as a brothel.[75] Leo Tolstoy's novel Resurrection describes legal prostitution in 19th-century Russia.

The leading Marxist theorists opposed prostitution. Communist governments often attempted to repress the practice immediately after obtaining power, although it always persisted. In most contemporary communist states, prostitution remained illegal but was nonetheless common.[76] The economic decline brought about by the collapse of the Soviet Union led to increased prostitution in many current and former Communist countries.[77]

In 1956, the United Kingdom introduced the Sexual Offences Act 1956. While this law did not criminalise the act of prostitution in the United Kingdom itself, it prohibited such activities as running a brothel. Soliciting was made illegal by the Street Offences Act 1959. These laws were partly repealed, and altered, by the Sexual Offences Act 2003 and the Policing and Crime Act 2009.

Since the break up of the Soviet Union, thousands of eastern European women end up as prostitutes in China, Western Europe, Israel, and Turkey every year. Some enter the profession willingly; many are tricked, coerced, or kidnapped, and often experience captivity and violence.[78] There are tens of thousands of women from eastern Europe and Asia working as prostitutes in Dubai. Men from Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates form a large proportion of the customers.[79]

Middle East

[edit]

In the Islamic world, sex outside of marriage was normally acquired by men not by paying for temporary sex from a free sex worker, but rather by personal sex slave called concubine, which was a sex slave trade that was still ongoing in the early 20th-century.[80]

Traditionally, prostitution in the Islamic world was historically practiced by way of the pimp temporarily selling his slave to her client, who then returned the ownership of the slave after intercourse. The Islamic Law formally prohibited prostitution. However, since Islamic Law allowed a man to have sexual intercourse with his slave concubine, prostitution was practiced by a pimp selling his female slave on the slave market to a client, who returned his ownership on the pretext of discontent after having had intercourse with her, which was a legal and accepted method for prostitution in the Islamic world.[81] This form of prostitution was practiced by for example Ibn Batuta, who acquired several female slaves during his travels.[citation needed]

According to Shia Muslims, Muhammad sanctioned fixed-term marriagemuta'a in Iraq and sigheh in Iran—which has instead been used as a legitimizing cover for sex workers, in a culture where prostitution is otherwise forbidden.[82] Sunni Muslims, who make up the majority of Muslims worldwide, believe the practice of fixed-term marriage was abrogated and ultimately forbidden by either Muhammad, or one of his successors, Umar. Sunnis regard prostitution as sinful and forbidden. Some writers have argued that mut'ah[83] and nikah misyar[84] approximate prostitution. Julie Parshall writes that mut'ah is legalised prostitution which has been sanctioned by the Twelver Shia authorities. She quotes the Oxford Encyclopedia of Modern Islamic World to differentiate between marriage (nikah) and mut'ah, and states that while nikah is for procreation, mut'ah is just for sexual gratification.[85] According to Zeyno Baran, this kind of temporary marriage provides Shi'ite men with a religiously sanctioned equivalent to prostitution.[86] According to Elena Andreeva's observation published in 2007, Russian travellers to Iran consider mut'ah to be "legalized profligacy" which is indistinguishable from prostitution.[87] Religious supporters of mut'ah argue that temporary marriage is different from prostitution for a couple of reasons, including the necessity of iddah in case the couple have sexual intercourse. It means that if a woman marries a man in this way and has sex, she has to wait for a number of months before marrying again and therefore, a woman cannot marry more than 3 or 4 times in a year.[88][89][90][91][92][93]

According to Dervish Ismail Agha, in the Dellâkname-i Dilküşâ, the Ottoman archives,[94][95] in the hammams, the masseurs were traditionally young men, who helped wash clients by soaping and scrubbing their bodies. They also worked as sex workers.[96] The Ottoman texts describe who they were, their prices, how many times they could bring their customers to orgasm, and the details of their sexual practices.

Köçek troupe at a fair. Recruited from the ranks of colonized ethnic groups, köçeks were entertainers and sex workers in the Ottoman Empire.
French prostitutes being taken to the police station.

East Asia

[edit]
An oiran preparing herself for a client, ukiyo-e print by Suzuki Haronubu (1765)

In the early 17th century, there was widespread male and female prostitution throughout the cities of Kyoto, Edo, and Osaka, Japan. Oiran were courtesans in Japan during the Edo period. The oiran were considered a type of yūjo (遊女)(ja) "woman of pleasure" or prostitute. Among the oiran, the tayū (太夫) was considered the highest rank of courtesan available only to the wealthiest and highest ranking men. To entertain their clients, oiran practiced the arts of dance, music, poetry, and calligraphy as well as sexual services, and an educated wit was considered essential for sophisticated conversation. Many became celebrities of their times outside the pleasure districts. Their art and fashions often set trends among wealthy women. The last recorded oiran was in 1761. Although illegal in modern Japan, the definition of prostitution does not extend to a "private agreement" reached between a woman and a man in a brothel. Yoshiwara has a large number of soaplands where women wash men's bodies. They began when explicit prostitution in Japan became illegal, and were originally known as toruko-buro ("Turkish bath").

Japanese prostitutes were held in high regard by European travelling men in the 19th century. A British army officer reported that Japanese women were the best prostitutes in the world, for their attractiveness, cleanliness, and intelligence.[97]

Prostitutes on display in Yoshiwara during the Meiji Period, Japan

South Asia

[edit]

The Mahabharata and the Matsya Purana mention fictitious accounts of the origin of Prostitution. Although, Later Vedic texts tacitly, as well as overtly, mention Prostitutes, it is in the Buddhist literature that professional prostitutes are noticed.[98] A tawaif was a courtesan who catered to the nobility of the Indian subcontinent, particularly during the era of the Mughal Empire. These courtesans danced, sang, recited poetry and entertained their suitors at mehfils. Like the geisha tradition in Japan, their main purpose was to professionally entertain their guests, and while sex was often incidental, it was not assured contractually. High-class or the most popular tawaifs could often pick and choose between the best of their suitors. They contributed to music, dance, theatre, film, and the Urdu literary tradition.[99]

During the East India Company's rule in India from 1757 until 1857, it was common for European soldiers serving in the presidency armies to solicit the services of Indian prostitutes, and they frequently paid visits to local nautch dancers for purposes of a sexual nature.[100] Prostitutes from Japan were also popular. Asian prostitutes were held in higher regard than prostitutes from Europe because they came from higher social backgrounds and were regarded as cleaner, more attractive and entertaining than prostitutes back in Europe.[97]

In the 21st century, Afghans revived a method of prostituting young boys which is referred to as "bacha bazi".[101]

India's devadasi girls are forced by their poor families to dedicate themselves to the Hindu goddess Renuka. The BBC wrote in 2007 that devadasis are "sanctified prostitutes".[102]

Americas

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Women in an early San Francisco bordello in 1870
News report about three brothels operating in Albuquerque, New Mexico that were raided by police in 1922

In Latin America and the Caribbean sex worker movements date back to the late 19th century in Havana, Cuba. A catalyst in the movement being a newspaper published by Havana sex workers. This publication went by the name La Cebolla, created by Las Horizontales.[103]

During this period, prostitution was also very prominent in the Barbary Coast, San Francisco as the population was mainly men, due to the influx from the Gold Rush.[104] One of the more successful madams was Belle Cora, who inadvertently got involved in a scandal involving her husband, Charles Cora, shooting US Marshal William H. Richardson.[105] This led to the rise of new statutes against prostitution, gambling and other activities seen as "immoral".[104]

Originally, prostitution was widely legal in the United States. Prostitution was made illegal in almost all states between 1910 and 1915 largely due to the influence of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union.[106][107]

On the other hand, prostitution generated much national revenue in South Korea, hence the military government encouraged prostitution for the U.S. military.[108][109]

Beginning in the late 1980s, many states in the US increased the penalties for prostitution in cases where the prostitute is knowingly HIV-positive. Penalties for felony prostitution vary, with maximum sentences of typically 10 to 15 years in prison.

Recently, a study published in UNED Research Journal examined Costa Rican college students’ perceptions of prostitution through interviews with sex workers, NGO leaders, and 200 students. Results showed realistic views: students saw sex work as a mix of need and choice, and clients as diverse and often regular. Findings aligned with previous research in Spain.[110]

Sex tourism emerged in the late 20th century as a controversial aspect of Western tourism and globalization.

Historically, and currently, church prostitutes exist, and the practice may be legal or illegal, depending on the country, state or province.[111][110]

Economics

[edit]

Prostitutes' salaries and payments fluctuate according to the economic conditions of their respective countries. Prostitutes who usually have foreign clients, such as business travelers, depend on good foreign economic conditions.[112] Payment may vary according to regulations made by pimps, brothel keepers, madams, and procurers, who usually take a slice out of a prostitute's income.[113] Prices may further depend on demand; popular, high-end prostitutes can earn significant amounts of money (upwards of $5,000 per client),[114] and virgins may receive even higher payments.

Law

[edit]
A detail from plate 1 of William Hogarth's (1697–1764) The Harlot's Progress, showing brothel-keeper Elizabeth Needham, on the right, procuring a young woman who has just arrived in London
  Legalization – prostitution legal and regulated
  Decriminalization – No criminal penalties for prostitution
  Abolitionism – prostitution is legal, but organized activities such as brothels and pimping are illegal; prostitution is not regulated
  Neo-abolitionism – illegal to buy sex and for 3rd party involvement, legal to sell sex
  Prohibitionism – prostitution illegal
  Legality varies with local laws

The position of prostitution and the law varies widely worldwide,[115] reflecting differing opinions on victimhood and exploitation, inequality, gender roles, gender equality, ethics and morality, freedom of choice, historical social norms, and social costs and benefits.

Legal themes tend to address four types of issues: victimhood (including potential victimhood), ethics and morality, freedom of choice, and general benefit or harm to society (including harm arising indirectly from matters connected to prostitution).

Prostitution may be considered a form of exploitation (e.g., Sweden, Norway, Iceland, where it is illegal to buy sexual services, but not to sell them—the client commits a crime, but not the prostitute), a legitimate occupation (e.g., Netherlands, Germany, where prostitution is regulated as a profession) or a crime (e.g., many Muslim countries, where the prostitutes face severe penalties).

The legal status of prostitution varies from country to country, from being legal and considered a profession to being punishable by death.[116] Some jurisdictions outlaw the act of prostitution (the exchange of sexual services for money); other countries do not prohibit prostitution itself, but ban the activities typically associated with it (soliciting in a public place, operating a brothel, pimping, etc.), making it difficult to engage in prostitution without breaking any law; and in a few countries prostitution is legal and regulated.

Stickers affixed to a payphone in São Paulo, 2006

In some countries, there is controversy regarding the laws applicable to sex work. For instance, the legal stance of punishing pimping while keeping sex work legal but "underground" and risky is often denounced as hypocritical; opponents suggest either going the full abolition route and criminalize clients or making sex work a regulated business.

Other groups, often with religious backgrounds, focus on offering women a way out of the world of prostitution while not taking a position on the legal question.

Prostitution is a significant issue in feminist thought and activism. Many feminists are opposed to prostitution, which they see as a form of exploitation of women and male dominance over women, and as a practice that is the result of the existing patriarchal societal order. These feminists argue that prostitution has a very negative effect, both on the prostitutes themselves and on society as a whole, as it reinforces stereotypical views about women, who are seen as sex objects which can be used and abused by men. Other feminists hold that prostitution can be a valid choice for the women who choose to engage in it; in this view, prostitution must be differentiated from forced prostitution, and feminists should support sex worker activism against abuses by both the sex industry and the legal system.

Decriminalization

[edit]

Decriminalization views prostitution as labor like any other and that the sex industry premises should not be subject to any special regulation or laws. This is the current situation in New Zealand; the laws against operating a brothel, pimping, and street prostitution are struck down, but prostitution is hardly regulated at all. Proponents of this view often cite instances of government regulation under legalization that they consider intrusive, demeaning, or violent, but feel that criminalization adversely affects sex workers.[117] Amnesty International is one of the notable groups calling for the decriminalization of prostitution.[118][15][119]

Prostitution Information Centre in Amsterdam

Many countries have sex worker advocacy groups that lobby against criminalization and discrimination of prostitutes. These groups generally oppose Nevada-style regulation and oversight, stating that prostitution should be treated like other professions. In the United States of America, one such group is COYOTE (an abbreviation for "Call Off Your Old Tired Ethics") and another is the North American Task Force on Prostitution.[120] In Australia the lead sex worker rights organisation is Scarlet Alliance.[121] International prostitutes' rights organizations include the International Committee for Prostitutes' Rights and the Network of Sex Work Projects.[122]

Legalization

[edit]

Some view prostitution as something to be legalized and regulated: prostitution may be considered a legitimate business; prostitution and the employment of prostitutes are legal, but regulated. This is the current situation in the Netherlands, Germany,[123] most of Australia and parts of Nevada (see Prostitution in Nevada). The degree of regulation varies very much; for example, in the Netherlands, prostitutes are not required to undergo mandatory health checks (see Prostitution in the Netherlands), while in Nevada, the regulations are very strict (see Prostitution in Nevada). Because prostitution is considered criminal in many jurisdictions, its substantial revenues are not contributing to the tax revenues of the state, and its workers are not routinely screened for sexually transmitted infections which is dangerous in cultures favouring unprotected sex and leads to significant expenditure in the health services. According to the 1992 Estimates of the costs of crime in Australia report, there was an "estimated $96 million loss of taxation revenue from undeclared earnings of prostitution".[124]

Abolitionism

[edit]

In abolitionism, prostitution itself is not prohibited, but most associated activities are illegal, in an attempt to make it more difficult to engage in prostitution, prostitution is heavily discouraged and seen as a social problem. Prostitution (the exchange of sexual services for money) is legal, but the surrounding activities such as public solicitation, operating a brothel and other forms of pimping are prohibited. This is to some extent the current situation in Great Britain, where prostitution is considered "both a public nuisance and sexual offence", and Italy among others.[125]

Neo-abolitionism

[edit]

Neo-abolitionism view prostitution as inherently abusive and a form of violence against women.[126] Prostitutes are not prosecuted, but their clients and pimps are. In 1999, after lobbying by a coalition of feminists and Christians, Sweden criminalized the buying, not the selling, of sex and neo-abolitionism has come to also be known as the "Nordic model". It has since become law in France, Norway and Iceland (in Norway the law is even more strict, forbidding also having sex with a prostitute abroad).[127] Exxpose, a Dutch group led by evangelical students gathered 40,000 signatures for a petition for the Dutch parliament to adopt the Swedish model but were unsuccessful.[128] Advocates feel that legalizing and regulating prostitution creates a parallel illegal prostitution industry, and fails to dissociate the legal part of the sex trade from crime.[129][130][131][132]

In 1949, the UN General Assembly adopted a convention stating that "prostitution and the accompanying evil of the traffic in persons for the purpose of prostitution are incompatible with the dignity and worth of the human person",[133] requiring all signing parties to punish pimps and brothel owners and operators and to abolish all special treatment or registration of prostitutes. As of January 2009, the convention was ratified by 95 member nations including France, Spain, Italy, Denmark, and not ratified by another 97 member nations including Germany, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, and the United States.

In February 2014, the members of the European Parliament voted in a non-binding resolution, (adopted by 343 votes to 139; with 105 abstentions), in favor of the 'Swedish Model' of criminalizing the buying, but not the selling of sex.[134]

Prohibitionism

[edit]

In prohibitionism, both prostitutes and clients are criminalized and are seen as immoral, they are considered criminals. This is the prevailing attitude nearly everywhere in the United States, with a few exceptions in some rural Nevada counties (see Prostitution in Nevada)

Prostitution, often when it is illegal, is used in extortion and blackmail, which always involves extortion, where the extortionist threatens to reveal information about a victim or their family members that is potentially embarrassing, socially damaging, or incriminating unless a demand for money, property, or services is met. The subject of the extortion may be manipulated into or voluntarily solicit the use of prostitution which is then later used to extort money or for profit otherwise. The film The Godfather Part II famously depicts the role of Senator Geary who is implicated in the use of prostitution in order to gain his compliance on political issues.[135]

Survival sex

[edit]

Survival sex is when the prostitute is driven to prostitution by a need for basic necessities such as food or shelter.

Drug addicts

[edit]

Drug addiction is associated with increased odds of survival sex work.[136]

Homeless

[edit]

Researchers estimate that of homeless youth in North America, one in three has engaged in survival sex. In one study of homeless youth in Los Angeles, about one-third of females and half of males said they had engaged in survival sex.[137][138][139]

Refugees

[edit]

Survival sex is common in refugee camps. In internally displaced persons camps in northern Uganda, where 1.4 million civilians have been displaced by conflict between Ugandan government forces and the militant Lord's Resistance Army, Human Rights Watch reported in 2005 that displaced women and girls were engaging in survival sex with other camp residents, local defense personnel, and Ugandan government soldiers.[140]

Illegal migrants

[edit]

A difficulty facing migrant prostitutes in many developed countries is the illegal residence status of some of these women. They face potential deportation, and so do not have recourse to the law. This increases their fear of reporting violence they may suffer, due to their fear of being deported, as well as fear of reprisal from human traffickers.[141][142] The immigration status of the persons who sell sexual services is—particularly in Western Europe—a controversial and highly debated political issue. Currently, in most of these countries, most prostitutes are immigrants, mainly from Eastern and Central Europe; in Spain and Italy 90% of prostitutes are estimated to be migrants, in Austria 78%, in Switzerland 75%, in Greece 73%, in Norway 70% (according to a 2009 TAMPEP report, Sex Work in Europe-A mapping of the prostitution scene in 25 European countries).[143] An article in Le Monde diplomatique in 1997 stated that 80% of prostitutes in Amsterdam were foreigners and 70% had no immigration papers.[144]

Caste prostitutes

[edit]
Kisaeng women from outcast or slave families.

Castes are largely hereditary social classes often emerging around certain professions. Lower castes are associated with professions considered "unclean", which has often included prostitution. In pre-modern Korea, some women from the lower caste Cheonmin, known as Kisaeng, were trained to provide entertainment, conversation, and sexual services to men of the upper class.[145] In South Asia, castes associated with prostitution today include the Bedias,[146] the Perna caste,[147] the Banchhada,[148] the Nat caste and, in Nepal, the Badi people.[149][150]

Elderly

[edit]

Prostitution among the elderly is a phenomenon reported in South Korea where elderly women, called Bacchus Ladies, turn to prostitution out of necessity. They are called that because many also sell the popular Bacchus energy drink to make ends meet. State pensions of about 200,000 (US$168) provide a basic income but are often not enough to cover the rising medical bills of old age. It first arose after the 1997 Asian financial crisis when it became more difficult for children and grandchildren to support their elders. Clients tend to be more senior. The use of erection-inducing injections with reused needles has contributed to the spread of sexually transmitted infections.[151][152]

Forced prostitution

[edit]
A liberated Chinese girl who had been forced into sexual slavery by the Japanese military sits on a stretcher and speaks to a Royal Air Force officer.[153]

Sex trafficking is defined as using coercion or force to transport an unwilling person into prostitution or other sexual exploitation.[154] The United Nations stated in 2009 that sex trafficking is the most commonly identified form of human trafficking and estimates that about 79% of human trafficking reported is for prostitution (although the study notes that this may be the result of statistical bias and that sex trafficking tends to receive the most attention and be the most visible).[155] Sex trafficking has been described by Kul Gautum, deputy executive director of UNICEF, as "the largest slave trade in history."[156] It is also the fastest growing criminal industry, predicted to outgrow drug trafficking.[157][158][159] While there may be a higher number of people involved in slavery today than at any time in history, the proportion of the population is probably the smallest in history.[160][161] "Annually, according to U.S. Government-sponsored research completed in 2006, approximately 800,000 people are trafficked across national borders, which does not include millions trafficked within their own countries. Approximately 80 percent of transnational victims are women and girls and up to 50 percent are minors", estimated the US Department of State in a 2008 study, in reference to the number of people estimated to be victims of all forms of human trafficking.[162] Due in part to the illegal and underground nature of sex trafficking, the actual extent of women and children forced into prostitution is unknown. A statistical analysis of various measures of trafficking found that the legal status of prostitution did not have a significant impact on trafficking.[13] Globally, forced labour generates an estimated $31 billion, about half of it in the industrialized world and around one-tenth in transitional countries, according to the International Labour Organization (ILO) in a report on forced labour ("A global alliance against forced labour", ILO, 11 May 2005).[163] International trafficking of people has been heavily facilitated by communication technologies.[164] The most common destinations for victims of human trafficking are Thailand, Japan, Israel, Belgium, the Netherlands, Germany, Italy, Turkey, and the US, according to a report by the UNODC (UN Office on Drugs and Crime).[165] Major sources of trafficked persons include Thailand, China, Nigeria, Albania, Bulgaria, Belarus, Moldova, and Ukraine.[165]

The legalization of buying sex is associated with higher human trafficking inflows than countries where it is prohibited. The type of legalization, such as allowing third-party involvement (i.e, “pimps”), is not shown to make a difference in the effect of sex trafficking inflows.[166]

Use of children

[edit]

Regarding the prostitution of children the laws on prostitution as well as those on sex with a child apply. If prostitution, in general, is legal there is usually a minimum age requirement for legal prostitution that is higher than the general age of consent (see above for some examples). In the early 1990s, some countries, mainly in Latin America, did not single out patronage of child prostitution as a separate crime.[167] According to Steinman (2002), by the early 2000s, several such countries had passed laws against child prostitution, yet they were weakly enforced, and pimps continued to profit from the exploitation of minors in Latin America.[168]

Children are sold into the global sex trade every year. Often they are kidnapped or orphaned, and sometimes they are sold by their own families. According to the International Labour Organization, the occurrence is especially common in places such as Thailand, the Philippines, Sri Lanka, Vietnam, Cambodia, Nepal, and India.[169]

In India, the federal police say that around 1.2 million children are believed to be involved in prostitution.[170] A CBI statement said that studies and surveys sponsored by the ministry of women and child development estimated that about 40% of all India's prostitutes are children.[170]

Children are often medicated to make them appear more mature. In Bangladesh, child prostitutes are known to take the drug Oradexon, also known as dexamethasone. This over-the-counter steroid, usually used by farmers to fatten cattle, makes child prostitutes look larger and older. Charities say that 90% of prostitutes in the country's legalized brothels use the drug. According to social activists, the steroid can cause diabetes, high blood pressure and is highly addictive.[171][172][173] In India, some girls are injected with oxytocin to make their breasts grow faster.[174]

Thailand's Health System Research Institute reported that children in prostitution make up 40% of prostitutes in Thailand.[175]

Some adults travel to other countries to have access to sex with children, which is unavailable in their home country. Cambodia has become a notorious destination for sex with children.[176][177] Thailand is also a destination for child sex tourism.[177][178] Several western countries have recently enacted laws with extraterritorial reach, punishing citizens who engage in sex with minors in other countries. As the crime usually goes undiscovered, these laws are rarely enforced.[179][180][181]

Sex care for the disabled

[edit]

Prostitution is seen by some people with disabilities, or some people with neurological differences – such as some on the autism spectrum – to be an effective way to have sexual experiences, find intimacy or receive human affection that may be difficult for them to come by via traditional means and that may be lacking in their lives.[182][183] A poll by The Observer in 2008 indicated that 70% of Britons would not consider having sex with someone who has a physical disability.[182] Some people that have disabilities are referred to prostitutes by friends or family, such as a parent or guardian, carers, or support workers.[184] In 2021, a UK judge ruled that council care workers can help disabled people meet prostitutes without breaking the law.[185] Prostitutes that cater to people with disabilities have argued that people with disabilities have the same needs and desires as everyone else.[184]

In some countries such as Denmark and the Netherlands access to sex workers for those with disabilities is funded by the state on the basis that sexuality is a human right and leads to improved well-being for people with disabilities.[186][187]

Procurement methods

[edit]

In countries where prostitution is legal, advertising it may be legal (as in the Netherlands) or illegal (as in India). Covert advertising for prostitution can take a number of forms:

  • by cards in newsagents' windows
  • by cards placed in public telephone enclosures: so-called tart cards
  • by euphemistic advertisements in regular magazines and newspapers (for instance, talking of "massages" or "relaxation")
  • in specialist contact magazines
  • via the Internet

In the United States, massage parlors serving as a cover for prostitution may advertise "full service", a euphemism for coitus.[188]

In Las Vegas, prostitution is often promoted overtly on the Las Vegas Strip by third party workers distributing risque flyers with the pictures and phone numbers of escorts (despite the fact that prostitution is illegal in Las Vegas and Clark County, see Prostitution in Nevada).

The way in which prostitutes advertise their presence varies widely. Some remain in apartments that have hints or clues outside such as posters with "model" written on them to lure potential customers inside. Others advertise by putting numbers or locations in phoneboxes or in online or newspaper ads. In more sexually permissive societies, prostitutes can advertise in public view, such as through display windows. In sexually restrictive societies it may occur through word-of-mouth and other means.[189]

Street

[edit]

In street prostitution, the prostitute solicits customers while waiting at street corners, sometimes called "the track" by pimps and prostitutes alike. They usually dress in skimpy, provocative clothing, regardless of the weather. In American usage, street prostitutes are often called "streetwalkers" while their customers are referred to as "tricks" or "johns". Servicing the customers is described as "turning tricks". The sex is usually performed in the customer's car, in a nearby alley, or in a rented room. Motels and hotels that accommodate prostitutes commonly rent rooms by half or full hour.

In Russia and other countries of the former USSR, prostitution takes the form of an open-air market. One prostitute stands by a roadside and directs cars to a so-called "tochka" (usually located in alleyways or carparks), where lines of women are paraded for customers in front of their car headlights. The client selects a prostitute, whom he takes away in his car. Prevalent in the late 1990s, this type of service has been steadily declining in recent years.

A "lot lizard" is a commonly encountered special case of street prostitution.[190] Lot lizards mainly serve those in the trucking industry at truck stops and stopping centers. Prostitutes will often proposition truckers using a CB radio from a vehicle parked in the non-commercial section of a truck stop parking lot, communicating through codes based on commercial driving slang, then join the driver in his truck.

Window prostitution

[edit]
A prostitute in Amsterdam's red-light district talks with a potential customer.
Boat based window prostitute in Utrecht

Window prostitution is a form of prostitution that is fairly common in the Netherlands and surrounding countries.[191] The prostitute rents a window plus workspace off a window operator for a certain period of time, often per day or part of a day.[192][193][194] The prostitute is also independent and recruits her own customers and also negotiates the price and the services to be provided.[192][193][194]

Brothels

[edit]
Pascha brothel in Cologne, Germany, the largest brothel in Europe.[195] During the 2006 FIFA World Cup, the poster with the Saudi Arabian flag and Iranian flag blacked out after protests and threats.

Brothels are establishments specifically dedicated to prostitution, often confined to special red-light districts in big cities. Other names for brothels include bordello, whorehouse, cathouse, knocking shop, and general houses. Prostitution also occurs in some massage parlours, and in Asian countries in some barber shops where sexual services may be offered as a secondary function of the premises.

Escorts

[edit]
Tart cards in a British phone box advertising call girls, 2005

Escort services may be distinguished from prostitution or other forms of prostitution in that sexual activities are often not explicitly advertised as necessarily included in these services; rather, payment is often noted as being for an escort's time and companionship only, although there is often an implicit assumption that sexual activities are expected.

In escort prostitution, the act takes place at the customer's residence or hotel room (referred to as out-call), or at the escort's residence, or in a hotel room rented for the occasion by the escort (called in-call). The prostitute may be independent or working under the auspices of an escort agency. Services may be advertised over the Internet, in regional publications, or in local telephone listings.

Use of the Internet by prostitutes and customers is common.[196] A prostitute may use adult boards or create a website of their own with contact details, such as email addresses. Adult contact sites, chats, and online communities are also used. This, in turn, has brought increased scrutiny from law enforcement, public officials, and activist groups toward online prostitution. In 2009, Craigslist came under fire for its role in facilitating online prostitution, and was sued by some 40 US state attorneys general, local prosecutors, and law enforcement officials.

Reviews of the services of individual prostitutes can often be found at various escort review boards worldwide. These online forums are used to trade information between potential clients, and also by prostitutes to advertise the various services available. Sex workers, in turn, often use online forums of their own to exchange information on clients, particularly to warn others about dangerous clients.

Sex tourism

[edit]

Sex tourism is travel for sexual intercourse with prostitutes or to engage in other sexual activity. The World Tourism Organization, a specialized agency of the United Nations, defines sex tourism as "trips organized from within the tourism sector, or from outside this sector but using its structures and networks, with the primary purpose of effecting a commercial sexual relationship by the tourist with residents at the destination".[197]

As opposed to regular sex tourism, which is often legal, a tourist who has sex with a child prostitute will usually be committing a crime in the host country, under the laws of his own country (notwithstanding him being outside of it) and against international law. Child sex tourism (CST) is defined as travel to a foreign country for the purpose of engaging in commercially facilitated child sexual abuse.[198] Thailand, Cambodia, India, Brazil, and Mexico have been identified as leading hotspots of child sexual exploitation.[199]

Virtual sex

[edit]

Virtual sex, that is, sexual acts conveyed by messages rather than physically, is also the subject of commercial transactions. Commercial phone sex services have been available for decades. The advent of the Internet has made other forms of virtual sex available for money, including computer-mediated cybersex, in which sexual services are provided in text form by way of chat rooms or instant messaging, or audiovisually through a webcam (see camgirl).

Organization

[edit]

Labor unions

[edit]

The International Union of Sex Workers is a United Kingdom-based labor union for sex workers and is affiliated with the general trade union, GMB.

Communities

[edit]

Daulatdia, sometimes called the world's largest brothel, is an entire village in Bangladesh dedicated to prostitution. Many were born there, being the children of prostitutes.[200] Another similar community in Bangladesh is Kandapara.[201] The village of Vadia, India, is known locally as the village of prostitutes, where unmarried women are involved in prostitution. Mass weddings for children of prostitutes in the village are held to protect them from being pushed into prostitution.[202]

Prevalence

[edit]
A political cartoon from 1787 jesting about the notion of taxation affecting prostitutes
Statue to honor the sex workers of the world. Installed March 2007 in Amsterdam, Oudekerksplein, in front of the Oude Kerk, in Amsterdam's red-light district De Wallen. Titled Belle, the inscription to the piece says "Respect sex workers all over the world."

According to the paper "Estimating the prevalence and career longevity of prostitute women",[203] the number of full-time equivalent prostitutes in a typical area in the United States (Colorado Springs, CO, during 1970–1988) is estimated at 23 per 100,000 population (0.023%), of which some 4% were under 18. The length of these prostitutes' working careers was estimated at a mean of 5 years. According to a 2012 report by Fondation Scelles there are between 40 and 42 million prostitutes in the world.[204]

In 2003, it was estimated that in Amsterdam, one woman in 35 was working as a prostitute, compared to one in 300 in London.[205]

The number of men who have used a prostitute at least once varies widely from country to country, from an estimated low of between 7%[206] and 8.8%[207] in the United Kingdom, to a high of between 59% and 80% in Cambodia.[208] A study conducted by ProCon – a nonpartisan nonprofit organization – estimated the percentage of men who had paid for sex at least once in their lives, and found the highest rates in Cambodia (between 59 and 80% of men had paid for sex at least once) and Thailand (an estimated 75%), followed by Italy (16.7–45%), Spain (27–39%), Japan (37%), the Netherlands (13.5–21.6%), the United States (15.0–20.0%), and China (6.4-20%).[208] Nations with higher rates of prostitution clients display much more positive attitudes towards commercial sex.[208] In some countries, such as Cambodia and Thailand, sex with prostitutes is considered commonplace and men who do not engage in commercial sex may be considered unusual by their peers.[208] In Thailand, it has been reported that about 75% of men have visited a prostitute at least once in their lifetimes. In Cambodia, that figure is 59% to 80%.[208]

In the United States, a 2004 TNS poll reported 15% of all men admitted to having paid for sex at least once in their life.[209] However, a paper entitled "Prostitution and the sex discrepancy in reported number of sexual partners" concluded that men's self-reporting of prostitutes as sexual partners provides a serious underestimate.[210]

In Australia, a survey conducted in the early 2000s showed that 15.6% of men aged 16–59 reported paying for sex at least once in their life, and 1.9% had done so in the past year.[211]

Reports disagree on whether prostitution levels are growing or declining in developed countries. Some studies indicate that the percentage of men engaging in commercial sex in the United States has declined significantly in recent decades: in 1964, an estimated 69–80% of men had paid for sex at least once.[208] Some have suggested that prostitution levels have fallen in sexually liberal countries, most likely because of the increased availability of non-commercial, non-marital sex[212] or, for example in Sweden, because of stricter legal penalties.[213] Other reports suggest a growth in prostitution levels, for example in the US,[214] where again, sexual liberalisation is suggested as the cause. As Norma Ramos, executive director of the Coalition Against Trafficking in Women says "The more the commercial sex industry normalizes this behavior, the more of this behavior you get".[215]

Prostitutes have long plied their trades to the military in many cultures. For example, the British naval port of Portsmouth had a flourishing local sex industry in the 19th century, and until the early 1990s there were large red-light districts near American military bases in the Philippines. The notorious Patpong entertainment district in Bangkok, Thailand, started as an R&R location for US troops serving in the Vietnam War in the early 1970s. Washington D.C. itself had Murder Bay which attracted the military of the Civil War.

Violence against prostitutes

[edit]

Street prostitutes are at higher risk of violent crime than brothel prostitutes and bar prostitutes.[216][217]

In the United States, the homicide rate for female prostitutes was estimated to be 204 per 100,000.[218] There are substantial differences in rates of victimization between street prostitutes and indoor prostitutes who work as escorts, call girls, or in brothels and massage parlors.[219][220] Violence against male prostitutes is less common.[221]

The call to decriminalize selling sex is in part to reduce harm and violence. Under criminalization, prostitutes become more vulnerable to be victims of crimes, even by serial killers, because those committing crimes know that prostitutes would be less likely to report such crimes to the police as they would risk arrest. Additionally, this puts prostitutes at risk of violence by police as police are able to extort prostitutes by threatening arrest. The ACLU, Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International argue that, in addition to decriminalize selling sex as in the Nordic model, decriminalizing buying sex makes it more safer for prostitutes.[222][223][224]

Medical situation

[edit]

In some places, prostitution may be associated with the spread of sexually transmitted infections (STIs). Lack of condom use among prostitutes and their clients has been cited as a factor in the spread of HIV in Asia: "One of the main reasons for the rapid spread of HIV in Asian countries is the massive transmission among sex workers and clients".[225] As a result, prevention campaigns aimed at increasing condom use by sex workers have been attributed to play a major role in restricting the spread of HIV.[226]

One of the sources for the spread of HIV in Africa is prostitution, with one study finding that encounters with prostitutes produced 84% of new HIV infections in adult males in Accra, Ghana.[227] The spread of HIV from urban settings to rural areas in Africa has been attributed to the mobility of farmers who visit sex workers in cities, for example in Ethiopia.[228] Some studies of prostitution in urban settings in developing countries, such as Kenya, have stated that prostitution acts as a reservoir of STIs within the general population.[229]

Typical responses to the problem are:

  • banning prostitution completely
  • introducing a system of registration for prostitutes that mandates health checks and other public health measures
  • educating prostitutes and their clients to encourage the use of barrier contraception and greater interaction with health care

Some think that the first two measures are counter-productive. Banning prostitution tends to drive it underground, making safe sex promotion, treatment, and monitoring more difficult. Registering prostitutes makes the state complicit in prostitution and does not address the health risks of unregistered prostitutes. Both of the last two measures can be viewed as harm reduction policies.

In countries and areas where safer sex precautions are either unavailable or not practiced for cultural reasons, prostitution is an active disease vector for all STIs, including HIV/AIDS, but the encouragement of safer sex practices, combined with regular testing for sexually transmitted infections, has been very successful when applied consistently. As an example, Thailand's condom program has been largely responsible for the country's progress against the HIV epidemic.[225] It has been estimated that successful implementation of safe sex practices in India "would drive the [HIV] epidemic to extinction" while similar measures could achieve a 50% reduction in Botswana.[230] In 2009, UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon urged all countries to remove bans on prostitution and homosexual sex, because "such laws constitute major barriers to reaching key populations with HIV services". In 2012, the Global Commission on HIV and the Law, which was convened by Ban Ki-moon, and which is an independent body, was established at the request of the UNAIDS, and supported by a Secretariat based at the UNDP,[231] reached the same conclusions, also recommending decriminalization of brothels and procuring.[232][233][234] Nevertheless, the report states that: "The content, analysis, opinions and policy recommendations contained in this publication do not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations Development Programme."[231]

The COVID-19 pandemic has had an impact on sex work. During the COVID-19 pandemic, contact professions (which includes prostitution, amongst others) had been banned (temporarily) in some countries. This has resulted in a local reduction of prostitution.[235]

Psychological issues

[edit]

De Marneffe (2009) argued that there are psychological issues that prostitutes face from certain experiences and through the duration or repetition. Some go through experiences that may result "in lasting feelings of worthlessness, shame, and self-hatred". De Marneffe further argued that this may affect the prostitute's ability to perform sexual acts for the purpose of building a trusting intimate relationship, which may be important for their partner. The lack of a healthy relationship can lead to higher divorce rates and can influence unhealthy relationship to their children, influencing their future relationships.[236]

See also

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References

[edit]

Further reading

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Prostitution is the exchange of sexual services for monetary or other compensation, typically involving parties without an established personal or relational bond. This practice, documented across historical and cultural contexts, persists globally with estimates suggesting 40 to 42 million participants, the majority female, though precise figures remain elusive due to underreporting and definitional variances between voluntary exchange and coerced forms. Economic pressures, including poverty and limited opportunities, frequently propel individuals into prostitution, functioning as a survival mechanism in low-income settings or amid broader macroeconomic strains. Empirical data highlight inherent risks, such as elevated incidences of sexually transmitted infections—with studies reporting gonorrhea rates up to 12.4% and chlamydia at 6.8% among engaged women—and exposure to violence, including homicide, independent of legal frameworks. Legal status diverges worldwide, from outright bans to regulated models in nations like Germany and the Netherlands, yet research indicates that legalization expands the market and correlates with heightened human trafficking inflows, as the scale of demand outpaces regulatory safeguards against exploitation. Debates center on whether decriminalization enhances safety or perpetuates harms, with evidence from liberalized regimes showing persistent vulnerabilities like non-condom use and organized crime involvement, underscoring causal links between transactional sex and physical, mental, and social tolls.

Definition and Characteristics

Prostitution entails the direct exchange of sexual acts for remuneration, typically monetary, between a provider and a client in a transactional encounter. Core elements include an explicit or implicit agreement for sexual conduct—often involving intercourse, oral sex, or manual stimulation—the performance of such acts, and the transfer of compensation as the primary motivation. Legal definitions across U.S. states, for instance, uniformly require these components, with "sexual conduct" narrowly interpreted to exclude non-penetrative or non-genital activities unless specified. Sociologically, scholars emphasize the commercial commodification of intimacy, distinguishing it from non-economic sexual interactions by the causal link between payment and service provision. This framework contrasts with related practices. Unlike pornography, where sexual performances are staged for recording and mass distribution to consumers who do not directly participate, prostitution involves personalized, unmediated sexual services to the paying individual without third-party mediation or product resale. In pornography, remuneration flows to performers for content creation, not per-client fulfillment, and the act serves an entertainment market rather than bilateral exchange. Prostitution also differs from historical concubinage, a non-commercial arrangement in which a woman was maintained long-term by a man for sexual exclusivity and companionship, often with social recognition akin to secondary marital status but without discrete per-act payments or indiscriminate client access. Concubines, prevalent in ancient societies like China until the early 20th century, received ongoing support in exchange for fidelity, blurring into quasi-familial roles, whereas prostitution operates on episodic, market-driven transactions open to multiple patrons. A key demarcation exists from sex trafficking, defined under frameworks like the U.S. Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000 as the use of force, fraud, or coercion to compel prostitution, stripping away provider agency. Voluntary prostitution, by contrast, presumes informed consent without such inducements, though empirical data indicate overlap in vulnerable populations where economic desperation mimics coercion. Distinctions from casual sex or marital relations hinge on the absence of remuneration as the quid pro quo; in non-commercial contexts, sexual activity arises from relational or affectionate motives, not contractual payment. These boundaries, while definitional, are contested in academic discourse, with some radical feminists equating all commodified sex as inherently exploitative, yet legal and sociological analyses maintain the transactional specificity as foundational.

Historical Development

Ancient and Pre-Modern Eras

Evidence for prostitution dates to the mid-third millennium BCE in Mesopotamia, where cuneiform records indicate women engaging in sexual services for payment, often in urban settings that contributed to the economy. Brothels operated as established businesses, with some women entering the trade due to economic necessity and others possibly by choice, though slavery was common. Claims of widespread sacred prostitution, such as Herodotus' description of Babylonian women required to prostitute once in their lives at temples, lack corroborating archaeological or textual evidence from Mesopotamian sources and are now widely regarded by scholars as a misinterpretation or fabrication, with no verified instances of temple-based ritual sex for hire in the region during the third or second millennia BCE. In ancient Egypt, direct evidence for organized prostitution remains sparse prior to the Ptolemaic period (after 332 BCE), with few textual references and no clear indications of state regulation or temple involvement. Prostitutes may have operated informally, sometimes linked to the worship of Hathor, a goddess associated with love and fertility, but without the structured brothels or sacred rites documented elsewhere. By the Archaic period in Greece (c. 800–479 BCE), prostitution was legal and state-regulated in Athens, where lawmaker Solon is credited with establishing public brothels (porneia) with fixed low prices to make services accessible and taxing revenues for public works like a temple to Aphrodite. Common prostitutes, known as pornai, were typically female slaves working in brothels or streets, while elite hetairai provided companionship, conversation, and sex to upper-class men, often enjoying higher status and freedom. Assertions of sacred prostitution at Aphrodite's temple in Corinth, involving over a thousand temple slaves, derive from later sources like Strabo but find no contemporary support and are dismissed by modern historians for evidential weakness. In ancient Rome, prostitution was ubiquitous and tolerated, with brothels called lupanaria—named after lupa, slang for prostitute evoking a she-wolf—operating in urban areas like Pompeii, where excavations reveal cramped cells with erotic frescoes and basic furnishings indicative of harsh conditions for workers, mostly slaves or freedwomen. The state taxed prostitutes via a registration fee and permitted operations near temples, baths, and inns, though participants faced social stigma, barred from certain public roles; male prostitutes also existed but were rarer and more condemned. During medieval Europe (c. 500–1500 CE), prostitution persisted amid Christian doctrine viewing it as a sin yet a necessary outlet to curb greater evils like sodomy or clerical fornication, leading cities such as Paris and Florence to license municipal brothels by the 13th century for regulation and revenue. Workers, often poor or migrant women, faced periodic crackdowns, expulsion during moral panics, or confinement to designated "stews," but enforcement varied; the Church condemned but rarely eradicated the trade, with figures like Thomas Aquinas arguing its toleration prevented worse societal decay. In pre-modern Asia, regulated systems emerged, as in Japan's Tokugawa period (1603–1868), where the shogunate licensed pleasure quarters like Yoshiwara in Edo (Tokyo) to control urban vice, housing thousands of courtesans (oiran) in hierarchical brothels that blended entertainment, art, and sex, drawing from earlier Edo-era traditions. In China, during the Ming (1368–1644) and Qing (1644–1912) dynasties, courtesan houses (qinglou) catered to elites with skilled performers, while street solicitation served lower classes, though moralist campaigns periodically suppressed but never eliminated the practice.

Industrial Age to World Wars

The Industrial Revolution, beginning in Britain around 1760 and spreading across Europe by the mid-19th century, accelerated urbanization and factory labor, drawing rural women into cities where low wages, unemployment, and family breakdown increased prostitution as a survival mechanism for many impoverished females. Prostitutes often originated from the working class, supplementing factory earnings or turning to sex work during economic downturns, with contemporaries estimating tens of thousands active in major cities like London and Paris by the 1850s, though precise figures remain debated due to underreporting and transient lifestyles. This era labeled urban prostitution the "Great Social Evil" in Britain, linking it to moral decay, venereal diseases, and social instability amid rapid population growth from 8.3 million in England and Wales in 1801 to 17.9 million by 1851. European states responded with regulatory systems from the early 1800s, tolerating female prostitution as an outlet for male sexual urges while imposing controls to curb public health risks and disorder, as in France's formalized licensing of brothels (maisons closes) and mandatory health checks under Napoleonic ordinances extended into the 19th century. In Britain, the Contagious Diseases Acts of 1864, 1866, and 1869 targeted port and garrison towns, empowering police to arrest women suspected of prostitution, subject them to compulsory venereal disease examinations, and detain them in certified hospitals if infected, primarily to safeguard military personnel from syphilis and gonorrhea. These measures, which registered over 16,000 women by 1870 and reflected a double standard ignoring male clients, faced abolitionist campaigns led by figures like Josephine Butler, who argued they institutionalized female exploitation without addressing demand; the Acts were suspended in 1883 and repealed in 1886 amid feminist and social purity opposition. Similar regulationist approaches persisted in Germany and other continental states, framing prostitution as a necessary vice under state oversight to prevent unregulated street solicitation. The late 19th and early 20th centuries saw growing abolitionist pressures against regulationism, influenced by purity movements decrying it as state-sanctioned immorality, though prostitution remained prevalent in red-light districts amid migration and economic pressures. World War I intensified military concerns over venereal diseases, which incapacitated more troops than combat in some Allied forces—British Army records showing 416,000 cases by 1919, equivalent to five divisions—prompting crackdowns on prostitution near bases, propaganda campaigns against "loose women," and U.S. measures like the 1918 Chamberlain-Kahn Act authorizing detention and treatment of suspected prostitutes to protect doughboys. German forces, conversely, organized regulated brothels to channel soldier urges and reduce irregular encounters. In World War II, Nazi Germany systematized military brothels across occupied territories, recruiting or coercing women—including from concentration camps—for Wehrmacht use to combat VD and maintain discipline, with estimates of 34,140 women involved in frontline facilities by 1942, though this masked forced labor and health abuses. Allied responses emphasized prohibition and prophylaxis, reflecting ongoing tensions between moral reforms and pragmatic military needs.

Post-1945 Shifts and Modernization

Following World War II, prostitution in occupied territories adapted to military demands before facing crackdowns amid health and moral concerns. In Japan, the U.S. occupation authorities initially tolerated the Recreation and Amusement Association (RAA), which recruited approximately 70,000 women into brothels starting in September 1945 to serve American troops, with individual women handling 15 to 60 clients daily; the system was halted by General Douglas MacArthur in March 1946 due to widespread venereal disease infections affecting over 25% of U.S. servicemen. In Europe, post-war policies reinforced abolitionist frameworks, as seen in the 1949 United Nations Convention for the Suppression of the Traffic in Persons, which promoted criminalizing third-party involvement while stigmatizing sex workers themselves, leading to their relegation to legal grey zones across democratizing nations. Economic reconstruction and urbanization spurred rural-to-urban migration, positioning prostitution as a survival mechanism for displaced women amid housing shortages and limited welfare access, though visible street activity declined as work shifted indoors to evade police. The 1950s and 1960s witnessed modernization through indoor operations in urban centers, with sex workers utilizing bars, hotels, and early telephone services in cities like Cologne, Milan, and Riga to minimize exposure, reflecting broader societal shifts toward discretion amid rising affluence and state welfare expansion that reduced overt desperation but sustained underground demand. Feminist movements from the 1970s introduced polarized views: radical feminists, as articulated in early conferences like the 1971 New York gathering, framed prostitution as institutionalized male dominance and violence against women, advocating abolition, while emerging sex worker rights advocates emphasized agency and labor rights, influencing debates during the sexual revolution that normalized casual encounters yet intensified scrutiny of commercial sex. These tensions coincided with legal repressions, such as the UK's 1959 Street Offences Act criminalizing solicitation, which drove further concealment without eradicating the practice. The 1980s HIV/AIDS epidemic disproportionately affected female sex workers, with prevalence rates reaching 80% in Kenyan cohorts by 1983 and elevated global figures prompting stigma-driven policies that hindered prevention; however, it catalyzed sex worker-led activism for harm reduction, including peer education and condom promotion, which later reduced infections in targeted programs like India's Avahan initiative. Modeling studies indicated that decriminalization could avert 33-46% of HIV infections over a decade by enabling safer practices, underscoring how criminalization exacerbated violence and health risks. By the 1990s, technological advancements accelerated shifts: the internet enabled independent online advertising from personal websites, pioneered by sex workers who drove early e-commerce innovations like credit card verification for adult content, allowing escorts to bypass street risks and pimps while expanding global reach, though platforms faced later regulatory crackdowns. Legal experiments marked further modernization, with the Netherlands legalizing brothels in 2000 to enhance worker autonomy and regulation, followed by Germany's 2002 framework permitting sex work as employment with social benefits, though empirical outcomes included mixed protections alongside persistent trafficking inflows. Post-1989 Eastern European transitions fueled migration-driven trafficking networks, amplifying supply amid economic liberalization and poverty, while in the U.S., indoor prostitution increasingly migrated to internet sites, reducing visible street economies. These developments highlight causal drivers like globalization and digital tools formalizing operations, yet empirical data reveal ongoing vulnerabilities from coercion and uneven enforcement, challenging narratives of unmitigated empowerment.

Typology and Operations

Street and Outdoor Prostitution

Street and outdoor prostitution refers to the solicitation and exchange of sexual services in public or semi-public spaces, such as streets, alleys, parks, parking lots, or vehicles, where workers visibly advertise and negotiate with clients on-site. This form contrasts with indoor operations by its high visibility, rapid transactions often lasting 10-30 minutes, and reliance on immediate proximity for encounters, typically without prior arrangements or protective measures like security. Workers in this sector, predominantly female but including males and transgender individuals, operate hierarchically at the entry or lower levels of the sex trade, frequently entering due to immediate economic desperation, substance dependency, or coercion rather than choice. Operational patterns involve extended hours, with typical street workers engaging clients for six to eight hours per shift, five to six days weekly, averaging three to five transactions daily. Locations cluster in urban areas with high foot traffic or known tolerance zones, such as red-light districts in cities like Amsterdam's or informal street corners in U.S. cities including San Francisco's Tenderloin, though global prevalence data remains elusive due to underreporting and criminalization; estimates suggest street work comprises a of overall prostitution, often 10-20% in studied Western contexts, with higher proportions in developing regions tied to migration and . Clients, mostly male, seek and spontaneity, paying lower fees—frequently $50-200 per act—compared to indoor services, reflecting the sector's association with transience and reduced perceived value. This modality carries elevated risks of violence, with street workers facing assault rates up to 71% from physical attacks by clients, far exceeding indoor counterparts due to isolated encounters and lack of screening. Systematic reviews document disproportionate victimization, including rape and robbery, linked to the inability to vet clients or escape threats, with perpetrators often exploiting the public yet unregulated setting. Health hazards amplify these dangers: outdoor conditions foster inconsistent condom use, yielding STI prevalence rates 2-5 times higher than indoor work, compounded by barriers to medical access from stigma and mobility. Mental health burdens, including PTSD at levels akin to combat veterans (up to 68%), stem from cumulative trauma, though some studies attribute partial mitigation to peer networks absent in solitary indoor roles. Comparatively, street prostitution yields lower earnings per hour despite volume, averaging $200-400 daily before risks, versus $500+ for escorts, while exposing workers to frequent police interactions and trafficking vulnerabilities, as outdoor visibility attracts exploiters targeting vulnerable migrants or addicts. Empirical data from multi-country surveys indicate 68-89% of street entrants report prior abuse or homelessness, underscoring causal links to survival economics over agency, with decriminalization experiments showing mixed reductions in harms but persistent street-level perils from client aggression. Academic sources, often from public health lenses, may underemphasize inherent risks by framing them solely as policy artifacts, yet first-hand accounts and crime data affirm outdoor exposure as a primary driver of elevated dangers.

Brothel and Indoor Establishments

Brothels are fixed indoor establishments where multiple individuals engage in prostitution under centralized management, distinguishing them from street-based or independent operations by providing dedicated premises for sexual services. These venues typically feature private rooms, on-site security, and administrative oversight by owners or operators who handle client intake, scheduling, and fees, often charging workers a portion of earnings or a flat venue fee. In regulated jurisdictions, brothels enforce health protocols such as mandatory STI testing; for instance, in Nevada's licensed brothels, workers undergo weekly tests for chlamydia and gonorrhea and monthly HIV screenings. As of 2021, Nevada operated approximately 19 to 21 licensed brothels, employing around 250 registered prostitutes statewide, with operations confined to certain rural counties under strict county-level approval. In Germany, following the 2002 Prostitution Act that legalized brothels nationwide, the number of such establishments surged from fewer than 500 to over 3,000 by the mid-2010s, expanding the overall sex market but also correlating with increased human trafficking inflows, as empirical analysis indicates legalization amplifies demand and attracts coerced migrants via a dominant scale effect over any substitution from illegal channels. Indoor brothel work generally yields safer conditions than street prostitution, with studies documenting lower incidences of violence, harassment, and health risks due to controlled environments, security presence, and access to on-site medical checks. For example, a cross-sectional survey of UK sex workers found parlour-based (indoor) individuals reported fewer assaults and better service utilization compared to street workers. However, violence persists even in legalized Nevada brothels, including interpersonal assaults on workers and community disruptions, underscoring that regulation does not eradicate exploitation or coercion. A Rhode Island study on indoor decriminalization from 2003-2009 observed reduced reported rapes and gonorrhea rates, attributing improvements to larger, safer indoor markets displacing riskier outdoor activity, though broader legalization elsewhere has not consistently replicated these gains amid persistent trafficking.

Escort, Online, and Independent Models

Escort prostitution typically involves workers providing outcall services—meeting clients at hotels, residences, or events—or incall arrangements at private locations, with sexual acts often accompanying advertised companionship. These models emphasize discretion, grooming, and interpersonal skills, distinguishing them from street solicitation by prioritizing pre-arranged bookings via phone, agencies, or digital listings rather than public visibility. Agency-affiliated escorts share commissions but benefit from marketing and client vetting, while independents retain full earnings but manage logistics autonomously. Independent sex workers in escort frameworks operate without third-party oversight, screening clients through references, deposits, or verification tools to mitigate risks, which enhances personal agency compared to brothel hierarchies or street exposure. Research indicates that self-employed indoor workers exercise greater control over schedules and boundaries, with college-educated participants earning 31% higher weekly incomes conditional on hours worked, attributed to premium positioning in markets valuing education and presentation. Earnings vary widely but often exceed street rates, with U.S. independents reporting $200–$1,000 per hour based on location and demand, though this excludes non-monetary costs like safety measures. The advent of online platforms since the early 2000s has accelerated independent and escort models by enabling direct advertising on websites and apps, bypassing traditional intermediaries and expanding geographic reach. Analyses of arrest data from 1987–2005 show a marked decline in street prostitution alongside a rise in indoor calls post-internet proliferation, with online facilitation correlating to more selective client pools and reduced public risks. By the 2020s, digital tools like encrypted messaging (e.g., WhatsApp) and classified sites have dominated solicitation, with one dataset identifying over 213,000 unique escort ads across networks, often featuring independent providers in off-street markets. Law enforcement perceptions, drawn from exploratory surveys, position online and escort variants as more lucrative and professional than offline street work, with higher gross revenues and lower overt criminality due to privatized operations. outcomes appear improved in these models through client pre-screening and controlled environments, though empirical remains limited and contested, with no universal reduction in exploitation risks absent broader . Virtual extensions via platforms like , surging to 85 million users by late 2020, blur lines with physical escorting by offering subscription-based content as entry points to in-person bookings, amplifying independent earnings amid pandemic-driven shifts.

Criminalization and Prohibition Regimes

Criminalization and prohibition regimes treat the exchange of sexual services for money as illegal, imposing penalties on both sellers and buyers, as well as ancillary activities such as solicitation, pimping, and operating brothels. These approaches predominate globally, applying in approximately 100 countries including the United States (in 49 states), China, Japan, South Korea, and much of sub-Saharan Africa and the Middle East. Such laws stem from concerns over public morality, organized crime, human trafficking, and public health, though enforcement often disproportionately targets sex workers rather than clients or traffickers. Under full criminalization, prostitution persists illicitly, comprising an underground economy estimated at billions annually in the U.S. alone, with no significant reduction in prevalence compared to legalized settings. Empirical analyses indicate that prohibition fails to suppress demand effectively, as evidenced by stable or rising clandestine activities despite arrests; for instance, U.S. law enforcement made over 50,000 prostitution-related arrests in 2010, predominantly of women, yet the practice continued unabated. Studies link these regimes to heightened risks for sex workers, including elevated violence rates—up to 75% experiencing physical or sexual assault lifetime—and barriers to healthcare, correlating with higher HIV and STI incidences due to avoidance of police-contact services. Comparative data from partial decriminalization experiments, such as Rhode Island's 2003-2009 indoor policy, show prohibition's reversal associated with a 40% drop in gonorrhea rates among young women and a 30% decline in rapes, suggesting criminalization may exacerbate sexual violence by limiting safe alternatives. In Europe, countries maintaining full bans report sex workers facing 2-3 times higher violence than in regulated systems, with criminal status deterring crime reporting; a cross-national review found criminalized environments amplify stigma and exploitation without curbing trafficking inflows. Proponents argue prohibition upholds societal norms and deters entry, yet causal evidence points to increased black-market premiums funding organized crime rather than elimination.

Regulated Legalization Systems

Regulated legalization systems permit prostitution under government-imposed controls, such as licensing requirements for brothels, mandatory health screenings, age verification, and zoning restrictions, with the aim of formalizing the trade, enhancing worker protections, and mitigating associated risks. These models contrast with full decriminalization by maintaining oversight mechanisms, including registration of sex workers in some jurisdictions to facilitate taxation, social benefits, and monitoring for exploitation. Implementation varies: in Europe, emphasis often falls on labor integration and urban regulation, while U.S. examples prioritize containment in licensed facilities with strict hygiene protocols. Germany's Prostitution Act of January 1, 2002, removed moral stigma from the profession, allowing sex workers to enter employment contracts, access health insurance, and sue for unpaid wages, with brothels requiring municipal permits. The 2017 Prostitutes Protection Act supplemented this by mandating sex worker registration, condom use, and operator counseling on exploitation risks, aiming to curb trafficking. Evaluations indicate the system expanded the visible market—estimated sex workers doubled to around 400,000 by 2017—but failed to integrate most into formal labor protections, with only 1-2% using contracts due to fear of stigma or deportation for migrants. Trafficking persisted, with reports of organized crime exploiting lax enforcement; a 2022 government-commissioned review found no significant reduction in coerced prostitution despite added regulations. In the Netherlands, the 2000 lifting of the brothel ban legalized window prostitution and establishments in designated zones like Amsterdam's De Wallen, requiring licenses, fire safety compliance, and worker ID checks. A 2013 government evaluation revealed ongoing issues: 8% of sex workers were minors pre-reform, dropping slightly but not eliminating underage involvement, while 50-90% of window workers originated from non-EU countries, many entering via debt bondage. Municipalities responded by closing 30% of Amsterdam's windows by 2019 and banning exploitative "loverboy" practices, yet illegal street and escort markets grew, comprising 70-80% of the trade outside regulated areas. Health outcomes improved marginally in licensed venues through voluntary STI testing, but overall condom non-compliance reached 20-30% in unregulated segments. Nevada's system, operational since 1971 in 10 rural counties, confines legal prostitution to county-licensed brothels (about 20 active as of 2023), enforcing weekly cervical exams, HIV testing, mandatory condoms, and on-site security. STI rates in these brothels remain near zero—zero HIV cases since inception, syphilis under 1% annually—due to rigorous protocols, contrasting urban illegal markets where gonorrhea rates exceed 5%. Violence is low in regulated facilities, with brothel owners liable for worker safety, but state-wide data show Nevada's illegal sex trade volume at 63% above the national average, driven by urban demand unmet by rural brothels. Trafficking occurs primarily outside legal channels, with federal reports noting 50-70% of street workers experiencing pimp coercion. Cross-jurisdictional empirical analyses link regulated legalization to heightened human trafficking inflows: a 2013 study of 116 countries found legalization correlated with 20-30% higher estimated trafficking victims per capita, attributing this to expanded market demand outpacing supply of voluntary workers. In Germany and the Netherlands specifically, post-legalization trafficking reports surged—Germany's from 142 suspects in 2001 to over 600 by 2010—suggesting regulation signals tolerance, attracting coerced migrants without proportionally reducing underground coercion. While legal venues report fewer assaults (e.g., Nevada brothels under 1% incidence vs. 40-70% lifetime for street workers nationally), total crime tied to prostitution shows no net decline, as unregulated sectors absorb displaced activity. Critics, including anti-trafficking NGOs, argue these systems inadvertently legitimize demand while under-regulating migrant-heavy informal markets, perpetuating exploitation despite oversight intentions.

Decriminalization Experiments

New Zealand implemented full decriminalization of prostitution through the Prostitution Reform Act 2003, which removed criminal penalties for adult sex workers, clients, and brothel operators while requiring safer sex practices and prohibiting involvement of those under 18. An official evaluation in 2008 reported that sex workers experienced improved ability to negotiate condom use and refuse unsafe clients, with 90% of surveyed workers feeling safer post-reform, alongside better access to health services. However, street-based sex work persisted in urban areas, and reports indicated ongoing challenges with coercion and underage involvement, with no significant decline in overall sex worker numbers—estimated at around 20,000-25,000 pre- and post-reform across major cities. Cross-national studies have linked such decriminalization to stable or slightly increased human trafficking inflows, contrasting with claims of reduction, as legalized markets may attract organized exploitation without sufficient enforcement mechanisms. In New South Wales, Australia, prostitution was effectively decriminalized via the Disorderly Houses Amendment Act 1995, shifting regulation to local councils and emphasizing occupational health and safety over criminal sanctions for consensual adult transactions. Empirical data from health surveillance showed higher coverage of STI testing and peer education programs among sex workers compared to criminalized jurisdictions, with condom use rates exceeding 95% in brothels by the early 2000s. Local government variations led to inconsistent brothel zoning, potentially exacerbating visibility of street work in some suburbs, though overall violence reports declined due to reduced police antagonism. A scoping review attributed these gains to destigmatization enabling service access, yet noted persistent vulnerabilities for migrant workers, with no robust evidence of decreased trafficking despite advocacy claims. Rhode Island's accidental decriminalization of indoor prostitution from November 2003 to November 2009 stemmed from a loophole excluding such acts from the state's prostitution statute, allowing empirical analysis of a natural experiment. A quasi-experimental study using county-level data found a 31% reduction in reported forcible rapes and a 39% drop in female gonorrhea incidence during this period, attributed to displaced outdoor risks and easier police focus on violence over consensual acts. Male gonorrhea rates also fell by about 30%, suggesting broader public health benefits from indoor shifts. Recriminalization followed amid concerns over neighborhood complaints and perceived rises in related crimes, though quantitative data on trafficking remained limited, with some analyses indicating no net decrease in exploitation due to unregulated indoor growth. These cases highlight decriminalization's potential for health gains via reduced marginalization, but underscore causal uncertainties in curbing coercion, as market expansion without oversight can amplify demand-driven abuses evidenced in trafficking metrics.

Recent Legislative Changes (2020s)

In Belgium, prostitution was decriminalized effective June 1, 2022, marking the first such reform in Europe and removing criminal penalties for adults selling sexual services while narrowing the legal definition of pimping to exclude administrative support like advertising or security. This change allows sex workers to register as self-employed or enter formal employment contracts, granting access to labor protections such as paid maternity and sick leave, with the first such employer recognized in July 2025. Subsequent legislation in May 2024 and December 2024 further integrated these rights, though critics argue it has not fully eliminated exploitation risks. In the United States, Maine enacted LD 1435 in June 2023, signed by Governor Janet Mills, which decriminalizes the act of selling sex for adults while maintaining criminal penalties for buyers and third-party profiteers, adopting an "equality model" approach aimed at reducing demand and protecting sellers from prosecution. This made Maine the first state to eliminate penalties specifically for sellers, with provisions to seal prior prostitution convictions and increase penalties for child solicitation, though buying sex remains a misdemeanor punishable by fines up to $1,000. Queensland, Australia, decriminalized prostitution on August 2, 2024, through the Criminal Code (Decriminalising Sex Work) and Other Legislation Amendment Act, repealing specific criminal offenses and treating it as legitimate work subject to general labor and planning laws rather than dedicated regulation. The reform, recommended by the Queensland Law Reform Commission in 2023 following a 2021 review, removes licensing requirements for brothels and escorts, aiming to enhance worker safety, health access, and anti-discrimination protections without criminalizing consenting adult transactions. Local governments retain authority over , but no mandatory health checks or registrations are imposed. Other proposed reforms in the 2020s, such as New York State's 2025 bills S2513 and A3251 to decriminalize certain prostitution offenses, have not yet been enacted, while some U.S. jurisdictions like Illinois updated terminology in 2025 to replace "prostitute" with "person engaged in prostitution" and barred police from sexual contact during investigations. In contrast, several U.S. states introduced bills in 2025 increasing penalties for purchasing sex, reflecting ongoing debates between decriminalization and demand-reduction strategies. These shifts highlight divergent approaches, with full decriminalization in Belgium and Queensland emphasizing worker rights and partial models like Maine's prioritizing buyer accountability, amid persistent concerns over trafficking and coercion in empirical data from regulated systems.

Economic Mechanisms

Market Supply, Demand, and Pricing

The market for prostitution operates as a supply-and-demand system influenced by economic incentives, legal frameworks, and social factors, with supply primarily consisting of individuals offering sexual services and demand driven by clients seeking paid sexual access. Empirical analyses indicate that supply responds to macroeconomic conditions, such as higher unemployment rates correlating with increased entry into sex work, as individuals turn to prostitution during economic downturns to supplement income. Recessions have historically boosted supply, as observed in Victorian Britain where adverse events like job loss propelled women into the trade. Global estimates of sex workers vary widely due to underreporting and definitional differences, but peer-reviewed projections place the figure around 40-42 million as of the early 2010s, with recent data suggesting persistence in high-poverty regions. In the UK, a 2025 analysis estimates approximately 102,000 sex workers, reflecting growth tied to online platforms and migration. Demand is predominantly male-driven, rooted in desires for sexual variety, convenience, and dominance, with clients often rationalizing purchases through beliefs that sex workers enjoy the transaction or that it fulfills unmet relational needs. Studies show demand elasticity responds to enforcement; criminalizing buyers reduces transactions, while online advertising expands market access by lowering search costs and increasing visibility, thereby elevating overall demand without fully displacing street-level activity. Legalization amplifies demand more than supply, as reduced risks for buyers draw in new participants, leading to higher inflows of trafficked individuals to meet the gap rather than domestic voluntary entry. Pricing emerges from negotiations balancing scarcity, risk, and service type, with street-level rates averaging $25 per encounter in urban U.S. areas due to high competition and visibility. Hourly rates vary regionally, reflecting local wealth and legality: $500 in Kuwait, $400 in Egypt, $350 in Turkey, and $200-250 in Australia or Taiwan, based on aggregated online escort listings from 2019. Indoor or escort services command premiums over street work, often 2-5 times higher, due to perceived safety and exclusivity. Legalization tends to stabilize or slightly depress prices through increased supply competition, though unregulated demand surges can counteract this by inflating rates in high-client areas. In decriminalized indoor markets, such as post-2003 Rhode Island, entry costs fell, expanding supply and moderating prices while reducing associated violence.
Region/CountryAverage Hourly Rate (USD, approx. 2019)Notes
Kuwait500High due to oil wealth and demand.
Egypt400Influenced by tourism and informal markets.
Turkey350Brothel and escort dominance.
Australia200Legal in some states, regulated competition.
U.S. Street25 (per act)High risk, low barrier entry.
Poverty constitutes a primary driver for entry into prostitution, with empirical studies identifying economic desperation, including needs for food, shelter, and family support, as key motivators. In a study of 397 female sex workers in Baltimore, 35.6% reported entering the trade to meet basic necessities, while 17.2% did so to support children or family, with early entrants (under 18) facing 3.14 times higher odds of ongoing food insecurity. Similarly, among sex workers in Lagos, Nigeria, 35% cited food insecurity as the precipitating factor. These patterns reflect causal pressures from limited alternatives in low-wage or unstable labor environments, where prostitution offers immediate income despite risks, rather than long-term escape from impoverishment. Migration intersects with prostitution through economic disparities between origin and destination countries, drawing women from poorer regions into sex work as a perceived high-return informal sector option. Migrant sex workers comprise over 65% of the population in Western Europe, often undocumented and confined to exploitable niches due to legal barriers in formal labor markets. International Labour Organization data indicate adult migrant workers face over three times the forced labor prevalence of non-migrants, exacerbated by poverty in sending countries and restricted job access abroad, funneling many into prostitution. In contexts like Spain, estimates reach 90% migrant composition, highlighting how cross-border flows amplify vulnerabilities when remittances or survival needs override risks. Within labor markets, prostitution functions as a substitute for low-skill , particularly where wage gaps and limit options, yielding higher earnings but at elevated personal costs. Economic models posit it as well-compensated low-skill work, compensating for forgone market prospects and attracting those with minimal or in recessions when formal jobs contract. For instance, Canadian finds some women select sex work over service industry roles due to superior , with brothel workers in the 1970s earning $350 weekly rent-free—far exceeding contemporaneous low-skill averages. This dynamic persists in informal economies, where prostitution absorbs surplus female labor amid structural barriers, though studies caution against viewing it as empowering given risks and sequelae.

Health and Safety Outcomes

Infectious Disease Transmission

Prostitution facilitates elevated transmission of sexually transmitted infections (STIs) due to frequent unprotected sexual encounters with multiple partners, often involving high-risk practices such as anal intercourse or oral-genital contact without barriers. Female sex workers (FSWs) exhibit HIV prevalence rates averaging 11.8% globally, exceeding 13-fold the rates in the general female population across low- and middle-income countries. 60931-4/fulltext) Syphilis, gonorrhea, and chlamydia also prevail at substantially higher levels; for instance, a Baltimore study documented 28% prevalence of gonorrhea or chlamydia among FSWs, linked to economic vulnerabilities like food insecurity. Inconsistent condom use exacerbates these risks, as clients frequently negotiate bareback encounters for additional payment, reducing adherence rates despite awareness campaigns. HIV incidence among FSWs reaches 8.6 per 100 person-years in cohort analyses, with sub-Saharan African data showing 2194 new infections over 51,490 person-years from 1985–2020 studies. Co-factors including intravenous drug use, client violence impairing negotiation power, and limited healthcare access in criminalized settings amplify transmission dynamics, positioning FSWs as amplifiers within broader epidemics. Venue and regulatory contexts modulate but do not eliminate risks; brothel-based FSWs show mixed STI outcomes relative to street workers, with 50% of comparative studies indicating higher brothel prevalence due to indoor coercion or volume. Viral STIs like herpes simplex virus type 2 (HSV-2) and human papillomavirus (HPV) persist asymptomatically, sustaining reservoirs; recurrences in FSWs correlate with recurrent exposure, while bacterial infections like gonorrhea evade partial protections via pharyngeal or rectal sites. Empirical interventions, such as mandatory testing in regulated systems, yield variable efficacy, often undermined by stigma-driven underreporting. Overall, causal pathways trace to behavioral exposure gradients, where partner multiplicity—often 10–20 weekly—outpaces general population norms by orders of magnitude.

Physical Violence and Injury Statistics

Sex workers face substantially elevated risks of physical violence compared to the general population, with empirical data from systematic reviews indicating lifetime workplace prevalence rates of combined physical and sexual violence ranging from 45% to 75% across multiple global studies. Physical violence alone shows lifetime workplace rates of 19% to 67%, while past-year rates reach 19% to 44%. These figures derive from 41 peer-reviewed studies spanning diverse regions, though they predominantly sample female street-based workers, potentially overstating risks relative to indoor or higher-end sectors. Injury data linked to such violence is sparser but reveals severe outcomes, including frequent head trauma. A study of 65 prostituted women and transwomen found 95% had sustained lifetime head injuries, with 61% occurring during prostitution; 88% required urgent medical treatment, and common sequelae included headaches (73%), dizziness (80%), and memory problems (64%). Earlier reports note 68% of street prostitutes experiencing injuries from assaults, often involving bruises or fractures. Recent data from the during the period (2020–2021) reported 41% of 173 sex workers experiencing at least one incident of physical or , with lower police reporting rates exacerbating unaddressed injuries. Variations persist by legal context, with some analyses associating with heightened exposure, though causation remains debated due to confounding factors like client selection and reporting biases in self-reported surveys. Overall, underreporting—stemming from stigma, fear of legal repercussions, and distrust of authorities—likely underestimates true incidence.

Psychological and Long-Term Health Effects

Prostitutes exhibit markedly elevated rates of mental health disorders compared to the general population, with meta-analyses consistently documenting prevalences of depression around 42-47%, anxiety at 21-28%, and PTSD at 20-31%. These figures derive from systematic reviews encompassing tens of thousands of female sex workers across multiple countries, including low- and middle-income settings where data collection spans 50+ studies. Correlational evidence links these conditions to occupational exposures such as client violence and inconsistent condom use, with odds ratios indicating 2-3 times higher risk for depression among those reporting such experiences. PTSD manifests particularly acutely among street-based prostitutes, where current prevalence reaches 31% and lifetime rates 47%, approximately tenfold the 3.3% 12-month rate in comparable general populations. Adult sexual assaults during work correlate strongly with ongoing PTSD symptoms (odds ratio 3.98), compounded by cumulative traumas including childhood neglect. Systematic reviews affirm PTSD ranges of 10-40% across broader prostitute cohorts, often tied to repetitive boundary violations inherent to transactional sex, fostering dissociative coping mechanisms that exacerbate emotional numbing and hypervigilance. Suicidality compounds these risks, with recent ideation pooled at 23% and attempts at 6% in large meta-analyses, associated with violence (odds ratio 3.5) and alcohol misuse. Substance abuse intersects heavily, with illicit drug use at 21-45% and harmful alcohol consumption at 37-45%, frequently serving as self-medication for trauma while perpetuating cycles of vulnerability to exploitation and inconsistent protective behaviors. Long-term health trajectories reveal persistent psychological sequelae, as cross-sectional data indicate entrenched mental health burdens resistant to resolution without targeted interventions, with violence-exposed individuals facing compounded risks of chronic depression and suicidality into post-prostitution phases. Barriers like stigma and discrimination hinder service access, sustaining elevated morbidity; longitudinal gaps notwithstanding, correlates such as prior trauma and occupational coercion underscore causal pathways from prostitution to enduring disorders, including heightened overdose and self-harm mortality potentials.

Exploitation, Coercion, and Trafficking

Pimping, Organized Crime Involvement, and Control Tactics

Pimps, also known as traffickers or managers in some contexts, act as intermediaries who recruit individuals into prostitution, control their activities, and extract a significant portion of earnings, often through exploitative arrangements. Empirical studies of incarcerated prostitutes in urban U.S. settings have found that approximately 40% were under pimp control, with these individuals reporting higher rates of violence, drug use, and prior victimization compared to non-pimp-controlled counterparts. In broader surveys of sex workers, pimp involvement varies by venue; street-based prostitution shows higher prevalence, with pimps initiating entry for up to 16% of female participants in some datasets, though indoor operations may involve less overt third-party management but increased hidden coercion. Organized crime groups play a central role in scaling prostitution operations, particularly through human trafficking networks that blend recruitment, transportation, and enforcement. According to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) Global Report on Trafficking in Persons 2024, organized criminal groups account for 74% of detected trafficking cases globally, with many exploiting victims for sexual purposes via sophisticated models that include online scams and cross-border logistics. Europol's assessments confirm this, noting that trafficking in human beings for sexual exploitation remains a substantial market driven by gangs operating across EU member states, often involving mixed-gender networks where 68% of cases feature collaborative male-female traffickers. These groups leverage prostitution as a low-risk, high-profit enterprise, integrating it with other crimes like drug distribution, as evidenced by U.S. National Institute of Justice analyses of pimp subcultures that normalize violence and recruitment within gang structures. Control tactics employed by pimps and organized networks emphasize psychological manipulation, economic dependency, and physical enforcement to ensure compliance and maximize profits. Common methods include "Romeo pimping," where recruiters pose as romantic partners to build trust before escalating demands, reported in 31% of cases in U.S. sex trafficking studies as a pathway from relationships to exploitation. Economic coercion via debt bondage—imposing fabricated debts for recruitment, housing, or drugs—forces repayment through ongoing work, while threats to family, isolation from support networks, and induced addictions sustain dependency. Physical violence, including beatings and sexual assault, serves as punishment for non-compliance, with peer-reviewed analyses identifying it as a core tactic in pimp-managed operations. Intimidation escalates in organized settings, where groups use surveillance, relocation, and collective enforcement to deter escape, as detailed in frameworks of coercive control derived from victim interviews. These tactics exploit vulnerabilities like poverty or prior trauma, with empirical data showing higher coerciveness among pimps socialized in criminal environments.

Empirical Evidence on Victim Coercion Rates

Empirical estimates of coercion rates among individuals engaged in prostitution differ substantially across jurisdictions and methodologies, with definitions encompassing forced initial entry, debt bondage, psychological manipulation, or physical control by third parties such as pimps or traffickers. Large-scale surveys of active sex workers in decriminalized environments, such as New Zealand after the 2003 Prostitution Reform Act, report predominantly voluntary entry motivated by economic factors, with self-reported instances of coercion remaining low; for instance, 60% of respondents indicated greater ability to refuse unwanted clients post-reform, and qualitative assessments highlighted reduced exploitation risks without widespread evidence of forced involvement. In contrast, studies sampling from high-risk or victim-support populations often yield higher figures, such as 17% coerced entry among female sex workers in Vancouver, Canada, where vulnerabilities like drug dependency intersected with external pressures. In legalized settings like Germany following the 2002 Prostitution Act, evaluations suggest elevated coercion among migrant sex workers, who comprise a majority of the industry; investigations indicate that many operate under pimp control or trafficking networks, with inflows of human trafficking statistically higher than in prohibitionist countries, potentially comprising 20-40% of the market based on detected cases and NGO reports, though independent operations exist. Global data from organizations like the UNODC reveal sexual exploitation as the dominant detected form of trafficking (around 50% of cases), but under-detection of voluntary prostitution inflates apparent coercion proportions; peer-reviewed analyses caution that victim-centered sampling in academic and NGO studies—often aligned with abolitionist frameworks—overrepresents coerced cases, while population-representative surveys imply coercion affects a minority, potentially under 10% in stable economies absent severe poverty or migration pressures. These discrepancies underscore methodological challenges: convenience samples from shelters or arrests bias toward severe cases, whereas anonymous surveys of in-industry workers capture more voluntary participants, though underreporting of subtle coercion persists in both. International labor estimates, such as the ILO's identification of 3.3 million adults in forced commercial sexual exploitation amid broader sex work populations exceeding 10 million, support the view that outright victim coercion, while prevalent in trafficking hotspots like Eastern Europe and Southeast Asia, does not characterize the majority globally. Rigorous, longitudinal research controlling for these biases remains limited, complicating causal attributions to policy models.

International Trafficking Flows and Data

Global estimates indicate that approximately 6.3 million people were in forced commercial sexual exploitation as of , representing a subset of the 28 million individuals in forced labor worldwide. These figures derive from surveys, administrative data, and extrapolations, though underreporting remains prevalent due to the clandestine nature of the crime and varying national detection capacities. In detected cases reported to the Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), sexual exploitation accounted for 38.7% of trafficking victims globally in 2020, totaling around 18,136 identified individuals across 104 countries, with a shift toward parity with forced labor forms post-2010. By 2022, this proportion stood at 36% of detected victims, amid a 25% rebound in overall detections compared to 2019 pre-pandemic levels. International flows predominantly involve movement from lower-income source regions to higher-demand destinations in wealthier areas, driven by economic disparities, conflict, and demand for commercial sex. emerges as a major source, with 40% of its outbound flows directed to via Mediterranean routes or overland paths, often involving victims from countries like and exploited in European brothels or street prostitution. and the Pacific contribute significantly, with 31% of flows targeting the , particularly Gulf states, where victims from , the , and face sexual exploitation in hospitality and entertainment sectors; intra-regional trafficking accounts for another 31%. , primarily and , supplies victims mainly domestically but also to , , and through air and maritime routes. In Europe, Central and South-Eastern Europe serve as both sources and transit points, with 17% intra-regional cross-border movement and onward flows to Western destinations like Germany and Italy from Romania, Bulgaria, and Ukraine; 63% of detected victims in this subregion faced sexual exploitation in 2020. North America receives increasing inflows from Central America (11% of detections in 2020) and Sub-Saharan Africa, with the United States identifying victims from over 100 countries, though 73% of its detected cases involve sexual exploitation. Cross-border trafficking declined 21% globally in 2020 due to pandemic restrictions, but rebounds in 2022 highlighted persistent routes, with one-third of international flows involving African nationals trafficked to 128 destination countries from 162 source nationalities.
Source RegionKey Destination RegionsProportion of Outbound Flows (Approx.)Common Routes/Exploitation Forms
Sub-Saharan AfricaWestern Europe, North Africa/Middle East40% to Western EuropeMediterranean sea crossings; brothels/street work
East Asia & PacificMiddle East, intra-regional31% to Middle EastAir travel; hospitality/entertainment sectors
South AsiaWestern Europe, North America, East AsiaNotable cross-regionalAir/maritime; urban commercial sex
Central/South-Eastern EuropeWestern Europe, intra-regional17% intra-regionalOverland; escort services/brothels
Women and girls comprise the majority (around 75-80%) of sexually exploited victims in international flows, with children rising to 38% of global detections by 2022, often from conflict zones like Ukraine or Syria. Data limitations persist, as detections skew toward countries with robust law enforcement, potentially understating flows in high-prevalence areas like South Asia, where nearly all reported cases remain domestic.

Societal and Cultural Ramifications

Stigma, Family Disruption, and Social Costs

Social stigma attached to prostitution manifests in widespread discrimination against sex workers, contributing to internalized shame, social isolation, and barriers to healthcare and employment outside the trade. Empirical reviews indicate that this occupational stigma adversely affects working conditions, personal relationships, and physical and mental health, often exacerbating vulnerability to violence and exploitation by limiting access to support networks. Internalized stigma among sex workers correlates with diminished mental well-being, increased loneliness, and higher rates of depression and anxiety, as documented in studies of diverse populations including female and male workers. Prostitution disrupts family structures, with children of female sex workers facing elevated risks of adverse outcomes due to parental involvement in the trade. These children report lower levels of parental monitoring and exhibit poorer mental health functioning compared to peers from non-prostituting mothers, often compounded by exposure to unstable home environments and secondary stigma. Newborns of sex workers demonstrate higher incidences of low birth weight, prematurity, and need for resuscitation, linked to maternal health risks and socioeconomic factors, resulting in long-term developmental challenges and premature mortality in some cohorts. Family stigma further hinders sex worker parents' custody rights and child welfare, perpetuating intergenerational cycles of poverty and marginalization. Broader social costs of prostitution include substantial public expenditures on enforcement and mitigation, with U.S. cities incurring average annual costs of $7.5 to $16 million for policing, prosecution, and related services. These burdens extend to welfare systems strained by family breakdowns and child placements, as well as indirect economic losses from tax evasion on unreported earnings and productivity reductions due to health and trauma sequelae. Stigma-driven underreporting and social exclusion amplify these costs by impeding prevention efforts and reintegration, though quantitative estimates vary by jurisdiction and policy regime.

Gender Imbalances and Power Structures

The commercial sex trade displays a stark gender imbalance, with females constituting approximately 80% of sex workers globally, while males comprise the remaining 20%. This distribution holds across diverse regions, including estimates of 40-42 million total sex workers worldwide, where female providers dominate due to market demand patterns. Male sex workers, by contrast, primarily serve male clients in niche markets such as gay-oriented services, with female clients representing a negligible fraction of overall demand. Clientele data reinforces this asymmetry, with empirical surveys indicating that the vast majority of buyers are male, often seeking female providers. For example, prevalence studies report that 10-16% of adult men in various countries have paid for sex, predominantly with women, reflecting a supply-demand dynamic shaped by sex differences in sexual motivation and resource allocation for mating. This pattern persists even in legalized settings, where male demand drives the industry's scale and female participation rates. These imbalances underpin power structures that favor male agency in transactions, as buyers typically hold economic leverage while sellers, disproportionately women, navigate risks amplified by physical disparities and social vulnerabilities. Research highlights how female sex workers face higher coercion risks from male pimps or traffickers, who exploit gender-based control tactics in 40-60% of documented cases involving organized prostitution. Such dynamics can entrench unequal bargaining positions, where women's entry into the trade often stems from limited economic alternatives—a factor compounded by lower average female earning potential in formal labor markets globally. While some analyses from academic sources emphasize inherent exploitation, these must be weighed against evidence of voluntary participation in regulated environments, underscoring the need for causal scrutiny beyond ideologically driven narratives prevalent in gender studies literature.

Ideological and Ethical Debates

Abolitionist Critiques Emphasizing Exploitation

Abolitionist perspectives, rooted in radical feminist theory, posit that prostitution is fundamentally exploitative, constituting a systemic violation of women's bodily autonomy through the commodification of sex under conditions of entrenched gender inequality. Proponents argue that the exchange inherently subordinates women to male demand, reinforcing patriarchal power dynamics where vulnerability—often stemming from poverty, childhood trauma, or lack of alternatives—drives entry rather than genuine agency. This view, articulated by organizations like the Coalition Against Trafficking in Women (CATW), holds that labeling prostitution as "sex work" obscures its coercive nature and perpetuates harm by normalizing exploitation as legitimate labor. Empirical data cited by abolitionists underscores pervasive coercion and abuse, with a 2003 cross-national study of 854 individuals in prostitution across nine countries (Canada, Colombia, Germany, Mexico, South Africa, Thailand, Turkey, the United States, and Zambia) revealing that 89% wanted to escape the industry, 68% met diagnostic criteria for post-traumatic stress disorder at rates comparable to those among victims of torture or combat soldiers, and 63% were raped an average of 30-40 times per year in the context of prostitution. Additional findings from the same research indicated that 46% had been victims of childhood sexual assault, linking early exploitation to later entrapment, while 92% described involvement with pimps or traffickers who exerted control through violence or debt bondage. Abolitionists interpret these patterns not as aberrations but as intrinsic to prostitution's structure, where economic desperation—evident in reports of entrants citing poverty or homelessness as primary motivators—renders "consent" illusory amid power imbalances. Critiques further highlight how legalization models fail to mitigate exploitation, often exacerbating it by expanding markets and attracting organized crime. A review of evidence from the Netherlands' 2000 legalization found no reduction in violence against prostituted women and an increase in human trafficking for sexual exploitation, with estimates suggesting a rise in victims from Eastern Europe and Nigeria post-reform. Similarly, a 2024 United Nations special rapporteur report framed prostitution as embedded in patriarchal norms that perpetuate inequality, rebutting empowerment narratives by documenting ongoing physical and psychological harms, including elevated risks of sexually transmitted infections and mental health disorders akin to those in non-consensual sexual violence. Abolitionists, drawing on these outcomes, advocate for policies targeting demand—such as criminalizing buyers—over decriminalization, arguing that only systemic abolition can address the root causal chain of vulnerability leading to exploitation, rather than regulating it as an economic sector. While some academic sources exhibit ideological biases favoring harm-reduction models, the cited data from survivor testimonies and cross-jurisdictional comparisons provide a factual basis for claims of inherent, non-voluntary harm.

Pro-Legalization Arguments from Libertarian and Economic Standpoints

Libertarians contend that prostitution, when involving consenting adults, constitutes a voluntary exchange free from aggression or coercion in its essential form, aligning with the non-aggression principle and individual self-ownership, thereby rendering state prohibition an unjust infringement on personal liberty. This view holds that while incidental coercion occurs empirically, it does not negate the right to legalize the core voluntary transaction, as banning it wholesale fails to address root causes like poverty or predation without violating rights. Proponents, drawing from classical liberal traditions akin to John Stuart Mill's harm principle, argue that absent direct harm to third parties, government intervention exceeds legitimate authority, paralleling decriminalization stances on other consensual acts like drug use. From an economic standpoint, legalization enables regulation akin to other service industries, fostering safer working conditions through mandatory health screenings and security protocols, which reduce disease transmission and violence costs. In Nevada's licensed brothels, operational since the 1970s in select counties, such measures have correlated with lower reported violence against workers compared to illicit markets, while generating licensing fees and taxes that bolster rural economies—contributing millions annually to local revenues in counties like Nye. Legalization also yields fiscal benefits via taxation; in Germany following the 2002 Prostitution Act, the industry expanded to an estimated €15 billion annually, with municipalities collecting up to €600,000 yearly from brothel-related taxes in cities like Düsseldorf. Empirical data from decriminalization experiments further bolsters economic arguments, as seen in Rhode Island's inadvertent indoor prostitution from 2003 to 2009, where reported rapes declined by 30% and female incidence fell by over 39%, implying reduced expenditures and enforcement costs. Advocates assert this shifts activity from black markets—prone to inefficiency and externalities like untreated infections—to regulated ones, enhancing worker earnings potential through legal banking and bargaining power, while minimizing societal costs from underground operations. Overall, these frameworks posit that distorts markets, inflating risks and expenses, whereas legalization aligns incentives for mutual benefit and oversight.

Empowerment Narratives and Their Empirical Challenges

Empowerment narratives frame prostitution as a legitimate form of labor that confers agency, financial autonomy, and sexual self-determination, particularly for economically disadvantaged women who might otherwise face limited options. Proponents argue that destigmatizing and regulating sex work allows participants to negotiate terms, access protections, and exercise choice akin to other service industries. However, such claims encounter substantial empirical hurdles, as data consistently indicate pervasive trauma, limited voluntariness, and adverse outcomes that undermine assertions of genuine empowerment. Psychological studies reveal high prevalence of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and other mental health disorders among individuals in prostitution, often rivaling rates in survivors of torture or war. A 1998 cross-national survey by Farley et al. of 854 people in prostitution across five countries (South Africa, Thailand, United States, Canada, and Zambia) found that 68% met DSM-IV criteria for PTSD, with symptoms linked to violence, dissociation during acts, and chronic objectification inherent to the work. Even in controlled settings like legal brothels, a Dutch study of 88 women reported elevated depression and PTSD symptoms correlated with prostitution duration and client volume, rather than external factors alone. Childhood abuse histories, present in 60-90% of cases across multiple datasets, further erode claims of uncoerced entry, as prior trauma predisposes individuals to exploitative dynamics under economic duress. Legalization models, promoted as pathways to through regulation and worker rights, have instead correlated with expanded exploitation in jurisdictions like and the . 's 2002 aimed to normalize sex work but resulted in a tripling of the industry to approximately 400,000 registered workers by 2009, alongside unchecked growth in unregistered segments dominated by coerced migrants from and , with trafficking inflows rising 30% post-legalization per econometric analyses. In the , 2000 legalization expanded prostitution to 5% of GDP in some estimates, yet officials reported increased underage involvement and by 2010, leading to zonal restrictions; a 2014 review found no reduction in violence or trafficking, contradicting by formalizing demand without addressing supply vulnerabilities. Self-reports from sex workers in these contexts often highlight via , , or family obligations, with exit barriers reinforcing a cycle of harm over . Longitudinal and qualitative data on satisfaction underscore these challenges, with many participants expressing regret tied to relational, health, and identity erosion. A study of female sex workers' romantic relationships found pervasive trust deficits and emotional numbing as coping mechanisms, diminishing personal fulfillment despite financial gains. Broader reviews indicate that while short-term economic relief may occur, sustained engagement correlates with heightened dissociation, substance dependency, and suicidal ideation, with fewer than 10% in some cohorts reporting unmitigated positive experiences after five years. These patterns suggest that empowerment rhetoric overlooks causal links between transactional sex and trauma induction, prioritizing ideological framing over evidenced harms.

Empirical Evaluations of Policy Models

Comparative Outcomes in Key Jurisdictions

In Germany, where prostitution was legalized in 2002 to regulate the industry and protect workers, the number of sex workers reportedly increased from an estimated 200,000 to over 400,000 by 2019, accompanied by growth in organized crime and human trafficking networks exploiting the formalized market. Despite mandatory health registrations, compliance remains low, with only about 1% of estimated sex workers registered by 2009, and trafficking victims identified at rates 30-40 times higher than in Sweden per capita. The Netherlands, legalizing prostitution in 2000 with regulated red-light districts, saw an initial aim to reduce underground activity, but empirical reviews indicate the policy expanded the sex market, drawing more foreign workers and sustaining trafficking; by 2022, authorities acknowledged thriving exploitation behind the legal facade, prompting partial closures of Amsterdam's De Wallen district in 2023 due to underage and coerced involvement. Localized tippelzones (legal street prostitution areas) in nine cities from 1994-2006 correlated with a 30-40% drop in citywide sexual assaults, attributed to displaced underground activity, though overall rape rates did not decline nationally and drug-related crime persisted around zones. Sweden's 1999 adoption of the Nordic model—criminalizing buyers while decriminalizing sellers—yielded a 50% reduction in street prostitution by 2009 and stabilized overall prostitution levels, contrasting with increases in neighboring Denmark and Norway post-liberalization; sex trafficking detections remained low, at 0.8 cases per 100,000 in early data, though underreporting critiques exist, with no evidence of policy-driven displacement to neighbors. A 2021 review noted improved worker safety reporting and reduced demand, but violence against the remaining 1-2% in street work stayed high, with 75% of surveyed prostituted women reporting prior rape experiences globally, underscoring persistent exploitation risks irrespective of buyer penalties. New Zealand's 2003 decriminalization under the Prostitution Reform Act aimed to empower workers via labor rights, resulting in better access to health services and a 30-50% rise in formal brothel operations by 2010, with STI notifications stable or declining among registered workers; however, migrant exploitation persisted, with 10-20% of sex workers foreign-born and vulnerable to coercion, and no significant trafficking drop observed, as underground markets adapted without formal oversight. Comparative analyses across these jurisdictions reveal legalization models often amplify market size and inflows of coerced individuals, per econometric studies on European data, while partial criminalization curbs visible demand but struggles with hidden coercion.
JurisdictionPolicy Model (Year)Key Outcome: Trafficking/ ExploitationKey Outcome: Violence/HealthKey Outcome: Crime/Market Size
GermanyLegalization (2002)High detections (e.g., 47/100k in 2023); organized crime growthLow registration; persistent STI/violenceMarket doubled; no rape reduction
NetherlandsLegalization (2000)Thriving despite facade; migrant inflowsHigh violence reports (e.g., 2020-2022); mixed STILocalized assault drops; national expansion
SwedenNordic (1999)Low per capita; no neighbor spilloverReduced street exposure; high lifetime traumaStabilized/lowered demand; street -50%
New ZealandDecriminalization (2003)Persistent migrant coercion (10-20%)Improved reporting/STI accessFormal ops +30-50%; underground adapts
Data comparability limited by varying detection efforts and underreporting; peer-reviewed syntheses emphasize causal links between demand expansion and trafficking persistence in legalized settings.

Quantitative Impacts on Trafficking, Crime, and Health

Empirical analyses of prostitution legalization reveal a consistent association with elevated human trafficking inflows. A cross-national study examining data from 116 countries between 1990 and 2010 found that legalizing prostitution increases the scale of the sex market, drawing more trafficked victims despite potential substitution effects from domestic workers; specifically, countries with legalized prostitution experienced trafficking inflows over twice as high as those without, with the effect robust to controls for economic and institutional factors. In Germany, the 2002 Prostitution Act, which decriminalized prostitution and brothels to improve worker protections, correlated with a doubling of the estimated sex worker population to 400,000 by 2006, predominantly involving non-German women from Eastern Europe and Africa, alongside a rise in identified trafficking victims from 142 cases in 2001 to over 1,000 annually by the mid-2010s, as reported by federal crime statistics. Similarly, in the Netherlands, full legalization in 2000 failed to curb trafficking, with government evaluations in 2007 and 2017 documenting persistent organized crime control over window prostitution and an influx of underage and coerced workers, prompting partial reversals like the 2023 ban on non-EU sex workers in licensed brothels. On crime rates, evidence indicates that can reduce certain sexual offenses while potentially exacerbating . European panel data from 15 countries over 20 years showed that shifting from to decreased reported rapes by approximately 10-15% , as clients substituted consensual paid encounters for non-consensual acts, with no detectable effects on non-sexual crimes like or . In Dutch cities with regulated red-light districts, such as , the concentration of prostitution in designated zones post-2000 led to a 30-40% drop in local sexual assaults and rapes between 1994 and 2014, attributed to easier monitoring and displacement of street-level risks. However, these gains were offset by heightened involvement of criminal networks in trafficking and exploitation, as evidenced by Dutch police reports of over 8,000 trafficking suspicions annually by 2010, often linked to legal venues. Health outcomes for sex workers improve under legalization models with regulatory oversight, primarily through enhanced access to screening and reduced violence exposure. A comparative review of high-income countries found that in legalized settings like Germany and the Netherlands, sex workers had higher STI testing rates (up to 80% annual compliance in brothels) and lower HIV prevalence (under 1% versus 5-10% in criminalized environments), due to mandatory health checks and workplace protections. Post-decriminalization in New Zealand after 2003, condom use in commercial sex rose to 99% from 85%, and sex workers reported fewer client-perpetrated assaults (from 17% to 2% annually), facilitating better healthcare engagement without fear of arrest. Nonetheless, these benefits are uneven, as trafficked individuals in expanded markets often evade regulations, sustaining elevated risks of untreated infections and trauma, with German health data showing persistent high chlamydia rates (15-20%) among migrant workers outside formal brothels.

Causal Analyses and Long-Term Societal Effects

Legalization of prostitution has been causally linked to an expansion of the commercial sex market through a scale effect that outweighs any substitution of legal for illegal workers, drawing in more participants including trafficked individuals. Cross-country empirical analysis of 116 nations from 1996 to 2003 found that countries legalizing prostitution experienced significantly higher estimated inflows of human trafficking compared to those maintaining prohibitions, with the effect persisting after controlling for economic and institutional factors. In Germany, post-2002 legalization, the sex industry grew substantially, with federal evaluations in 2014 documenting failure to reduce exploitation or violence while facilitating organized crime and foreign trafficking networks. Regarding violence and public health, causal evidence from policy shifts reveals mixed outcomes, often failing to deliver promised reductions in harm. During Rhode Island's inadvertent decriminalization of indoor prostitution from 2003 to 2009, reported rape offenses declined by 31% and female gonorrhea incidence fell by over 39%, attributed to market expansion enabling safer indoor venues, though the overall prostitution market size increased. However, broader reviews of legalization in jurisdictions like the Netherlands indicate no substantial decrease in sex worker victimization, with persistent high rates of physical and sexual violence; post-2000 legalization there correlated with a fivefold industry expansion and elevated trafficking without proportional safety gains. Long-term societal effects include erosion of marriage institutions and intergenerational disadvantage, as prostitution functions as an economic substitute for marital commitment, particularly for men seeking non-exclusive sexual access. Economic modeling posits that prostitution's high relative pay stems from its incompatibility with marriage—unmarried women predominate among prostitutes, and participation signals reduced marital value, deterring long-term pairing and family formation. This dynamic contributes to lower fertility incentives, as men face less pressure to invest in stable unions, while children of prostitutes encounter heightened risks of poverty, stigma, and disrupted upbringing, perpetuating cycles of social marginalization. Culturally, normalization via legalization fosters commodification of intimacy, correlating with youth perceptions of prostitution as a viable option amid economic precarity, though exit desires remain high and trauma pervasive across settings.

References

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