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Transsexual
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A transsexual person is someone who experiences a gender identity that is inconsistent with their assigned sex, and desires to permanently transition to the sex or gender with which they identify, usually seeking medical assistance (including gender affirming therapies, such as hormone replacement therapy and gender affirming surgery) to help them align their body with their identified sex or gender.
The term transsexual is a subset of transgender,[1][2] but some transsexual people reject the label of transgender.[3][4][5][6]: 8, 34, 120–121 A medical diagnosis of gender dysphoria can be made if a person experiences marked and persistent incongruence between their gender identity and their assigned sex.[7]
Understanding of transsexual people has rapidly evolved in the 21st century; many 20th century medical beliefs and practices around transsexual people are now considered outdated. Transsexual people were once classified as mentally ill and subject to extensive gatekeeping by the medical establishment, and remain so in many parts of the world.[8][9][failed verification][10][11][failed verification]
Terminology
[edit]Transsexual has had different meanings throughout time. In modern usage, it refers to "a person who desires to or who has modified their body to transition from one gender or sex to another through the use of medical technologies such as hormones or surgeries". Within the transgender community, the term is a subject of debate, and it is sometimes considered an antiquated or pejorative term. The more widely preferred terms are transgender or the abbreviated form trans. However, due to its historical usage, continued usage in the medical community, and continued self-identification with the term by some people, transsexual remains in the modern vernacular.[12]: 742–744
In understanding the subject, it is noted that there is a difference between gender and sex. Gender is defined as a "set of social, cultural, and linguistic norms that can be attributed to someone's identity, expression, or role as masculine, feminine, androgynous, or nonbinary". Sex is defined as being "assigned at birth by medical professionals based on the appearance of genitalia, and related assumptions about chromosomal makeup, gender identity, expressions, and roles [that] emerge over the life span, sometimes changing over time".[12]: 277–278
Origins
[edit]Norman Haire reported that in 1921 Dora Richter of Germany began a surgical transition, under the care of Magnus Hirschfeld, which ended in 1930 with a successful genital reassignment surgery (GRS).[13] In 1930, Hirschfeld supervised the second genital reassignment surgery to be reported in detail in a peer-reviewed journal, that of Lili Elbe of Denmark. In 1923, Hirschfeld introduced the (German) term "Transsexualismus",[14] after which David Oliver Cauldwell introduced "transsexualism" and "transsexual" to English in 1949 and 1950.[15][16]
Cauldwell appears to be the first to use the term to refer to those who desired a change of physiological sex.[17] In 1969, Harry Benjamin claimed to have been the first to use the term "transsexual" in a public lecture, which he gave in December 1953.[18] Benjamin went on to popularize the term in his 1966 book, The Transsexual Phenomenon, in which he described transsexual people on a scale (later called the "Benjamin scale") of three levels of intensity: "Transsexual (nonsurgical)", "Transsexual (moderate intensity)", and "Transsexual (high intensity)".[19][20][21]
Relationship to transgender
[edit]The term transgender was coined by John Oliven in 1965.[1] By the 1990s, transsexual had come to be considered a subset of the umbrella term transgender.[22][1][2] The term transgender is now more common, and many transgender people prefer the designation transgender and reject transsexual.[23][24][25] Some people who pursue medical assistance (for example, gender affirming surgery) to change their sexual characteristics to match their gender identity prefer the designation transsexual and reject transgender.[23][24][25] One perspective offered by transsexual people who reject a transgender label for that of transsexed is that, for people who have gone through sexual reassignment surgery, their anatomical sex has been altered, whilst their gender remains constant.[26][27][28]
Historically, one reason some people preferred transsexual to transgender is that the medical community in the 1950s through the 1980s encouraged a distinction between the terms that would only allow the former access to medical treatment.[29] Other self-identified transsexual people state that those who do not seek gender affirming surgery are fundamentally different from those who do, and that the two have different concerns,[21] but this view is controversial. Others argue that medical procedures do not have such far-reaching consequences as to put those who have had them and those who have not (e.g. because they cannot afford them) into such distinctive categories.[citation needed] Some have objected to the term transsexual on the basis that it describes a condition related to gender identity rather than sexuality.[30][better source needed] For example, Christine Jorgensen, the first person widely known in the United States for having had gender affirming surgery (in this case, male-to-female), rejected transsexual and instead identified herself in newsprint as trans-gender, on this basis.[31][32]
A common argument in opposition to the term transsexual is that it over-medicalizes the trans experience, focuses too much on diagnosis, or both.[12]: 742–744 The term transgender emerged in part in an attempt to break the "medical monopoly" on transitioning that transsexual implied.[33]
GLAAD's media reference guide offers the following distinction on the use of transsexual:[34]
An older term that originated in the medical and psychological communities. As the gay and lesbian community rejected homosexual and replaced it with gay and lesbian, the transgender community rejected transsexual and replaced it with transgender. Some people within the trans community may still call themselves transsexual. Do not use transsexual to describe a person unless it is a word they use to describe themself. If the subject of your news article uses the word transsexual to describe themself, use it as an adjective: transsexual woman or transsexual man.
Terminological variance
[edit]The word transsexual is most often used as an adjective rather than a noun – a "transsexual person" rather than simply "a transsexual".[citation needed] As of 2018[update], use of the noun form (e.g. referring to people as transsexuals) was often deprecated by those in the transsexual community.[35] Like other trans people, transsexual people prefer to be referred to by the gender pronouns and terms associated with their gender identity. For example, a trans man is a person who was assigned the female sex at birth on the basis of his genitals, but despite that assignment, identifies as a man and is transitioning or has transitioned to a male gender role; in the case of a transsexual man, he furthermore has or will have a masculine body. Transsexual people are sometimes referred to with directional terms, such as "female-to-male" for a transsexual man, abbreviated to "F2M", "FTM", and "F to M", or "male-to-female" for a transsexual woman, abbreviated "M2F", "MTF" and "M to F".
Individuals who have undergone and completed gender affirming surgery are sometimes referred to as transsexed individuals;[36] however, the term transsexed is not to be confused with the term transsexual, which can also refer to individuals who have not undergone SRS, and whose anatomical sex (still) does not match their psychological sense of personal gender identity.
A rarer, alternate spelling for transsexual has been transexual, with a single S. This variation is British in origin. This spelling was used by The Transexual Menace, an activist group, for example.[12]: 738 This spelling has been used by some activists in an attempt to remove "pathologizing implications" from their use of the word.[6]: 25 Another rare variation, a synonym for transsexual, is transsex.[37]
The terms gender dysphoria and gender identity disorder were not used until the 1970s,[38] when Laub and Fisk published several works on transsexualism using these terms.[39][40] "Transsexualism" was replaced in the DSM-IV by "gender identity disorder in adolescents and adults".
Male-to-female transsexualism has sometimes been called "Harry Benjamin's syndrome" after the endocrinologist who pioneered the study of dysphoria.[41] As the present-day medical study of gender variance is much broader than Benjamin's early description, there is greater understanding of its aspects,[42] and use of the term Harry Benjamin's syndrome has been criticized for delegitimizing gender-variant people with different experiences.[43][page needed][44][page needed]
Sexual orientation
[edit]Since the middle of the 20th century, homosexual transsexual and related terms were used to label individuals' sexual orientation based on their birth sex.[45] Many sources criticize this choice of wording as confusing, "heterosexist",[46] "archaic",[47][failed verification] and demeaning because it labels people by sex assigned at birth instead of their gender identity.[48][page needed] Sexologist John Bancroft also recently expressed regret for having used this terminology, which was standard when he used it, to refer to transsexual women.[49] He says that he now tries to choose his words more sensitively.[49] Sexologist Charles Allen Moser is likewise critical of the terminology.[50] Sociomedical scientist Rebecca Jordan-Young challenges researchers like Simon LeVay, J. Michael Bailey, and Martin Lalumiere, who she says "have completely failed to appreciate the implications of alternative ways of framing sexual orientation".[51][page needed]
The terms androphilia and gynephilia to describe a person's sexual orientation without reference to their gender identity were proposed and popularized by psychologist Ron Langevin in the 1980s.[52][page needed] The similar specifiers attracted to men, attracted to women, attracted to both or attracted to neither were used in the DSM-IV.[53]
Many transsexual people choose the language of how they refer to their sexual orientation based on their gender identity, not their birth assigned sex.[42]
Surgical status
[edit]Several terms are in common use, especially within the community itself relating to the surgical or operative status of someone who is transsexual, depending on whether they have already had gender affirming surgery, have not had but still intend to, or do not intend to have surgery.[54] A pre-operative ("pre-op") transsexual person is someone who intends to have SRS at some point, but has not yet had it.[54][55] A post-operative ("post-op") transsexual person is someone who has had SRS.[54]
A non-operative ("non-op") transsexual person is someone who has not had SRS, and does not intend to have it in the future. There can be various reasons for this, from personal to financial.[54] Having SRS is not a requirement of being transsexual. Evolutionary biologist and trans woman Julia Serano criticizes the societal preoccupation with SRS as phallocentric, objectifying of transsexuals, and an invasion of privacy.[56]: 229–231
Historical understanding
[edit]Transgender people are known to have existed since ancient times. A wide range of societies had traditional third gender roles, or otherwise accepted trans people in some form.[57] However, a precise history is difficult because the modern concept of being transgender, and gender in general, did not develop until the mid-1900s. Historical understandings are thus inherently filtered through modern principles, and were largely viewed through a medical lens until the late 1900s.[58] The Hippocratic Corpus (interpreting the writing of Herodotus) describes the "disease of the Scythians" (regarding the Enaree), which it attributes to impotency due to riding on a horse without stirrups. This reference was well discussed by medical writings of the 1500s–1700s. Pierre Petit writing in 1596 viewed the "Scythian disease" as natural variation, but by the 1700s writers viewed it as a "melancholy", or "hysterical" psychiatric disease. By the early 1800s, being transgender separate from Hippocrates' idea of it was claimed to be widely known, but remained poorly documented. Both trans women and trans men were cited in European insane asylums of the early 1800s. One of the earliest recorded gender nonconforming people in America was Thomas(ine) Hall, a seventeenth century colonial servant.[59] The most complete account of the time came from the life of the Chevalier d'Éon (1728–1810), a French diplomat. As cross-dressing became more widespread in the late 1800s, discussion of transgender people increased greatly and writers attempted to explain the origins of being transgender. Much study came out of Germany, and was exported to other Western audiences. Cross-dressing was seen in a pragmatic light until the late 1800s; it had previously served a satirical or disguising purpose. But in the latter half of the 1800s, cross-dressing and being transgender became viewed as an increasing societal danger.[60]
William A. Hammond wrote an 1882 account of transgender Pueblo "shamans" [sic] (mujerados), comparing them to the Scythian disease. Other writers of the late 1700s and 1800s (including Hammond's associates in the American Neurological Association) had noted the widespread nature of transgender cultural practices among native peoples. Explanations varied, but authors generally did not ascribe native transgender practices to psychiatric causes, instead condemning the practices in a religious and moral sense. Native groups provided much study on the subject, and perhaps the majority of all study until after WWII.[60]
Critical studies first began to emerge in the late 1800s in Germany, with the works of Magnus Hirschfeld. Hirschfeld coined the term "Transvestit" in 1910, borrowed from 19th-century French word travesti with the same meaning,[61] as the scope of transgender study grew, and it was translated to English as "transvestite". His work would lead to the 1919 founding of the Institut für Sexualwissenschaft in Berlin. Though Hirscheld's legacy is disputed, he revolutionized the field of study. The Institut was destroyed when the Nazis seized power in 1933, and its research was infamously burned in the May 1933 Nazi book burnings.[62] Transgender issues went largely out of the public eye until after World War II. Even when they re-emerged, they reflected a forensic psychology approach, unlike the more sexological that had been employed in the lost German research.[60][63]
20th century medical understanding
[edit]Although there are records of gender affirming surgery (SRS) going back to the 2nd century, the first modern types of such practice first appeared in the 20th century.[64][65] In this context, Harry Benjamin suggested that moderate intensity male to female transsexual people may benefit from estrogen medication as a "substitute for or preliminary to operation".[19] In Benjamin's view, people may have had gender affirming surgery even though they do not meet the definition of transsexual,[citation needed] while others do not desire SRS although they fit his definition of a "true transsexual".[citation needed] "Transsexuality" was included for the first time in the DSM-III in 1980 and again in the DSM-III-R in 1987, where it was located under Disorders Usually First Evident in Infancy, Childhood or Adolescence.
Beyond Benjamin's work, which focused on male-to-female (MTF) transsexual people, there are cases of the female to male transsexual, for whom genital surgery may not be practical. Benjamin gave certifying letters to his MTF transsexual patients that stated "Their anatomical sex, that is to say, the body, is male. Their psychological sex, that is to say, the mind, is female." Starting in 1968 Benjamin abandoned his early terminology and adopted that of "gender identity".[42]
Medical diagnosis
[edit]Transsexualism is no longer classified as a mental disorder in the International Statistical Classification of Diseases and Related Health Problems (ICD). The World Professional Association for Transgender Health (WPATH) and many transsexual people had recommended this removal,[66][67]: 743 arguing that at least some mental health professionals are being insensitive by labelling transsexualism as a "disease" rather than as an inborn trait, as many transsexuals believe it to be.[68] Now, instead, it is classified as a sexual health condition; this classification continues to enable healthcare systems to provide healthcare needs related to gender.[9][failed verification] The eleventh edition was released in June 2018. The previous version, ICD-10, had incorporated transsexualism, dual role transvestism, and gender identity disorder of childhood into its gender identity disorder category. It defined transsexualism as "[a] desire to live and be accepted as a member of the opposite sex, usually accompanied by a sense of discomfort with, or inappropriateness of, one's anatomic sex, and a wish to have surgery and hormonal treatment to make one's body as congruent as possible with one's preferred sex". ICD-11 renamed Transexualism as Gender incongruence of adolescence or adulthood (HA60), and Gender identity disorder of childhood was renamed Gender incongruence of childhood (HA61).
HA60 of the ICD-11 reads:[7]
Gender Incongruence of Adolescence and Adulthood is characterised by a marked and persistent incongruence between an individual's experienced gender and the assigned sex, which often leads to a desire to 'transition', in order to live and be accepted as a person of the experienced gender, through hormonal treatment, surgery or other health care services to make the individual's body align, as much as desired and to the extent possible, with the experienced gender. The diagnosis cannot be assigned prior the onset of puberty. [HA61 applies before puberty] Gender variant behaviour and preferences alone are not a basis for assigning the diagnosis.
[failed verification] Historically, transsexualism has also been included in the American Psychiatric Association's Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM). With the DSM-5, transsexualism was removed as a diagnosis, and a diagnosis of gender dysphoria was created in its place.[69] This change was made to reflect the consensus view by members of the APA that the desire for gender affirming surgery is not, in and of itself, a disorder and that transsexual people should not be stigmatized unnecessarily.[8][failed verification] By including a diagnosis for gender dysphoria, transsexual people are still able to access medical care through the process of transition.
The current diagnosis for transsexual people who present themselves for medical treatment is gender dysphoria (leaving out those who have sexual identity disorders without gender concerns).[69] According to the Standards of care formulated by WPATH, formerly the Harry Benjamin International Gender Dysphoria Association, this diagnostic label is often necessary to obtain gender affirming therapy with health insurance coverage, and the designation of gender identity disorders as mental disorders is not a license for stigmatization or for the deprivation of gender patients' civil rights.[10][70]
Causes, studies, and theories
[edit]Causes
[edit]Focus on trans women over trans men
[edit]Historically, formal efforts by the medical community to provide transsexual healthcare were extremely focused on transsexual women, with little thought for transsexual men. Julia Serano suggests that effemimania (the idea that male femininity is more psychopathological than female masculinity) was the driving factor. She sees this as a kind of transmisogyny (hatred of trans women as an extension of sexism).[56]: 126–127 This effimimania conflates male homosexuality, transsexual women, and feminine gender expression, while treating them all as a disease.[56]: 129 She points to the medical community's long love of now outdated theories such as autogynephilia.[56]: 131
Medical assistance
[edit]Individuals make different choices regarding gender affirming therapy, which may include hormones, minor to extensive surgery, social changes, and psychological interventions. The extent of medical intervention is a highly personal decision: there is no one-size-fits-all solution.
Hormone replacement therapy
[edit]Transsexual individuals frequently opt for masculinizing or feminizing hormone replacement therapy (HRT) to modify secondary sex characteristics.
Sex reassignment therapy
[edit]Sex reassignment therapy (SRT) is an umbrella term for all medical treatments related to gender affirming of both transgender and intersex people. Sex reassignment surgery (such as orchiectomy) alters primary sex characteristics, including chest surgery such as top surgery or breast augmentation, or, in the case of trans women, a trachea shave, facial feminization surgery or permanent hair removal.
To obtain gender affirming therapy, transsexual people are generally required to undergo a psychological evaluation and receive a diagnosis of gender identity disorder in accordance with the Standards of Care (SOC) as published by the World Professional Association for Transgender Health.[10] This assessment is usually accompanied by counseling on issues of adjustment to the desired gender role, effects and risks of medical treatments, and sometimes also by psychological therapy. The SOC are intended as guidelines, not inflexible rules, and are intended to ensure that clients are properly informed and in sound psychological health, and to discourage people from transitioning based on unrealistic expectations.
Gender roles and transitioning
[edit]After an initial psychological evaluation, trans men and trans women may begin medical treatment, starting with hormone replacement therapy[70][71] or hormone blockers. In these cases, people who change their gender are usually required to live as members of their target gender for at least one year prior to genital surgery, gaining real-life experience, which is sometimes called the "real-life test" (RLT).[70] Transsexual individuals may undergo some, all, or none of the medical procedures available, depending on personal feelings, health, income, and other considerations. Some people posit that transsexualism is a physical condition, not a psychological issue, and assert that gender affirming therapy should be given on request. (Brown 103)
Like other trans people, transsexual people may refer to themselves as trans men or trans women. Transsexual people desire to establish a permanent gender role as a member of the gender with which they identify, and many transsexual people pursue medical interventions as part of the process of expressing their gender. The entire process of switching from one physical sex and social gender presentation to another is often referred to as transitioning, and usually takes several years. Transsexual people who transition usually change their social gender roles, legal names and legal sex designation.[72]
Not all transsexual people undergo a physical transition. Some have obstacles or concerns preventing them from doing so, such as the expense of surgery, the risk of medical complications, or medical conditions which make the use of hormones or surgery dangerous. Others may not identify strongly with another binary gender role. Still others may find balance at a midpoint during the process, regardless of whether or not they are binary-identified. Many transsexual people, including binary-identified transsexual people, do not undergo genital surgery, because they are comfortable with their own genitals, or because they are concerned about nerve damage and the potential loss of sexual pleasure, including orgasm. This is especially so in the case of trans men, many of whom are dissatisfied with the current state of phalloplasty, which is typically very expensive, not covered by health insurance, and commonly does not achieve desired results. For example, not only does phalloplasty not result in a completely natural erection, it may not allow for an erection at all, and its results commonly lack penile sexual sensitivity; in other cases, however, phalloplasty results are satisfying for trans men. By contrast, metoidioplasty, which is more popular, is significantly less expensive and has far better sexual results.[73][74][75]
Transsexual people can be heterosexual, gay, lesbian, or bisexual; many choose the language of how they refer to their sexual orientation based on their gender identity, not their birth assigned sex.[42]
Psychological treatment
[edit]Psychological techniques that attempt to alter gender identity to one considered appropriate for the person's assigned sex, aka conversion therapy, are ineffective. The widely recognized Standards of Care note that sometimes the only reasonable and effective course of treatment for transsexual people is to go through gender affirming therapy.[70][76]
The need for treatment of transsexual people is emphasized by the high rate of mental health problems, including depression, anxiety, and various addictions, as well as a higher suicide rate among untreated transsexual people than in the general population.[77] These problems are alleviated by a change of gender role and/or physical characteristics.[78]
Many transgender and transsexual activists, and many caregivers, note that these problems are not usually related to the gender identity issues themselves, but the social and cultural responses to gender-variant individuals. Some transsexual people reject the counseling that is recommended by the Standards of Care[70] because they do not consider their gender identity to be a cause of psychological problems.
Brown and Rounsley noted that "some transsexual people acquiesce to legal and medical expectations in order to gain rights granted through the medical/psychological hierarchy." Legal needs, such as a change of sex on legal documents, and medical needs, such as gender affirming surgery, are usually difficult to obtain without a doctor or therapist's approval. Because of this, some transsexual people feel coerced into affirming outdated concepts of gender to overcome simple legal and medical hurdles.[79]
Regrets and detransitions
[edit]People who undergo gender affirming surgery can develop regret for the procedure later in life, largely predicted by a lack of support from family or peers, with data from the 1990s suggesting a rate of 3.8%.[80][81] In a 2001 study of 232 MTF patients who underwent GRS, none of the patients reported complete regret and only 6% reported partial or occasional regrets.[82] A 2009 review of Medline literature suggests the total rate of patients expressing feelings of doubt or regret is estimated to be as high as 8%.[83]
A 2010 meta-study, based on 28 previous long-term studies of transsexual men and women, found that the overall psychological functioning of transsexual people after transition was similar to that of the general population and significantly better than that of untreated transsexual people.[84]
Demographics
[edit]Estimates of the population of transsexual people are highly dependent on the specific case definitions used in the studies, with prevalence rates varying by orders of magnitude.[85] In the United States, the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-V 2013) gives the following estimates: "For natal adult males [MTF], prevalence ranges from 0.005% to 0.014%, and for natal females [FTM], from 0.002% to 0.003%." It states, however, that these are likely underestimates since the figures are based on referrals to specialty clinics.[86]
The Amsterdam Gender Dysphoria Clinic over four decades has treated roughly 95% of Dutch transsexual clients, and it suggests (1997) a prevalence of 1:10,000 among assigned males and 1:30,000 among assigned females.[87]
Olyslager and Conway presented a paper[88] at the WPATH 20th International Symposium (2007) arguing that the data from their own and other studies actually imply much higher prevalence, with minimum lower bounds of 1:4,500 male-to-female transsexual people and 1:8,000 female-to-male transsexual people for a number of countries worldwide. They estimate the number of post-op women in the US to be 32,000 and obtain a figure of 1:2500 male-to-female transsexual people. They further compare the annual instances of gender affirming surgery (SRS) and male birth in the U.S. to obtain a figure of 1:1000 MTF transsexual people and suggest a prevalence of 1:500 extrapolated from the rising rates of SRS in the US and a "common sense" estimate of the number of undiagnosed transsexual people. Olyslager and Conway also argue that the US population of assigned males having already undergone reassignment surgery by the top three US SRS surgeons alone is enough to account for the entire transsexual population implied by the 1:10,000 prevalence number, yet this excludes all other US SRS surgeons, surgeons in countries such as Thailand, Canada, and others, and the high proportion of transsexual people who have not yet sought treatment, suggesting that a prevalence of 1:10,000 is too low.
A 2008 study of the number of New Zealand passport holders who changed the sex on their passport estimated that 1:3,639 birth-assigned males and 1:22,714 birth-assigned females were transsexual.[89]
A 2008 presentation at the LGBT Health Summit in Bristol, UK,[90] showed that the prevalence of transsexual people in the UK was increasing (14% per year) and that the mean age of transition was rising.
Though no direct studies on the prevalence of gender identity disorder (GID) have been done, a variety of clinical papers published in the past 20 years provide estimates ranging from 1:7,400 to 1:42,000 in assigned males and 1:30,040 to 1:104,000 in assigned females.[91]
In 2015, the National Center for Transgender Equality conducted a National Transgender Discrimination Survey. Of the 27,715 transgender and genderqueer people who took the survey, 35% identified as "non-binary", 33% identified as transgender women, 29% identified as transgender men, and 3% said that "crossdresser" best described their gender identity.[92][93]
A 2016 systematic review and meta-analysis of "how various definitions of transgender affect prevalence estimates" in 27 studies found a meta-prevalence (mP) estimates per 100,000 population of 9.2 (95% CI = 4.9–13.6), equal to 1:11,000 for surgical or hormonal gender affirmation therapy and 6.8 (95% CI = 4.6–9.1), equal to 1:15,000 for transgender-related medical condition diagnoses. Of studies assessing self-reported transgender identity, prevalence was 355 (95% CI = 144–566), equal to 1 in 282. However, a single outlier study would have influenced the result to 871 (95% CI = 519–1,224), equal to 1 in 115; this study was removed. "Significant heterogeneity was observed in most analyses."[85]
Those with an autism spectrum disorder or schizophrenia are transsexuals more often than the general population.[94]
| Country | Publication | Year | Incidence in males | Incidence in females |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| US | DSM-IV | 1994 | 1:30,000 | 1:100,000 |
| Netherlands | The Journal of Clinical Endocrinology & Metabolism | 1997 | 1:10,000 | 1:30,000 |
| US | International Journal of Transgenderism | 2007 | 1:4,500 | 1:8,000 |
| New Zealand | Australian and New Zealand Journal of Psychiatry | 2008 | 1:3,639 | 1:22,714 |
| US | The Journal of Sexual Medicine | 2016 | 1:11,000 | 1:15,000 |
Society and culture
[edit]A number of Native American and First Nations cultures have traditional social and ceremonial roles for individuals who do not fit into the usual roles for males and females in that culture. These roles can vary widely between tribes, because gender roles, when they exist at all, also vary considerably among different Native cultures. However, a modern, pan-Indian status known as Two-Spirit has emerged among LGBTQ Natives in recent years.[95]
Legal and social aspects
[edit]
Laws regarding changes to the legal status of transsexual people are different from country to country. Some jurisdictions allow an individual to change their name, and sometimes, their legal gender, to reflect their gender identity. Within the US, some states allow amendments or complete replacement of the original birth certificates.[99] Some states seal earlier records against all but court orders in order to protect the transsexual person's privacy.
In many places, it is not possible to change birth records or other legal designations of sex, although changes are occurring. Estelle Asmodelle's book documented her struggle to change the Australian birth certificate and passport laws, although there are other individuals who have been instrumental in changing laws and thus attaining more acceptance for transsexual people in general.
Medical treatment for transsexual and transgender people is available in most Western countries. However, transsexual and transgender people challenge the "normative" gender roles of many cultures and often face considerable hatred and prejudice. The film Boys Don't Cry chronicles the case of Brandon Teena, a transsexual man who was raped and murdered after his status was discovered. In 1999 Brandon was memorialised in the first Transgender Day of Remembrance.[100] The Transgender Day of Remembrance is observed annually on November 20 by members of the transgender community and LGBT+ organisations across the world.[101][102]
Jurisdictions allowing changes to birth records generally allow trans people to marry members of the opposite sex to their gender identity and to adopt children. Jurisdictions which prohibit same sex marriage often require pre-transition marriages to be ended before they will issue an amended birth certificate.[103]
Health-practitioner manuals, professional journalistic style guides, and LGBT advocacy groups advise the adoption by others of the name and pronouns identified by the person in question, including present references to the transgender or transsexual person's past.[104][105][106] Family members and friends who may be confused about pronoun usage or the definitions of sex are commonly instructed in proper pronoun usage, either by the transsexual person or by professionals or other persons familiar with pronoun usage as it relates to transsexual people. Sometimes transsexual people have to correct their friends and family members many times before they begin to use the transsexual person's desired pronouns consistently. According to Julia Serano, deliberate mis-gendering of transsexual people is "an arrogant attempt to belittle and humiliate trans people".[107]
Both "transsexualism" and "gender identity disorders not resulting from physical impairments" are specifically excluded from coverage under the Americans with Disabilities Act Section 12211.[108] Gender dysphoria is not excluded.[109]
Employment issues
[edit]This section needs to be updated. (June 2022) |
Openly transsexual people can have difficulty maintaining employment. Most find it necessary to remain employed during transition in order to cover the costs of living and transition. However, employment discrimination against trans people is rampant and many of them are fired when they come out or are involuntarily outed at work.[110] Transsexual people must decide whether to transition on-the-job, or to find a new job when they make their social transition. Other stresses that transsexual people face in the workplace are being fearful of coworkers negatively responding to their transition, and losing job experience under a previous name—even deciding which rest room to use can prove challenging.[111] Finding employment can be especially challenging for those in mid-transition.
Laws regarding name and gender changes in many countries make it difficult for transsexual people to conceal their trans status from their employers.[112] Because the Harry Benjamin Standards of Care requires one-year of real life experience prior to SRS, some feel this creates a Catch-22 situation which makes it difficult for trans people to remain employed or obtain SRS.
In many countries, laws provide protection from workplace discrimination based on gender identity or gender expression, including masculine women and feminine men. An increasing number of companies are including "gender identity and expression" in their non-discrimination policies.[99][113] Often these laws and policies do not cover all situations and are not strictly enforced. California's anti-discrimination laws protect transsexual persons in the workplace and specifically prohibit employers from terminating or refusing to hire a person based on their gender identity. The European Union provides employment protection as part of gender discrimination protections following the European Court of Justice decisions in P v S and Cornwall County Council.[114]
In the United States National Transgender Discrimination Survey, 44% of respondents reported not getting a job they applied for because of being transgender.[93] 36% of trans women reported losing a job due to discrimination compared to 19% of trans men.[93] 54% of trans women and 50% of trans men report having been harassed in the workplace.[93] Transgender people who have been fired due to bias are more than 34 times likely than members of the general population to attempt suicide.[93]
Stealth
[edit]Many transsexual men and women choose to live completely as members of their gender without disclosing details of their birth-assigned sex. This approach is sometimes called stealth.[115] Stealth transsexuals choose not to disclose their past for numerous reasons, including fear of discrimination and fear of physical violence.[93]: 63 There are examples of people having been denied medical treatment upon discovery of their trans status, whether it was revealed by the patient or inadvertently discovered by the doctors.[116]
In the media
[edit]
Before transsexual people were depicted in popular movies and television shows, Aleshia Brevard—a transsexual woman whose surgery took place in 1962[117]: 3 —was actively working as an actress[117]: 141 and model[117]: 200 in Hollywood and New York throughout the 1960s and 1970s. Aleshia never portrayed a transsexual person, though she appeared in eight Hollywood-produced films, on most of the popular variety shows of the day, including The Dean Martin Show, and was a regular on The Red Skelton Show and One Life to Live before returning to university to teach drama and acting.[117][118][user-generated source]
In pageantry
[edit]Since 2004, with the goal of crowning the top transsexual of the world, a beauty pageant by the name of The World's Most Beautiful Transsexual Contest was held in Las Vegas, Nevada. The pageant accepted pre-operation and post-operation trans women, but required proof of their gender at birth. The winner of the 2004 pageant was a woman named Mimi Marks.[119]
Jenna Talackova, a 23-year-old woman, successfully challenged Donald Trump and the Miss Universe Canada pageant, leading to the removal of the ban on transgender contestants. She participated in the pageant held in Toronto on May 19, 2012.[120] On January 12, 2013, Kylan Arianna Wenzel was the first transgender woman allowed to compete in a Miss Universe Organization pageant since Donald Trump changed the rules to allow women like Wenzel to enter officially. Wenzel was the first transgender woman to compete in a Miss Universe Organization pageant since officials disqualified 23-year-old Miss Canada Jenna Talackova the previous year after learning she was transgender.[121][122]
See also
[edit]References
[edit]- ^ a b c Bevan, Thomas E. (2015). The psychobiology of transsexualism and transgenderism: a new view based on scientific evidence. Santa Barbara, California. p. 42. ISBN 978-1-4408-3126-3. OCLC 881721443.
The term transsexual was introduced by Cauldwell (1949) and popularized by Harry Benjamin (1966) ... . The term transgender was coined by John Oliven (1965) and popularized by various transgender people who pioneered the concept and practice of transgenderism. It is sometimes said that Virginia Prince (1976) popularized the term, but history shows that many transgender people advocated the use of this term much more than Prince. The adjective transgendered should not be used ... . Transsexuals constitute a subset of transgender people.
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link) - ^ a b Alegria, Christine Aramburu (22 March 2011). "Transgender identity and health care: Implications for psychosocial and physical evaluation". Journal of the American Academy of Nurse Practitioners. 23 (4). Wiley: 175–182. doi:10.1111/j.1745-7599.2010.00595.x. ISSN 1041-2972. PMID 21489011. S2CID 205909330.
Transgender, Umbrella term for persons who do not conform to gender norms in their identity and/or behavior (Meyerowitz, 2002). Transsexual, Subset of transgenderism; persons who feel discordance between natal sex and identity (Meyerowitz, 2002).
- ^ Stryker, Susan; Whittle, Stephen (2006). The Transgender Studies Reader. New York: Routledge. pp. 1–17. ISBN 0-415-94708-1. OCLC 62782200.
- ^ Winters, Kelley; Karasic, Dan (2008). Gender Madness in American Psychiatry: Essays From the Struggle for Dignity. Dillon, CO: GID Reform Advocates. p. 198. ISBN 978-1-4392-2388-8. OCLC 367582287.
Some Transsexual individuals also identify with the broader transgender community; others do not.
- ^ "Transsexualism". Gender Centre. March 2014. Archived from the original on 4 March 2016. Retrieved 5 July 2016.
Transsexualism is often included within the broader term 'transgender', which is generally considered an umbrella term for people who do not conform to typically accepted gender roles for the sex they were assigned at birth. The term 'transgender' is a word employed by activists to encompass as many groups of gender diverse people as possible. However, many of these groups individually don't identify with the term. Many health clinics and services set up to serve gender variant communities employ the term, however most of the people using these services again don't identify with this term. The rejection of this political category by those that it is designed to cover clearly illustrates the difference between self-identification and categories that are imposed by observers to understand other people.
- ^ a b Valentine, David (30 August 2007). Imagining Transgender. Duke University Press. doi:10.2307/j.ctv125jv36. ISBN 978-0-8223-9021-3.
- ^ a b "ICD-11 for Mortality and Morbidity Statistics". icd.who.int. Archived from the original on 1 August 2018. Retrieved 27 October 2022.
- ^ a b "Gender Dysphoria" (PDF). American Psychiatric Publishing. 2013. Archived from the original (PDF) on 11 June 2013. Retrieved 4 July 2021.
- ^ a b Kacala, Alexander (18 June 2018). "Being Trans Is (Finally) No Longer Classified as a Mental Disorder by the WHO". Hornet. Archived from the original on 19 June 2018. Retrieved 19 June 2018.
- ^ a b c "World Professional Association for Transgender Health". WPATH. 25 September 2011. Archived from the original on 22 August 2011. Retrieved 23 February 2012.
- ^ "Gatekeeping". TransHub. Retrieved 27 October 2022.
- ^ a b c d Encyclopedia of Sex and Sexuality: Understanding Biology, Psychology, and Culture. Heather L. Armstrong. Santa Barbara, California: Greenwood Publishing Group. 2021. ISBN 978-1-61069-875-7. OCLC 1161996063.
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: others (link) - ^ Haire, Norman (1934). "Encyclopaedia of Sexual Knowledge". Archived from the original on 20 November 2007 – via Transgenderzone.com.
- ^ Hirschfeld, Magnus; "Die intersexuelle Konstitution" in Jahrbuch für sexuelle Zwischenstufen 1923.
- ^ Cauldwell, David Oliver (1949). "Psychopathia Transexualis". Sexology: Sex Science Magazine. 16. Archived from the original on 30 September 2011.. See also the neo-Latin term "psychopathia transexualis".
- ^ Cauldwell, David O. (1950). Questions and answers on the sex life and sexual problems of trans-sexuals: trans-sexuals are individuals who are physically of one sex and apparently psychologically of the opposite sex : trans-sexuals include heterosexuals, homosexuals, bisexuals and others: a large element of transvestites have trans-sexual leanings. Big blue book. Haldeman-Julius Publications. Archived from the original on 19 June 2010.
- ^ Meyerowitz, Joanne J. (2002). How sex changed: a history of transsexuality in the United States. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. pp. 43–44. ISBN 978-0-674-01379-7.
- ^ Benjamin, H. (1969). "Introduction". In Green, R.; Money, J. (eds.). Transsexualism and Sex Reassignment. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins.
- ^ a b Benjamin 1966, p. 23
- ^ Schaefer, L.C.; Wheeler, C.C (1983). The non-surgical true Transsexual: a theoretical rationale. Harry Benjamin International Gender Dysphoria Association VIII International Symposium. Bordeaux, France.
- ^ a b Gaughan, Sharon (19 August 2006). "What About Non-op Transsexuals? A No-op Notion". TS-SI. Archived from the original on 20 December 2008. Retrieved 30 September 2008.
- ^ Frye, Phyllis Randolph; Currah, Paisley; Juang, Richard M.; Minter, Shannon (2006). Transgender rights. Minneapolis. ISBN 0-8166-4311-3. OCLC 68221085.
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link) - ^ a b Polly, Ryan; Nicole, Julie (2011). "Understanding the Transsexual Patient". Advanced Emergency Nursing Journal. 33 (1). Ovid Technologies (Wolters Kluwer Health): 55–64. doi:10.1097/tme.0b013e3182080ef4. ISSN 1931-4485. PMID 21317698. S2CID 2481961.
The use of terminology by transsexual individuals to self-identify varies. As aforementioned, many transsexual individuals prefer the term transgender, or simply trans, as it is more inclusive and carries fewer stigmas. There are some transsexual individuals[,] however, who reject the term transgender; these individuals view transsexualism as a treatable congenital condition. Following medical and/or surgical transition, they live within the binary as either a man or a woman and may not disclose their transition history.
- ^ a b Swenson, A (2014). "Medical Care of the Transgender Patient". Family Medicine.
While some transsexual people still prefer to use the term to describe themselves, many transgender people prefer the term transgender to transsexual.
- ^ a b "Glossary of Terms - Transgender". GLAAD Media Reference Guide. n.d. Archived from the original on 23 February 2022.
- ^ McGuinness, S; Alghrani, A (2008). "Gender and parenthood: the case for realignment". Medical Law Review. 16 (2): 261–83. doi:10.1093/medlaw/fwn010. hdl:1983/a58f6bfe-0d1a-45e5-99f8-b0c0ee37eaab. PMID 18441087.
- ^ Whittle, S (2002). Respect and Equality: Transsexual and Transgender Rights. London: Cavendish. p. 7. ISBN 978-1-85941-743-0.
- ^ Harris, Alex (2012). "Non-binary Gender Concepts and the Evolving Legal Treatment of UK Transsexed Individuals: A Practical Consideration of the Possibilities of Butler". Journal of International Women's Studies. 13 (6): 57–71. Archived from the original on 20 September 2015. Retrieved 8 September 2015.
- ^ Denny, Dallas (2006). "Chapter 9: Transgender Communities of the United States in the Late Twentieth Century". In Currah, Paisley (ed.). Transgender Rights.
- ^ "Glossary of Gender and Transgender Terms" (PDF). Boston, Mass.: Fenway Health. January 2010. p. 15. Archived from the original (PDF) on 19 October 2013.
- ^ Parker, Jerry (18 October 1979). "Christine Recalls Life as Boy from the Bronx". Newsday/Winnipeg Free Press. Archived from the original on 25 April 2012. Retrieved 28 May 2012.
"If you understand trans-genders", she says, (the word she prefers to transsexuals), "then you understand that gender doesn't have to do with bed partners, it has to do with identity".
- ^ "News From California: 'Transgender'". Appeal-Democrat/Associate Press. 11 May 1982. pp. A–10. Archived from the original on 12 April 2012. Retrieved 28 May 2012.
she describes people who have had such operations' "transgender" rather than transsexual. "Sexuality is who you sleep with, but gender is who you are", she explained
- ^ Transgender identities: Towards a social analysis of gender diversity. Sally Hines, Tam Sanger. New York: Routledge. March 2010. p. 43. ISBN 978-0-415-99930-4. OCLC 1076752703.
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: others (link) - ^ "GLAAD Media Reference Guide - Transgender Terms". GLAAD. 22 February 2022. Archived from the original on 28 September 2023. Retrieved 30 April 2022.
- ^ "transsexual, adj. and n.". Oxford English Dictionary (3rd ed.). Oxford University Press. March 2018. (Subscription or participating institution membership required.)
- ^ Harris, Alex. "Non-binary Gender Concepts and the Evolving Legal Treatment of UK Transsexed Individuals: A Practical Consideration of the Possibilities of Butler". Journal of International Women's Studies. 13 (6). Archived from the original on 25 February 2014. Retrieved 4 July 2021.
- ^ Currah, Paisley; Juang, Richard M.; Minter, Shannon Price (18 August 2006). Transgender Rights. U of Minnesota Press. ISBN 978-1-4529-4258-2.
- ^ Pauly, Ira B. (28 May 1993). "Terminology and Classification of Gender Identity Disorders". Journal of Psychology & Human Sexuality. 5 (4): 1–12. doi:10.1300/J056v05n04_01. ISSN 0890-7064. S2CID 142954603. Archived from the original on 11 January 2013. Retrieved 26 February 2007.
- ^ Laub, D. R .; N. Fisk (April 1974). "A rehabilitation program for gender dysphoria syndrome by surgical sex change". Plastic and Reconstructive Surgery. 53 (4): 388–403. doi:10.1097/00006534-197404000-00003. PMID 4592953. S2CID 42739374.
- ^ Fisk, N. (1974). Laub, D.; Gandy P. (eds.). "Gender Dysphoria Syndrome". Proceedings of the Second Interdisciplinary Symposium on Gender Dysphoria Syndrome: 7–14.
- ^ Aggrawal, Anil (2008). Forensic and Medico-legal Aspects of Sexual Crimes and Unusual Sexual Practices.
- ^ a b c d Ekins, Richard; King, Dave (2006). The Transgender Phenomenon. London: SAGE. ISBN 978-0-7619-7164-1.
- ^ Labonté, Richard; Schimel, Lawrence (2009). Second Person Queer: Who You are (so Far). Arsenal Pulp Press. ISBN 978-1-55152-245-6.
- ^ Bornstein, Kate; Bergman, S. Bear (2010). Gender Outlaws: The Next Generation. Basic Books. ISBN 978-1-58005-308-2. OCLC 526069032.
- ^ Blanchard, Ray (1989). "The classification and labeling of nonhomosexual gender dysphorias". Archives of Sexual Behavior. 18 (4). Springer Science and Business Media LLC: 315–334. doi:10.1007/bf01541951. ISSN 0004-0002. PMID 2673136. S2CID 43151898.
- ^ Bagemihl, Bruce (1997). "Surrogate Phonology and Transsexual Faggotry: A linguistic analogy for uncoupling sexual orientation from gender identity". In Livia, Anna; Hall, Kira (eds.). Queerly Phrased: Language, Gender, and Sexuality. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 380. ISBN 978-0-19-535577-2. OCLC 252561680.
- ^ Wahng SJ (2004). Double Cross: Transmasculinity Asian American Gendering in Trappings of Transhood. in Aldama AJ (ed.) Violence and the Body: Race, Gender, and the State. Indiana University Press. ISBN 0-253-34171-X
- ^ Leiblum, Sandra Risa; Rosen, Raymond (2000). Principles and practice of sex therapy (3rd ed.). New York: Guilford Press. ISBN 1-57230-574-6. OCLC 43845675.
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- ^ Moser, Charles (July 2010). "Blanchard's Autogynephilia Theory: A Critique". Journal of Homosexuality. 57 (6) (6 ed.): 790–809. doi:10.1080/00918369.2010.486241. PMID 20582803. S2CID 8765340.
- ^ Jordan-Young, Rebecca M. (2010). Brain storm: the flaws in the science of sex differences. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-05879-8. OCLC 680017826.
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For sexually mature individuals, the following specifiers may be noted based on the individual's sexual orientation: Sexually Attracted to Males, Sexually Attracted to Females, Sexually Attracted to Both, and Sexually Attracted to Neither
- ^ a b c d Girshick, Lori B. (15 September 2009). Transgender Voices: Beyond Women and Men. Hanover: University Press of New England. p. 16. ISBN 978-1-58465-838-2. OCLC 929272452. Archived from the original on 16 March 2017. Retrieved 15 March 2017.
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{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link) - ^ "The Trans History You Weren't Taught in Schools". YES! Magazine. Archived from the original on 23 January 2022. Retrieved 23 January 2022.
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- ^ Hickman, H.; Porfilio, B. J. (2012). The New Politics of the Textbook: Problematizing the Portrayal of Marginalized Groups in Textbooks. Constructing Knowledge: Curriculum Studies in Action. SensePublishers. p. 235. ISBN 978-94-6091-912-1. Archived from the original on 10 January 2023. Retrieved 10 January 2023.
- ^ a b c Janssen, Diederik F. (21 April 2020). "Transgenderism Before Gender: Nosology from the Sixteenth Through Mid-Twentieth Century". Archives of Sexual Behavior. 49 (5): 1415–1425. doi:10.1007/s10508-020-01715-w. ISSN 0004-0002. PMID 32319033. S2CID 216073926.
- ^ Nicolas), Bescherelle (M , Louis (1843). Dictionnaire usuel de tous les verbes français: tant réguliers qu'irréguliers, entièrement conjugués, contenant par ordre alphabétique les 7,000 verbes de la langue française avec leur conjugaison complète, et la solution analytique et raisonnée de toutes les difficultés auxquelles ils peuvent donner lieu (in French). Vol. 2. Chez Breteau & Pichery. p. 896.
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{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link) CS1 maint: others (link) - ^ Green, Jamison (May 2004). Becoming a Visible Man. Vanderbilt University Press. p. 79. ISBN 978-0-8265-1457-8.
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Historically, many transmen who have had phalloplasty have not been satisfied with the results. Doctors continue to make improvements to this surgery, but many surgeons in the United States choose not to perform it because of the high risk of complications (severe scarring or fistulas for example), the significant risk of never regaining sensation in the penis or donor sites, and the chance that the result will not be aesthetically pleasing. However, some transmen are satisfied with their results and would choose to do it again if given the choice.
- ^ Stryker, Susan; Whittle, Stephen (2013). The Transgender Studies Reader. Routledge. p. 353. ISBN 978-1-135-39884-2. Archived from the original on 10 September 2015. Retrieved 20 August 2015.
In addition, phalloplasty 'cannot produce an organ rich in the sexual feeling of the natural one.'
- ^ Carroll, Janell (2015). Sexuality Now: Embracing Diversity. Routledge. p. 132. ISBN 978-1-305-44603-8. Archived from the original on 20 September 2015. Retrieved 20 August 2015.
Penises made from phalloplasty cannot achieve a natural erection, so penile implants of some kind are usually used (we will discuss these implants in more detail in Chapter 14). Overall, metoidioplasty is a simpler procedure than phalloplasty, which explains its popularity. It also has fewer complications, takes less time, and is less expensive (e.g., a metoidioplasty takes about 1 to 2 hours and can cost around $15,000 to 20,000, whereas, a phalloplasty can take about 8 hours can cost more than $65,000).
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...the suicide attempt rate dropped significantly from 29.3% to 5.1%
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Dans un entretien par téléphone avec BuzzFeed News, elle développe: «Ça se passait dans un contexte particulier, juste après une chirurgie de réassignation que j'ai été faire en Thaïlande. Il se trouve que j'avais déjà été interviewée par des médias, et que j'avais une image qui passait plutôt bien.» À travers les lettres XY marquées sur sa main, July voulait «clairement expliciter [sa] situation en tant que transsexuelle.
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Use whatever name and gender pronoun the person prefers
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Use the pronoun that matches the person's gender identity
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listen to your clients – what terms do they use to describe themselves
- ^ Serano, Julia (2009). Whipping Girl: A Transsexual Woman on Sexism and the Scapegoating of Femininity. Seal Press. ISBN 978-1-58005-154-5. Retrieved 31 May 2021.
- ^ "Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990 - ADA - 42 U.S. Code Chapter 126". find US law. Archived from the original on 27 December 2011. Retrieved 6 July 2011.
- ^ "Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990 §512. DEFINITIONS". United States Access Board, a Federal Agency. 1 January 2009. Archived from the original on 20 July 2013. Retrieved 5 June 2013.
- ^ James, Andrea (4 April 2019). "Transgender employment". Transgender Map. Archived from the original on 2 June 2022. Retrieved 12 June 2022.
- ^ Pepper 2008
- ^ Weiss, Jillian Todd (2001). "The Gender Caste System: Identity, Privacy and Heteronormativity" (PDF). Law & Sexuality. Tulane Law School. Archived from the original (PDF) on 21 June 2007. Retrieved 25 February 2007.
- ^ "Workplace Discrimination: Gender Identity or Expression". Human Rights Campaign. 2004. Archived from the original on 31 October 2006.
- ^ "Judgment of the Court of 30 April 1996. - P v S and Cornwall County Council". 30 April 1996. Retrieved 12 June 2022.
- ^ Schilt, Kristen (2006). "Just One of the Guys?". Gender & Society. 20 (4). SAGE Publications: 465–490. doi:10.1177/0891243206288077. ISSN 0891-2432. S2CID 144778992.
- ^ Stryker, Susan; Whittle, Stephen (2006). The Transgender Studies Reader. CRC Press. ISBN 978-0-415-94709-1. Archived from the original on 3 February 2016. Retrieved 24 November 2009.
- ^ a b c d Brevard, Aleshia (19 January 2011). Woman I Was Not Born To Be: A Transsexual Journey. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. ISBN 978-1-4399-0527-2. OCLC 884015871. Archived from the original on 26 October 2020. Retrieved 20 October 2016.
- ^ Aleshia Brevard at IMDb
- ^ Forman, Ross (27 January 2021). "Chicago Performer Mimi Marks Reflects on Her Award-Winning Career". Go Pride. Archived from the original on 21 April 2021. Retrieved 4 July 2021.
- ^ Newton, Paula (21 May 2012). "Transgender Miss Universe Canada contestant falls short of title". CNN. Archived from the original on 4 March 2016. Retrieved 29 August 2015.
- ^ Bennettsmith, Meredith (11 January 2013). "Transgender Miss California Contestant Set To Make History". Huffington Post. Archived from the original on 3 February 2014. Retrieved 26 August 2014.
- ^ "Transgender woman to compete in Miss California USA pageant". LGBT Weekly. Archived from the original on 12 September 2015. Retrieved 29 August 2015.
Bibliography
[edit]- Benjamin, Harry (1966). The Transsexual Phenomenon. Julian Press, Incorporated Publishers. OCLC 1138665289.
- Brown, Mildred L.; Chloe Ann Rounsley (1996). True Selves: Understanding Transsexualism – For Families, Friends, Coworkers, and Helping Professionals. Jossey-Bass. ISBN 978-0-7879-6702-4. OCLC 51437864.
- Feinberg, Leslie (1999). Trans Liberation: Beyond Pink or Blue. Beacon Press. ISBN 978-0-8070-7951-5. OCLC 38732343.
- Standards of Care for the Health of Transsexual, Transgender, and Gender-Nonconforming People (PDF) (Report). 7. World Professional Association for Transgender Health. 2012. Archived (PDF) from the original on 11 May 2022.
- Kruijver, Frank P. M.; Zhou, Jiang-Ning; Pool, Chris W.; Hofman, Michel A.; Gooren, Louis J. G.; Swaab, Dick F. (1 May 2000). "Male-to-Female Transsexuals Have Female Neuron Numbers in a Limbic Nucleus". The Journal of Clinical Endocrinology and Metabolism. 85 (5). The Endocrine Society: 2034–41. doi:10.1210/jcem.85.5.6564. ISSN 0021-972X. PMID 10843193. Archived from the original on 6 February 2007. Retrieved 25 February 2007.
- Rathus, Spencer A.; Jeffery S. Nevid, Lois Fichner-Rathus (2002). Human Sexuality in a World of Diversity. Allyn & Bacon. ISBN 978-0-205-40615-9. OCLC 55502508.
- Schreiber, Gerhard (2016). Transsexuality in Theology and Neuroscience. Findings, Controversies, and Perspectives (in German). Walter de Gruyter. ISBN 978-3-11-044080-5. OCLC 962412457.
- Pepper, Shanti M.; Lorah, Peggy (2008). "Career Issues and Workplace Considerations for the Transsexual Community: Bridging a Gap of Knowledge for Career Counselors and Mental Health Care Providers". The Career Development Quarterly. 56 (4). Wiley: 330–343. doi:10.1002/j.2161-0045.2008.tb00098.x. ISSN 0889-4019. ProQuest 219546491.
External links
[edit]- The International Journal of Transgenderism – The Official Journal of the World Professional Association for Transgender Health (formerly HBIGDA). An archive of IJT Volumes I through V is available, as are several books on transsexualism, including Harry Benjamin's The Transsexual Phenomenon
Transsexual
View on GrokipediaDefinitions and Terminology
Etymology and Historical Origins
The term "transsexual" derives from the prefix trans-, meaning "across" or "beyond," combined with sexual, referring to biological sex, to denote a state or individual involving a crossing from one sex to the other.[11] Its earliest documented English usage appears in medical literature around 1907, though in a limited sense unrelated to the modern condition of desiring physical sex change.[12] In German, sexologist Magnus Hirschfeld employed the related concept of seelischer Transsexualismus ("psychic transsexualism") in 1923 to describe cases where an individual's inner sense of self conflicted deeply with their anatomical sex, distinguishing it from mere cross-dressing (Transvestitismus), which he had termed in 1910.[2] However, Hirschfeld's usage emphasized psychological mismatch rather than the imperative for surgical or hormonal alteration central to later definitions.[13] The English term "transsexual" gained prominence in 1949 through American physician David Oliver Cauldwell, who introduced psychopathia transsexualis in a paper distinguishing it from transvestism as a pathological drive to adopt the opposite sex's physical form, not just clothing.[14] Cauldwell's framing portrayed it as a rare, congenital disorder requiring psychiatric intervention, drawing on earlier sexological works but applying the term to individuals exhibiting insistent demands for bodily modification.[15] This marked a shift toward viewing transsexualism as a distinct clinical entity amenable to medical treatment, influencing subsequent endocrinologist Harry Benjamin, who adopted and expanded the term in the 1950s through case studies of patients seeking genital surgery and hormone therapy.[16] Benjamin's 1953 coinage of "transsexualism" as an intense desire to change one's phenotypic sex further solidified its medical origins, predating broader cultural adoptions.[17] Historically, the concept's roots trace to 19th-century European sexology, where figures like Karl Heinrich Ulrichs described "urnings" (innate female souls in male bodies) in the 1860s, but without the specific terminology or emphasis on surgical transition.[2] Early 20th-century literature, including Hirschfeld's observations at his Institute for Sexual Science (founded 1919), documented over 20 surgical interventions on "transvestites" by 1930, though these predated standardized use of "transsexual" and often conflated fetishistic cross-dressing with deeper identity distress.[18] By the mid-20th century, amid post-World War II advancements in endocrinology and plastic surgery, the term crystallized around empirical cases of individuals like Christine Jorgensen, whose 1952 orchiectomy and penectomy in Denmark exemplified the phenomenon Benjamin termed, shifting focus from inversion theories to treatable incongruence.[19] This evolution reflected causal attributions to innate biological mismatches, though early sources like Cauldwell stressed psychopathological elements over purely somatic ones.[14]Distinction from Transgender and Gender Identity Concepts
The term "transsexual" originated in the mid-20th century medical literature to describe individuals experiencing severe gender dysphoria who sought hormonal and surgical interventions to align their physical bodies with their perceived gender, emphasizing a congruence between somatic sex characteristics and psychological identification.[20][21] This usage, formalized in the DSM-III (1980) as "transsexualism," framed the condition as a psychosexual disorder amenable to medical treatment, distinct from mere cross-dressing or transient identity exploration.[20][21] In contrast, "transgender" emerged in the 1990s as an umbrella term encompassing a wider spectrum of experiences where an individual's self-reported gender identity diverges from their biological sex determined at birth, without requiring medical transition or implying a fixed binary outcome.[22][23] This broader conceptualization includes non-binary identities, social presentation changes without hormones or surgery, and identities not predicated on physical modification, reflecting a shift influenced by cultural and activist movements toward depathologizing variance in self-perception.[24][25] The American Psychiatric Association's DSM-IV (1994) replaced "transsexualism" with "gender identity disorder" to reduce stigma associated with medicalized language, further aligning diagnostic criteria with subjective identity reports over objective physiological criteria.[26] Gender identity concepts, central to transgender frameworks, prioritize an internal, subjective sense of gender—often described as innate and potentially fluid—over empirical markers of biological sex such as chromosomes, gametes, or reproductive anatomy.[22] This differs from transsexual paradigms, which historically demanded evidence of persistent dysphoria and pursuit of irreversible bodily alterations for validation, viewing identity as secondary to achieving somatic alignment.[23][24] Some individuals identifying as transsexual reject the transgender label, arguing it obscures the specificity of medical transition and dilutes focus on dysphoria's physiological distress, a perspective rooted in pre-1990s clinical practices.[23] The terminological evolution has been critiqued for prioritizing ideological inclusivity over diagnostic precision, potentially conflating verifiable medical needs with unverified self-identifications.[25]Implications of Surgical and Hormonal Status
Hormone replacement therapy (HRT) in transsexual individuals induces secondary sex characteristics opposite to biological sex but carries significant health risks. For biological males receiving estrogen and anti-androgens, risks include elevated venous thromboembolism (up to 5-fold increase), cardiovascular events such as myocardial infarction and stroke, and potential exacerbation of hypertension and dyslipidemia.[27] [28] Biological females on testosterone face polycythemia, erythrocytosis leading to clotting risks, hepatic dysfunction, and possible androgenic alopecia or acne, with emerging data suggesting increased cardiovascular mortality over decades of use.[29] [30] Both regimens often result in infertility, with gamete preservation recommended but infrequently pursued; ovarian suppression in trans men and testicular atrophy in trans women render natural reproduction impossible without advanced interventions like cryopreservation prior to treatment.[31] Long-term skeletal effects include reduced bone mineral density in trans women due to estrogen deficiency if orchiectomy precedes therapy, necessitating monitoring to avert osteoporosis.[27] Sex reassignment surgeries, such as vaginoplasty, phalloplasty, or mastectomy, produce neogenitalia or altered anatomy but entail high complication rates and functional limitations. Vaginoplasty in biological males yields neovaginas requiring lifelong dilation to prevent stenosis, with complication rates of 20-30% including fistulas, prolapse, and chronic pain; sexual sensation and lubrication remain inferior to natal anatomy, often necessitating ongoing medical support.[32] Phalloplasty in biological females involves multiple staged procedures with flap failure risks up to 20%, urinary complications in over 40%, and erectile implants prone to malfunction, limiting reliable penetrative function.[33] Mastectomy, while lower risk, can result in nipple loss or asymmetry in 10-15% of cases. These interventions are irreversible, with revisions costly and complex; hormonal preconditioning is standard to optimize tissue but amplifies surgical risks like poor wound healing.[34] Post-treatment outcomes reveal persistent elevations in morbidity despite some reported short-term dysphoria relief. A 30-year Swedish cohort study of 324 post-surgical transsexuals found 19.1 times higher suicide attempt rates in the first decade post-surgery compared to controls, remaining 4.9 times higher thereafter, alongside increased psychiatric hospitalization and overall mortality from cardiovascular causes.[7] Systematic reviews estimate surgical regret at 1-2%, predominantly low due to short follow-up and high loss-to-follow-up (up to 30%), though detransition surveys indicate 5-13% rates, often citing unresolved mental health or external pressures, with internal reidentification comprising 5-10% in rigorous estimates.[35] [36] [37] Quality-of-life improvements are noted in select studies, but meta-analyses highlight non-normalization of mental health, with comorbid conditions like depression persisting at 2-3 times general population rates.[38] [32] These findings underscore that surgical and hormonal status alters phenotype but does not eradicate underlying vulnerabilities, as evidenced by cohort data spanning decades.[30]Biological Foundations
Immutable Characteristics of Biological Sex
Biological sex in humans is defined by the production of distinct gamete types, rendering it a binary classification: males are organized to produce small, mobile gametes (sperm), while females produce large, immobile gametes (ova).[39][40] This dimorphism arises from anisogamy, a fundamental reproductive strategy observed across sexually reproducing species, including mammals, where no third gamete type exists.[41] The developmental pathway for gamete production is initiated at fertilization and cannot be altered post-conception, as gametogenesis requires the retention of either the full set of oogenic or spermatogenic machinery from embryonic stages.[42] Sex determination in humans is genetically encoded by sex chromosomes, with XX karyotype directing ovarian development and oogenesis in females, and XY karyotype triggering testicular development and spermatogenesis in males via the SRY gene on the Y chromosome.[40] These chromosomal configurations are immutable, fixed at the moment of zygote formation and present in nearly every nucleated cell of the body, resisting any form of therapeutic modification.[42] Gonadal tissue further embodies this immutability: testes secrete anti-Müllerian hormone to regress female internal structures and promote male ductal systems, while ovaries facilitate female reproductive tract formation; surgical removal or hormonal suppression does not reprogram these primordial tissues to produce the opposite gamete type.[43] Disorders of sex development (DSDs), which disrupt typical gonadal or genital formation, occur in approximately 1 in 4,500 to 5,500 live births and represent developmental anomalies rather than a spectrum or third category of sex.[44][45] In such cases, affected individuals retain an underlying chromosomal sex (e.g., 46,XY males with incomplete masculinization) and are typically infertile, failing to produce functional gametes of either type, but they do not generate intermediate or novel reproductive cells that challenge the binary framework.[40] Medical interventions like hormone replacement or gonadectomy alter phenotypic expression—such as secondary sex characteristics or external genitalia—but leave the core reproductive architecture, including gametic potential and chromosomal identity, unchanged.[42] Empirical evidence from embryology confirms that no human has ever transitioned from producing one gamete type to the other, underscoring sex as an immutable trait oriented toward reproduction.[39]Critiques of Brain Sex and Neurological Theories
Neurological theories proposing a "brain sex" mismatch in transsexual individuals—wherein brain structures allegedly resemble those of the identified gender rather than biological sex—have been advanced to explain gender dysphoria through atypical prenatal sexual differentiation, often citing differences in regions like the bed nucleus of the stria terminalis (BSTc).[46] However, these claims rest on limited empirical foundations, with critiques emphasizing methodological weaknesses that undermine causal inferences. Foundational studies, such as Zhou et al.'s 1995 postmortem analysis of the BSTc in six trans women, relied on samples as small as 12 brains total and have not been replicated in larger cohorts.[46] Subsequent neuroimaging efforts, including MRI-based volumetric comparisons, exhibit inconsistent results across studies, with replication attempts yielding contradictory or null findings due to variability in measurement techniques and participant selection.[47] A primary confound arises from brain plasticity and external influences, as many studies include participants who have undergone cross-sex hormone therapy (HRT), which demonstrably alters brain volume and connectivity independently of any innate differences.[46] For instance, pre-HRT trans women often show elevated volumes in structures like the putamen and insula compared to both cisgender men and women, but post-HRT scans reveal shifts that blur distinctions without achieving full alignment with female-typical patterns.[48] Critiques highlight that such changes likely reflect experiential or therapeutic effects rather than prenatal origins, as longitudinal data distinguishing cause from effect remain scarce, and controls for factors like sexual orientation or handedness are often inadequate.[46] Moreover, human brains exhibit substantial intra-sex overlap and mosaicism—mixtures of male- and female-typical features—precluding a binary "trans brain" category that shifts wholly toward the opposite sex.[46] Causation remains unestablished, as observed differences correlate with but do not predict gender dysphoria; multivariate classifiers trained on cisgender brains misclassify trans women's structures as intermediate or distinct from both sexes, with true positive rates for male classification dropping to 56% pre-HRT but failing to consistently match female norms.[48] Reviews of over 100 biological studies since 1990 conclude that neuroanatomical evidence is inconclusive for etiology, prone to interpretive biases and risks of overstatement in non-peer-reviewed contexts.[47] These limitations suggest that neurological variations may result from gender identity reinforcement or comorbidity rather than drive dysphoria, aligning with broader skepticism toward deterministic models that overlook postnatal social and psychological factors.[46]Genetic, Hormonal, and Developmental Influences
Twin studies on gender dysphoria have produced inconsistent heritability estimates, ranging from 0% in a large Swedish register-based population study showing no concordance among same-sex twins to 62% in a smaller child and adolescent sample.[49][50] Genome-wide association studies have not identified significant loci specific to transsexualism, though small-scale candidate gene analyses report associations between polymorphisms in sex hormone signaling genes, such as the androgen receptor and estrogen receptor alpha, and gender dysphoria in transgender women (sample sizes typically under 400).[51] These genetic findings remain preliminary and un-replicated at scale, with overall evidence pointing to low or negligible inherited genetic contributions compared to complex traits like schizophrenia. Prenatal hormonal influences, particularly androgen exposure, have been hypothesized to contribute to gender dysphoria, with atypical levels potentially altering sexually dimorphic brain development. The 2D:4D digit ratio, a purported proxy for prenatal testosterone exposure (lower ratios indicating higher exposure), shows mixed results: meta-analyses indicate feminized (higher) ratios in transwomen relative to natal males, suggesting reduced prenatal androgens, while findings for transmen are heterogeneous with small effect sizes.[52] Direct evidence from conditions of disordered sex development, such as congenital adrenal hyperplasia, links elevated prenatal androgens in females to increased tomboyish behaviors but not consistently to persistent adult transsexualism.[53] Developmentally, gender dysphoria in children exhibits high fluidity, with longitudinal studies reporting desistance rates of 80% or more by adolescence among clinic-referred youth, particularly boys, implying limited early biological entrenchment and substantial postnatal environmental modulation.[54] Persistence appears lower in early-onset cases without comorbid autism or trauma, but overall trajectories underscore that childhood cross-gender identification rarely predicts lifelong transsexualism, contrasting with more stable biological sex-linked traits.[55]Historical Development
Pre-20th Century Cases and Cultural Interpretations
In ancient civilizations, certain ritualistic practices involved individuals adopting cross-gender presentations, often tied to religious devotion rather than personal identity dysphoria. The galli, eunuch priests of the Phrygian goddess Cybele adopted in Roman culture from the 3rd century BCE, ritually castrated themselves during ecstatic festivals, dressed in women's clothing, wore makeup, and performed feminine dances, embodying a liminal gender role to serve the deity.[56] These practices, documented in sources like Ovid's Fasti (1st century CE), were communal and cult-specific, not indicative of individualized desires for permanent sex change, and carried social stigma outside religious contexts. Similarly, in South Asia, hijras—castrated males or intersex individuals forming a third-gender category—performed ceremonial roles such as blessing newborns, with roots traceable to ancient texts like the Kama Sutra (c. 400 BCE–200 CE), though institutionalization intensified under Mughal rule from the 16th century.[57] Eunuchs in imperial courts across Persia, Byzantium, and China, often castrated prepubertally for administrative roles, sometimes adopted feminine attire or behaviors, but this stemmed from enforced sterilization for loyalty and power dynamics, not autonomous gender incongruence.[58] Documented individual cases of sustained cross-sex living in Europe before the 20th century were rare and often motivated by espionage, professional necessity, or personal eccentricity rather than medicalized gender dysphoria. Charles-Geneviève-Louis-Auguste-André-Timothée d'Éon de Beaumont (1728–1810), a French diplomat and soldier, lived publicly as a man during military service in the Seven Years' War (1756–1763) but adopted female attire from 1777 onward, receiving royal recognition as female from King Louis XVI amid wagers on his sex; postmortem examination in 1810 confirmed male anatomy, suggesting pragmatic cross-dressing for disguise or financial gain over innate identity shift.[59] Likewise, Margaret Anne Bulkley (c. 1789–1865), who lived as Dr. James Barry, a British military surgeon advancing hygiene practices like handwashing, concealed female biology to pursue medicine barred to women, maintaining male presentation from university entry in 1809 until death, when servants discovered her sex while preparing the body.[60] Claims of transgender identity for figures like Roman Emperor Elagabalus (r. 218–222 CE), who reportedly sought surgical genital alteration per hostile ancient biographers Cassius Dio and Herodian, are likely propagandistic exaggerations to delegitimize his rule, as contemporary historians caution against anachronistic interpretations lacking corroborative evidence.[61] These pre-modern instances, while involving gender nonconformity, differed fundamentally from 20th-century transsexualism: they lacked hormonal or surgical frameworks, were infrequently driven by psychological distress over biological sex, and often served cultural, religious, or utilitarian purposes amid rigid sex roles, with limited societal acceptance even in specialized contexts. Medieval European records, such as hagiographies of female-assigned saints like St. Wilgefortis (venerated 14th century) depicted with beards to symbolize chastity, reflect symbolic rather than literal cross-gender embodiment, underscoring interpretive variances over empirical transgender precedents.[62] Overall, such cases highlight episodic deviations rather than a continuous historical lineage of transsexual phenomenology.20th Century Medicalization and Early Interventions
In the early 20th century, the medicalization of what would later be termed transsexualism emerged primarily in Europe, driven by sexologists who framed cross-gender identification as a pathological condition amenable to hormonal and surgical intervention. Magnus Hirschfeld, a German physician and sex researcher, established the Institut für Sexualwissenschaft in Berlin in 1919, which became the first institution to systematically study and treat individuals seeking to alter their physical sex characteristics. The institute provided hormone treatments and performed experimental surgeries, including orchiectomies and rudimentary genital reconstructions, often justified as preventive measures against suicide among patients exhibiting persistent cross-gender behaviors.[63][64] Pioneering surgical cases at Hirschfeld's institute included Dora Richter, who underwent a vaginoplasty in 1931, marking one of the earliest documented instances of male-to-female genital reconstruction. Richter had previously received an orchiectomy in 1922, reflecting the incremental and high-risk nature of these procedures, which lacked standardized techniques or antibiotics. Similarly, Danish artist Lili Elbe (born Einar Wegener) consulted Hirschfeld and underwent a series of five surgeries between 1930 and 1931 in Germany and Denmark, including gonadectomy, penectomy, and an attempted uterus transplant; she died in September 1931 from postoperative complications, including infection and rejection. These interventions highlighted the era's experimental approach, with mortality rates elevated due to limited medical technology and understanding of endocrine systems.[65][63] Progress was disrupted in 1933 when Nazi forces raided and burned the institute's library, destroying records and scattering practitioners, which effectively ended organized European efforts until after World War II. In the United States, endocrinologist Harry Benjamin began documenting and treating cases of what he described as "transsexualism" in the late 1930s, distinguishing it from transvestism by emphasizing patients' desires for irreversible physical sex change rather than mere cross-dressing. Benjamin's initial ten patients, treated between 1938 and 1953, primarily received estrogen therapy to induce feminization, with some pursuing surgery abroad; he reported on their self-descriptions of innate gender incongruence, often accompanied by psychological distress, though outcomes varied and long-term data were sparse.[63][66][18] A landmark case that publicized these interventions was that of Christine Jorgensen (born George William Jorgensen Jr.), who traveled to Denmark in 1950 for hormone therapy under psychiatrist Christian Hamburger and underwent orchiectomy in 1951 followed by penectomy in 1952 at Copenhagen University Hospital. Jorgensen's transformation, achieved through synthetic estrogens like ethinylestradiol and surgical removal of male genitalia, garnered international media attention upon her return to the U.S. in December 1952, framing transsexualism as a treatable medical condition rather than mere eccentricity. Early hormone regimens, drawing from 1930s advancements in estrogen synthesis, aimed to suppress secondary male sex characteristics and promote breast development, but carried risks including thromboembolism and incomplete phenotypic changes, underscoring the nascent and non-standardized state of interventions.[67][68]Post-2000 Expansion and Societal Shifts
Referrals to specialist gender identity services for children and adolescents in the United Kingdom increased dramatically post-2000, rising from approximately 210 per year in 2011-2012 to over 5,000 per year by the late 2010s.[69] Recorded prevalence of gender dysphoria or incongruence among children and young people in English primary care showed a 50-fold increase from 2011 to 2021, though absolute numbers remained low at about one in 1,200 by 2021.[70] Similarly, rates of transgender identity in UK primary care records rose fivefold from 2000 to 2018, with the sharpest increases among those aged 16-29.[71] These trends paralleled expansions in other Western countries, including a twofold to threefold rise in referrals across multiple nations.[72] Demographic patterns shifted notably, with adolescent females comprising a growing proportion of cases. Pre-2000, gender dysphoria presentations were predominantly among prepubertal boys or adult homosexual males seeking transition; post-2010, clinics reported a reversal, with natal females (assigned female at birth) outnumbering males in youth referrals, often with sudden onset during or after puberty.[73] This included cases described by parents as "rapid-onset gender dysphoria" (ROGD), characterized by abrupt identification following peer influence or online exposure, distinct from earlier childhood-onset patterns.[74] Such shifts have prompted hypotheses of social contagion, supported by cluster patterns in friendship groups and heightened online visibility, though mainstream institutions like the American Academy of Pediatrics have downplayed these factors amid critiques of ideological bias in youth gender care guidelines.[75] Societal visibility accelerated via internet platforms and media, fostering greater public awareness but also correlating with identification surges among youth. Post-2000, transgender representation in U.S. newspapers and entertainment increased, influencing self-perception particularly among adolescents exposed to social media algorithms amplifying gender-related content.[76] Policy responses initially emphasized "gender-affirming" models, with expansions in access to puberty blockers and hormones; however, empirical scrutiny revealed low-quality evidence for benefits and risks like infertility and bone density loss.[77] The 2024 Cass Review, an independent UK analysis commissioned by the NHS, concluded that medical interventions for minors lack robust support, recommending holistic assessments over routine affirmation and restricting puberty blockers outside trials due to insufficient long-term data.[78] This prompted policy reversals, including NHS service restructurings and restrictions in Sweden, Finland, and Norway on youth transitions, reflecting growing recognition of comorbidities like autism and mental health issues in up to 70% of cases.[79] Detransition rates remain understudied but evidenced in surveys, with predictors including ROGD and non-binary identities; reported regret is low (under 1% in some clinic follow-ups) yet likely underestimated due to loss to follow-up exceeding 50% in key studies.[80][36] These developments underscore tensions between rapid societal normalization and emerging causal evidence favoring caution, particularly given historical desistance rates of 80-90% in pre-pubertal cohorts without intervention.[81]Etiology and Causal Theories
Psychological and Comorbid Mental Health Factors
Individuals with gender dysphoria exhibit markedly elevated rates of comorbid psychiatric disorders relative to the general population. In a clinical cohort of over 10,000 transgender patients, 58% received at least one psychiatric diagnosis, compared to 13.6% among non-transgender controls.[82] Common conditions include mood disorders (prevalence up to 91% in some inpatient samples), anxiety disorders (65%), and personality disorders.[83] A systematic review confirmed higher overall prevalence of mental health disorders in transgender individuals, attributing this to factors beyond societal stigma alone.[84] Depression affects 33-50% of adolescents and young adults with gender dysphoria, while anxiety impacts 26-63% in similar groups; suicidal ideation reaches 30-95% lifetime rates among those under 30.[85] Substance use disorders are also prevalent, with alcohol misuse reported in 70-82% of adolescents and cannabis involvement variable but elevated.[85] Eating disorders co-occur at rates of 33-65% for disordered behaviors in youth, and dissociative disorders in approximately 30% across ages.[85] Autism spectrum disorder (ASD) shows a robust association, with meta-analytic evidence indicating an 11% prevalence of ASD diagnoses among those with gender dysphoria—substantially exceeding general population estimates of 1-2%—and moderately elevated ASD traits (Hedges' g = 0.67).[86] Autistic individuals are 4 times more likely to receive a gender dysphoria diagnosis, suggesting potential overlaps in neurodevelopmental pathways or diagnostic overshadowing.[86] These comorbidities persist long-term despite gender-affirming interventions. A Swedish cohort study of 324 sex-reassigned individuals followed for up to 30 years (mean 10.4) found adjusted hazard ratios of 19.1 for completed suicide, 4.9 for suicide attempts, and 2.8 for psychiatric inpatient care, all relative to matched controls of the birth sex.[32] Male-to-female transsexuals exhibited particularly elevated risks for attempts (aHR 9.3-10.4).[32] Such findings indicate that surgical and hormonal transitions do not mitigate underlying psychiatric vulnerabilities, raising questions about gender dysphoria as a primary condition versus a symptomatic expression of broader mental health disturbances.[32][85]Social Contagion and Rapid Onset Phenomena
The hypothesis of rapid-onset gender dysphoria (ROGD) posits that gender dysphoria can emerge abruptly during or after puberty in adolescents and young adults who previously showed no signs of childhood-onset dysphoria, potentially influenced by social and peer factors.[74] This phenomenon was first systematically described in a 2018 study by Lisa Littman, which analyzed parental reports from 256 families recruited via online surveys; it identified patterns including a predominance of natal females (83.8%), sudden declarations of transgender identity often following increased social media use or peer discussions (86.7% reported intensified online activity), and clustering within friend groups where multiple members simultaneously identified as transgender (62.5%).[74] Parents also noted preexisting mental health issues in 63.5% of cases, such as anxiety or depression, preceding the onset.[74] Empirical observations from gender clinics support elements of social clustering. For instance, referrals to the UK's Gender Identity Development Service (GIDS) escalated dramatically from 97 in 2009 to over 2,500 by 2018, with a marked shift toward adolescent females comprising 76% of cases by 2019—contrasting earlier patterns dominated by prepubertal boys.[87] The 2024 Cass Review, an independent evaluation commissioned by NHS England, explicitly references ROGD as a described clinical presentation occurring in adolescence amid peer contexts and highlights peer contagion and social media as plausible contributors to this surge, beyond mere increased awareness.[87] It notes that online communities may amplify identity exploration, with young people encountering narratives that normalize rapid gender transitions.[87] Proponents of the social contagion model argue it aligns with historical precedents of peer-influenced behaviors, such as eating disorders or self-harm clusters among adolescent girls, where social reinforcement via media and groups exacerbates vulnerability.[75] Clinical whistleblowers, including from the Tavistock GIDS, have reported instances of entire school friend groups presenting with synchronized gender dysphoria claims, often without historical indicators.[88] While critics, including some pediatric associations, assert insufficient causal proof and attribute rises to destigmatization, these counterclaims often rely on population surveys of self-identified youth rather than clinic cohorts, potentially undercapturing acute dysphoria presentations; the Cass Review critiques the low-quality evidence base overall but does not dismiss social factors.[89][87] Longitudinal data gaps persist, but the temporal correlation with social media proliferation—such as Tumblr and TikTok algorithms promoting transition content—coincides with the post-2010 referral spike across Western clinics.[90]Autogynephilia and Non-Homosexual Motivations
Autogynephilia refers to a male's paraphilic sexual arousal in response to the thought or image of oneself as a woman, as conceptualized by sexologist Ray Blanchard in his typology of male-to-female (MtF) transsexualism.[91] Blanchard's framework, developed from clinical observations and phallometric testing in the 1980s at the Clarke Institute of Psychiatry in Toronto, distinguishes two primary types of MtF transsexuals: homosexual transsexuals, who are exclusively attracted to men and exhibit early, persistent femininity without significant autogynephilic elements; and non-homosexual transsexuals, who are gynephilic (attracted to women), analloerotic (asexual), or bisexual, and whose gender dysphoria is predominantly driven by autogynephilic fantasies that emerge later in adolescence or adulthood.[91] [92] Empirical support for this distinction includes Blanchard's 1989 study of 193 MtF patients, where non-homosexual individuals reported significantly higher levels of transvestic fetishism and sexual arousal to cross-dressing compared to homosexual counterparts, with phallometric responses confirming erotic responsiveness to feminine self-images in the former group.[91] Subsequent research by Anne Lawrence, analyzing self-reports from over 200 MtF individuals who underwent sex reassignment surgery between 1994 and 2007, found that approximately 75-90% of non-homosexual MtF transsexuals endorsed autogynephilic ideation, often predating overt gender dysphoria and persisting post-transition as a core motivator for feminization.[93] Neuroimaging studies, such as a 2011 analysis of brain volumes in 24 homosexual and non-homosexual MtF transsexuals, have corroborated the typology by showing distinct patterns: non-homosexuals exhibit cortical structures more akin to gynephilic males than to homosexual transsexuals or natal females, challenging innate "brain sex" explanations for this subgroup.[94] Prevalence data indicate that autogynephilic, non-homosexual MtF transsexuals constitute the majority of cases in Western clinical samples post-1980s, with Lawrence estimating they outnumber homosexual transsexuals by ratios of 2:1 to 4:1 in North America and Europe, potentially reflecting diagnostic shifts away from stricter criteria favoring early-onset cases.[95] Blanchard has further posited that autogynephilia may affect up to 3% of natal males subclinically, with its escalation to transsexualism representing a rare but intensifying paraphilia amid cultural changes.[96] This erotic underpinning suggests non-homosexual motivations diverge from homosexual transsexuals' apparent alignment with effeminate male homosexuality, implying that for many, transition serves to actualize autogynephilic scenarios rather than resolve an intrinsic incongruence between biological sex and identity.[92] Critiques of the theory, such as Charles Moser's 2010 analysis claiming autogynephilic-like responses in natal females, have been advanced in peer-reviewed outlets, yet these often rely on non-clinical samples and fail to account for phallometric specificity or the paraphilic intensity observed in males.[97] Blanchard's model withstands such challenges through replicable typology validations, including differential histories of childhood behavior and partner preferences, underscoring autogynephilia's role in explaining why non-homosexual MtF cases frequently involve adult-onset dysphoria, heterosexual marriage histories, and autogynephilic content in pre-transition erotica.[93] [92] Institutional resistance to this framework, evident in limited funding and publication biases within gender clinics, may stem from its incompatibility with affirmative treatment paradigms that prioritize identity validation over etiological scrutiny.[98]Diagnosis and Classification
DSM and ICD Criteria for Gender Dysphoria
The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fifth Edition (DSM-5), introduced by the American Psychiatric Association in 2013, replaced the DSM-IV diagnosis of gender identity disorder with gender dysphoria to focus on clinically significant distress or impairment arising from incongruence between one's experienced gender and assigned sex, rather than the identity itself being pathological. This shift aimed to reduce stigma associated with transgender identities while requiring evidence of functional impairment for diagnosis.[99] Diagnosis in adolescents and adults requires a marked incongruence between experienced/expressed gender and assigned gender, lasting at least six months, manifested by at least two of the following:- A marked incongruence between one's experienced/expressed gender and primary and/or secondary sex characteristics (or, in young adolescents, the anticipated secondary sex characteristics).[26]
- A strong desire to be rid of one's primary and/or secondary sex characteristics due to marked incongruence with experienced/expressed gender (or, in young adolescents, a desire to prevent anticipated secondary sex characteristics).[26]
- A strong desire for primary and/or secondary sex characteristics of the other gender.[26]
- A strong desire to be of the other gender (or an alternative gender different from assigned gender).[26]
- A strong desire for sex characteristics, or to be treated, as the other gender (or alternative gender).[26]
- A strong conviction that one's feelings and reactions align more with the other gender (or alternative gender) than with the assigned gender.[26]
Differential Diagnosis from Other Conditions
The diagnosis of gender dysphoria requires distinguishing it from conditions that may present with similar complaints of body dissatisfaction or identity distress, ensuring the reported incongruence is not better explained by another psychiatric, neurodevelopmental, or medical disorder. According to DSM-5 criteria, gender dysphoria is specified only after excluding explanations such as developmental disorders, body dysmorphic disorder, or psychotic conditions, with evaluation emphasizing persistent distress tied specifically to primary and secondary sex characteristics rather than isolated body parts or transient ideation.[104][105] Comprehensive assessment typically involves longitudinal history, ruling out cultural nonconformity or fetishistic behaviors, and considering comorbidities that could amplify or mimic symptoms.[26] Body dysmorphic disorder (BDD) must be differentiated, as it involves preoccupation with perceived defects in appearance, often leading to repetitive behaviors or avoidance, whereas gender dysphoria centers on a profound mismatch between experienced gender and biological sex, without delusional distortion of overall body image. In BDD, individuals fixate on specific, minor, or imagined flaws (e.g., nose shape), and interventions like cosmetic changes rarely alleviate distress long-term; in contrast, gender dysphoria distress persists until alignment with identified gender is pursued, though empirical overlap exists in up to 20% of cases per clinical reviews.[104][106] Misdiagnosis risks arise if gender-related complaints are reframed as dysmorphic without probing the core identity incongruence.[107] Autism spectrum disorder (ASD) presents a significant differential challenge due to elevated co-occurrence rates, with studies reporting 3-6 times higher prevalence of gender dysphoria diagnoses among autistic individuals compared to the general population, potentially stemming from ASD-related traits like rigid identity fixation, sensory sensitivities to puberty changes, or social misinterpretation of gender norms. Differential requires assessing whether dysphoria predates ASD awareness or arises secondarily from neurodevelopmental difficulties in self-concept formation; for instance, autistic rigidity may manifest as insistence on cross-gender roles without true incongruence.[86][108] Clinicians must prioritize ASD screening in gender clinic referrals, as untreated autism can confound outcomes, with some longitudinal data indicating resolution of gender concerns post-ASD interventions.[109] Psychotic disorders, such as schizophrenia, warrant exclusion when gender identity complaints accompany delusions, hallucinations, or disorganized thinking, as these can transiently alter self-perception of sex or role without underlying incongruence. Case reports document schizophrenia patients experiencing gender role reversals as part of broader psychotic episodes, resolving with antipsychotic treatment, unlike persistent gender dysphoria unresponsive to such interventions.[110][104] Transvestic or paraphilic disorders also enter the differential if cross-dressing serves fetishistic arousal rather than identity alleviation, per DSM-5, with arousal patterns distinguishing from dysphoric relief-seeking.[105] Trauma-related conditions like dissociative disorders may simulate dysphoria through identity fragmentation, necessitating trauma history review to avoid conflation.[111] Medical conditions, including intersex disorders of sex development, are ruled out via endocrinological testing, though DSM-5 includes a specifier for such cases rather than equating them to primary gender dysphoria.[26]Treatment Modalities
Non-Medical Approaches and Psychotherapy
Non-medical approaches to transsexualism, or gender dysphoria, primarily involve psychotherapy, counseling, and supportive interventions that prioritize exploration of underlying psychological, social, and developmental factors over immediate affirmation of a transgender identity or medical transition. These methods, often termed exploratory or developmental therapy, aim to address co-occurring mental health issues—such as depression, anxiety, autism spectrum traits, and trauma—which epidemiological data indicate are prevalent in up to 70-80% of cases among youth seeking gender-related care.[10] Rather than presupposing gender incongruence as the root cause, such therapy encourages neutral examination of distress origins, including family dynamics, peer influences, and body image concerns, while monitoring for natural resolution during puberty.[112] Longitudinal studies from the pre-2010 era, before widespread social affirmation, report desistance rates of 60-90% among children and adolescents with gender dysphoria who received watchful waiting or supportive psychotherapy without hormones or surgery. For example, a Dutch clinic follow-up of 127 referrals found that 70% of boys and 59% of girls no longer met dysphoria criteria by age 15-16, attributing persistence to intensity of early dysphoria and childhood cross-sex behavior.[113] Similarly, Canadian clinic data from 1974-2008 showed 88% desistance in boys and 64% in girls via non-interventionist therapy focused on social adaptation and mental health support.[114] These outcomes suggest that puberty and maturation often align self-perception with biological sex, particularly when interventions do not reinforce incongruence.[115] The 2024 Cass Review, a systematic evaluation of UK gender services commissioned by NHS England, concluded that evidence for psychotherapeutic interventions in reducing gender dysphoria is of very low quality, with no randomized controlled trials demonstrating superiority of affirmative models over exploratory ones.[79] It recommended routine comprehensive assessments, including autism screening and family therapy, followed by tailored psychotherapy to build coping skills and resilience, while pausing medical pathways until better evidence emerges; this led to NHS restrictions on puberty blockers outside research protocols. Analogous shifts occurred in Sweden and Finland by 2022, where national health authorities deemed medical transitions experimental for minors, favoring psychotherapy to treat comorbidities and monitor persistence, citing insufficient long-term data on affirmation benefits.[10] Exploratory psychotherapy differs from prohibited conversion practices, which target innate sexual orientation; it instead promotes autonomy by unpacking distress without predetermined outcomes, potentially averting irreversible decisions amid high comorbidity rates.[116] A 2020 analysis argued that one-size-fits-all affirmation overlooks individual variability, advocating psychodynamic or cognitive-behavioral therapy to resolve dysphoria in cases linked to non-gender factors, with preliminary reports from post-Cass UK services noting improved mental health metrics without transition escalation.[117] Critics, including some U.S. professional bodies, contend such therapy risks harm, but systematic reviews find no causal evidence of worsened outcomes, contrasting with affirmation's unproven claims amid rising youth referrals.[118][119] Overall, these approaches emphasize caution, given biological sex's causal role in human development and the absence of Level 1 evidence for rapid affirmation's efficacy.[120]Hormone Replacement Therapy Effects and Risks
Hormone replacement therapy (HRT) for trans women typically involves estrogen administration combined with anti-androgens such as spironolactone or cyproterone acetate to suppress testosterone, aiming to induce feminizing physical changes. These effects include breast development, which begins within 2-3 months and progresses for 2-3 years; redistribution of body fat to the hips, thighs, and buttocks; decreased muscle mass and strength; softer skin; and reduced facial and body hair growth. Spermatogenesis ceases after 3-6 months, leading to infertility that may become irreversible with prolonged use exceeding 2 years.[121] Testicular atrophy occurs over 1-2 years. Feminizing HRT carries elevated risks of venous thromboembolism (VTE), with incidence rates estimated at 2.3 per 1000 person-years, higher than in cisgender populations and potentially exacerbated by oral estrogen formulations compared to transdermal routes.[122] Cardiovascular disease risk may increase, including stroke and myocardial infarction, particularly in those with preexisting factors like smoking or older age; one cohort study reported transgender women on estrogen facing higher odds of these events than cisgender men or women.[123] [124] Bone mineral density (BMD) in the lumbar spine may decrease long-term if testosterone suppression is profound without adequate estrogen dosing, though overall effects on BMD are neutral in some reviews when monitored.[125] Cancer risks, including breast cancer, remain uncertain due to limited long-term data, with no consistent elevation identified in small studies but potential signals from case reports.[126] For trans men, masculinizing HRT primarily uses exogenous testosterone via injections, gels, or patches, producing effects such as voice deepening within 3-12 months (irreversible); increased facial and body hair; clitoral enlargement; cessation of menses within 1-6 months; and increased muscle mass and strength. Acne and male-pattern baldness may occur, alongside ovarian changes leading to infertility after 3-6 months, often permanent after 1 year.[121] Testosterone therapy in trans men is associated with erythrocytosis (elevated hematocrit >50% in up to 10-20% of users), necessitating monitoring and potential dose adjustments or phlebotomy. Cardiovascular risks include systolic blood pressure elevation and adverse lipid shifts (decreased HDL, increased LDL/triglycerides), with some evidence of heightened myocardial infarction risk compared to cisgender women (adjusted hazard ratio 3.69 in one study).[127] [128] Long-term data suggest possible increased overall mortality from hormone use, though causation is confounded by comorbidities.[30] Liver enzyme elevations occur rarely with injectable forms but more with oral alkylated androgens, avoided in guidelines.[121]| Aspect | Feminizing HRT (Trans Women) | Masculinizing HRT (Trans Men) |
|---|---|---|
| Key Physical Effects | Breast growth, fat redistribution, infertility | Voice deepening, hair growth, muscle increase, infertility |
| Thrombotic Risk | VTE incidence 2.3/1000 person-years; higher with oral estrogen[122] | Low; not significantly elevated[129] |
| Cardiovascular Effects | Increased stroke/MI risk; monitor lipids/BP[123] | BP elevation, lipid worsening; possible MI risk increase[128] |
| Other Risks | Potential BMD loss if undermonitored; prostate monitoring needed[125] | Erythrocytosis (10-20%); acne, sleep apnea |
Surgical Interventions and Procedures
Surgical interventions for individuals with gender dysphoria typically involve procedures to modify genitalia and secondary sex characteristics to resemble those of the desired sex, though these do not alter biological reproductive capacity or chromosomal sex. Common operations include genital reconstruction, mastectomy or breast augmentation, and ancillary procedures such as orchiectomy or hysterectomy. These are often staged, requiring hormone therapy prerequisites per guidelines from organizations like the World Professional Association for Transgender Health.[132] For natal males transitioning to female-typical anatomy, primary genital procedures encompass orchiectomy (testicle removal), penectomy (penis removal), vaginoplasty (neovagina creation), and clitoroplasty (clitoral formation from penile tissue). The predominant technique is penile inversion vaginoplasty, utilizing inverted penile and scrotal skin grafted into a pelvic cavity created via perineal dissection, yielding an average neovaginal depth of 9.4 cm (range 7.9–10.9 cm).[133] Alternative intestinal vaginoplasty employs segments of sigmoid colon or ileum for deeper neovaginas (average 15.3 cm, range 13.8–16.7 cm), reserved for cases of insufficient penile skin.[133] Both require lifelong postoperative dilation to prevent stenosis, with intestinal variants offering self-lubrication but higher risks of mucous discharge and prolapse. Complications for penile inversion include stenosis or strictures (10%, 95% CI 8–14%), rectovaginal fistula (1%, 95% CI <0.1–2%), tissue necrosis (5%, 95% CI 1–10%), and prolapse (2%, 95% CI 1–4%); intestinal methods show elevated stenosis (14%, 95% CI 5–26%) and prolapse (6%, 95% CI 1–14%).[133] [134] Overall complication rates range from 20% to 70%, predominantly within the first postoperative year, often necessitating revisions.[135] For natal females transitioning to male-typical anatomy, procedures include subcutaneous mastectomy (chest wall contouring via liposuction, skin excision, and nipple-areolar repositioning), hysterectomy (uterus removal), oophorectomy (ovary removal), and phalloplasty (neophallus construction). Mastectomy complication rates are low, typically involving seroma, hematoma, or necrosis in under 10% of cases.[136] Hysterectomy and oophorectomy, often laparoscopic, exhibit favorable short-term outcomes with minimal morbidity compared to cisgender indications, though long-term endocrine effects post-oophorectomy remain understudied.[137] Phalloplasty, usually multistaged using radial forearm free flap or anterolateral thigh flap for the phallus shaft with separate urethral lengthening, achieves erect length of 10–14 cm but carries high complication burdens: overall 76.5%, including urethral fistula (34.1%) and stricture.[138] Scrotoplasty and erectile/fisting implants may follow, with revision surgeries common due to flap failure or sensory deficits.[139] These genital reconstructions rarely enable natural ejaculation or fertility.[132]Outcomes and Long-Term Effects
Reported Satisfaction and Quality of Life Metrics
Self-reported satisfaction with gender reassignment surgery (GAS) varies across studies but is frequently high in short-term follow-ups, with rates ranging from 94% to 100% depending on procedure type, as observed in a 2017 survey of 139 postoperative transgender individuals where dissatisfaction was reported by only 6%.[140] A 2021 systematic review of 27 studies involving 7,928 transgender patients post-GAS found pooled regret rates of 1%, though it highlighted methodological limitations including short follow-up periods (often under 5 years), high attrition, and reliance on clinic-based samples that may exclude detransitioners.[35] Long-term data, such as a 2023 analysis of gender-affirming mastectomy in 235 patients followed for a median of 3.6 years, reported regret in less than 1% and satisfaction scores averaging 4.5-4.8 on a 5-point scale, but noted potential selection bias from voluntary participation.[34] Quality of life (QoL) metrics post-transition show mixed results, with some improvements in psychological domains but persistence of deficits compared to general populations. A 2023 systematic review of 55 studies on gender-affirming hormone therapy (GAHT) found consistent reductions in depressive symptoms and distress, alongside modest QoL gains on scales like the WHOQOL-BREF, particularly in the first 12-24 months for both transgender men and women.[141] However, a 2016 review of GAHT effects indicated QoL improvements primarily for male-to-female (MtF) participants at 12 months, with limited evidence for sustained benefits beyond that and no normalization to cisgender norms.[142] Longitudinal data from a 2023 U.S. survey of 1,733 transgender adults revealed that while 69% reported overall life satisfaction, 12.9% were extremely dissatisfied, and QoL scores remained below population averages, influenced by factors like social support and discrimination.[38] Mental health outcomes, often integrated into QoL assessments, indicate elevated risks post-transition. A 2023 U.S. cohort study of 9,969 transgender individuals found that those undergoing GAS had 19.1 times higher odds of suicide death compared to non-surgical transgender controls (adjusted hazard ratio), with overall suicide attempt rates decreasing modestly but remaining high at 3.5% post-surgery versus 9.3% pre-surgery in smaller samples.[143] Danish registry data from 1980-2021 tracking 3,759 transgender persons showed suicide rates 3.5 times higher than matched controls, with no evidence of reduction attributable to transition interventions.[144] These findings align with critiques of evidence quality in the 2024 Cass Review, which assessed 23 studies on youth outcomes and found low-quality data with insufficient long-term follow-up, inconsistent improvements in dysphoria or body satisfaction, and persistent mental health challenges underscoring the need for rigorous, controlled trials.[78]| Metric | Pre-Transition | Post-Transition (Short-Term) | Long-Term Notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| Satisfaction Rate | N/A | 94-100% (surgical) | Declines with follow-up >5 years; regret ~1% but underreported due to loss to follow-up[35][140] |
| QoL Scores (e.g., WHOQOL) | Below average | Modest increase (psychological domain) | No normalization; social factors dominate[141][142] |
| Suicide Attempt/Odds | High baseline (7-40%) | Reduced in some (to 2-3.5%) | Elevated vs. general population (19x post-GAS); no causal reduction proven[143][144] |
Evidence from Follow-Up Studies on Health Impacts
A population-based cohort study in Sweden followed 324 sex-reassigned individuals from 1973 to 2003, with a mean follow-up of 10.4 years post-surgery, finding overall mortality 2.8 times higher than in matched controls, primarily due to suicide, cardiovascular disease, and cancer; suicide attempts were 19.1 times more frequent after adjustment for prior psychiatric morbidity.[32] Similar elevated risks persisted even 10 years post-surgery, indicating that sex reassignment did not reduce long-term suicide rates to population levels.[32] In a Dutch cohort of 8,263 transgender individuals treated at the Amsterdam clinic from 1972 to 2018, with follow-up to 2018, transgender women experienced a standardized mortality ratio (SMR) of 1.8 compared to the general male population, driven by infections, cardiovascular disease, lung cancer, and suicide, while transgender men had an SMR of 1.3, mainly from suicide and skin cancer.[145] Hormone therapy use was associated with higher all-cause mortality across both groups, independent of surgery status.[30] Follow-up data on physical health risks from hormone replacement therapy (HRT) reveal increased cardiovascular events; a systematic review of studies up to 2023 found transgender women on estrogen had higher incidences of venous thromboembolism, stroke, and myocardial infarction compared to cisgender controls, with risks rising after 5–10 years of treatment.[131] Transgender men on testosterone faced elevated erythrocytosis and potential polycythemia, contributing to thrombotic risks, though long-term cancer data remain limited beyond observed prostate and breast cancer signals.[130] Bone mineral density studies post-HRT show mixed outcomes, with transgender women at risk for osteoporosis due to estrogen suppression pre-treatment and inadequate dosing post-transition.[130] Psychiatric morbidity remains elevated in long-term follow-ups; a 2024 analysis of U.S. military data (2013–2021) on 9,021 post-gender-affirming surgery patients found a 3.5-fold higher suicide risk and doubled self-harm incidence compared to those without surgery, persisting after controlling for prior mental health diagnoses.[146] High attrition rates (20–60%) in many satisfaction studies likely underestimate adverse outcomes, as dropouts correlate with poorer health.[36] These findings suggest that while short-term mental health metrics may improve, underlying vulnerabilities—such as comorbid psychiatric conditions—persist or worsen over decades, unaffected by transition interventions.[147][148]Detransition Rates and Factors Influencing Regret
A 2021 systematic review and meta-analysis of 27 studies involving 7,928 patients who underwent gender-affirmation surgery reported a pooled regret prevalence of 1% (95% CI <1%–2%), with lower rates for transmasculine procedures (<1%) compared to transfeminine procedures (1%).[35] Regret was classified as minor or major, but assessments relied on subjective clinician judgments without standardized tools, and studies exhibited high heterogeneity (I² = 75.1%) alongside moderate-to-high risk of bias.[35] These estimates are likely underreported due to methodological flaws, including short follow-up durations (often 3 months to 5 years, while regret can emerge after 3–8 years), high loss to follow-up (20%–60%, disproportionately affecting dissatisfied individuals), and dependence on clinic-based proxies like medical records or legal changes, which capture few cases since most detransitioners do not recontact providers.[36] One cohort study of hormone users found a 29.8% discontinuation rate over 4 years, with lower continuation among transmasculine individuals (64%) versus transfeminine (81%).[149] In youth cohorts from gender clinics, cessation rates have reached 5.3% in a UK sample of 1,089 medically transitioned individuals, though long-term detransition (reidentification with birth sex) remains poorly tracked, with the Cass Review noting unknown rates for adolescent-onset cases amid high desistance in pre-pubertal cohorts.[150][79] Factors influencing detransition and regret include both internal realizations and external pressures, varying by study population and methodology. A mixed-methods analysis of 17,151 transgender and gender-diverse U.S. adults found detransition history associated with natal male sex, nonbinary identity, bisexual orientation, and unsupportive family environments; 82.5% cited external drivers like parental or familial pressure (35.6%–25.9%) and societal stigma (32.5%), while 15.9% reported internal factors such as gender identity fluctuations (10.5%) or psychological doubts (3.9%).[8] In contrast, surveys of self-identified detransitioners emphasize internal causal factors, with 70% attributing persistence of dysphoria to unaddressed comorbidities like trauma or autism rather than gender incongruence, and 55% citing discomfort with sex-based traits post-transition.[151] Temporal patterns show detransition intervals from months to decades, complicating estimates and underscoring needs for improved longitudinal tracking beyond biased clinic data.[152]Demographics and Epidemiology
Global and National Prevalence Estimates
Estimates of transsexualism prevalence, typically measured through clinical diagnoses of gender dysphoria or treatment-seeking behavior, have historically ranged from 0.002% to 0.014% of the population, with natal males showing higher rates (0.005%–0.014%) than natal females (0.002%–0.003%).[104] A 2015 systematic review and meta-analysis of 39 prevalence studies worldwide reported an overall rate of 4.6 per 100,000 individuals for diagnosed transsexualism, equating to 6.8 per 100,000 for trans women (natal males) and 2.6 per 100,000 for trans men (natal females); time-trend analysis indicated a slight increase over decades, potentially due to improved ascertainment.[153] These figures derive primarily from clinic-based data in Europe and North America, where access to specialized services is greater, and likely undercount non-treatment-seeking cases while excluding broader self-identified transgender or non-binary populations. Global data remain sparse outside Western contexts, with lower reported rates in regions like Japan (around 0.001%) attributed to cultural stigma or diagnostic differences.[154] Self-reported transgender identification, which encompasses but extends beyond clinical transsexualism, yields higher contemporary estimates in surveys from high-income countries, often 0.5%–1% among adults; estimates for the percentage of the world population identifying as transgender range from 0.3% to 0.6%, with some global surveys estimating around 1% for those not strictly identifying with assigned gender at birth, including non-binary identities, though methodological concerns include reliance on non-representative samples and conflation with transient identities.[155][156][157] For instance, a 2022 analysis estimated 1.3%–1.4% of U.S. youth aged 13–17 and 18–24 identify as transgender, contrasting with 0.5% of adults over 25, suggesting a generational shift potentially influenced by social visibility rather than stable underlying prevalence.[158] Persistent adult-onset transsexualism, however, aligns more closely with historical clinical lows, as evidenced by longitudinal studies showing low persistence rates from childhood dysphoria into adulthood (around 10%–30%).[70] National variations reflect diagnostic access, survey methods, and cultural factors. In the United States, clinical gender dysphoria diagnoses remain rare (under 0.01% annually), but self-identification surveys estimate 0.6% of adults (approximately 1.6 million in 2022, rising to 2.8 million including youth aged 13+ by later counts).[159] The United Kingdom's 2021 census reported 0.54% of respondents aged 16+ with a gender identity differing from sex registered at birth, though gender dysphoria diagnoses among children escalated from 1 per 60,000 in 2011 to 1 per 1,200 in 2021 based on primary care records.[69][160] In Sweden, validated national register data from 2001–2017 confirmed low incidence of gender dysphoria diagnoses (around 0.002%–0.005% annually), with recent upticks primarily among adolescents.[161] European clinic data similarly show prevalence of 0.001%–0.002% for treatment seekers, higher in urban Western areas.[154] These trends highlight disparities between stable adult clinical rates and surging youth identifications, warranting caution in extrapolating population-level prevalence amid evidence of diagnostic expansion.[120]| Region/Country | Clinical Transsexualism Prevalence (per 100,000) | Self-Identified Transgender (%) | Notes/Source |
|---|---|---|---|
| Global (meta-analysis) | 4.6 overall (6.8 trans women, 2.6 trans men) | N/A | Treatment-seeking adults, 2015 review[153] |
| United States (adults) | <10 (diagnoses) | 0.6 | Self-ID surveys, 2022[158] |
| United Kingdom (children) | 83 (2021 diagnoses) | 0.54 (all ages, census) | Rise from 1.7 in 2011; self-ID 2021[160][69] |
| Sweden | 2–5 (annual incidence) | N/A | Register-validated, 2001–2017[161] |
| Western Europe | 10–20 | 0.5–1 (surveys) | Clinic-based, variable by country[154][155] |
Disparities Between Trans Women and Trans Men
In recent decades, epidemiological patterns of gender dysphoria presentations have shown notable shifts in the ratio of natal males (trans women) to natal females (trans men) seeking treatment. Historically, trans women predominated, with prevalence estimates indicating a consistently higher rate of male-to-female cases, such as 390-460 per 100,000 overall but with trans women outnumbering trans men.[162] However, since the early 2010s, particularly among adolescents, referrals to gender clinics have reversed, with natal females comprising the majority—often 70-80% or more in samples from Western countries.[163] [164] This trend is evident in UK data, where the Gender Identity Development Service saw a marked increase in female referrals, from a boy-heavy caseload pre-2009 to predominantly girls thereafter, a pattern corroborated in systematic reviews of adolescent gender dysphoria.[72] Age at referral further highlights disparities, with natal males typically presenting earlier, often in childhood, representing the majority of early-onset cases, while natal females more commonly seek services in adolescence.[165] For instance, studies of rapid-onset gender dysphoria reports indicate natal males have an onset about 1.9 years later than females on average but are less likely to align with peer social influences.[163] Among adults identifying as transgender in the US, distributions are more balanced, with approximately 33% each for trans women, trans men, and nonbinary, though youth clinic data suggest ongoing female predominance.[158] Comorbidities also differ, particularly autism spectrum traits, which show elevated prevalence across transgender individuals—3 to 6 times higher than in cisgender populations—but appear more pronounced among natal females and trans men.[166] [109] Peer-reviewed analyses find transgender men and nonbinary individuals assigned female at birth reporting significantly higher autistic traits compared to controls or trans women.[86] [167] This overlap, estimated at 11-24% for autism diagnoses in gender-diverse youth, may influence dysphoria presentation, though causal links remain understudied amid potential diagnostic overlaps or referral biases in clinical samples.[168] Detransition rates, while generally low (under 1-2% in long-term surgical cohorts), exhibit subtle variances, with post-gonadectomy regret slightly higher among trans women (0.6%) than trans men (0.3%), though overall figures are limited by poor follow-up in recent youth-heavy caseloads dominated by natal females.[8] These disparities underscore biological and social factors in gender dysphoria etiology, with natal sex influencing onset timing, comorbidity profiles, and treatment-seeking patterns, warranting sex-specific approaches in clinical evaluation.[36]Trends in Age of Onset and Referral Increases
In the latter half of the 20th century, clinical observations of gender dysphoria typically documented onset during childhood, with a predominance of cases among natal males who exhibited persistent cross-sex behaviors from an early age.[169] Recent data indicate a marked shift, with the mean age at diagnosis decreasing and a reversal in the sex ratio favoring natal females, particularly those experiencing onset in adolescence rather than early childhood.[169] For instance, among adults reflecting on their experiences, many natal males reported initial dysphoria by age 7, whereas contemporary adolescent cohorts, especially females, more frequently describe a sudden emergence during or after puberty.[170] Parental reports from structured surveys of over 1,600 cases highlight this "rapid-onset gender dysphoria" pattern, where symptoms appeared abruptly in adolescence, often coinciding with increased social media exposure or peer influence, contrasting with the gradual childhood onset in prior decades.[74] [88] This trend aligns with clinic data showing that, while early childhood cases persist, the majority of recent adolescent presentations involve natal females without prior indicators of gender nonconformity.[75] Referrals to specialized gender identity clinics have surged globally over the past two decades, with the most pronounced increases among youth. In the United Kingdom, referrals to the Gender Identity Development Service (GIDS) rose from approximately 100 annually around 2010 to over 2,500 by 2019, before a temporary dip during the COVID-19 pandemic.[70] This escalation included a shift from predominantly prepubertal boys to adolescent girls, who comprised about 76% of referrals by the late 2010s.[171]| Year Range | Annual Referrals to UK GIDS (Approximate) | Predominant Demographic Shift |
|---|---|---|
| 2009-2010 | 72 | Mostly boys |
| 2016-2017 | 1,807 | Increasing adolescent girls |
| 2019 | >2,500 | 76% adolescent girls |
