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A transsexual person is someone who experiences a gender identity that is inconsistent with their assigned sex, and desires to permanently transition to the sex or gender with which they identify, usually seeking medical assistance (including gender affirming therapies, such as hormone replacement therapy and gender affirming surgery) to help them align their body with their identified sex or gender.

The term transsexual is a subset of transgender,[1][2] but some transsexual people reject the label of transgender.[3][4][5][6]: 8, 34, 120–121  A medical diagnosis of gender dysphoria can be made if a person experiences marked and persistent incongruence between their gender identity and their assigned sex.[7]

Understanding of transsexual people has rapidly evolved in the 21st century; many 20th century medical beliefs and practices around transsexual people are now considered outdated. Transsexual people were once classified as mentally ill and subject to extensive gatekeeping by the medical establishment, and remain so in many parts of the world.[8][9][failed verification][10][11][failed verification]

Terminology

[edit]

Transsexual has had different meanings throughout time. In modern usage, it refers to "a person who desires to or who has modified their body to transition from one gender or sex to another through the use of medical technologies such as hormones or surgeries". Within the transgender community, the term is a subject of debate, and it is sometimes considered an antiquated or pejorative term. The more widely preferred terms are transgender or the abbreviated form trans. However, due to its historical usage, continued usage in the medical community, and continued self-identification with the term by some people, transsexual remains in the modern vernacular.[12]: 742–744 

In understanding the subject, it is noted that there is a difference between gender and sex. Gender is defined as a "set of social, cultural, and linguistic norms that can be attributed to someone's identity, expression, or role as masculine, feminine, androgynous, or nonbinary". Sex is defined as being "assigned at birth by medical professionals based on the appearance of genitalia, and related assumptions about chromosomal makeup, gender identity, expressions, and roles [that] emerge over the life span, sometimes changing over time".[12]: 277–278 

Origins

[edit]

Norman Haire reported that in 1921 Dora Richter of Germany began a surgical transition, under the care of Magnus Hirschfeld, which ended in 1930 with a successful genital reassignment surgery (GRS).[13] In 1930, Hirschfeld supervised the second genital reassignment surgery to be reported in detail in a peer-reviewed journal, that of Lili Elbe of Denmark. In 1923, Hirschfeld introduced the (German) term "Transsexualismus",[14] after which David Oliver Cauldwell introduced "transsexualism" and "transsexual" to English in 1949 and 1950.[15][16]

Cauldwell appears to be the first to use the term to refer to those who desired a change of physiological sex.[17] In 1969, Harry Benjamin claimed to have been the first to use the term "transsexual" in a public lecture, which he gave in December 1953.[18] Benjamin went on to popularize the term in his 1966 book, The Transsexual Phenomenon, in which he described transsexual people on a scale (later called the "Benjamin scale") of three levels of intensity: "Transsexual (nonsurgical)", "Transsexual (moderate intensity)", and "Transsexual (high intensity)".[19][20][21]

Relationship to transgender

[edit]

The term transgender was coined by John Oliven in 1965.[1] By the 1990s, transsexual had come to be considered a subset of the umbrella term transgender.[22][1][2] The term transgender is now more common, and many transgender people prefer the designation transgender and reject transsexual.[23][24][25] Some people who pursue medical assistance (for example, gender affirming surgery) to change their sexual characteristics to match their gender identity prefer the designation transsexual and reject transgender.[23][24][25] One perspective offered by transsexual people who reject a transgender label for that of transsexed is that, for people who have gone through sexual reassignment surgery, their anatomical sex has been altered, whilst their gender remains constant.[26][27][28]

Historically, one reason some people preferred transsexual to transgender is that the medical community in the 1950s through the 1980s encouraged a distinction between the terms that would only allow the former access to medical treatment.[29] Other self-identified transsexual people state that those who do not seek gender affirming surgery are fundamentally different from those who do, and that the two have different concerns,[21] but this view is controversial. Others argue that medical procedures do not have such far-reaching consequences as to put those who have had them and those who have not (e.g. because they cannot afford them) into such distinctive categories.[citation needed] Some have objected to the term transsexual on the basis that it describes a condition related to gender identity rather than sexuality.[30][better source needed] For example, Christine Jorgensen, the first person widely known in the United States for having had gender affirming surgery (in this case, male-to-female), rejected transsexual and instead identified herself in newsprint as trans-gender, on this basis.[31][32]

A common argument in opposition to the term transsexual is that it over-medicalizes the trans experience, focuses too much on diagnosis, or both.[12]: 742–744  The term transgender emerged in part in an attempt to break the "medical monopoly" on transitioning that transsexual implied.[33]

GLAAD's media reference guide offers the following distinction on the use of transsexual:[34]

An older term that originated in the medical and psychological communities. As the gay and lesbian community rejected homosexual and replaced it with gay and lesbian, the transgender community rejected transsexual and replaced it with transgender. Some people within the trans community may still call themselves transsexual. Do not use transsexual to describe a person unless it is a word they use to describe themself. If the subject of your news article uses the word transsexual to describe themself, use it as an adjective: transsexual woman or transsexual man.

Terminological variance

[edit]

The word transsexual is most often used as an adjective rather than a noun – a "transsexual person" rather than simply "a transsexual".[citation needed] As of 2018, use of the noun form (e.g. referring to people as transsexuals) was often deprecated by those in the transsexual community.[35] Like other trans people, transsexual people prefer to be referred to by the gender pronouns and terms associated with their gender identity. For example, a trans man is a person who was assigned the female sex at birth on the basis of his genitals, but despite that assignment, identifies as a man and is transitioning or has transitioned to a male gender role; in the case of a transsexual man, he furthermore has or will have a masculine body. Transsexual people are sometimes referred to with directional terms, such as "female-to-male" for a transsexual man, abbreviated to "F2M", "FTM", and "F to M", or "male-to-female" for a transsexual woman, abbreviated "M2F", "MTF" and "M to F".

Individuals who have undergone and completed gender affirming surgery are sometimes referred to as transsexed individuals;[36] however, the term transsexed is not to be confused with the term transsexual, which can also refer to individuals who have not undergone SRS, and whose anatomical sex (still) does not match their psychological sense of personal gender identity.

A rarer, alternate spelling for transsexual has been transexual, with a single S. This variation is British in origin. This spelling was used by The Transexual Menace, an activist group, for example.[12]: 738  This spelling has been used by some activists in an attempt to remove "pathologizing implications" from their use of the word.[6]: 25  Another rare variation, a synonym for transsexual, is transsex.[37]

The terms gender dysphoria and gender identity disorder were not used until the 1970s,[38] when Laub and Fisk published several works on transsexualism using these terms.[39][40] "Transsexualism" was replaced in the DSM-IV by "gender identity disorder in adolescents and adults".

Male-to-female transsexualism has sometimes been called "Harry Benjamin's syndrome" after the endocrinologist who pioneered the study of dysphoria.[41] As the present-day medical study of gender variance is much broader than Benjamin's early description, there is greater understanding of its aspects,[42] and use of the term Harry Benjamin's syndrome has been criticized for delegitimizing gender-variant people with different experiences.[43][page needed][44][page needed]

Sexual orientation

[edit]

Since the middle of the 20th century, homosexual transsexual and related terms were used to label individuals' sexual orientation based on their birth sex.[45] Many sources criticize this choice of wording as confusing, "heterosexist",[46] "archaic",[47][failed verification] and demeaning because it labels people by sex assigned at birth instead of their gender identity.[48][page needed] Sexologist John Bancroft also recently expressed regret for having used this terminology, which was standard when he used it, to refer to transsexual women.[49] He says that he now tries to choose his words more sensitively.[49] Sexologist Charles Allen Moser is likewise critical of the terminology.[50] Sociomedical scientist Rebecca Jordan-Young challenges researchers like Simon LeVay, J. Michael Bailey, and Martin Lalumiere, who she says "have completely failed to appreciate the implications of alternative ways of framing sexual orientation".[51][page needed]

The terms androphilia and gynephilia to describe a person's sexual orientation without reference to their gender identity were proposed and popularized by psychologist Ron Langevin in the 1980s.[52][page needed] The similar specifiers attracted to men, attracted to women, attracted to both or attracted to neither were used in the DSM-IV.[53]

Many transsexual people choose the language of how they refer to their sexual orientation based on their gender identity, not their birth assigned sex.[42]

Surgical status

[edit]

Several terms are in common use, especially within the community itself relating to the surgical or operative status of someone who is transsexual, depending on whether they have already had gender affirming surgery, have not had but still intend to, or do not intend to have surgery.[54] A pre-operative ("pre-op") transsexual person is someone who intends to have SRS at some point, but has not yet had it.[54][55] A post-operative ("post-op") transsexual person is someone who has had SRS.[54]

A non-operative ("non-op") transsexual person is someone who has not had SRS, and does not intend to have it in the future. There can be various reasons for this, from personal to financial.[54] Having SRS is not a requirement of being transsexual. Evolutionary biologist and trans woman Julia Serano criticizes the societal preoccupation with SRS as phallocentric, objectifying of transsexuals, and an invasion of privacy.[56]: 229–231 

Historical understanding

[edit]

Transgender people are known to have existed since ancient times. A wide range of societies had traditional third gender roles, or otherwise accepted trans people in some form.[57] However, a precise history is difficult because the modern concept of being transgender, and gender in general, did not develop until the mid-1900s. Historical understandings are thus inherently filtered through modern principles, and were largely viewed through a medical lens until the late 1900s.[58] The Hippocratic Corpus (interpreting the writing of Herodotus) describes the "disease of the Scythians" (regarding the Enaree), which it attributes to impotency due to riding on a horse without stirrups. This reference was well discussed by medical writings of the 1500s–1700s. Pierre Petit writing in 1596 viewed the "Scythian disease" as natural variation, but by the 1700s writers viewed it as a "melancholy", or "hysterical" psychiatric disease. By the early 1800s, being transgender separate from Hippocrates' idea of it was claimed to be widely known, but remained poorly documented. Both trans women and trans men were cited in European insane asylums of the early 1800s. One of the earliest recorded gender nonconforming people in America was Thomas(ine) Hall, a seventeenth century colonial servant.[59] The most complete account of the time came from the life of the Chevalier d'Éon (1728–1810), a French diplomat. As cross-dressing became more widespread in the late 1800s, discussion of transgender people increased greatly and writers attempted to explain the origins of being transgender. Much study came out of Germany, and was exported to other Western audiences. Cross-dressing was seen in a pragmatic light until the late 1800s; it had previously served a satirical or disguising purpose. But in the latter half of the 1800s, cross-dressing and being transgender became viewed as an increasing societal danger.[60]

William A. Hammond wrote an 1882 account of transgender Pueblo "shamans" [sic] (mujerados), comparing them to the Scythian disease. Other writers of the late 1700s and 1800s (including Hammond's associates in the American Neurological Association) had noted the widespread nature of transgender cultural practices among native peoples. Explanations varied, but authors generally did not ascribe native transgender practices to psychiatric causes, instead condemning the practices in a religious and moral sense. Native groups provided much study on the subject, and perhaps the majority of all study until after WWII.[60]

Critical studies first began to emerge in the late 1800s in Germany, with the works of Magnus Hirschfeld. Hirschfeld coined the term "Transvestit" in 1910, borrowed from 19th-century French word travesti with the same meaning,[61] as the scope of transgender study grew, and it was translated to English as "transvestite". His work would lead to the 1919 founding of the Institut für Sexualwissenschaft in Berlin. Though Hirscheld's legacy is disputed, he revolutionized the field of study. The Institut was destroyed when the Nazis seized power in 1933, and its research was infamously burned in the May 1933 Nazi book burnings.[62] Transgender issues went largely out of the public eye until after World War II. Even when they re-emerged, they reflected a forensic psychology approach, unlike the more sexological that had been employed in the lost German research.[60][63]

20th century medical understanding

[edit]

Although there are records of gender affirming surgery (SRS) going back to the 2nd century, the first modern types of such practice first appeared in the 20th century.[64][65] In this context, Harry Benjamin suggested that moderate intensity male to female transsexual people may benefit from estrogen medication as a "substitute for or preliminary to operation".[19] In Benjamin's view, people may have had gender affirming surgery even though they do not meet the definition of transsexual,[citation needed] while others do not desire SRS although they fit his definition of a "true transsexual".[citation needed] "Transsexuality" was included for the first time in the DSM-III in 1980 and again in the DSM-III-R in 1987, where it was located under Disorders Usually First Evident in Infancy, Childhood or Adolescence.

Beyond Benjamin's work, which focused on male-to-female (MTF) transsexual people, there are cases of the female to male transsexual, for whom genital surgery may not be practical. Benjamin gave certifying letters to his MTF transsexual patients that stated "Their anatomical sex, that is to say, the body, is male. Their psychological sex, that is to say, the mind, is female." Starting in 1968 Benjamin abandoned his early terminology and adopted that of "gender identity".[42]

Medical diagnosis

[edit]

Transsexualism is no longer classified as a mental disorder in the International Statistical Classification of Diseases and Related Health Problems (ICD). The World Professional Association for Transgender Health (WPATH) and many transsexual people had recommended this removal,[66][67]: 743  arguing that at least some mental health professionals are being insensitive by labelling transsexualism as a "disease" rather than as an inborn trait, as many transsexuals believe it to be.[68] Now, instead, it is classified as a sexual health condition; this classification continues to enable healthcare systems to provide healthcare needs related to gender.[9][failed verification] The eleventh edition was released in June 2018. The previous version, ICD-10, had incorporated transsexualism, dual role transvestism, and gender identity disorder of childhood into its gender identity disorder category. It defined transsexualism as "[a] desire to live and be accepted as a member of the opposite sex, usually accompanied by a sense of discomfort with, or inappropriateness of, one's anatomic sex, and a wish to have surgery and hormonal treatment to make one's body as congruent as possible with one's preferred sex". ICD-11 renamed Transexualism as Gender incongruence of adolescence or adulthood (HA60), and Gender identity disorder of childhood was renamed Gender incongruence of childhood (HA61).

HA60 of the ICD-11 reads:[7]

Gender Incongruence of Adolescence and Adulthood is characterised by a marked and persistent incongruence between an individual's experienced gender and the assigned sex, which often leads to a desire to 'transition', in order to live and be accepted as a person of the experienced gender, through hormonal treatment, surgery or other health care services to make the individual's body align, as much as desired and to the extent possible, with the experienced gender. The diagnosis cannot be assigned prior the onset of puberty. [HA61 applies before puberty] Gender variant behaviour and preferences alone are not a basis for assigning the diagnosis.

[failed verification] Historically, transsexualism has also been included in the American Psychiatric Association's Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM). With the DSM-5, transsexualism was removed as a diagnosis, and a diagnosis of gender dysphoria was created in its place.[69] This change was made to reflect the consensus view by members of the APA that the desire for gender affirming surgery is not, in and of itself, a disorder and that transsexual people should not be stigmatized unnecessarily.[8][failed verification] By including a diagnosis for gender dysphoria, transsexual people are still able to access medical care through the process of transition.

The current diagnosis for transsexual people who present themselves for medical treatment is gender dysphoria (leaving out those who have sexual identity disorders without gender concerns).[69] According to the Standards of care formulated by WPATH, formerly the Harry Benjamin International Gender Dysphoria Association, this diagnostic label is often necessary to obtain gender affirming therapy with health insurance coverage, and the designation of gender identity disorders as mental disorders is not a license for stigmatization or for the deprivation of gender patients' civil rights.[10][70]

Causes, studies, and theories

[edit]

Causes

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Focus on trans women over trans men

[edit]

Historically, formal efforts by the medical community to provide transsexual healthcare were extremely focused on transsexual women, with little thought for transsexual men. Julia Serano suggests that effemimania (the idea that male femininity is more psychopathological than female masculinity) was the driving factor. She sees this as a kind of transmisogyny (hatred of trans women as an extension of sexism).[56]: 126–127  This effimimania conflates male homosexuality, transsexual women, and feminine gender expression, while treating them all as a disease.[56]: 129  She points to the medical community's long love of now outdated theories such as autogynephilia.[56]: 131 

Medical assistance

[edit]

Individuals make different choices regarding gender affirming therapy, which may include hormones, minor to extensive surgery, social changes, and psychological interventions. The extent of medical intervention is a highly personal decision: there is no one-size-fits-all solution.

Hormone replacement therapy

[edit]

Transsexual individuals frequently opt for masculinizing or feminizing hormone replacement therapy (HRT) to modify secondary sex characteristics.

Sex reassignment therapy

[edit]

Sex reassignment therapy (SRT) is an umbrella term for all medical treatments related to gender affirming of both transgender and intersex people. Sex reassignment surgery (such as orchiectomy) alters primary sex characteristics, including chest surgery such as top surgery or breast augmentation, or, in the case of trans women, a trachea shave, facial feminization surgery or permanent hair removal.

To obtain gender affirming therapy, transsexual people are generally required to undergo a psychological evaluation and receive a diagnosis of gender identity disorder in accordance with the Standards of Care (SOC) as published by the World Professional Association for Transgender Health.[10] This assessment is usually accompanied by counseling on issues of adjustment to the desired gender role, effects and risks of medical treatments, and sometimes also by psychological therapy. The SOC are intended as guidelines, not inflexible rules, and are intended to ensure that clients are properly informed and in sound psychological health, and to discourage people from transitioning based on unrealistic expectations.

Gender roles and transitioning

[edit]

After an initial psychological evaluation, trans men and trans women may begin medical treatment, starting with hormone replacement therapy[70][71] or hormone blockers. In these cases, people who change their gender are usually required to live as members of their target gender for at least one year prior to genital surgery, gaining real-life experience, which is sometimes called the "real-life test" (RLT).[70] Transsexual individuals may undergo some, all, or none of the medical procedures available, depending on personal feelings, health, income, and other considerations. Some people posit that transsexualism is a physical condition, not a psychological issue, and assert that gender affirming therapy should be given on request. (Brown 103)

Like other trans people, transsexual people may refer to themselves as trans men or trans women. Transsexual people desire to establish a permanent gender role as a member of the gender with which they identify, and many transsexual people pursue medical interventions as part of the process of expressing their gender. The entire process of switching from one physical sex and social gender presentation to another is often referred to as transitioning, and usually takes several years. Transsexual people who transition usually change their social gender roles, legal names and legal sex designation.[72]

Not all transsexual people undergo a physical transition. Some have obstacles or concerns preventing them from doing so, such as the expense of surgery, the risk of medical complications, or medical conditions which make the use of hormones or surgery dangerous. Others may not identify strongly with another binary gender role. Still others may find balance at a midpoint during the process, regardless of whether or not they are binary-identified. Many transsexual people, including binary-identified transsexual people, do not undergo genital surgery, because they are comfortable with their own genitals, or because they are concerned about nerve damage and the potential loss of sexual pleasure, including orgasm. This is especially so in the case of trans men, many of whom are dissatisfied with the current state of phalloplasty, which is typically very expensive, not covered by health insurance, and commonly does not achieve desired results. For example, not only does phalloplasty not result in a completely natural erection, it may not allow for an erection at all, and its results commonly lack penile sexual sensitivity; in other cases, however, phalloplasty results are satisfying for trans men. By contrast, metoidioplasty, which is more popular, is significantly less expensive and has far better sexual results.[73][74][75]

Transsexual people can be heterosexual, gay, lesbian, or bisexual; many choose the language of how they refer to their sexual orientation based on their gender identity, not their birth assigned sex.[42]

Psychological treatment

[edit]

Psychological techniques that attempt to alter gender identity to one considered appropriate for the person's assigned sex, aka conversion therapy, are ineffective. The widely recognized Standards of Care note that sometimes the only reasonable and effective course of treatment for transsexual people is to go through gender affirming therapy.[70][76]

The need for treatment of transsexual people is emphasized by the high rate of mental health problems, including depression, anxiety, and various addictions, as well as a higher suicide rate among untreated transsexual people than in the general population.[77] These problems are alleviated by a change of gender role and/or physical characteristics.[78]

Many transgender and transsexual activists, and many caregivers, note that these problems are not usually related to the gender identity issues themselves, but the social and cultural responses to gender-variant individuals. Some transsexual people reject the counseling that is recommended by the Standards of Care[70] because they do not consider their gender identity to be a cause of psychological problems.

Brown and Rounsley noted that "some transsexual people acquiesce to legal and medical expectations in order to gain rights granted through the medical/psychological hierarchy." Legal needs, such as a change of sex on legal documents, and medical needs, such as gender affirming surgery, are usually difficult to obtain without a doctor or therapist's approval. Because of this, some transsexual people feel coerced into affirming outdated concepts of gender to overcome simple legal and medical hurdles.[79]

Regrets and detransitions

[edit]

People who undergo gender affirming surgery can develop regret for the procedure later in life, largely predicted by a lack of support from family or peers, with data from the 1990s suggesting a rate of 3.8%.[80][81] In a 2001 study of 232 MTF patients who underwent GRS, none of the patients reported complete regret and only 6% reported partial or occasional regrets.[82] A 2009 review of Medline literature suggests the total rate of patients expressing feelings of doubt or regret is estimated to be as high as 8%.[83]

A 2010 meta-study, based on 28 previous long-term studies of transsexual men and women, found that the overall psychological functioning of transsexual people after transition was similar to that of the general population and significantly better than that of untreated transsexual people.[84]

Demographics

[edit]

Estimates of the population of transsexual people are highly dependent on the specific case definitions used in the studies, with prevalence rates varying by orders of magnitude.[85] In the United States, the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-V 2013) gives the following estimates: "For natal adult males [MTF], prevalence ranges from 0.005% to 0.014%, and for natal females [FTM], from 0.002% to 0.003%." It states, however, that these are likely underestimates since the figures are based on referrals to specialty clinics.[86]

The Amsterdam Gender Dysphoria Clinic over four decades has treated roughly 95% of Dutch transsexual clients, and it suggests (1997) a prevalence of 1:10,000 among assigned males and 1:30,000 among assigned females.[87]

Olyslager and Conway presented a paper[88] at the WPATH 20th International Symposium (2007) arguing that the data from their own and other studies actually imply much higher prevalence, with minimum lower bounds of 1:4,500 male-to-female transsexual people and 1:8,000 female-to-male transsexual people for a number of countries worldwide. They estimate the number of post-op women in the US to be 32,000 and obtain a figure of 1:2500 male-to-female transsexual people. They further compare the annual instances of gender affirming surgery (SRS) and male birth in the U.S. to obtain a figure of 1:1000 MTF transsexual people and suggest a prevalence of 1:500 extrapolated from the rising rates of SRS in the US and a "common sense" estimate of the number of undiagnosed transsexual people. Olyslager and Conway also argue that the US population of assigned males having already undergone reassignment surgery by the top three US SRS surgeons alone is enough to account for the entire transsexual population implied by the 1:10,000 prevalence number, yet this excludes all other US SRS surgeons, surgeons in countries such as Thailand, Canada, and others, and the high proportion of transsexual people who have not yet sought treatment, suggesting that a prevalence of 1:10,000 is too low.

A 2008 study of the number of New Zealand passport holders who changed the sex on their passport estimated that 1:3,639 birth-assigned males and 1:22,714 birth-assigned females were transsexual.[89]

A 2008 presentation at the LGBT Health Summit in Bristol, UK,[90] showed that the prevalence of transsexual people in the UK was increasing (14% per year) and that the mean age of transition was rising.

Though no direct studies on the prevalence of gender identity disorder (GID) have been done, a variety of clinical papers published in the past 20 years provide estimates ranging from 1:7,400 to 1:42,000 in assigned males and 1:30,040 to 1:104,000 in assigned females.[91]

In 2015, the National Center for Transgender Equality conducted a National Transgender Discrimination Survey. Of the 27,715 transgender and genderqueer people who took the survey, 35% identified as "non-binary", 33% identified as transgender women, 29% identified as transgender men, and 3% said that "crossdresser" best described their gender identity.[92][93]

A 2016 systematic review and meta-analysis of "how various definitions of transgender affect prevalence estimates" in 27 studies found a meta-prevalence (mP) estimates per 100,000 population of 9.2 (95% CI = 4.9–13.6), equal to 1:11,000 for surgical or hormonal gender affirmation therapy and 6.8 (95% CI = 4.6–9.1), equal to 1:15,000 for transgender-related medical condition diagnoses. Of studies assessing self-reported transgender identity, prevalence was 355 (95% CI = 144–566), equal to 1 in 282. However, a single outlier study would have influenced the result to 871 (95% CI = 519–1,224), equal to 1 in 115; this study was removed. "Significant heterogeneity was observed in most analyses."[85]

Those with an autism spectrum disorder or schizophrenia are transsexuals more often than the general population.[94]

Country Publication Year Incidence in males Incidence in females
US DSM-IV 1994 1:30,000 1:100,000
Netherlands The Journal of Clinical Endocrinology & Metabolism 1997 1:10,000 1:30,000
US International Journal of Transgenderism 2007 1:4,500 1:8,000
New Zealand Australian and New Zealand Journal of Psychiatry 2008 1:3,639 1:22,714
US The Journal of Sexual Medicine 2016 1:11,000 1:15,000

Society and culture

[edit]

A number of Native American and First Nations cultures have traditional social and ceremonial roles for individuals who do not fit into the usual roles for males and females in that culture. These roles can vary widely between tribes, because gender roles, when they exist at all, also vary considerably among different Native cultures. However, a modern, pan-Indian status known as Two-Spirit has emerged among LGBTQ Natives in recent years.[95]

[edit]
Poland's Anna Grodzka[96] is the first transsexual MP in the history of Europe to have had gender affirming surgery.[97]
Transsexual woman July Schultz displaying her palm with the letters "XY" written on it at an outdoor demonstration.[98]

Laws regarding changes to the legal status of transsexual people are different from country to country. Some jurisdictions allow an individual to change their name, and sometimes, their legal gender, to reflect their gender identity. Within the US, some states allow amendments or complete replacement of the original birth certificates.[99] Some states seal earlier records against all but court orders in order to protect the transsexual person's privacy.

In many places, it is not possible to change birth records or other legal designations of sex, although changes are occurring. Estelle Asmodelle's book documented her struggle to change the Australian birth certificate and passport laws, although there are other individuals who have been instrumental in changing laws and thus attaining more acceptance for transsexual people in general.

Medical treatment for transsexual and transgender people is available in most Western countries. However, transsexual and transgender people challenge the "normative" gender roles of many cultures and often face considerable hatred and prejudice. The film Boys Don't Cry chronicles the case of Brandon Teena, a transsexual man who was raped and murdered after his status was discovered. In 1999 Brandon was memorialised in the first Transgender Day of Remembrance.[100] The Transgender Day of Remembrance is observed annually on November 20 by members of the transgender community and LGBT+ organisations across the world.[101][102]

Jurisdictions allowing changes to birth records generally allow trans people to marry members of the opposite sex to their gender identity and to adopt children. Jurisdictions which prohibit same sex marriage often require pre-transition marriages to be ended before they will issue an amended birth certificate.[103]

Health-practitioner manuals, professional journalistic style guides, and LGBT advocacy groups advise the adoption by others of the name and pronouns identified by the person in question, including present references to the transgender or transsexual person's past.[104][105][106] Family members and friends who may be confused about pronoun usage or the definitions of sex are commonly instructed in proper pronoun usage, either by the transsexual person or by professionals or other persons familiar with pronoun usage as it relates to transsexual people. Sometimes transsexual people have to correct their friends and family members many times before they begin to use the transsexual person's desired pronouns consistently. According to Julia Serano, deliberate mis-gendering of transsexual people is "an arrogant attempt to belittle and humiliate trans people".[107]

Both "transsexualism" and "gender identity disorders not resulting from physical impairments" are specifically excluded from coverage under the Americans with Disabilities Act Section 12211.[108] Gender dysphoria is not excluded.[109]

Employment issues

[edit]

Openly transsexual people can have difficulty maintaining employment. Most find it necessary to remain employed during transition in order to cover the costs of living and transition. However, employment discrimination against trans people is rampant and many of them are fired when they come out or are involuntarily outed at work.[110] Transsexual people must decide whether to transition on-the-job, or to find a new job when they make their social transition. Other stresses that transsexual people face in the workplace are being fearful of coworkers negatively responding to their transition, and losing job experience under a previous name—even deciding which rest room to use can prove challenging.[111] Finding employment can be especially challenging for those in mid-transition.

Laws regarding name and gender changes in many countries make it difficult for transsexual people to conceal their trans status from their employers.[112] Because the Harry Benjamin Standards of Care requires one-year of real life experience prior to SRS, some feel this creates a Catch-22 situation which makes it difficult for trans people to remain employed or obtain SRS.

In many countries, laws provide protection from workplace discrimination based on gender identity or gender expression, including masculine women and feminine men. An increasing number of companies are including "gender identity and expression" in their non-discrimination policies.[99][113] Often these laws and policies do not cover all situations and are not strictly enforced. California's anti-discrimination laws protect transsexual persons in the workplace and specifically prohibit employers from terminating or refusing to hire a person based on their gender identity. The European Union provides employment protection as part of gender discrimination protections following the European Court of Justice decisions in P v S and Cornwall County Council.[114]

In the United States National Transgender Discrimination Survey, 44% of respondents reported not getting a job they applied for because of being transgender.[93] 36% of trans women reported losing a job due to discrimination compared to 19% of trans men.[93] 54% of trans women and 50% of trans men report having been harassed in the workplace.[93] Transgender people who have been fired due to bias are more than 34 times likely than members of the general population to attempt suicide.[93]

Stealth

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Many transsexual men and women choose to live completely as members of their gender without disclosing details of their birth-assigned sex. This approach is sometimes called stealth.[115] Stealth transsexuals choose not to disclose their past for numerous reasons, including fear of discrimination and fear of physical violence.[93]: 63  There are examples of people having been denied medical treatment upon discovery of their trans status, whether it was revealed by the patient or inadvertently discovered by the doctors.[116]

In the media

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Nina Poon, a transsexual model who has appeared in Kenneth Cole ads, at the 2010 Tribeca Film Festival

Before transsexual people were depicted in popular movies and television shows, Aleshia Brevard—a transsexual woman whose surgery took place in 1962[117]: 3 —was actively working as an actress[117]: 141  and model[117]: 200  in Hollywood and New York throughout the 1960s and 1970s. Aleshia never portrayed a transsexual person, though she appeared in eight Hollywood-produced films, on most of the popular variety shows of the day, including The Dean Martin Show, and was a regular on The Red Skelton Show and One Life to Live before returning to university to teach drama and acting.[117][118][user-generated source]

In pageantry

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Since 2004, with the goal of crowning the top transsexual of the world, a beauty pageant by the name of The World's Most Beautiful Transsexual Contest was held in Las Vegas, Nevada. The pageant accepted pre-operation and post-operation trans women, but required proof of their gender at birth. The winner of the 2004 pageant was a woman named Mimi Marks.[119]

Jenna Talackova, a 23-year-old woman, successfully challenged Donald Trump and the Miss Universe Canada pageant, leading to the removal of the ban on transgender contestants. She participated in the pageant held in Toronto on May 19, 2012.[120] On January 12, 2013, Kylan Arianna Wenzel was the first transgender woman allowed to compete in a Miss Universe Organization pageant since Donald Trump changed the rules to allow women like Wenzel to enter officially. Wenzel was the first transgender woman to compete in a Miss Universe Organization pageant since officials disqualified 23-year-old Miss Canada Jenna Talackova the previous year after learning she was transgender.[121][122]

See also

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References

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Bibliography

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Transsexualism is a condition characterized by a persistent incongruence between an individual's biological sex and their psychological identification with the opposite sex, often manifesting as that prompts efforts to live socially and physically as that sex through hormone administration, surgery, and behavioral changes. The term originated in the early 20th century, coined by German sexologist to describe individuals seeking surgical alteration of sex characteristics, with the first such procedures performed in at Hirschfeld's Institute for Sexual Science in . Historically rare, transsexualism has shown clinical rates of approximately 4.6 per 100,000 individuals based on meta-analyses of treatment-seeking cases, though self-reported identification has risen sharply in recent decades, potentially reflecting diagnostic expansion or social factors rather than increased incidence of the underlying condition. Etiological research remains inconclusive, with limited evidence for genetic or prenatal hormonal contributions and no robust demonstration of structures aligning with identified over biological sex; proposed neural differences have faced methodological criticism for small samples, postmortem confounds, and failure to account for plasticity from hormones or lifestyle. Medical interventions, including cross-sex hormones and sex reassignment surgery, are pursued to mitigate , yielding short-term reductions in distress for many, yet long-term follow-up reveals persistently elevated rates of , mortality, and psychiatric morbidity compared to the general , even decades post-treatment. , involving cessation of transition and reversion to biological sex-aligned living, occurs in 0-13% of cases depending on definitions and follow-up, often linked to unresolved comorbidities like trauma or autism rather than external pressure alone. These outcomes fuel debates over treatment efficacy, particularly in where desistance rates exceed 80% without intervention, and underscore the absence of curative mechanisms given sex's immutable biological basis in gamete production and reproductive .

Definitions and Terminology

Etymology and Historical Origins

The term "transsexual" derives from the prefix trans-, meaning "across" or "beyond," combined with sexual, referring to biological sex, to denote a state or individual involving a crossing from one sex to the other. Its earliest documented English usage appears in around 1907, though in a limited sense unrelated to the modern condition of desiring physical sex change. In German, sexologist employed the related concept of seelischer Transsexualismus ("psychic transsexualism") in 1923 to describe cases where an individual's inner sense of conflicted deeply with their anatomical , distinguishing it from mere (Transvestitismus), which he had termed in 1910. However, Hirschfeld's usage emphasized psychological mismatch rather than the imperative for surgical or hormonal alteration central to later definitions. The English term "transsexual" gained prominence in 1949 through American physician David Oliver Cauldwell, who introduced psychopathia transsexualis in a paper distinguishing it from transvestism as a pathological drive to adopt the opposite sex's physical form, not just clothing. Cauldwell's framing portrayed it as a rare, congenital disorder requiring psychiatric intervention, drawing on earlier sexological works but applying the term to individuals exhibiting insistent demands for bodily modification. This marked a shift toward viewing transsexualism as a distinct clinical entity amenable to medical treatment, influencing subsequent endocrinologist , who adopted and expanded the term in the 1950s through case studies of patients seeking genital surgery and . Benjamin's 1953 coinage of "transsexualism" as an intense desire to change one's phenotypic sex further solidified its medical origins, predating broader cultural adoptions. Historically, the concept's roots trace to 19th-century European sexology, where figures like described "urnings" (innate female souls in male bodies) in the , but without the specific terminology or emphasis on surgical transition. Early 20th-century , including Hirschfeld's observations at his Institute for Sexual Science (founded ), documented over 20 surgical interventions on "transvestites" by 1930, though these predated standardized use of "transsexual" and often conflated fetishistic with deeper identity distress. By the mid-20th century, amid post-World War II advancements in and , the term crystallized around empirical cases of individuals like , whose 1952 orchiectomy and in exemplified the phenomenon Benjamin termed, shifting focus from inversion theories to treatable incongruence. This evolution reflected causal attributions to innate biological mismatches, though early sources like Cauldwell stressed psychopathological elements over purely somatic ones.

Distinction from Transgender and Gender Identity Concepts

The term "transsexual" originated in the mid-20th century medical literature to describe individuals experiencing severe gender dysphoria who sought hormonal and surgical interventions to align their physical bodies with their perceived gender, emphasizing a congruence between somatic sex characteristics and psychological identification. This usage, formalized in the DSM-III (1980) as "transsexualism," framed the condition as a psychosexual disorder amenable to medical treatment, distinct from mere cross-dressing or transient identity exploration. In contrast, "transgender" emerged in the 1990s as an umbrella term encompassing a wider spectrum of experiences where an individual's self-reported gender identity diverges from their biological sex determined at birth, without requiring medical transition or implying a fixed binary outcome. This broader conceptualization includes non-binary identities, social presentation changes without hormones or surgery, and identities not predicated on physical modification, reflecting a shift influenced by cultural and activist movements toward depathologizing variance in self-perception. The American Psychiatric Association's DSM-IV (1994) replaced "transsexualism" with "gender identity disorder" to reduce stigma associated with medicalized language, further aligning diagnostic criteria with subjective identity reports over objective physiological criteria. Gender identity concepts, central to frameworks, prioritize an internal, subjective sense of —often described as innate and potentially fluid—over empirical markers of biological sex such as chromosomes, gametes, or reproductive . This differs from transsexual paradigms, which historically demanded evidence of persistent and pursuit of irreversible bodily alterations for validation, viewing identity as secondary to achieving somatic alignment. Some individuals identifying as transsexual reject the label, arguing it obscures the specificity of medical transition and dilutes focus on 's physiological distress, a perspective rooted in pre-1990s clinical practices. The terminological has been critiqued for prioritizing ideological inclusivity over diagnostic precision, potentially conflating verifiable medical needs with unverified self-identifications.

Implications of Surgical and Hormonal Status

in transsexual individuals induces secondary sex characteristics opposite to biological sex but carries significant risks. For biological males receiving and anti-androgens, risks include elevated venous thromboembolism (up to 5-fold increase), cardiovascular events such as and , and potential exacerbation of and . Biological females on testosterone face , erythrocytosis leading to clotting risks, hepatic dysfunction, and possible androgenic alopecia or , with emerging data suggesting increased cardiovascular mortality over decades of use. Both regimens often result in , with preservation recommended but infrequently pursued; ovarian suppression in trans men and in trans women render natural impossible without advanced interventions like prior to treatment. Long-term skeletal effects include reduced density in trans women due to estrogen deficiency if precedes therapy, necessitating monitoring to avert . Sex reassignment surgeries, such as , , or , produce neogenitalia or altered but entail high complication rates and functional limitations. in biological males yields neovaginas requiring lifelong dilation to prevent , with complication rates of 20-30% including fistulas, , and ; sexual sensation and lubrication remain inferior to natal , often necessitating ongoing medical support. in biological females involves multiple staged procedures with flap failure risks up to 20%, urinary complications in over 40%, and erectile implants prone to malfunction, limiting reliable penetrative function. , while lower risk, can result in nipple loss or asymmetry in 10-15% of cases. These interventions are irreversible, with revisions costly and complex; hormonal preconditioning is standard to optimize tissue but amplifies surgical risks like poor . Post-treatment outcomes reveal persistent elevations in morbidity despite some reported short-term relief. A 30-year Swedish of 324 post-surgical transsexuals found 19.1 times higher rates in the first decade post-surgery compared to controls, remaining 4.9 times higher thereafter, alongside increased psychiatric hospitalization and overall mortality from cardiovascular causes. Systematic reviews estimate surgical regret at 1-2%, predominantly low due to short follow-up and high loss-to-follow-up (up to 30%), though surveys indicate 5-13% rates, often citing unresolved or external pressures, with internal reidentification comprising 5-10% in rigorous estimates. Quality-of-life improvements are noted in select studies, but meta-analyses highlight non-normalization of , with comorbid conditions like depression persisting at 2-3 times general rates. These findings underscore that surgical and hormonal status alters but does not eradicate underlying vulnerabilities, as evidenced by cohort data spanning decades.

Biological Foundations

Immutable Characteristics of Biological Sex

Biological sex in humans is defined by the production of distinct types, rendering it a : males are organized to produce small, mobile (), while females produce large, immobile (ova). This dimorphism arises from , a fundamental reproductive observed across sexually reproducing , including mammals, where no third gamete type exists. The developmental pathway for gamete production is initiated at fertilization and cannot be altered post-conception, as requires the retention of either the full set of oogenic or spermatogenic machinery from embryonic stages. Sex determination in humans is genetically encoded by , with XX directing ovarian development and in s, and XY triggering testicular development and in s via the SRY on the . These chromosomal configurations are immutable, fixed at the moment of formation and present in nearly every nucleated cell of the body, resisting any form of therapeutic modification. Gonadal tissue further embodies this immutability: testes secrete to regress internal structures and promote male ductal systems, while ovaries facilitate female reproductive tract formation; surgical removal or hormonal suppression does not reprogram these primordial tissues to produce the opposite type. Disorders of sex development (DSDs), which disrupt typical gonadal or genital formation, occur in approximately 1 in 4,500 to 5,500 live births and represent developmental anomalies rather than a spectrum or third category of . In such cases, affected individuals retain an underlying chromosomal sex (e.g., 46,XY males with incomplete masculinization) and are typically infertile, failing to produce functional s of either type, but they do not generate intermediate or novel reproductive cells that challenge the binary framework. Medical interventions like hormone replacement or gonadectomy alter phenotypic expression—such as secondary sex characteristics or external genitalia—but leave the core reproductive architecture, including gametic potential and chromosomal identity, unchanged. Empirical evidence from confirms that no human has ever transitioned from producing one gamete type to the other, underscoring sex as an immutable trait oriented toward .

Critiques of Brain Sex and Neurological Theories

Neurological theories proposing a "brain sex" mismatch in transsexual individuals—wherein structures allegedly resemble those of the identified rather than biological sex—have been advanced to explain through atypical prenatal , often citing differences in regions like the bed nucleus of the (BSTc). However, these claims rest on limited empirical foundations, with critiques emphasizing methodological weaknesses that undermine causal inferences. Foundational studies, such as Zhou et al.'s postmortem analysis of the BSTc in six trans women, relied on samples as small as 12 brains total and have not been replicated in larger cohorts. Subsequent efforts, including MRI-based volumetric comparisons, exhibit inconsistent results across studies, with replication attempts yielding contradictory or null findings due to variability in measurement techniques and participant selection. A primary confound arises from plasticity and external influences, as many studies include participants who have undergone cross-sex (HRT), which demonstrably alters volume and connectivity independently of any innate differences. For instance, pre-HRT trans women often show elevated volumes in structures like the and insula compared to both men and women, but post-HRT scans reveal shifts that blur distinctions without achieving full alignment with female-typical patterns. Critiques highlight that such changes likely reflect experiential or therapeutic effects rather than prenatal origins, as longitudinal data distinguishing cause from effect remain scarce, and controls for factors like or are often inadequate. Moreover, human brains exhibit substantial intra-sex overlap and mosaicism—mixtures of male- and female-typical features—precluding a binary "trans brain" category that shifts wholly toward the opposite sex. Causation remains unestablished, as observed differences correlate with but do not predict ; multivariate classifiers trained on brains misclassify trans women's structures as intermediate or distinct from both sexes, with true positive rates for classification dropping to 56% pre-HRT but failing to consistently match norms. Reviews of over 100 biological studies since 1990 conclude that neuroanatomical evidence is inconclusive for , prone to interpretive biases and risks of overstatement in non-peer-reviewed contexts. These limitations suggest that neurological variations may result from reinforcement or rather than drive , aligning with broader skepticism toward deterministic models that overlook postnatal social and psychological factors.

Genetic, Hormonal, and Developmental Influences

Twin studies on have produced inconsistent estimates, ranging from 0% in a large Swedish register-based population study showing no concordance among same-sex twins to 62% in a smaller and adolescent sample. Genome-wide association studies have not identified significant loci specific to transsexualism, though small-scale candidate gene analyses report associations between polymorphisms in signaling genes, such as the and , and gender dysphoria in women (sample sizes typically under 400). These genetic findings remain preliminary and un-replicated at scale, with overall evidence pointing to low or negligible inherited genetic contributions compared to like . Prenatal hormonal influences, particularly exposure, have been hypothesized to contribute to , with atypical levels potentially altering sexually dimorphic development. The 2D:4D , a purported proxy for prenatal testosterone exposure (lower ratios indicating higher exposure), shows mixed results: meta-analyses indicate feminized (higher) ratios in transwomen relative to natal males, suggesting reduced prenatal androgens, while findings for transmen are heterogeneous with small effect sizes. Direct evidence from conditions of disordered sex development, such as , links elevated prenatal androgens in females to increased tomboyish behaviors but not consistently to persistent adult transsexualism. Developmentally, exhibits high fluidity, with longitudinal studies reporting desistance rates of 80% or more by among clinic-referred youth, particularly boys, implying limited early biological entrenchment and substantial postnatal environmental modulation. Persistence appears lower in early-onset cases without comorbid autism or trauma, but overall trajectories underscore that childhood cross-gender identification rarely predicts lifelong transsexualism, contrasting with more stable biological sex-linked traits.

Historical Development

Pre-20th Century Cases and Cultural Interpretations

In ancient civilizations, certain ritualistic practices involved individuals adopting cross-gender presentations, often tied to religious devotion rather than . The , eunuch priests of the Phrygian goddess adopted in Roman culture from the BCE, ritually castrated themselves during ecstatic festivals, dressed in women's clothing, wore makeup, and performed feminine dances, embodying a liminal to serve the . These practices, documented in sources like Ovid's (1st century CE), were communal and cult-specific, not indicative of individualized desires for permanent sex change, and carried outside religious contexts. Similarly, in , hijras—castrated males or individuals forming a third-gender category—performed ceremonial roles such as blessing newborns, with roots traceable to ancient texts like the (c. 400 BCE–200 CE), though institutionalization intensified under Mughal rule from the . Eunuchs in imperial courts across Persia, , and China, often castrated prepubertally for administrative roles, sometimes adopted feminine attire or behaviors, but this stemmed from enforced sterilization for loyalty and power dynamics, not autonomous incongruence. Documented individual cases of sustained cross-sex living in before the 20th century were rare and often motivated by , professional necessity, or personal eccentricity rather than medicalized . Charles-Geneviève-Louis-Auguste-André-Timothée d'Éon de Beaumont (1728–1810), a French diplomat and soldier, lived publicly as a man during military service in the Seven Years' War (1756–1763) but adopted female attire from 1777 onward, receiving royal recognition as female from King amid wagers on his sex; postmortem examination in 1810 confirmed male anatomy, suggesting pragmatic for disguise or financial gain over innate identity shift. Likewise, Margaret Anne Bulkley (c. 1789–1865), who lived as Dr. James Barry, a British military surgeon advancing hygiene practices like handwashing, concealed female biology to pursue medicine barred to women, maintaining male presentation from entry in 1809 until death, when servants discovered her sex while preparing the body. Claims of identity for figures like (r. 218–222 CE), who reportedly sought surgical genital alteration per hostile ancient biographers and , are likely propagandistic exaggerations to delegitimize his rule, as contemporary historians caution against anachronistic interpretations lacking corroborative evidence. These pre-modern instances, while involving gender nonconformity, differed fundamentally from 20th-century transsexualism: they lacked hormonal or surgical frameworks, were infrequently driven by psychological distress over biological sex, and often served cultural, religious, or utilitarian purposes amid rigid sex roles, with limited societal acceptance even in specialized contexts. Medieval European records, such as hagiographies of female-assigned saints like St. Wilgefortis (venerated 14th century) depicted with beards to symbolize chastity, reflect symbolic rather than literal cross-gender embodiment, underscoring interpretive variances over empirical precedents. Overall, such cases highlight episodic deviations rather than a continuous historical lineage of transsexual phenomenology.

20th Century Medicalization and Early Interventions

In the early , the medicalization of what would later be termed transsexualism emerged primarily in , driven by sexologists who framed cross-gender identification as a pathological condition amenable to hormonal and surgical intervention. , a German physician and sex researcher, established the in in 1919, which became the first institution to systematically study and treat individuals seeking to alter their physical sex characteristics. The institute provided hormone treatments and performed experimental surgeries, including orchiectomies and rudimentary genital reconstructions, often justified as preventive measures against among patients exhibiting persistent cross-gender behaviors. Pioneering surgical cases at Hirschfeld's institute included , who underwent a in 1931, marking one of the earliest documented instances of male-to-female genital reconstruction. Richter had previously received an in 1922, reflecting the incremental and high-risk nature of these procedures, which lacked standardized techniques or antibiotics. Similarly, Danish artist (born Einar Wegener) consulted Hirschfeld and underwent a series of five surgeries between 1930 and 1931 in and , including gonadectomy, , and an attempted uterus transplant; she died in September 1931 from postoperative complications, including infection and rejection. These interventions highlighted the era's experimental approach, with mortality rates elevated due to limited medical technology and understanding of endocrine systems. Progress was disrupted in 1933 when Nazi forces raided and burned the institute's library, destroying records and scattering practitioners, which effectively ended organized European efforts until after . In the United States, endocrinologist began documenting and treating cases of what he described as "transsexualism" in the late 1930s, distinguishing it from transvestism by emphasizing patients' desires for irreversible physical sex change rather than mere . Benjamin's initial ten patients, treated between 1938 and 1953, primarily received estrogen therapy to induce feminization, with some pursuing abroad; he reported on their self-descriptions of innate gender incongruence, often accompanied by psychological distress, though outcomes varied and long-term data were sparse. A landmark case that publicized these interventions was that of (born George William Jorgensen Jr.), who traveled to in 1950 for under psychiatrist Christian Hamburger and underwent in 1951 followed by in 1952 at Copenhagen University Hospital. Jorgensen's transformation, achieved through synthetic estrogens like and surgical removal of male genitalia, garnered international media attention upon her return to the U.S. in December 1952, framing transsexualism as a treatable medical condition rather than mere eccentricity. Early hormone regimens, drawing from 1930s advancements in estrogen synthesis, aimed to suppress secondary male sex characteristics and promote , but carried risks including and incomplete phenotypic changes, underscoring the nascent and non-standardized state of interventions.

Post-2000 Expansion and Societal Shifts

Referrals to specialist services for children and adolescents in the increased dramatically post-2000, rising from approximately 210 per year in 2011-2012 to over 5,000 per year by the late 2010s. Recorded prevalence of or incongruence among children and young people in English showed a 50-fold increase from 2011 to 2021, though absolute numbers remained low at about one in 1,200 by 2021. Similarly, rates of identity in UK records rose fivefold from 2000 to 2018, with the sharpest increases among those aged 16-29. These trends paralleled expansions in other Western countries, including a twofold to threefold rise in referrals across multiple nations. Demographic patterns shifted notably, with adolescent females comprising a growing proportion of cases. Pre-2000, gender dysphoria presentations were predominantly among prepubertal boys or adult homosexual males seeking transition; post-2010, clinics reported a reversal, with natal females (assigned female at birth) outnumbering males in referrals, often with sudden onset during or after . This included cases described by parents as "rapid-onset " (ROGD), characterized by abrupt identification following peer influence or online exposure, distinct from earlier childhood-onset patterns. Such shifts have prompted hypotheses of , supported by cluster patterns in friendship groups and heightened online visibility, though mainstream institutions like the have downplayed these factors amid critiques of ideological bias in care guidelines. Societal visibility accelerated via platforms and media, fostering greater public awareness but also correlating with identification surges among youth. Post-2000, representation in U.S. newspapers and increased, influencing self-perception particularly among adolescents exposed to algorithms amplifying gender-related content. Policy responses initially emphasized "gender-affirming" models, with expansions in access to blockers and hormones; however, empirical scrutiny revealed low-quality evidence for benefits and risks like and loss. The 2024 Cass Review, an independent UK analysis commissioned by the NHS, concluded that medical interventions for minors lack robust support, recommending holistic assessments over routine affirmation and restricting puberty blockers outside trials due to insufficient long-term data. This prompted policy reversals, including NHS service restructurings and restrictions in Sweden, Finland, and Norway on youth transitions, reflecting growing recognition of comorbidities like autism and mental health issues in up to 70% of cases. Detransition rates remain understudied but evidenced in surveys, with predictors including ROGD and non-binary identities; reported regret is low (under 1% in some clinic follow-ups) yet likely underestimated due to loss to follow-up exceeding 50% in key studies. These developments underscore tensions between rapid societal normalization and emerging causal evidence favoring caution, particularly given historical desistance rates of 80-90% in pre-pubertal cohorts without intervention.

Etiology and Causal Theories

Psychological and Comorbid Mental Health Factors

Individuals with gender dysphoria exhibit markedly elevated rates of comorbid psychiatric disorders relative to the general population. In a clinical cohort of over 10,000 patients, 58% received at least one psychiatric , compared to 13.6% among non-transgender controls. Common conditions include mood disorders (prevalence up to 91% in some inpatient samples), anxiety disorders (65%), and personality disorders. A confirmed higher overall of disorders in individuals, attributing this to factors beyond societal stigma alone. Depression affects 33-50% of adolescents and young adults with , while anxiety impacts 26-63% in similar groups; reaches 30-95% lifetime rates among those under 30. Substance use disorders are also prevalent, with alcohol misuse reported in 70-82% of adolescents and involvement variable but elevated. disorders co-occur at rates of 33-65% for disordered behaviors in , and in approximately 30% across ages. Autism spectrum disorder (ASD) shows a robust association, with meta-analytic evidence indicating an 11% prevalence of ASD diagnoses among those with gender dysphoria—substantially exceeding general population estimates of 1-2%—and moderately elevated ASD traits (Hedges' g = 0.67). Autistic individuals are 4 times more likely to receive a diagnosis, suggesting potential overlaps in neurodevelopmental pathways or diagnostic overshadowing. These comorbidities persist long-term despite gender-affirming interventions. A Swedish cohort study of 324 sex-reassigned individuals followed for up to 30 years (mean 10.4) found adjusted hazard ratios of 19.1 for completed , 4.9 for suicide attempts, and 2.8 for psychiatric , all relative to matched controls of the birth sex. Male-to-female transsexuals exhibited particularly elevated risks for attempts (aHR 9.3-10.4). Such findings indicate that surgical and hormonal transitions do not mitigate underlying psychiatric vulnerabilities, raising questions about as a primary condition versus a symptomatic expression of broader disturbances.

Social Contagion and Rapid Onset Phenomena

The hypothesis of rapid-onset (ROGD) posits that can emerge abruptly during or after in adolescents and young adults who previously showed no signs of childhood-onset dysphoria, potentially influenced by social and peer factors. This phenomenon was first systematically described in a 2018 study by Lisa Littman, which analyzed parental reports from 256 families recruited via online surveys; it identified patterns including a predominance of natal females (83.8%), sudden declarations of identity often following increased use or peer discussions (86.7% reported intensified online activity), and clustering within friend groups where multiple members simultaneously identified as (62.5%). Parents also noted preexisting issues in 63.5% of cases, such as anxiety or depression, preceding the onset. Empirical observations from gender clinics support elements of social clustering. For instance, referrals to the UK's (GIDS) escalated dramatically from 97 in 2009 to over 2,500 by 2018, with a marked shift toward adolescent females comprising 76% of cases by 2019—contrasting earlier patterns dominated by prepubertal boys. The 2024 Cass Review, an independent evaluation commissioned by , explicitly references ROGD as a described clinical presentation occurring in amid peer contexts and highlights peer contagion and as plausible contributors to this surge, beyond mere increased awareness. It notes that online communities may amplify identity exploration, with young people encountering narratives that normalize rapid gender transitions. Proponents of the model argue it aligns with historical precedents of peer-influenced behaviors, such as eating disorders or clusters among adolescent girls, where social reinforcement via media and groups exacerbates vulnerability. Clinical whistleblowers, including from the GIDS, have reported instances of entire school friend groups presenting with synchronized claims, often without historical indicators. While critics, including some pediatric associations, assert insufficient causal proof and attribute rises to destigmatization, these counterclaims often rely on population surveys of self-identified youth rather than clinic cohorts, potentially undercapturing acute dysphoria presentations; the Cass Review critiques the low-quality evidence base overall but does not dismiss social factors. Longitudinal data gaps persist, but the temporal correlation with proliferation—such as Tumblr and algorithms promoting transition content—coincides with the post-2010 referral spike across Western clinics.

Autogynephilia and Non-Homosexual Motivations

Autogynephilia refers to a male's paraphilic in response to the thought or image of oneself as a , as conceptualized by sexologist in his typology of male-to-female (MtF) transsexualism. Blanchard's framework, developed from clinical observations and phallometric testing in the 1980s at the Clarke Institute of Psychiatry in , distinguishes two primary types of MtF transsexuals: homosexual transsexuals, who are exclusively attracted to men and exhibit early, persistent without significant autogynephilic elements; and non-homosexual transsexuals, who are gynephilic (attracted to women), analloerotic (asexual), or bisexual, and whose is predominantly driven by autogynephilic fantasies that emerge later in or adulthood. Empirical support for this distinction includes Blanchard's 1989 study of 193 MtF patients, where non-homosexual individuals reported significantly higher levels of and to compared to homosexual counterparts, with phallometric responses confirming erotic responsiveness to feminine self-images in the former group. Subsequent research by , analyzing self-reports from over 200 MtF individuals who underwent sex reassignment surgery between 1994 and 2007, found that approximately 75-90% of non-homosexual MtF transsexuals endorsed autogynephilic ideation, often predating overt and persisting post-transition as a core motivator for . studies, such as a 2011 analysis of volumes in 24 homosexual and non-homosexual MtF transsexuals, have corroborated the typology by showing distinct patterns: non-homosexuals exhibit cortical structures more akin to gynephilic males than to homosexual transsexuals or natal females, challenging innate "brain sex" explanations for this subgroup. Prevalence data indicate that autogynephilic, non-homosexual MtF transsexuals constitute the majority of cases in Western clinical samples post-1980s, with Lawrence estimating they outnumber homosexual transsexuals by ratios of 2:1 to 4:1 in and , potentially reflecting diagnostic shifts away from stricter criteria favoring early-onset cases. Blanchard has further posited that autogynephilia may affect up to 3% of natal males subclinically, with its escalation to transsexualism representing a rare but intensifying amid cultural changes. This erotic underpinning suggests non-homosexual motivations diverge from homosexual transsexuals' apparent alignment with effeminate male , implying that for many, transition serves to actualize autogynephilic scenarios rather than resolve an intrinsic incongruence between biological sex and identity. Critiques of the theory, such as Moser's 2010 analysis claiming autogynephilic-like responses in natal females, have been advanced in peer-reviewed outlets, yet these often rely on non-clinical samples and fail to account for phallometric specificity or the paraphilic intensity observed in males. Blanchard's model withstands such challenges through replicable typology validations, including differential histories of childhood behavior and partner preferences, underscoring autogynephilia's role in explaining why non-homosexual MtF cases frequently involve adult-onset , heterosexual marriage histories, and autogynephilic content in pre-transition . Institutional resistance to this framework, evident in limited funding and publication biases within clinics, may stem from its incompatibility with affirmative treatment paradigms that prioritize identity validation over etiological scrutiny.

Diagnosis and Classification

DSM and ICD Criteria for Gender Dysphoria

The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fifth Edition (DSM-5), introduced by the American Psychiatric Association in 2013, replaced the DSM-IV diagnosis of gender identity disorder with gender dysphoria to focus on clinically significant distress or impairment arising from incongruence between one's experienced gender and assigned sex, rather than the identity itself being pathological. This shift aimed to reduce stigma associated with transgender identities while requiring evidence of functional impairment for diagnosis. Diagnosis in adolescents and adults requires a marked incongruence between experienced/expressed gender and assigned gender, lasting at least six months, manifested by at least two of the following:
  • A marked incongruence between one's experienced/expressed and primary and/or secondary characteristics (or, in young adolescents, the anticipated secondary characteristics).
  • A strong desire to be rid of one's primary and/or secondary characteristics due to marked incongruence with experienced/expressed (or, in young adolescents, a desire to prevent anticipated secondary characteristics).
  • A strong desire for primary and/or secondary characteristics of the other .
  • A strong desire to be of the other (or an alternative different from assigned ).
  • A strong desire for characteristics, or to be treated, as the other (or alternative ).
  • A strong conviction that one's feelings and reactions align more with the other (or alternative ) than with the assigned .
This incongruence must be associated with clinically significant distress or impairment in social, school, or other important areas of functioning. For children, the criteria parallel those for adults but require at least six of eight specific indicators of incongruence (e.g., strong preference for cross-sex roles in play, toys, or peer groups; persistent preference for cross-sex clothing; strong desire for primary/secondary sex characteristics of the other ; and conviction of atypical gender-typed mannerisms or interests), lasting at least six months, plus distress or impairment. The , 11th Revision (), adopted by the in 2019 and effective from January 1, 2022, reclassified transgender-related conditions from mental disorders to "conditions related to sexual health," replacing ICD-10's "transsexualism" with "gender incongruence" to depathologize identity without requiring distress. Gender incongruence of adolescence and adulthood (code HA60) is defined as a marked and persistent incongruence between an individual's experienced and assigned , typically manifested in childhood or early adolescence and resulting in a desire to transition via hormonal, surgical, or other interventions altering phenotypic characteristics to align with experienced . Unlike , imposes no mandatory duration (though persistence is required) and explicitly excludes distress as a criterion, emphasizing phenotypic incongruence over psychological impairment. Gender incongruence of childhood (code HA61) applies similarly but focuses on prepubertal manifestations, such as expressed desire to be the other or aversion to one's characteristics, without requiring intent to transition. This formulation has drawn criticism for potentially broadening access to interventions by lowering diagnostic thresholds compared to prior versions, though WHO maintains it reflects evidence that incongruence is not inherently a .

Differential Diagnosis from Other Conditions

The diagnosis of requires distinguishing it from conditions that may present with similar complaints of body dissatisfaction or identity distress, ensuring the reported incongruence is not better explained by another psychiatric, neurodevelopmental, or medical disorder. According to criteria, is specified only after excluding explanations such as developmental disorders, , or psychotic conditions, with evaluation emphasizing persistent distress tied specifically to primary and secondary sex characteristics rather than isolated body parts or transient ideation. Comprehensive assessment typically involves longitudinal history, ruling out cultural nonconformity or fetishistic behaviors, and considering comorbidities that could amplify or mimic symptoms. Body dysmorphic disorder (BDD) must be differentiated, as it involves preoccupation with perceived defects in appearance, often leading to repetitive behaviors or avoidance, whereas centers on a profound mismatch between experienced and biological sex, without delusional distortion of overall . In BDD, individuals fixate on specific, minor, or imagined flaws (e.g., nose shape), and interventions like cosmetic changes rarely alleviate distress long-term; in contrast, distress persists until alignment with identified is pursued, though empirical overlap exists in up to 20% of cases per clinical reviews. Misdiagnosis risks arise if gender-related complaints are reframed as dysmorphic without probing the core identity incongruence. Autism spectrum disorder (ASD) presents a significant differential challenge due to elevated co-occurrence rates, with studies reporting 3-6 times higher prevalence of diagnoses among autistic individuals compared to the general , potentially stemming from ASD-related traits like rigid identity fixation, sensory sensitivities to changes, or social misinterpretation of gender norms. Differential requires assessing whether predates ASD awareness or arises secondarily from neurodevelopmental difficulties in formation; for instance, autistic rigidity may manifest as insistence on cross-gender roles without true incongruence. Clinicians must prioritize ASD screening in gender clinic referrals, as untreated autism can confound outcomes, with some longitudinal data indicating resolution of gender concerns post-ASD interventions. Psychotic disorders, such as , warrant exclusion when complaints accompany delusions, hallucinations, or disorganized thinking, as these can transiently alter self-perception of or role without underlying incongruence. Case reports document patients experiencing reversals as part of broader psychotic episodes, resolving with treatment, unlike persistent unresponsive to such interventions. Transvestic or paraphilic disorders also enter the differential if cross-dressing serves fetishistic arousal rather than identity alleviation, per , with arousal patterns distinguishing from dysphoric relief-seeking. Trauma-related conditions like may simulate through identity fragmentation, necessitating trauma history review to avoid . Medical conditions, including , are ruled out via endocrinological testing, though includes a specifier for such cases rather than equating them to primary .

Treatment Modalities

Non-Medical Approaches and Psychotherapy

Non-medical approaches to transsexualism, or , primarily involve , counseling, and supportive interventions that prioritize exploration of underlying psychological, social, and developmental factors over immediate affirmation of a transgender identity or medical transition. These methods, often termed exploratory or developmental therapy, aim to address co-occurring issues—such as depression, anxiety, autism spectrum traits, and trauma—which epidemiological data indicate are prevalent in up to 70-80% of cases among seeking gender-related care. Rather than presupposing gender incongruence as the root cause, such therapy encourages neutral examination of distress origins, including family dynamics, peer influences, and concerns, while monitoring for natural resolution during . Longitudinal studies from the pre-2010 era, before widespread social affirmation, report desistance rates of 60-90% among children and adolescents with who received or without hormones or surgery. For example, a Dutch follow-up of 127 referrals found that 70% of boys and 59% of girls no longer met criteria by age 15-16, attributing persistence to intensity of early and childhood cross-sex behavior. Similarly, Canadian from 1974-2008 showed 88% desistance in boys and 64% in girls via non-interventionist focused on social and support. These outcomes suggest that and maturation often align self-perception with biological sex, particularly when interventions do not reinforce incongruence. The 2024 Cass Review, a systematic evaluation of gender services commissioned by , concluded that evidence for psychotherapeutic interventions in reducing is of very low quality, with no randomized controlled trials demonstrating superiority of affirmative models over exploratory ones. It recommended routine comprehensive assessments, including autism screening and , followed by tailored to build skills and resilience, while pausing medical pathways until better evidence emerges; this led to NHS restrictions on blockers outside research protocols. Analogous shifts occurred in and by 2022, where national health authorities deemed medical transitions experimental for minors, favoring to treat comorbidities and monitor persistence, citing insufficient long-term data on affirmation benefits. Exploratory psychotherapy differs from prohibited conversion practices, which target innate ; it instead promotes by unpacking distress without predetermined outcomes, potentially averting irreversible decisions amid high rates. A argued that one-size-fits-all affirmation overlooks individual variability, advocating psychodynamic or cognitive-behavioral to resolve in cases linked to non-gender factors, with preliminary reports from post-Cass UK services noting improved metrics without transition escalation. Critics, including some U.S. professional bodies, contend such risks , but systematic reviews find no causal of worsened outcomes, contrasting with affirmation's unproven claims amid rising referrals. Overall, these approaches emphasize caution, given biological sex's causal role in human development and the absence of Level 1 for rapid affirmation's efficacy.

Hormone Replacement Therapy Effects and Risks

Hormone replacement therapy (HRT) for trans women typically involves administration combined with anti-androgens such as or to suppress testosterone, aiming to induce feminizing physical changes. These effects include , which begins within 2-3 months and progresses for 2-3 years; redistribution of body fat to the hips, thighs, and ; decreased muscle mass and strength; softer skin; and reduced facial and growth. ceases after 3-6 months, leading to that may become irreversible with prolonged use exceeding 2 years. occurs over 1-2 years. Feminizing HRT carries elevated risks of venous thromboembolism (VTE), with incidence rates estimated at 2.3 per 1000 person-years, higher than in populations and potentially exacerbated by oral estrogen formulations compared to routes. Cardiovascular disease risk may increase, including and , particularly in those with preexisting factors like or older age; one reported transgender women on facing higher odds of these events than men or women. Bone mineral density (BMD) in the lumbar spine may decrease long-term if testosterone suppression is profound without adequate dosing, though overall effects on BMD are neutral in some reviews when monitored. Cancer risks, including , remain uncertain due to limited long-term data, with no consistent elevation identified in small studies but potential signals from case reports. For trans men, masculinizing HRT primarily uses exogenous testosterone via injections, gels, or patches, producing effects such as voice deepening within 3-12 months (irreversible); increased facial and ; clitoral enlargement; cessation of menses within 1-6 months; and increased muscle mass and strength. and male-pattern baldness may occur, alongside ovarian changes leading to after 3-6 months, often permanent after 1 year. Testosterone therapy in trans men is associated with erythrocytosis (elevated >50% in up to 10-20% of users), necessitating monitoring and potential dose adjustments or . Cardiovascular risks include systolic elevation and adverse lipid shifts (decreased HDL, increased LDL/triglycerides), with some evidence of heightened risk compared to women (adjusted 3.69 in one study). Long-term data suggest possible increased overall mortality from hormone use, though causation is confounded by comorbidities. Liver elevations occur rarely with injectable forms but more with oral alkylated androgens, avoided in guidelines.
AspectFeminizing HRT (Trans Women)Masculinizing HRT (Trans Men)
Key Physical EffectsBreast growth, fat redistribution, Voice deepening, hair growth, muscle increase,
Thrombotic RiskVTE incidence 2.3/1000 person-years; higher with oral Low; not significantly elevated
Cardiovascular EffectsIncreased /MI risk; monitor lipids/ elevation, lipid worsening; possible MI risk increase
Other RisksPotential BMD loss if undermonitored; prostate monitoring neededErythrocytosis (10-20%); ,
Long-term studies remain limited in quality and duration, with many showing low evidence levels for both benefits and harms; systematic reviews emphasize the need for ongoing monitoring of metabolic parameters, , and counseling, as risks may not mirror those in hormone users due to cross-sex administration.

Surgical Interventions and Procedures

Surgical interventions for individuals with typically involve procedures to modify genitalia and secondary sex characteristics to resemble those of the desired sex, though these do not alter biological reproductive capacity or chromosomal sex. Common operations include genital reconstruction, or , and ancillary procedures such as or . These are often staged, requiring prerequisites per guidelines from organizations like the World Professional Association for Transgender . For natal males transitioning to female-typical anatomy, primary genital procedures encompass (testicle removal), (penis removal), (neovagina creation), and clitoroplasty (clitoral formation from penile tissue). The predominant technique is penile inversion , utilizing inverted penile and scrotal skin grafted into a created via perineal dissection, yielding an average neovaginal depth of 9.4 cm (range 7.9–10.9 cm). Alternative intestinal employs segments of or for deeper neovaginas (average 15.3 cm, range 13.8–16.7 cm), reserved for cases of insufficient penile skin. Both require lifelong postoperative dilation to prevent , with intestinal variants offering self-lubrication but higher risks of mucous discharge and . Complications for penile inversion include or strictures (10%, 95% CI 8–14%), (1%, 95% CI <0.1–2%), tissue necrosis (5%, 95% CI 1–10%), and (2%, 95% CI 1–4%); intestinal methods show elevated (14%, 95% CI 5–26%) and (6%, 95% CI 1–14%). Overall complication rates range from 20% to 70%, predominantly within the first postoperative year, often necessitating revisions. For natal females transitioning to male-typical anatomy, procedures include subcutaneous mastectomy (chest wall contouring via liposuction, skin excision, and nipple-areolar repositioning), hysterectomy (uterus removal), oophorectomy (ovary removal), and phalloplasty (neophallus construction). Mastectomy complication rates are low, typically involving seroma, hematoma, or necrosis in under 10% of cases. Hysterectomy and oophorectomy, often laparoscopic, exhibit favorable short-term outcomes with minimal morbidity compared to cisgender indications, though long-term endocrine effects post-oophorectomy remain understudied. Phalloplasty, usually multistaged using radial forearm free flap or anterolateral thigh flap for the phallus shaft with separate urethral lengthening, achieves erect length of 10–14 cm but carries high complication burdens: overall 76.5%, including urethral fistula (34.1%) and stricture. Scrotoplasty and erectile/fisting implants may follow, with revision surgeries common due to flap failure or sensory deficits. These genital reconstructions rarely enable natural ejaculation or fertility.

Outcomes and Long-Term Effects

Reported Satisfaction and Quality of Life Metrics

Self-reported satisfaction with gender reassignment surgery (GAS) varies across studies but is frequently high in short-term follow-ups, with rates ranging from 94% to 100% depending on procedure type, as observed in a 2017 survey of 139 postoperative transgender individuals where dissatisfaction was reported by only 6%. A 2021 systematic review of 27 studies involving 7,928 transgender patients post-GAS found pooled rates of 1%, though it highlighted methodological limitations including short follow-up periods (often under 5 years), high attrition, and reliance on clinic-based samples that may exclude detransitioners. Long-term data, such as a 2023 analysis of gender-affirming mastectomy in 235 patients followed for a median of 3.6 years, reported in less than 1% and satisfaction scores averaging 4.5-4.8 on a 5-point scale, but noted potential selection bias from voluntary participation. Quality of life (QoL) metrics post-transition show mixed results, with some improvements in psychological domains but persistence of deficits compared to general populations. A 2023 systematic review of 55 studies on gender-affirming hormone therapy (GAHT) found consistent reductions in depressive symptoms and distress, alongside modest QoL gains on scales like the WHOQOL-BREF, particularly in the first 12-24 months for both transgender men and women. However, a 2016 review of GAHT effects indicated QoL improvements primarily for male-to-female (MtF) participants at 12 months, with limited evidence for sustained benefits beyond that and no normalization to cisgender norms. Longitudinal data from a 2023 U.S. survey of 1,733 transgender adults revealed that while 69% reported overall life satisfaction, 12.9% were extremely dissatisfied, and QoL scores remained below population averages, influenced by factors like social support and discrimination. Mental health outcomes, often integrated into QoL assessments, indicate elevated risks post-transition. A 2023 U.S. cohort study of 9,969 transgender individuals found that those undergoing GAS had 19.1 times higher odds of suicide death compared to non-surgical transgender controls (adjusted hazard ratio), with overall suicide attempt rates decreasing modestly but remaining high at 3.5% post-surgery versus 9.3% pre-surgery in smaller samples. Danish registry data from 1980-2021 tracking 3,759 transgender persons showed suicide rates 3.5 times higher than matched controls, with no evidence of reduction attributable to transition interventions. These findings align with critiques of evidence quality in the 2024 Cass Review, which assessed 23 studies on youth outcomes and found low-quality data with insufficient long-term follow-up, inconsistent improvements in dysphoria or body satisfaction, and persistent mental health challenges underscoring the need for rigorous, controlled trials.
MetricPre-TransitionPost-Transition (Short-Term)Long-Term Notes
Satisfaction RateN/A94-100% (surgical)Declines with follow-up >5 years; regret ~1% but underreported due to loss to follow-up
QoL Scores (e.g., WHOQOL)Below averageModest increase (psychological domain)No normalization; social factors dominate
Suicide Attempt/OddsHigh baseline (7-40%)Reduced in some (to 2-3.5%)Elevated vs. general population (19x post-GAS); no causal reduction proven

Evidence from Follow-Up Studies on Health Impacts

A population-based in followed 324 sex-reassigned individuals from 1973 to 2003, with a mean follow-up of 10.4 years post-surgery, finding overall mortality 2.8 times higher than in matched controls, primarily due to , , and cancer; attempts were 19.1 times more frequent after adjustment for prior psychiatric morbidity. Similar elevated risks persisted even 10 years post-surgery, indicating that sex reassignment did not reduce long-term rates to population levels. In a Dutch cohort of 8,263 individuals treated at the clinic from 1972 to 2018, with follow-up to 2018, transgender women experienced a standardized mortality (SMR) of 1.8 compared to the general male population, driven by infections, , , and , while transgender men had an SMR of 1.3, mainly from and . use was associated with higher all-cause mortality across both groups, independent of status. Follow-up data on physical health risks from (HRT) reveal increased cardiovascular events; a of studies up to 2023 found women on had higher incidences of venous thromboembolism, , and compared to controls, with risks rising after 5–10 years of treatment. men on testosterone faced elevated erythrocytosis and potential , contributing to thrombotic risks, though long-term cancer data remain limited beyond observed prostate and signals. density studies post-HRT show mixed outcomes, with women at risk for due to suppression pre-treatment and inadequate dosing post-transition. Psychiatric morbidity remains elevated in long-term follow-ups; a of U.S. data (2013–2021) on 9,021 post-gender-affirming patients found a 3.5-fold higher risk and doubled incidence compared to those without surgery, persisting after controlling for prior diagnoses. High attrition rates (20–60%) in many satisfaction studies likely underestimate adverse outcomes, as dropouts correlate with poorer health. These findings suggest that while short-term metrics may improve, underlying vulnerabilities—such as comorbid psychiatric conditions—persist or worsen over decades, unaffected by transition interventions.

Detransition Rates and Factors Influencing Regret

A 2021 systematic review and meta-analysis of 27 studies involving 7,928 patients who underwent gender-affirmation reported a pooled of 1% (95% CI <1%–2%), with lower rates for transmasculine procedures (<1%) compared to transfeminine procedures (1%). was classified as minor or major, but assessments relied on subjective clinician judgments without standardized tools, and studies exhibited high heterogeneity (I² = 75.1%) alongside moderate-to-high risk of bias. These estimates are likely underreported due to methodological flaws, including short follow-up durations (often 3 months to 5 years, while regret can emerge after 3–8 years), high loss to follow-up (20%–60%, disproportionately affecting dissatisfied individuals), and dependence on clinic-based proxies like medical records or legal changes, which capture few cases since most detransitioners do not recontact providers. One cohort study of hormone users found a 29.8% discontinuation rate over 4 years, with lower continuation among transmasculine individuals (64%) versus transfeminine (81%). In youth cohorts from gender clinics, cessation rates have reached 5.3% in a UK sample of 1,089 medically transitioned individuals, though long-term detransition (reidentification with birth sex) remains poorly tracked, with the Cass Review noting unknown rates for adolescent-onset cases amid high desistance in pre-pubertal cohorts. Factors influencing detransition and regret include both internal realizations and external pressures, varying by study population and methodology. A mixed-methods analysis of 17,151 transgender and gender-diverse U.S. adults found detransition history associated with natal male sex, nonbinary identity, bisexual orientation, and unsupportive family environments; 82.5% cited external drivers like parental or familial pressure (35.6%–25.9%) and societal stigma (32.5%), while 15.9% reported internal factors such as gender identity fluctuations (10.5%) or psychological doubts (3.9%). In contrast, surveys of self-identified detransitioners emphasize internal causal factors, with 70% attributing persistence of dysphoria to unaddressed comorbidities like trauma or autism rather than gender incongruence, and 55% citing discomfort with sex-based traits post-transition. Temporal patterns show detransition intervals from months to decades, complicating estimates and underscoring needs for improved longitudinal tracking beyond biased clinic data.

Demographics and Epidemiology

Global and National Prevalence Estimates

Estimates of transsexualism prevalence, typically measured through clinical diagnoses of gender dysphoria or treatment-seeking behavior, have historically ranged from 0.002% to 0.014% of the population, with natal males showing higher rates (0.005%–0.014%) than natal females (0.002%–0.003%). A 2015 systematic review and meta-analysis of 39 prevalence studies worldwide reported an overall rate of 4.6 per 100,000 individuals for diagnosed transsexualism, equating to 6.8 per 100,000 for trans women (natal males) and 2.6 per 100,000 for trans men (natal females); time-trend analysis indicated a slight increase over decades, potentially due to improved ascertainment. These figures derive primarily from clinic-based data in Europe and North America, where access to specialized services is greater, and likely undercount non-treatment-seeking cases while excluding broader self-identified transgender or non-binary populations. Global data remain sparse outside Western contexts, with lower reported rates in regions like Japan (around 0.001%) attributed to cultural stigma or diagnostic differences. Self-reported transgender identification, which encompasses but extends beyond clinical transsexualism, yields higher contemporary estimates in surveys from high-income countries, often 0.5%–1% among adults; estimates for the percentage of the world population identifying as transgender range from 0.3% to 0.6%, with some global surveys estimating around 1% for those not strictly identifying with assigned gender at birth, including non-binary identities, though methodological concerns include reliance on non-representative samples and conflation with transient identities. For instance, a 2022 analysis estimated 1.3%–1.4% of U.S. youth aged 13–17 and 18–24 identify as transgender, contrasting with 0.5% of adults over 25, suggesting a generational shift potentially influenced by social visibility rather than stable underlying prevalence. Persistent adult-onset transsexualism, however, aligns more closely with historical clinical lows, as evidenced by longitudinal studies showing low persistence rates from childhood dysphoria into adulthood (around 10%–30%). National variations reflect diagnostic access, survey methods, and cultural factors. In the United States, clinical gender dysphoria diagnoses remain rare (under 0.01% annually), but self-identification surveys estimate 0.6% of adults (approximately 1.6 million in 2022, rising to 2.8 million including youth aged 13+ by later counts). The United Kingdom's 2021 census reported 0.54% of respondents aged 16+ with a gender identity differing from sex registered at birth, though gender dysphoria diagnoses among children escalated from 1 per 60,000 in 2011 to 1 per 1,200 in 2021 based on primary care records. In Sweden, validated national register data from 2001–2017 confirmed low incidence of gender dysphoria diagnoses (around 0.002%–0.005% annually), with recent upticks primarily among adolescents. European clinic data similarly show prevalence of 0.001%–0.002% for treatment seekers, higher in urban Western areas. These trends highlight disparities between stable adult clinical rates and surging youth identifications, warranting caution in extrapolating population-level prevalence amid evidence of diagnostic expansion.
Region/CountryClinical Transsexualism Prevalence (per 100,000)Self-Identified Transgender (%)Notes/Source
Global (meta-analysis)4.6 overall (6.8 trans women, 2.6 trans men)N/ATreatment-seeking adults, 2015 review
United States (adults)<10 (diagnoses)0.6Self-ID surveys, 2022
United Kingdom (children)83 (2021 diagnoses)0.54 (all ages, census)Rise from 1.7 in 2011; self-ID 2021
Sweden2–5 (annual incidence)N/ARegister-validated, 2001–2017
Western Europe10–200.5–1 (surveys)Clinic-based, variable by country

Disparities Between Trans Women and Trans Men

In recent decades, epidemiological patterns of gender dysphoria presentations have shown notable shifts in the ratio of natal males (trans women) to natal females (trans men) seeking treatment. Historically, trans women predominated, with prevalence estimates indicating a consistently higher rate of male-to-female cases, such as 390-460 per 100,000 overall but with trans women outnumbering trans men. However, since the early 2010s, particularly among adolescents, referrals to gender clinics have reversed, with natal females comprising the majority—often 70-80% or more in samples from Western countries. This trend is evident in UK data, where the saw a marked increase in female referrals, from a boy-heavy caseload pre-2009 to predominantly girls thereafter, a pattern corroborated in systematic reviews of adolescent gender dysphoria. Age at referral further highlights disparities, with natal males typically presenting earlier, often in childhood, representing the majority of early-onset cases, while natal females more commonly seek services in adolescence. For instance, studies of rapid-onset gender dysphoria reports indicate natal males have an onset about 1.9 years later than females on average but are less likely to align with peer social influences. Among adults identifying as transgender in the US, distributions are more balanced, with approximately 33% each for trans women, trans men, and nonbinary, though youth clinic data suggest ongoing female predominance. Comorbidities also differ, particularly autism spectrum traits, which show elevated prevalence across transgender individuals—3 to 6 times higher than in cisgender populations—but appear more pronounced among natal females and trans men. Peer-reviewed analyses find transgender men and nonbinary individuals assigned female at birth reporting significantly higher autistic traits compared to controls or trans women. This overlap, estimated at 11-24% for autism diagnoses in gender-diverse youth, may influence dysphoria presentation, though causal links remain understudied amid potential diagnostic overlaps or referral biases in clinical samples. Detransition rates, while generally low (under 1-2% in long-term surgical cohorts), exhibit subtle variances, with post-gonadectomy regret slightly higher among trans women (0.6%) than trans men (0.3%), though overall figures are limited by poor follow-up in recent youth-heavy caseloads dominated by natal females. These disparities underscore biological and social factors in gender dysphoria etiology, with natal sex influencing onset timing, comorbidity profiles, and treatment-seeking patterns, warranting sex-specific approaches in clinical evaluation. In the latter half of the 20th century, clinical observations of gender dysphoria typically documented onset during childhood, with a predominance of cases among natal males who exhibited persistent cross-sex behaviors from an early age. Recent data indicate a marked shift, with the mean age at diagnosis decreasing and a reversal in the sex ratio favoring natal females, particularly those experiencing onset in adolescence rather than early childhood. For instance, among adults reflecting on their experiences, many natal males reported initial dysphoria by age 7, whereas contemporary adolescent cohorts, especially females, more frequently describe a sudden emergence during or after puberty. Parental reports from structured surveys of over 1,600 cases highlight this "rapid-onset gender dysphoria" pattern, where symptoms appeared abruptly in adolescence, often coinciding with increased social media exposure or peer influence, contrasting with the gradual childhood onset in prior decades. This trend aligns with clinic data showing that, while early childhood cases persist, the majority of recent adolescent presentations involve natal females without prior indicators of gender nonconformity. Referrals to specialized gender identity clinics have surged globally over the past two decades, with the most pronounced increases among youth. In the United Kingdom, referrals to the (GIDS) rose from approximately 100 annually around 2010 to over 2,500 by 2019, before a temporary dip during the . This escalation included a shift from predominantly prepubertal boys to adolescent girls, who comprised about 76% of referrals by the late 2010s.
Year RangeAnnual Referrals to UK GIDS (Approximate)Predominant Demographic Shift
2009-201072Mostly boys
2016-20171,807Increasing adolescent girls
2019>2,50076% adolescent girls
Similar patterns appear internationally, with U.S. clinics reporting in seeking gender-related care, driven by adolescent females, though exact figures vary by region due to differing diagnostic and referral practices. Prevalence estimates for diagnoses among English children increased from 1 in 60,000 in to 1 in 1,200 by 2021, underscoring the scale of this referral boom. These trends have prompted scrutiny in systematic reviews, attributing part of the rise to heightened awareness but questioning whether social factors contribute beyond destigmatization.

Societal and Cultural Dimensions

Legal gender recognition processes for transsexual individuals vary widely across jurisdictions, with requirements ranging from mandatory medical interventions to self-declaration. In many countries, altering legal markers on identity documents necessitates a diagnosis of , , or genital surgery; for instance, as of 2024, sterilization remains a condition in nations including , , and . Conversely, at least 22 countries permit self-identification without medical or judicial oversight as of July 2025, including since 2012, , and , allowing individuals to change markers via simple administrative declaration. These self-ID models, while facilitating access, have drawn criticism for risks of fraudulent applications or circumvention of sex-based legal obligations, as noted in evaluations of Germany's 2024 Gender Self-Determination Act. In the , the enables legal gender change following a and two years of living in the acquired gender, but proposed self-ID reforms were abandoned amid concerns over safeguards. A 2025 UK ruling interpreted "sex" in the as biological sex, thereby limiting transsexual individuals' access to certain single-sex services aligned with their acquired gender while preserving separate protections against discrimination on grounds of gender reassignment. In the United States, federal recognition follows state procedures, with 21 states requiring medical affirmation for changes as of 2024, though the 2020 Bostock decision extended protections under Title VII to . State-level variations persist, with over 500 anti-trans bills introduced in 2023-2025 targeting recognition and access. Anti-discrimination protections for transsexuals are enshrined in various frameworks, often covering , , and public services. The European Union's Charter of prohibits discrimination on grounds of sex, with member states like and incorporating self-ID into broader equality laws, though implementation differs; the EU's 2026-2030 LGBTIQ strategy emphasizes combating hate but does not mandate uniform gender recognition standards. In the UK, the safeguards against discrimination for those undergoing gender reassignment, separate from biological sex protections post-2025 ruling. U.S. federal law via Bostock covers workplace bias, but lacks comprehensive civil rights legislation, leading to patchwork state protections amid ongoing litigation over facilities and sports. Additional protections extend to and in jurisdictions recognizing changes, treating post-transition marriages as opposite-sex unions where applicable; for example, U.S. states generally permit by legally recognized couples regardless of transition status. Military service eligibility for transsexuals has fluctuated, with U.S. Department of Defense policy since 2019 allowing service post-transition if standards are met, though prior bans highlighted deployability concerns. These frameworks balance individual recognition with evidentiary thresholds, reflecting debates over self-ID's implications for coherence.

Controversies in Sports, Prisons, and Single-Sex Spaces

In sports, the primary controversy involves women—individuals born who transition after male puberty—competing in categories, where retained physiological advantages from male biology, such as greater muscle mass, , and cardiovascular capacity, persist despite . A 2020 systematic review by Hilton and Lundberg analyzed evidence showing that testosterone suppression reduces but does not eliminate these edges, with women retaining 9-31% advantages in metrics like running speed, jumping, and strength after 1-3 years of treatment, based on comparisons to women. This has led to dominance in some events; for instance, swimmer , after ranking 462nd in men's NCAA competition in 2019, won the women's 500-yard freestyle title in March 2022 with a time that would have placed 65th in the men's event that year. The International Olympic Committee's 2021 Framework on Fairness, Inclusion, and Non-Discrimination shifted eligibility decisions to individual sports federations, prompting bodies like and to exclude post-puberty women from elite events by 2023, citing fairness data. In response to the Thomas case, the modified records and banned women from in July 2025, while former teammates filed lawsuits alleging lost opportunities. In prisons, controversies stem from housing transgender women in female facilities, raising safety risks for cisgender female inmates due to documented assaults by biologically male individuals. In the UK, official data recorded 97 sexual assaults in women's prisons from 2016 to 2019, with seven attributed to transgender inmates; the 2017-2018 Karen White case, involving a transgender woman with prior sexual offense convictions who raped two female inmates after transfer, highlighted policy failures and led to reviews. Scotland's 2023 prison guidance mandates placing transgender women convicted of offenses causing female suffering—such as sexual assault or violence—in male facilities to prioritize victim safety. In the US, a January 2024 lawsuit alleged a biological male posing as transgender raped a female inmate at Rikers Island's women's jail, despite warnings to staff; similarly, a September 2024 New Jersey suit claimed repeated sexual assaults by a transgender inmate under state policy allowing self-identified gender placement. UK Ministry of Justice figures from 2024 indicate over 70% of transgender prisoners are held for sexual offenses, exceeding general male rates and underscoring selection effects in transfers. Debates over single-sex spaces like bathrooms, , and shelters focus on balancing inclusion with and , given irreducible physical advantages in strength and size that heighten vulnerability risks for females. While some analyses, such as a 2025 Williams Institute report, assert no empirical link between transgender-inclusive policies and increased incidents in public restrooms based on aggregated data, critics argue such studies undercount violations and fail to isolate biological sex effects, often reflecting institutional biases toward inclusion narratives. The UK's 2010 Equality Act permits exclusions from single-sex services where objective justification exists, as affirmed in 2021 court rulings upholding placements prioritizing biological females' . In shelters, policies vary; Kansas's 2023 bars transgender access to female domestic violence services amid concerns over -pattern violence, while US states like and enacted bathroom bills by 2021 restricting use to biological sex, correlating with no spike in assaults per state reports but aimed at preventing opportunistic abuse. By July 2025, over 19 US states limited transgender access to sex-segregated facilities, driven by first-principles recognition of sex-based dimorphism over self-identification.

Youth Transitions, Policy Responses, and the Cass Review

In recent years, referrals to gender clinics for children and adolescents have surged dramatically across Western countries. In England, diagnoses of gender dysphoria among children and young people recorded by general practitioners increased fiftyfold from 2011 to 2021, reaching over 3,000 annually by the early 2020s, with a marked shift toward adolescent females comprising the majority of cases. Similar exponential rises—often thousands of percent—have occurred in Europe, including Denmark (8700% increase by 2022) and other nations, predominantly among natal females post-puberty, diverging from historical patterns dominated by prepubertal males. Medical interventions for youth with have included puberty blockers (typically GnRH analogues starting around age 10-12), followed by cross-sex hormones from age 16 in some protocols, with surgeries rare before adulthood. Proponents cite short-term reductions in depression and suicidality, as in a 2022 U.S. study associating such care with lower odds of these outcomes over 12 months. However, long-term data remain scarce, with foundational Dutch studies criticized for methodological flaws, such as excluding poor outcomes, small samples, and inadequate comorbidity assessment, yielding unreliable evidence of persistent benefits. Risks include irreversible effects like , , and bone density loss, with systematic reviews finding most supporting research low-quality or inconclusive. The Cass Review, an independent inquiry led by pediatrician Hilary Cass and commissioned by in 2020, examined services for youth up to age 18, culminating in a 388-page final report published April 10, 2024. It concluded that the for routine medical interventions is remarkably weak, with few high-quality studies and methodological issues like loss to follow-up undermining claims of efficacy; blockers showed no clear gains and potential harm to neurodevelopment and . The review emphasized a holistic, biopsychosocial approach prioritizing comorbidities (prevalent in 70-80% of cases), , and caution against rapid affirmation, recommending blockers only in research settings and deferring hormones until age 18 absent exceptional . It highlighted the unprecedented rise in referrals—over 5,000 annually to the (GIDS) by closure in 2023—and called for improved amid diagnostic uncertainty. In response, implemented restrictions, banning new prescriptions for under-18s outside clinical trials in December 2024, while establishing regional hubs focused on multidisciplinary assessment and non-medical support. This aligns with European trends: (2022), (2020), and restricted blockers and hormones to research or exceptional cases due to insufficient evidence; shifted to counseling-first in 2023; Italy's Committee recommended primacy and trial-limited blockers in 2024. By contrast, U.S. policy fragments along state lines, with 25 states enacting near-total bans on such care for minors by mid-2025, while others permit it under varying rules, amid ongoing litigation. These shifts reflect growing recognition of evidential gaps, with bodies like the European Academy of Paediatrics urging evidence-based restraint over ideological pressures.

Media Portrayals and Public Discourse

Media coverage of transsexual individuals expanded markedly in the , coinciding with cultural milestones such as Caitlyn Jenner's public transition in June 2015, which garnered extensive attention across outlets like and Vanity Fair, framing the event as a narrative of empowerment and visibility. This period saw a surge in representation in television and film, with studies documenting a rise from sporadic, often stereotypical depictions—such as victims or villains—to more frequent portrayals of resilient protagonists, though critiques persist that such characters rarely explore comorbid mental health conditions or post-transition dissatisfaction. Mainstream outlets, including , have faced accusations from advocacy groups like of insufficiently affirmative coverage on issues like youth medical interventions, yet analyses indicate a predominant emphasis on supportive narratives that align with activist perspectives, potentially underrepresenting empirical concerns from follow-up studies on outcomes. Public discourse on transsexualism has polarized along lines of affirmation versus caution, amplified by platforms where gender-critical viewpoints gained traction from the late onward, challenging institutional narratives in academia and legacy media. Events like the 2022 Cass Review in the UK, which highlighted weak evidence for youth transitions, spurred debates that mainstream coverage often framed as "anti-trans" rhetoric, despite the review's basis in systematic evidence appraisal rather than . This framing reflects a broader pattern where sources skeptical of rapid medicalization—such as clinicians citing high desistance rates in pre-pubertal cases—are marginalized, while activist-driven discourse dominates, as evidenced by coordinated responses from over 100 LGBTQ organizations critiquing critical reporting. Recent polling data underscores a shift toward greater public support for boundaries on transsexual accommodations. A February 2025 Pew Research Center survey found 66% of U.S. adults favor requiring transgender athletes to compete on teams matching their birth sex, up from prior years, with similar majorities opposing gender-affirming care for minors under 18. Gallup's June 2025 poll reported 69% preference for birth sex designation on official documents and sports participation, reflecting discomfort with expansive self-identification policies despite broad anti-discrimination consensus (75% support per PRRI June 2025 data). These trends, consistent across demographics, suggest discourse is evolving beyond elite media echo chambers, influenced by accumulating evidence on comorbidities like autism spectrum prevalence (up to 20% in referral cohorts) and regret rates, though coverage of such data remains uneven.

References

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