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Democratic-Republican Party
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The Democratic-Republican Party, known at the time as the Republican Party (also referred to by historians as the Jeffersonian Republican Party),[a] was an American political party founded by Thomas Jefferson and James Madison in the early 1790s. It championed liberalism, republicanism, individual liberty, equal rights, separation of church and state, freedom of religion, anti-clericalism, emancipation of religious minorities, decentralization, free markets, free trade, and agrarianism. In foreign policy, it was hostile to Great Britain and in sympathy with the French Revolution and Napoleonic Wars. The party became increasingly dominant after the 1800 elections as the opposing Federalist Party collapsed.
Key Information
Increasing dominance over American politics led to increasing factional splits within the party. Old Republicans, led by John Taylor of Caroline and John Randolph of Roanoke, believed that the administrations of Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe—and the Congresses led by Henry Clay—had in some ways betrayed the republican "Principles of '98" by expanding the size and scope of the national government. The Republicans splintered during the 1824 presidential election. Those calling for a return to the older founding principles of the party were often referred to as "Democratic Republicans" (later Democrats) while those embracing the newer nationalist principles of "The American System" were often referred to as National Republicans (later Whigs).[12][13]
The Republican Party originated in Congress to oppose the nationalist and economically interventionist policies of Alexander Hamilton, who served as Secretary of the Treasury under President George Washington. The Republicans and the opposing Federalist Party each became more cohesive during Washington's second term, partly as a result of the debate over the Jay Treaty. Though he was defeated by Federalist John Adams in the 1796 presidential election, Jefferson and his Republican allies came into power following the 1800 elections. As president, Jefferson presided over a reduction in the national debt and government spending, and completed the Louisiana Purchase with France.
Madison succeeded Jefferson as president in 1809 and led the country during the largely inconclusive War of 1812 with Britain. After the war, Madison and his congressional allies established the Second Bank of the United States and implemented protective tariffs, marking a move away from the party's earlier emphasis on states' rights and a strict construction of the United States Constitution. The Federalists collapsed after 1815, beginning a period known as the Era of Good Feelings. Lacking an effective opposition, the Republicans split into rival groups after the 1824 presidential election: one faction supported President John Quincy Adams and became known as the National Republican Party which later merged into the Whig Party, while another faction, one that believed in Jeffersonian democracy, backed General Andrew Jackson and became the Democratic Party.
Republicans were deeply committed to the principles of republicanism, which they feared were threatened by the aristocratic tendencies of the Federalists. During the 1790s, the party strongly opposed Federalist programs, including the national bank. After the War of 1812, Madison and many other party leaders came to accept the need for a national bank and federally funded infrastructure projects. In foreign affairs, the party advocated western expansion and tended to favor France over Britain, though the party's pro-French stance faded after Napoleon took power. The Democratic-Republicans were strongest in the South and the western frontier, and weakest in New England.
History
[edit]Founding, 1789–1796
[edit]In the 1788–89 presidential election, the first such election following the ratification of the United States Constitution in 1788, George Washington won the votes of every member of the Electoral College.[14] His unanimous victory in part reflected the fact that no formal political parties had formed at the national level in the United States prior to 1789, though the country had been broadly polarized between the Federalists, who supported ratification of the Constitution, and the Anti-Federalists, who opposed ratification.[15] Washington selected Thomas Jefferson as Secretary of State and Alexander Hamilton as Secretary of the Treasury,[16] and he relied on James Madison as a key adviser and ally in Congress.[17]
Hamilton implemented an expansive economic program, establishing the First Bank of the United States,[18] and convincing Congress to assume the debts of state governments.[19] Hamilton pursued his programs in the belief that they would foster a prosperous and stable country.[20] His policies engendered an opposition, chiefly concentrated in the Southern United States, that objected to Hamilton's Anglophilia and accused him of unduly favoring well-connected wealthy Northern merchants and speculators. Madison emerged as the leader of the congressional opposition while Jefferson, who declined to publicly criticize Hamilton while both served in Washington's Cabinet, worked behind the scenes to stymie Hamilton's programs.[21] Jefferson and Madison, leading an Anti-Administration group, established the National Gazette, a newspaper which recast national politics not as a battle between Federalists and Anti-Federalists, but as a debate between aristocrats and republicans.[22] In the 1792 election, Washington effectively ran unopposed for president, but Jefferson and Madison backed New York Governor George Clinton's unsuccessful attempt to unseat Vice President John Adams.[23]
Political leaders on both sides were reluctant to label their respective faction as a political party, but distinct and consistent voting blocs emerged in Congress by the end of 1793. Jefferson's followers became known as the Republicans (or sometimes as the Democratic-Republicans)[24] and Hamilton's followers (the Pro-Administration group) became the Federalists.[25] While economic policies were the original motivating factor in the growing partisan split, foreign policy became even more important as war broke out between Great Britain (favored by Federalists) and France, which Republicans favored until 1799.[26] Partisan tensions escalated as a result of the Whiskey Rebellion and Washington's subsequent denunciation of the Democratic-Republican Societies, a type of new local political societies that favored democracy and generally supported the Jeffersonian position.[27] Historians use the term "Democratic-Republican" to describe these new organizations, but that name was rarely used at the time. They usually called themselves "Democratic", "Republican", "True Republican", "Constitutional", "United Freeman", "Patriotic", "Political", "Franklin", or "Madisonian".[28] The ratification of the Jay Treaty with Britain further inflamed partisan warfare, resulting in a hardening of the divisions between the Federalists and the Republicans.[29]
By 1795–96, election campaigns—federal, state and local—were waged primarily along partisan lines between the two national parties, although local issues continued to affect elections, and party affiliations remained in flux.[30] As Washington declined to seek a third term, the 1796 presidential election became the first contested president election. Having retired from Washington's Cabinet in 1793, Jefferson had left the leadership of the Democratic-Republicans in Madison's hands. Nonetheless, the Democratic-Republican congressional nominating caucus chose Jefferson as the party's presidential nominee, in the belief that he would be the party's strongest candidate; the caucus chose Senator Aaron Burr of New York as Jefferson's running mate.[31] Meanwhile, an informal caucus of Federalist leaders nominated a ticket of John Adams and Thomas Pinckney.[32] Though the candidates themselves largely stayed out of the fray, supporters of the candidates waged an active campaign; Federalists attacked Jefferson as a Francophile and atheist, while the Democratic-Republicans accused Adams of being an anglophile and a monarchist.[33] Ultimately, Adams won the presidency by a narrow margin, garnering 71 electoral votes to 68 for Jefferson, who became the vice president.[32][b]
Adams and the Revolution of 1800
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Shortly after Adams took office, he dispatched a group of envoys to seek peaceful relations with France, which had begun seizing American merchantmen trading with Britain after the ratification of the Jay Treaty. The failure of talks, and the French demand for bribes in what became known as the XYZ Affair, outraged the American public and led to the Quasi-War, an undeclared naval war between France and the United States. The Federalist-controlled Congress passed measures to expand the American military and also pushed through the Alien and Sedition Acts. These acts restricted speech critical of the government while also implementing stricter naturalization requirements.[35] Numerous journalists and other individuals aligned with the Democratic-Republicans were prosecuted under the Sedition Act, sparking a backlash against the Federalists.[36] Meanwhile, Jefferson and Madison drafted the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions, which held that state legislatures could determine the constitutionality of federal laws.[37]
In the 1800 presidential election, the Democratic-Republicans once again nominated a ticket of Jefferson and Burr. Shortly after a Federalist caucus re-nominated President Adams on a ticket with Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, Adams dismissed two Hamilton allies from his Cabinet, leading to an open break between the two key figures in the Federalist Party.[38] Though the Federalist Party united against Jefferson's candidacy and waged an effective campaign in many states, the Democratic-Republicans won the election by winning most Southern electoral votes and carrying the crucial state of New York.[39]
A significant element in the party's success in New York City, Philadelphia, Baltimore and other east-coast cities were United Irish exiles, and other Irish immigrants, whom the Federalists regarded with distinct suspicion.[40][41] Among these was William Duane who in his newspaper, the Philadelphia Aurora, exposed the details of the Ross Bill, by means of which the Federalist-controlled Congress sought to establish a closed-door Grand Committee with powers to disqualify College electors.[42] Adams was to name Duane one of the three or four men most responsible for his eventual defeat.[43]
Jefferson and Burr both finished with 73 electoral votes, more than Adams or Pinckney, necessitating a contingent election between Jefferson and Burr in the House of Representatives.[b] Burr declined to take his name out of consideration, and the House deadlocked as most Democratic-Republican congressmen voted for Jefferson and most Federalists voted for Burr. Preferring Jefferson to Burr, Hamilton helped engineer Jefferson's election on the 36th ballot of the contingent election.[44] Jefferson would later describe the 1800 election, which also saw Democratic-Republicans gain control of Congress, as the "Revolution of 1800", writing that it was "as real of a revolution in the principles of our government as that of [1776] was in its form."[45] In the final months of his presidency, Adams reached an agreement with France to end the Quasi-War[46] and appointed several Federalist judges, including Chief Justice John Marshall.[47]
Ideology played a central role with a Jeffersonian "left" supporting the French Revolution, versus a Federalist "right" opposing it.[48] According to historian Peter R. Henriques, "Federalists tilted to the right; Republicans, to the left." He quotes a Federalist editor who summarized the Federalist rhetoric:
You who are for French notions of government; for the tempestuous sea of anarchy and misrule; for arming the poor against the rich; for fraternizing with the foes of God and man; go to the left and support the leaders, or dupes of the anti-federal junto. But you that are sober, industrious, thriving, and happy, give your votes for those men who mean to preserve the union of the states, the purity and vigor of our excellent constitution, the sacred majesty of the laws, and the holy ordinances of religion.[49]
Jefferson's presidency, 1801–1809
[edit]
Despite the intensity of the 1800 election, the transition of power from the Federalists to the Democratic-Republicans was peaceful.[50] In his inaugural address, Jefferson indicated that he would seek to reverse many Federalist policies, but he also emphasized reconciliation, noting that "every difference of opinion is not a difference of principle".[51] He appointed a geographically balanced and ideologically moderate Cabinet that included Madison as Secretary of State and Albert Gallatin as Secretary of the Treasury; Federalists were excluded from the Cabinet, but Jefferson appointed some prominent Federalists and allowed many other Federalists to keep their positions.[52] Gallatin persuaded Jefferson to retain the First Bank of the United States, a major part of the Hamiltonian program, but other Federalist policies were scrapped.[53] Jefferson and his Democratic-Republican allies eliminated the whiskey excise and other taxes,[54] shrank the army and the navy,[55] repealed the Alien and Sedition Acts, and pardoned all ten individuals who had been prosecuted under the acts.[56]
With the repeal of Federalist laws and programs, many Americans had little contact with the federal government in their daily lives, with the exception of the postal service.[57] Partly as a result of these spending cuts, Jefferson lowered the national debt from $83 million to $57 million between 1801 and 1809.[58] Though he was largely able to reverse Federalist policies, Federalists retained a bastion of power on the Supreme Court; Marshall Court rulings continued to reflect Federalist ideals until Chief Justice Marshall's death in the 1830s.[59] In the Supreme Court case of Marbury v. Madison, the Marshall Court established the power of judicial review, through which the judicial branch had the final word on the constitutionality of federal laws.[60]

By the time Jefferson took office, Americans had settled as far west as the Mississippi River.[61] Many in the United States, particularly those in the west, favored further territorial expansion, and especially hoped to annex the Spanish province of Louisiana.[62] In early 1803, Jefferson dispatched James Monroe to France to join ambassador Robert Livingston on a diplomatic mission to purchase New Orleans.[63] To the surprise of the American delegation, Napoleon offered to sell the entire territory of Louisiana for $15 million.[64] After Secretary of State James Madison gave his assurances that the purchase was well within even the strictest interpretation of the Constitution, the Senate quickly ratified the treaty, and the House immediately authorized funding.[65] The Louisiana Purchase nearly doubled the size of the United States, and Treasury Secretary Gallatin was forced to borrow from foreign banks to finance the payment to France.[66] Though the Louisiana Purchase was widely popular, some Federalists criticized it; Congressman Fisher Ames argued that "We are to spend money of which we have too little for land of which we already have too much."[67]
By 1804, Vice President Burr had thoroughly alienated Jefferson, and the Democratic-Republican presidential nominating caucus chose George Clinton as Jefferson's running mate for the 1804 presidential election. That same year, Burr challenged Hamilton to a duel after taking offense to a comment allegedly made by Hamilton; Hamilton died in the subsequent duel. Bolstered by a superior party organization, Jefferson won the 1804 election in a landslide over Federalist candidate Charles Cotesworth Pinckney.[68] In 1807, as the Napoleonic Wars continued, the British government announced the Orders in Council, which called for a blockade on French-controlled ports.[69] In response to subsequent British and French searches of American shipping, the Jefferson administration passed the Embargo Act of 1807, which cut off American trade with Europe.[70] The embargo proved unpopular and difficult to enforce, especially in Federalist-leaning New England, and expired at the end of Jefferson's second term.[71] Jefferson declined to seek a third term in the 1808 presidential election, but helped Madison triumph over George Clinton and James Monroe at the party's congressional nominating caucus. Madison won the general election in a landslide over Pinckney.[72]
Madison's presidency, 1809–1817
[edit]As attacks on American shipping continued after Madison took office, both Madison and the broader American public moved towards war.[73] Public resentment towards Britain led to the election of a new generation of Democratic-Republican leaders, including Henry Clay and John C. Calhoun, who championed high tariffs, federally funded internal improvements and a jingoistic attitude towards Britain.[74] On June 1, 1812, Madison asked Congress for a declaration of war.[75] The declaration was passed largely along sectional and party lines, with intense opposition coming from the Federalists and some other congressmen from the Northeast.[76] For many who favored war, national honor was at stake; John Quincy Adams wrote that the only alternative to war was "the abandonment of our right as an independent nation."[77] George Clinton's nephew, DeWitt Clinton, challenged Madison in the 1812 presidential election. Though Clinton assembled a formidable coalition of Federalists and anti-Madison Democratic-Republicans, Madison won a close election.[78]
Madison initially hoped for a quick end to the War of 1812, but the war got off to a disastrous start as multiple American invasions of Canada were defeated.[79] The United States had more military success in 1813, and American troops under William Henry Harrison defeated Tecumseh's confederacy in the Battle of the Thames in 1814, crushing Indian resistance to U.S. expansion. Britain shifted troops to North America in 1814 following Napoleon's abdication, and British forces captured and burnt Washington in August 1814.[80] In early 1815, Madison learned that his negotiators in Europe had signed the Treaty of Ghent, ending the war without major concessions by either side.[81] Though it had no effect on the treaty, Andrew Jackson's victory in the January 1815 Battle of New Orleans ended the war on a triumphant note.[82] Napoleon's defeat at the Battle of Waterloo in June 1815 brought a final end to the Napoleonic Wars and European interference with American shipping.[83] With Americans celebrating a successful "second war of independence", the Federalist Party slid towards national irrelevance.[84] The subsequent period of virtually one-party rule by the Democratic-Republican Party is known as the "Era of Good Feelings."[citation needed]
In his first term, Madison and his allies had largely hewed to Jefferson's domestic agenda of low taxes and a reduction of the national debt, and Congress allowed the national bank's charter to expire during Madison's first term.[85] The challenges of the War of 1812 led many Democratic-Republicans to reconsider the role of the federal government.[86] When the 14th Congress convened in December 1815, Madison proposed the re-establishment of the national bank, increased spending on the army and the navy, and a tariff designed to protect American goods from foreign competition. Madison's proposals were strongly criticized by strict constructionists like John Randolph, who argued that Madison's program "out-Hamiltons Alexander Hamilton."[87] Responding to Madison's proposals, the 14th Congress compiled one of the most productive legislative records up to that point in history, enacting the Tariff of 1816 and establishing the Second Bank of the United States.[88] At the party's 1816 congressional nominating caucus, Secretary of State James Monroe defeated Secretary of War William H. Crawford in a 65-to-54 vote.[89] The Federalists offered little opposition in the 1816 presidential election and Monroe won in a landslide election.[90]
Monroe and Era of Good Feelings, 1817–1825
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Monroe believed that the existence of political parties was harmful to the United States,[91] and he sought to usher in the end of the Federalist Party by avoiding divisive policies and welcoming ex-Federalists into the fold.[92] Monroe favored infrastructure projects to promote economic development and, despite some constitutional concerns, signed bills providing federal funding for the National Road and other projects.[93] Partly due to the mismanagement of national bank president William Jones, the country experienced a prolonged economic recession known as the Panic of 1819.[94] The panic engendered a widespread resentment of the national bank and a distrust of paper money that would influence national politics long after the recession ended.[95] Despite the ongoing economic troubles, the Federalists failed to field a serious challenger to Monroe in the 1820 presidential election, and Monroe won re-election essentially unopposed.[96]
During the proceedings over the admission of Missouri Territory as a state, Congressman James Tallmadge, Jr. of New York "tossed a bombshell into the Era of Good Feelings" by proposing amendments providing for the eventual exclusion of slavery from Missouri.[97] The amendments sparked the first major national slavery debate since the ratification of the Constitution,[98] and instantly exposed the sectional polarization over the issue of slavery.[99] Northern Democratic-Republicans formed a coalition across partisan lines with the remnants of the Federalist Party in support of the amendments, while Southern Democratic-Republicans were almost unanimously against such the restrictions.[100] In February 1820, Congressman Jesse B. Thomas of Illinois proposed a compromise, in which Missouri would be admitted as a slave state, but slavery would be excluded in the remaining territories north of the parallel 36°30′ north.[101] A bill based on Thomas's proposal became law in April 1820.[102]
By 1824, the Federalist Party had largely collapsed as a national party, and the 1824 presidential election was waged by competing members of the Democratic-Republican Party.[103] The party's congressional nominating caucus was largely ignored, and candidates were instead nominated by state legislatures.[104] Secretary of State John Quincy Adams, former Speaker of the House Henry Clay, Secretary of the Treasury William Crawford, and General Andrew Jackson emerged as the major candidates in the election.[105] The regional strength of each candidate played an important role in the election; Adams was popular in New England, Clay and Jackson were strong in the West, and Jackson and Crawford competed for the South.[105]
As no candidate won a majority of the electoral vote in the 1824 election, the House of Representatives held a contingent election to determine the president.[106] Clay personally disliked Adams but nonetheless supported him in the contingent election over Crawford, who opposed Clay's nationalist policies, and Jackson, whom Clay viewed as a potential tyrant.[c] With Clay's backing, Adams won the contingent election.[107] After Clay accepted appointment as Secretary of State, Jackson's supporters claimed that Adams and Clay had reached a "Corrupt Bargain" in which Adams promised Clay the appointment in return for Clay's support in the contingent election.[106] Jackson, who was deeply angered by the result of the contingent election, returned to Tennessee, where the state legislature quickly nominated him for president in the 1828 election.[108]
Final years, 1825–1829
[edit]
Adams shared Monroe's goal of ending partisan conflict, and his Cabinet included individuals of various ideological and regional backgrounds.[109] In his 1825 annual message to Congress, Adams presented a comprehensive and ambitious agenda, calling for major investments in internal improvements as well as the creation of a national university, a naval academy, and a national astronomical observatory.[110] His requests to Congress galvanized the opposition, spurring the creation of an anti-Adams congressional coalition consisting of supporters of Jackson, Crawford, and Vice President Calhoun.[111] Following the 1826 elections, Calhoun and Martin Van Buren (who brought along many of Crawford's supporters) agreed to throw their support behind Jackson in the 1828 election.[112] In the press, the two major political factions were referred to as "Adams Men" and "Jackson Men".[113]
The Jacksonians formed an effective party apparatus that adopted many modern campaign techniques and emphasized Jackson's popularity and the supposed corruption of Adams and the federal government.[114] Though Jackson did not articulate a detailed political platform in the same way that Adams did, his coalition was united in opposition to Adams's reliance on government planning and tended to favor the opening of Native American lands to white settlement.[115] Ultimately, Jackson won 178 of the 261 electoral votes and just under 56 percent of the popular vote.[116] Jackson won 50.3 percent of the popular vote in the free states and 72.6 percent of the vote in the slave states.[117] The election marked the permanent end of the Era of Good Feelings and the start of the Second Party System. The dream of non-partisan politics, shared by Monroe, Adams, and many earlier leaders, was shattered, replaced with Van Buren's ideal of partisan battles between legitimated political parties.[118]
Origins of party name
[edit]In the 1790s, political parties were new in the United States and people were not accustomed to having formal names for them. There was no single official name for the Democratic-Republican Party, but party members generally called themselves Republicans and voted for what they called the "Republican party", "republican ticket" or "republican interest".[119][120] Jefferson and Madison often used the terms "republican" and "Republican party" in their letters.[121] As a general term (not a party name), the word republican had been in widespread usage from the 1770s to describe the type of government the break-away colonies wanted to form: a republic of three separate branches of government derived from some principles and structure from ancient republics; especially the emphasis on civic duty and the opposition to corruption, elitism, aristocracy and monarchy.[122]
The term "Democratic-Republican" was used by contemporaries only occasionally,[24] but is used by modern political scientists.[123] Historians often refer to the "Jeffersonian Republicans".[124][125][126] The term "Democratic Party" was first used pejoratively by Federalist opponents.[127][128] Historians argue that the party died out before the present-day Democratic Party was formed. However, since the days of Franklin Roosevelt, Democratic politicians have proudly claimed Jefferson as their founder.[1]
Ideology
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The Democratic-Republican Party saw itself as a champion of republicanism and denounced the Federalists as supporters of monarchy and aristocracy.[129][page needed] Ralph Brown writes that the party was marked by a "commitment to broad principles of personal liberty, social mobility, and westward expansion."[130] Political scientist James A. Reichley writes that "the issue that most sharply divided the Jeffersonians from the Federalists was not states rights, nor the national debt, nor the national Bank... but the question of social equality."[131] In a world in which few believed in democracy or egalitarianism, Jefferson's belief in political equality stood out from many of the other leaders who held that the wealthy should lead society. His opponents, says Susan Dunn[who?], warned that Jefferson's "Republicans would turn America upside down, permitting the hoi polloi to govern the nation and unseating the wealthy social elite, long accustomed to wielding political power and governing the nation."[132] Jefferson advocated a philosophy that historians call Jeffersonian democracy, which was marked by his belief in agrarianism and strict limits on the national government.[133] Influenced by the Jeffersonian belief in equality, by 1824 all but three states had removed property-owning requirements for voting.[134]
Though open to some redistributive measures, Jefferson saw a strong centralized government as a threat to freedom.[135] Thus, the Democratic-Republicans opposed Federalist efforts to build a strong, centralized state, and resisted the establishment of a national bank, the build-up of the army and the navy, and passage of the Alien and Sedition Acts.[136] Jefferson was especially averse to a national debt, which he believed to be inherently dangerous and immoral.[137] After the party took power in 1800, Jefferson became increasingly concerned about foreign intervention and more open to programs of economic development conducted by the federal government. In an effort to promote economic growth and the development of a diversified economy, Jefferson's Democratic-Republican successors would oversee the construction of numerous federally funded infrastructure projects and implement protective tariffs.[138]
While economic policies were the original catalyst to the partisan split between the Democratic-Republicans and the Federalists, foreign policy was also a major factor that divided the parties. Most Americans supported the French Revolution prior to the Execution of Louis XVI in 1793, but Federalists began to fear the radical egalitarianism of the revolution as it became increasingly violent.[26] Jefferson and other Democratic-Republicans defended the French Revolution[139] until Napoleon ascended to power.[64] Democratic-Republican foreign policy was marked by support for expansionism, as Jefferson championed the concept of an "Empire of Liberty" that centered on the acquisition and settlement of western territories.[140] Under Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe, the United States completed the Louisiana Purchase, acquired Spanish Florida, and reached a treaty with Britain providing for shared sovereignty over Oregon Country.[citation needed] In 1823, the Monroe administration promulgated the Monroe Doctrine, which reiterated the traditional U.S. policy of neutrality with regard to European wars and conflicts, but declared that the United States would not accept the recolonization of any country by its former European master.[141]
Slavery
[edit]From the foundation of the party, slavery divided the Democratic-Republicans. Many Southern Democratic-Republicans, especially from the Deep South, defended the institution. Jefferson and many other Democratic-Republicans from Virginia held an ambivalent view on slavery; Jefferson believed it was an immoral institution, but he opposed the immediate emancipation of all slaves on social and economic grounds. Instead, he favored gradual phasing out of the institution.[142] Meanwhile, Northern Democratic-Republicans often took stronger anti-slavery positions than their Federalist counterparts, supporting measures like the abolition of slavery in Washington. In 1807, with President Jefferson's support, Congress outlawed the international slave trade, doing so at the earliest possible date allowed by the Constitution.[143]
After the War of 1812, Southerners increasingly came to view slavery as a beneficial institution rather than an unfortunate economic necessity, further polarizing the party over the issue.[143] Anti-slavery Northern Democratic-Republicans held that slavery was incompatible with the equality and individual rights promised by the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution. They further held that slavery had been permitted under the Constitution only as a local and impermanent exception, and thus, slavery should not be allowed to spread outside of the original thirteen states. The anti-slavery positions developed by Northern Democratic-Republicans would influence later anti-slavery parties, including the Free Soil Party and the Republican Party.[144] Some Democratic-Republicans from the border states, including Henry Clay, continued to adhere to the Jeffersonian view of slavery as a necessary evil; many of these leaders joined the American Colonization Society, which proposed the voluntary recolonization of Africa as part of a broader plan for the gradual emancipation of slaves.[145]
Base of support
[edit]
Madison and Jefferson formed the Democratic-Republican Party from a combination of former Anti-Federalists and supporters of the Constitution who were dissatisfied with the Washington administration's policies.[146] Nationwide, Democratic-Republicans were strongest in the South, and many of party's leaders were wealthy Southern slaveowners. The Democratic-Republicans also attracted middle class Northerners, such as artisans, farmers, and lower-level merchants, who were eager to challenge the power of the local elite.[147] Every state had a distinct political geography that shaped party membership; in Pennsylvania, the Republicans were weakest around Philadelphia and strongest in Scots-Irish settlements in the west.[148] The Federalists had broad support in New England, but in other places they relied on wealthy merchants and landowners.[149] After 1800, the Federalists collapsed in the South and West, though the party remained competitive in New England and in some Mid-Atlantic states.[150]
Factions
[edit]
Historian Sean Wilentz writes that, after assuming power in 1801, the Democratic-Republicans began to factionalize into three main groups: moderates, radicals, and Old Republicans.[151] The Old Republicans, led by John Randolph, were a loose group of influential Southern plantation owners who strongly favored states' rights and denounced any form of compromise with the Federalists. The radicals consisted of a wide array of individuals from different sections of the country who were characterized by their support for far-reaching political and economic reforms; prominent radicals include William Duane and Michael Leib, who jointly led a powerful political machine in Philadelphia. The moderate faction consisted of many former supporters of the ratification of the Constitution, including James Madison, who were more accepting of Federalist economic programs and sought conciliation with moderate Federalists.[152]
After 1810, a younger group of nationalist Democratic-Republicans, led by Henry Clay and John C. Calhoun, rose to prominence. These nationalists favored federally funded internal improvements and high tariffs, positions that would form the basis for Clay's American System.[153] In addition to its base among the leaders of Clay and Calhoun's generation, nationalist policies also proved attractive to many older Democratic-Republicans, including James Monroe.[154] The Panic of 1819 sparked a backlash against nationalist policies, and many of those opposed to the nationalist policies rallied around William H. Crawford until he had a major stroke in 1823.[155] After the 1824 election, most of Crawford's followers, including Martin Van Buren, gravitated to Andrew Jackson, forming a major part of the coalition that propelled Jackson to victory in the 1828 election.[156]
Organizational strategy
[edit]The Democratic-Republican Party invented campaign and organizational techniques that were later adopted by the Federalists and became standard American practice. It was especially effective in building a network of newspapers in major cities to broadcast its statements and editorialize its policies.[157] Fisher Ames, a leading Federalist, used the term "Jacobin" to link members of Jefferson's party to the radicals of the French Revolution. He blamed the newspapers for electing Jefferson and wrote they were "an overmatch for any Government.... The Jacobins owe their triumph to the unceasing use of this engine; not so much to skill in use of it as by repetition".[158]
As one historian explained: "It was the good fortune of the Republicans to have within their ranks a number of highly gifted political manipulators and propagandists. Some of them had the ability... to not only see and analyze the problem at hand but to present it in a succinct fashion; in short, to fabricate the apt phrase, to coin the compelling slogan and appeal to the electorate on any given issue in language it could understand". Outstanding propagandists included editor William Duane (1760–1835) and party leaders Albert Gallatin, Thomas Cooper and Jefferson himself.[159] Just as important was effective party organization of the sort that John J. Beckley pioneered. In 1796, he managed the Jefferson campaign in Pennsylvania, blanketing the state with agents who passed out 30,000 hand-written tickets, naming all 15 electors (printed tickets were not allowed). Beckley told one agent: "In a few days a select republican friend from the City will call upon you with a parcel of tickets to be distributed in your County. Any assistance and advice you can furnish him with, as to suitable districts & characters, will I am sure be rendered". Beckley was the first American professional campaign manager and his techniques were quickly adopted in other states.[160]
The emergence of the new organizational strategies can be seen in the politics of Connecticut around 1806, which have been well documented by Cunningham. The Federalists dominated Connecticut, so the Republicans had to work harder to win. In 1806, the state leadership sent town leaders instructions for the forthcoming elections. Every town manager was told by state leaders "to appoint a district manager in each district or section of his town, obtaining from each an assurance that he will faithfully do his duty". Then the town manager was instructed to compile lists and total the number of taxpayers and the number of eligible voters, find out how many favored the Republicans and how many the Federalists and to count the number of supporters of each party who were not eligible to vote but who might qualify (by age or taxes) at the next election. These highly detailed returns were to be sent to the county manager and in turn were compiled and sent to the state manager. Using these lists of potential voters, the managers were told to get all eligible people to town meetings and help the young men qualify to vote. The state manager was responsible for supplying party newspapers to each town for distribution by town and district managers.[161] This highly coordinated "get-out-the-vote" drive would be familiar to future political campaigners, but was the first of its kind in world history.
Legacy
[edit]
The Federalists collapsed after 1815, beginning a period known as the Era of Good Feelings. After the 1824 presidential election the Democratic-Republicans split into factions. The coalition of Jacksonians, Calhounites, and Crawfordites built by Andrew Jackson and Martin Van Buren coalesced into the Democratic Party, which dominated presidential politics in the decades prior to the Civil War. Supporters of John Quincy Adams and Henry Clay would form the main opposition to Jackson as the National Republican Party, which in turn eventually formed part of the Whig Party, which was the second major party in the United States between the 1830s and the early 1850s.[118] The diverse and changing nature of the Democratic-Republican Party allowed both major parties to claim that they stood for Jeffersonian principles.[162] Historian Daniel Walker Howe writes that Democrats traced their heritage to the "Old Republicanism of Macon and Crawford", while the Whigs looked to "the new Republican nationalism of Madison and Gallatin."[163]
The Whig Party fell apart in the 1850s due to divisions over the expansion of slavery into new territories. The modern Republican Party was formed in 1854 to oppose the expansion of slavery, and many former Whig Party leaders joined the newly formed anti-slavery party.[164] The Republican Party sought to combine Jefferson and Jackson's ideals of liberty and equality with Clay's program of using an active government to modernize the economy.[165] The Democratic-Republican Party inspired the name of it's two direct descedants or offshoots: the National Republican Party (Whigs) and the Democratic party, as well as the later newly created Republican Party.[166][167]
Fear of a large debt is a major legacy of this party. Andrew Jackson believed the national debt was a "national curse" and he took special pride in paying off the entire national debt in 1835.[168] Politicians ever since have used the issue of a high national debt to denounce the other party for profligacy and a threat to fiscal soundness and the nation's future.[169]
Electoral history
[edit]Presidential elections
[edit]| Election | Ticket | Popular vote | Electoral vote | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Presidential nominee | Running mate | Percentage | Electoral votes | Ranking | |
| 1796 | Thomas Jefferson[A] | Aaron Burr[B] | 46.6 | 68 / 138
|
2 |
| 1800 | 61.4 | 73 / 138
|
1 | ||
| 1804 | George Clinton | 72.8 | 162 / 176
|
1 | |
| 1808 | James Madison | 64.7 | 122 / 176
|
1 | |
| 1812 | Elbridge Gerry | 50.4 | 128 / 217
|
1 | |
| DeWitt Clinton[C] | Jared Ingersoll | 47.6 | 89 / 217
|
2 | |
| 1816 | James Monroe | Daniel D. Tompkins | 68.2 | 183 / 217
|
1 |
| 1820 | 80.6 | 231 / 232
|
1 | ||
| 1824[D] | Andrew Jackson | John C. Calhoun | 41.4 | 99 / 261
|
1 |
| John Quincy Adams | 30.9 | 84 / 261
|
2 | ||
| William H. Crawford | Nathaniel Macon | 11.2 | 41 / 261
|
3 | |
| Henry Clay | Nathan Sanford | 13 | 37 / 261
|
4 | |
- ^ In his first presidential run, Jefferson did not win the presidency, and Burr did not win the vice presidency. However, under the pre-12th Amendment election rules, Jefferson won the vice presidency due to dissension among Federalist electors.
- ^ In their second presidential run, Jefferson and Burr received the same number of electoral votes. Jefferson was subsequently chosen as President by the House of Representatives.
- ^ While commonly labeled as the Federalist candidate, Clinton technically ran as a Democratic-Republican and was not nominated by the Federalist party itself, the latter simply deciding not to field a candidate. This did not prevent endorsements from state Federalist parties (such as in Pennsylvania), but he received the endorsement from the New York state Democratic-Republicans as well.
- ^ William H. Crawford and Albert Gallatin were nominated for president and vice-president by a group of 66 Congressmen that called itself the "Democratic members of Congress".[170] Gallatin later withdrew from the contest. Andrew Jackson, John Quincy Adams and Henry Clay ran as Republicans, although they were not nominated by any national body. While Jackson won a plurality in the electoral college and popular vote, he did not win the constitutionally required majority of electoral votes to be elected president. The contest was thrown to the House of Representatives, where Adams won with Clay's support. The electoral college chose John C. Calhoun for vice president.
Congressional representation
[edit]The affiliation of many Congressmen in the earliest years is an assignment by later historians. The parties were slowly coalescing groups; at first there were many independents. Cunningham noted that only about a quarter of the House of Representatives up until 1794 voted with Madison as much as two-thirds of the time and another quarter against him two-thirds of the time, leaving almost half as fairly independent.[171]
| Congress | Years | Senate[172] | House of Representatives[173] | President | |||||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Total | Anti- Admin |
Pro- Admin |
Others | Vacancies | Total | Anti- Admin |
Pro- Admin |
Others | Vacancies | ||||||
| 1st | 1789–1791 | 26 | 8 | 18 | — | — | 65 | 28 | 37 | — | — | George Washington | |||
| 2nd | 1791–1793 | 30 | 13 | 16 | — | 1 | 69 | 30 | 39 | — | — | ||||
| 3rd | 1793–1795 | 30 | 14 | 16 | — | — | 105 | 54 | 51 | — | — | ||||
| Congress | Years | Total | Democratic- Republicans |
Federalists | Others | Vacancies | Total | Democratic- Republicans |
Federalists | Others | Vacancies | President | |||
| 4th | 1795–1797 | 32 | 11 | 21 | — | — | 106 | 59 | 47 | — | — | George Washington | |||
| 5th | 1797–1799 | 32 | 10 | 22 | — | — | 106 | 49 | 57 | — | — | John Adams | |||
| 6th | 1799–1801 | 32 | 10 | 22 | — | — | 106 | 46 | 60 | — | — | ||||
| 7th | 1801–1803 | 34 | 17 | 15 | — | 2 | 107 | 68 | 38 | — | 1 | Thomas Jefferson | |||
| 8th | 1803–1805 | 34 | 25 | 9 | — | — | 142 | 103 | 39 | — | — | ||||
| 9th | 1805–1807 | 34 | 27 | 7 | — | — | 142 | 114 | 28 | — | — | ||||
| 10th | 1807–1809 | 34 | 28 | 6 | — | — | 142 | 116 | 26 | — | — | ||||
| 11th | 1809–1811 | 34 | 27 | 7 | — | — | 142 | 92 | 50 | — | — | James Madison | |||
| 12th | 1811–1813 | 36 | 30 | 6 | — | — | 143 | 107 | 36 | — | — | ||||
| 13th | 1813–1815 | 36 | 28 | 8 | — | — | 182 | 114 | 68 | — | — | ||||
| 14th | 1815–1817 | 38 | 26 | 12 | — | — | 183 | 119 | 64 | — | — | ||||
| 15th | 1817–1819 | 42 | 30 | 12 | — | — | 185 | 146 | 39 | — | — | James Monroe | |||
| 16th | 1819–1821 | 46 | 37 | 9 | — | — | 186 | 160 | 26 | — | — | ||||
| 17th | 1821–1823 | 48 | 44 | 4 | — | — | 187 | 155 | 32 | — | — | ||||
| 18th | 1823–1825 | 48 | 43 | 5 | — | — | 213 | 189 | 24 | — | — | ||||
| Congress | Years | Total | Pro-Jackson | Pro-Adams | Others | Vacancies | Total | Pro-Jackson | Pro-Adams | Others | Vacancies | President | |||
| 19th | 1825–1827 | 48 | 26 | 22 | — | — | 213 | 104 | 109 | — | — | John Quincy Adams | |||
| 20th | 1827–1829 | 48 | 27 | 21 | — | — | 213 | 113 | 100 | — | — | ||||
| Senate | House of Representatives | ||||||||||||||
See also
[edit]Explanatory notes
[edit]- ^ a b Party members generally referred to it as the Republican Party; although the word Republican is not to be confused with the modern Republican Party founded in the 1850s. To distinguish this party from the current Republican Party, political scientists usually use the term "Democratic-Republican".
- ^ a b Prior to the ratification of the Twelfth Amendment in 1804, each member of the Electoral College cast two votes, with no distinction made between electoral votes for president and electoral votes for vice president. Under these rules, an individual who received more votes than any other candidate, and received votes from a majority of the electors, was elected as president. If neither of those conditions were met, the House of Representatives would select the president through a contingent election in which each state delegation received one vote. After the selection of the president, the individual who finished with the most votes was elected as vice president, with the Senate holding a contingent election in the case of a tie.[34]
- ^ Clay himself was not eligible in the contingent election because the House could only choose from the top-three candidates in the electoral vote tally. Clay finished a close fourth to Crawford in the electoral vote.[107]
References
[edit]- ^ a b 102nd Congress (1991), S.2047 – A bill to establish a commission to commemorate the bicentennial of the establishment of the Democratic Party of the United States. "In 1992, the Democratic Party of the United States will celebrate the 200th anniversary of its establishment on May 13, 1792... Thomas Jefferson founded the first political party in the United States, the Democratic Party, which was originally known as the Republican Party."
- ^ Larson, Edward J. (2007). A Magnificent Catastrophe: The Tumultuous Election of 1800, America's First Presidential Campaign. Simon and Schuster. p. 21. ISBN 9780743293174.
The divisions between Adams and Jefferson were exasperated by the more extreme views expressed by some of their partisans, particularly the High Federalists led by Hamilton on what was becoming known as the political right, and the democratic wing of the Republican Party on the left, associated with New York Governor George Clinton and Pennsylvania legislator Albert Gallatin, among others.
- ^ Ohio History Connection. "Democratic-Republican Party". Ohio History Central. Retrieved August 30, 2017.
Democratic-Republicans favored keeping the U.S. economy based on agriculture and said that the U.S. should serve as the agricultural provider for the rest of the world [...]. Economically, the Democratic-Republicans wanted to remain a predominantly agricultural nation, [...].
- ^ a b Purdy, Elizabeth Rholetter (2023). "Federalist Party". Ebsco.com. Ebsco. Retrieved August 26, 2025.
Under the guidance of Thomas Jefferson and James Madison, Democratic-Republicans believed that states should retain strong powers, were supportive of agrarianism, and tended to favor France over Britain in foreign policy. The Federalists also emphasized hierarchy, stability, and order rather than the egalitarianism favored by the Democratic-Republicans.
- ^ Beasley, James R. (1972). "Emerging Republicanism and the Standing Order: The Appropriation Act Controversy in Connecticut, 1793 to 1795". The William and Mary Quarterly. 29 (4): 604. doi:10.2307/1917394. JSTOR 1917394.
- ^ Adams, Ian (2001). Political Ideology Today (reprinted, revised ed.). Manchester: Manchester University Press. p. 32. ISBN 9780719060205.
Ideologically, all US parties are liberal and always have been. Essentially they espouse classical liberalism, that is a form of democratized Whig constitutionalism plus the free market. The point of difference comes with the influence of social liberalism.
- ^ "Democratic-Republican Party". Encyclopædia Britannica. July 20, 1998. Retrieved August 30, 2017.
The Republicans contended that the Federalists harboured aristocratic attitudes and that their policies placed too much power in the central government and tended to benefit the affluent at the expense of the common man.
- ^ Brown (1999); Chambers, William Nisbet (1972). The First Party System: Federalists and Republicans. Wiley. p. 110. ISBN 0471143405. Retrieved August 26, 2025.
- ^ Matthews, Richard K. (1984). The radical politics of Thomas Jefferson: a revisionist view. Lawrence, KS: University Press of Kansas. p. 18. ISBN 0-7006-0256-9. OCLC 10605658.
- ^ Wood. The American Revolution. p. 100.
- ^ According to Peter R. Henriques, "The original Republican party, represented by Jefferson and James Madison, evolved into the modern Democratic organization. Federalists tilted to the right; Republicans, to the left." Henriques, "1800: America’s First Explosive Election," HISTORYNET (Oct. 26, 2020) online
- ^ Olsen, Henry (Summer 2010). "Populism, American Style". National Affairs. Retrieved May 30, 2021.
Amid the passion and the anger, Jefferson and Madison's Republican Party — the forerunner of today's Democrats — won the day; the coalition they built then proceeded to win every national election until 1824... The elections of 1828 and 1832 saw the ruling Republicans break into two factions: The minority faction — headed by incumbent president John Quincy Adams — became the National Republicans (and then the Whigs); it drew its support from the mercantile regions of the country, mainly New England and the large cities of the South. Members of the majority faction, meanwhile, renamed themselves the Democrats under the leadership of Andrew Jackson.
- ^ Cobb, Jelani (March 8, 2021). "What is Happening to the Republicans?". The New Yorker. Retrieved January 27, 2022.
In the uproar that ensued, the Party split, with each side laying claim to a portion of its name: the smaller faction, led by Adams, became the short-lived National Republicans; the larger, led by Jackson, became the Democratic Party.
- ^ Knott, Stephen (October 4, 2016). "George Washington: Campaigns and Elections". Charlottesville, Virginia: Miller Center of Public Affairs, University of Virginia. Archived from the original on July 28, 2017. Retrieved July 14, 2017.
- ^ Reichley (2000), pp. 25, 29.
- ^ Ferling (2009), pp. 282–284
- ^ Ferling (2009), pp. 292–293
- ^ Ferling (2009), pp. 293–298
- ^ Bordewich (2016), pp. 244–252
- ^ Wilentz (2005), pp. 44–45.
- ^ Wilentz (2005), pp. 45–48.
- ^ Wood (2009), pp. 150–151
- ^ Thompson (1980), pp. 174–175.
- ^ a b See The Aurora General Advertiser (Philadelphia), April. 30, 1795, p. 3; New Hampshire Gazette (Portsmouth), October 15, 1796, p. 3; Claypoole's American Daily Advertiser (Philadelphia), October 10, 1797, p. 3; Columbian Centinel (Boston), September 15, 1798, p. 2; Alexandria (VA) Times, October 8, 1798, p. 2; Daily Advertiser (New York), September 22, 1800, p. 2 & November 25, 1800, p. 2; The Oracle of Dauphin (Harrisburg), October 6, 1800, p. 3; Federal Gazette (Baltimore), October 23, 1800, p. 3; The Spectator (New York), October 25, 1800, p. 3; Poulson's American Daily Advertiser (Philadelphia), November 19, 1800, p. 3; Windham (CT) Herald, November 20, 1800, p. 2; City Gazette (Charleston), November 22, 1800, p. 2; The American Mercury (Hartford), November 27, 1800, p. 3; and Constitutional Telegraphe (Boston), November 29, 1800, p. 3.
After 1802, some local organizations slowly began merging "Democratic" into their own name and became known as the "Democratic Republicans". Examples include 1802, 1803, 1804, 1804, 1805, 1806, 1807, 1808, 1809. - ^ Wood (2009), pp. 161–162
- ^ a b Ferling (2009), pp. 299–302, 309–311
- ^ Wilentz (2005), pp. 60, 64–65.
- ^ Foner found only two that used the actual term "Democratic-Republican", including the "Democratic-Republican Society of Dumfries", Virginia, 1794. Philip S. Foner, The Democratic-Republican Societies, 1790-1800: A Documentary Source-book of Constitutions, Declarations, Addresses, Resolutions, and Toasts (1977) pp 350, 370.
- ^ Ferling (2009), pp. 323–328, 338–344
- ^ Ferling (2003), pp. 397–400
- ^ Wilentz (2005), pp. 72–73, 86.
- ^ a b McDonald (1974), pp. 178–181
- ^ Taylor, C. James (October 4, 2016). "John Adams: Campaigns and Elections". Charlottesville, Virginia: Miller Center of Public Affairs, University of Virginia. Retrieved August 3, 2017.
- ^ Neale, Thomas H. (November 3, 2016), Contingent Election of the President and Vice President by Congress: Perspectives and Contemporary Analysis (PDF), Congressional Research Service
- ^ Wilentz (2005), pp. 77–78.
- ^ Wilentz (2005), pp. 80–82.
- ^ Wilentz (2005), pp. 78–79.
- ^ Wilentz (2005), pp. 85–87.
- ^ Wilentz (2005), pp. 86, 91–92.
- ^ Carter, Edward C. (1989). "A "Wild Irishman" under Every Federalist's Bed: Naturalization in Philadelphia, 1789-1806". Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society. 133 (2): 178–189. ISSN 0003-049X. JSTOR 987049.
- ^ Gilmore, Peter; Parkhill, Trevor; Roulston, William (2018). Exiles of '98: Ulster Presbyterians and the United States (PDF). Belfast, UK: Ulster Historical Foundation. pp. 25–37. ISBN 9781909556621. Retrieved January 16, 2021.
- ^ Weisberger, Bernard A. (2011). America Afire: Jefferson, Adams, and the First Contested Election. HarperCollins. p. 235. ISBN 978-0-06-211768-7.
- ^ Phillips, Kim T. (1977). "William Duane, Philadelphia's Democratic Republicans, and the Origins of Modern Politics". The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography. 101 (3): (365–387) 368. ISSN 0031-4587. JSTOR 20091178.
- ^ Wilentz (2005), pp. 92–94.
- ^ Wilentz (2005), pp. 97–98.
- ^ Brown (1975), pp. 165–166
- ^ Brown (1975), pp. 198–200
- ^ Office of the Historian, Department of State. "The United States and the French Revolution, 1789–1799" (2017) online
- ^ Henriques, "1800: America’s First Explosive Election," HISTORYNET (Oct. 26, 2020) online
- ^ Wilentz (2005), pp. 99–100.
- ^ Wilentz (2005), pp. 95–97.
- ^ Wilentz (2005), pp. 101–102.
- ^ Wood (2009), pp. 291–296.
- ^ Bailey, 2007, p. 216.
- ^ Chernow, 2004, p. 671.
- ^ McDonald (1976), pp. 41–42.
- ^ Wood (2009), p. 293.
- ^ Meacham, 2012, p. 387.
- ^ Appleby, 2003, pp. 65–69
- ^ Appleby, 2003, pp. 7–8, 61–63
- ^ Wood (2009), pp. 357–359.
- ^ Appleby (2003), pp. 63–64.
- ^ Nugent (2008), pp. 61–62.
- ^ a b Wilentz (2005), p. 108.
- ^ Rodriguez, 2002, p. 97.
- ^ Appleby (2003), pp. 64–65.
- ^ Wood (2009), pp. 369–370.
- ^ Wilentz (2005), pp. 115–116.
- ^ Rutland (1990), p. 12.
- ^ Rutland (1990), p. 13.
- ^ Wilentz (2005), pp. 130–134.
- ^ Wilentz (2005), pp. 134–135.
- ^ Wills (2002), pp. 94–96.
- ^ Wilentz (2005), pp. 147–148.
- ^ Wills (2002), pp. 95–96.
- ^ Rutland, James Madison: The Founding Father, pp. 217–24
- ^ Wilentz (2005), p. 156.
- ^ Wilentz (2005), pp. 156–159.
- ^ Wills (2002), pp. 97–98.
- ^ Wilentz (2005), pp. 160–161.
- ^ Rutland (1990), pp. 186–188.
- ^ Wilentz (2005), pp. 175–176.
- ^ Rutland (1990), pp. 192, 201.
- ^ Rutland (1990), pp. 211–212.
- ^ Rutland (1990), pp. 20, 68–70.
- ^ Wilentz (2005), pp. 181–182.
- ^ Rutland (1990), pp. 195–198.
- ^ Howe (2007), pp. 82–84.
- ^ Cunningham (1996), pp. 15–18.
- ^ Cunningham (1996), pp. 18–19.
- ^ Howe, pp. 93–94.
- ^ Cunningham (1996), pp. 19–21.
- ^ Preston, Daniel (October 4, 2016). "James Monroe: Domestic Affairs". Miller Center of Public Affairs, University of Virginia. Retrieved February 22, 2017.
- ^ Wilentz (2005), pp. 206–207.
- ^ Wilentz (2005), pp. 209–210, 251–252.
- ^ Wilentz (2005), p. 217.
- ^ Howe (2007), p. 147.
- ^ Cunningham (1996), pp. 28–29.
- ^ Wilentz (2004), p. 376: "[T]he sectional divisions among the Jeffersonian Republicans...offers historical paradoxes...in which hard-line slaveholding Southern Republicans rejected the egalitarian ideals of the slaveholder [Thomas] Jefferson while the antislavery Northern Republicans upheld them – even as Jefferson himself supported slavery's expansion on purportedly antislavery grounds.
- ^ Wilentz (2004), pp. 380, 386.
- ^ Cunningham (1996), pp. 101–103.
- ^ Cunningham (1996), pp. 103–104.
- ^ Parsons (2009), pp. 70–72.
- ^ Parsons (2009), pp. 79–86.
- ^ a b Kaplan (2014), pp. 386–389.
- ^ a b Kaplan (2014), pp. 391–393, 398.
- ^ a b Wilentz (2005), pp. 254–255.
- ^ Wilentz (2005), pp. 256–257.
- ^ Parsons (2009), pp. 106–107.
- ^ Kaplan (2014), pp. 402–403.
- ^ Parsons (2009), pp. 114–120.
- ^ Parsons (2009), pp. 127–128.
- ^ Howe (2007), p. 251
- ^ Howe (2007), pp. 275–277
- ^ Howe (2007), pp. 279–280
- ^ Parsons (2009), pp. 181–183.
- ^ Howe (2007), pp. 281–283
- ^ a b Parsons (2009), pp. 185–187, 195.
- ^ For examples of original quotes and documents from various states, see Cunningham, Noble E., Jeffersonian Republicans: The Formation of Party Organization: 1789–1801 (1957), pp. 48, 63–66, 97, 99, 103, 110, 111, 112, 144, 151, 153, 156, 157, 161, 163, 188, 196, 201, 204, 213, 218 and 234.
See also "Address of the Republican committee of the County of Gloucester, New-Jersey Archived October 21, 2017, at the Wayback Machine", Gloucester County, December 15, 1800. - ^ Jefferson used the term "republican party" in a letter to Washington in May 1792 to refer to those in Congress who were his allies and who supported the existing republican constitution. "Thomas Jefferson to George Washington, May 23, 1792". Retrieved October 4, 2006. At a conference with Washington a year later, Jefferson referred to "what is called the republican party here". Bergh, ed. Writings of Thomas Jefferson (1907) 1:385, 8:345
- ^ "James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, March 2, 1794". Retrieved October 14, 2006. "I see by a paper of last evening that even in New York a meeting of the people has taken place, at the instance of the Republican party, and that a committee is appointed for the like purpose." See also: Smith, 832.
"James Madison to William Hayward, March 21, 1809. Address to the Republicans of Talbot Co. Maryland". Retrieved October 27, 2006.
"Thomas Jefferson to John Melish, January 13, 1813". Retrieved October 27, 2006. "The party called republican is steadily for the support of the present constitution"
"James Madison to Baltimore Republican Committee, April 22, 1815". Retrieved October 27, 2006.
"James Madison to William Eustis, May 22, 1823". Retrieved October 27, 2006. Transcript. "The people are now able every where to compare the principles and policy of those who have borne the name of Republicans or Democrats with the career of the adverse party and to see and feel that the former are as much in harmony with the Spirit of the Nation as the latter was at variance with both." - ^ Banning, 79–90.
- ^ Brown (1999), p. 17.
- ^ Onuf, Peter (August 12, 2019). "Thomas Jefferson: Impact and Legacy". Miller Center.
- ^ "Jeffersonian Republican Party". Encyclopedia.com. The Gale Group. Retrieved August 12, 2019.
- ^ Webster, Noah (1843). A Collection of Papers on Political, Literary, and Moral Subjects. Webster & Clark. p. 332.
From the time when the anti-federal party assumed the more popular appellation of republican, which was soon after the arrival of the French minister in 1793, that epithet became a powerful instrument in the process of making proselytes to the party. The influence of names on the mass of mankind, was never more distinctly exhibited, than in the increase of the democratic party in the United States.
- ^ Janda, Kenneth; Berry, Jeffrey M.; Goldman, Jerry; Deborah, Deborah (2015). The Challenge of Democracy: American Government in Global Politics 13th ed. Cengage Learning. p. 212. ISBN 9781305537439.
- ^ In a private letter in September 1798, George Washington wrote, "You could as soon as scrub the blackamore white, as to change the principles of a profest Democrat; and that he will leave nothing unattempted to overturn the Government of this Country." George Washington (1939). The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources 1745-1799 Volume 36 August 4, 1797-October 28, 1798. Best Books on. p. 474. ISBN 9781623764463.
{{cite book}}: ISBN / Date incompatibility (help) - ^ James Roger Sharp, American Politics in the Early Republic: The New Nation in Crisis (1993).
- ^ Brown (1999), p. 19.
- ^ Reichley (2000), p. 52.
- ^ Susan Dunn, Jefferson's second revolution: the election crisis of 1800 and the triumph of republicanism (HMH, 2004) p 1.
- ^ Appleby (2003), pp. 1–5.
- ^ Reichley (2000), p. 57.
- ^ Reichley (2000), pp. 55–56.
- ^ Reichley (2000), pp. 51–52.
- ^ McDonald (1976), pp. 42–43.
- ^ Brown (1999), pp. 19–20.
- ^ Reichley (2000), pp. 35–36.
- ^ Wood (2009), pp. 357–358.
- ^ "James Monroe: Foreign Affairs". Miller Center of Public Affairs, University of Virginia. October 4, 2016. Retrieved February 25, 2017.
- ^ Wilentz (2005), pp. 136–137.
- ^ a b Wilentz (2005), pp. 218–221.
- ^ Wilentz (2005), pp. 225–227.
- ^ Wilentz (2005), pp. 228–229.
- ^ Reichley (2000), pp. 36–37.
- ^ Wood (2009), pp. 166–168.
- ^ Klein, 44.
- ^ Wood (2009), pp. 168–171.
- ^ Reichley (2000), p. 54.
- ^ Wilentz (2005), p. 100.
- ^ Wilentz (2005), pp. 105–107.
- ^ Wilentz (2005), pp. 144–148.
- ^ Wilentz (2005), pp. 202–203.
- ^ Wilentz (2005), pp. 241–242.
- ^ Wilentz (2005), pp. 294–296.
- ^ Jeffrey L. Pasley. "The Tyranny of Printers": Newspaper Politics in the Early American Republic (2003)
- ^ Cunningham (1957), p. 167.
- ^ Tinkcom, 271.
- ^ Cunningham, Noble E. (1956). "John Beckley: An Early American Party Manager". The William and Mary Quarterly. 13 (1): 40–52. doi:10.2307/1923388. JSTOR 1923388.
- ^ Cunningham (1963), 129.
- ^ Brown (1999), pp. 18–19.
- ^ Howe (2007), p. 582.
- ^ "The Origin of the Republican Party, A.F. Gilman, Ripon College, 1914". Content.wisconsinhistory.org. Retrieved January 17, 2012.
- ^ Gould (2003), p. 14.
- ^ Howe (2007), pp. 66, 275, 897.
- ^ Lipset, Seymour Martin (1960). Political Man: The Social Bases of Politics. Garden City, N.Y.,: Doubleday. p. 292.
- ^ Remini, Robert V. (2008). Andrew Jackson. Macmillan. p. 180. ISBN 9780230614703.
- ^ Nagel, Stuart (1994). Encyclopedia of Policy Studies (2nd ed.). Taylor & Francis. pp. 503–504. ISBN 9780824791421.
- ^ "Anti-Caucus/Caucus". Washington Republican. February 6, 1824. Archived from the original on August 31, 2017. Retrieved November 17, 2019.
- ^ Cunningham (1957), p. 82.
- ^ "Party Division". United States Senate.
- ^ "Party Divisions of the House of Representatives, 1789 to Present". United States House of Representatives.
Works cited
[edit]- Appleby, Joyce Oldham (2003). Thomas Jefferson: The American Presidents Series: The 3rd President, 1801–1809. Henry Holt and Company. ISBN 978-0805069242.
- Bailey, Jeremy D. (2007). Thomas Jefferson and Executive Power. Twenty-First Century Books. ISBN 978-1139466295.
- Banning, Lance (1978). The Jeffersonian Persuasion: Evolution of a Party Ideology. online
- Bordewich, Fergus M. (2016). The First Congress. New York: Simon & Schuster. ISBN 978-1-45169193-1.
- Brown, David (1999). "Jeffersonian Ideology and the Second Party System". The Historian. 62 (1): 17–30. doi:10.1111/j.1540-6563.1999.tb01431.x. JSTOR 24450533.
- Brown, Ralph A. (1975). The Presidency of John Adams. American Presidency Series. University Press of Kansas. ISBN 0-7006-0134-1.
- Chernow, Ron (2004). Alexander Hamilton. Penguin Press. ISBN 978-1594200090.
- Cunningham, Noble (1996). The Presidency of James Monroe. University Press of Kansas. ISBN 0-7006-0728-5.
- Cunningham, Noble E. Jr. (1957). The Jeffersonian Republicans: The formation of Party Organization, 1789–1801. Chapel Hill, North Carolina: University of North Carolina Press. ISBN 978-0-835-73909-2.
{{cite book}}: ISBN / Date incompatibility (help) - Cunningham, Noble E. Jr. (1963). The Jeffersonian Republicans in Power: Party Operations 1801–1809.
- Ferling, John (2003). A Leap in the Dark: The Struggle to Create the American Republic. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-515924-1.
- Ferling, John (2009). The Ascent of George Washington: The Hidden Political Genius of an American Icon. New York: Bloomsbury Press. ISBN 978-1-59691-465-0.
- Gould, Lewis (2003). Grand Old Party: A History of the Republicans. Random House. ISBN 0-375-50741-8. concerns the party founded in 1854.
- Howe, Daniel Walker (2007). What Hath God Wrought: The Transformation of America, 1815–1848. Oxford History of the United States. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-507894-7. OCLC 122701433.
- Kaplan, Fred (2014). John Quincy Adams: American Visionary. HarperCollins.
- McDonald, Forrest (1974). The Presidency of George Washington. American Presidency. University Press of Kansas. ISBN 978-0-7006-0359-6.
- McDonald, Forrest (1976). The Presidency of Thomas Jefferson. University Press of Kansas. ISBN 978-0700603305.
- Meacham, Jon (2012). Thomas Jefferson: The Art of Power. Random House LLC. ISBN 978-0679645368.
- Nugent, Walter (2008). Habits of Empire: A History of American Expansion. Knopf. ISBN 978-1400042920.
- Parsons, Lynn H. (2009). The Birth of Modern Politics: Andrew Jackson, John Quincy Adams, and the Election of 1828. Oxford Univ. Press. ISBN 978-0-19-531287-4.
- Reichley, A. James (2000) [1992]. The Life of the Parties: A History of American Political Parties (Paperback ed.). Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. ISBN 0-7425-0888-9.
- Rutland, Robert A (1990). The Presidency of James Madison. Univ. Press of Kansas. ISBN 978-0700604654.
- Thompson, Harry C. (1980). "The Second Place in Rome: John Adams as Vice President". Presidential Studies Quarterly. 10 (2): 171–178. JSTOR 27547562.
- Tinkcom, Harry M. (1950). The Republicans and Federalists in Pennsylvania, 1790–1801.
- Wilentz, Sean (September 2004). "Jeffersonian Democracy and the Origins of Political Antislavery in the United States: The Missouri Crisis Revisited". Journal of the Historical Society. 4 (3): 375–401. doi:10.1111/j.1529-921X.2004.00105.x.
- Wilentz, Sean (2005). The Rise of American Democracy: Jefferson to Lincoln. W. W. Norton & Company. ISBN 0-393-05820-4.
- Wills, Garry (2002). James Madison: The American Presidents Series: The 4th President, 1809-1817. Times Books.
- Wood, Gordon S. (2009). Empire of Liberty: A History of the Early Republic, 1789-1815. Oxford History of the United States. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-503914-6.
Further reading
[edit]- Beard, Charles A. Economic Origins of Jeffersonian Democracy (1915). online
- Brown, Stuart Gerry. The First Republicans: Political Philosophy and Public Policy in the Party of Jefferson and Madison 1954.
- Chambers, Wiliam Nisbet. Political Parties in a New Nation: The American Experience, 1776–1809 (1963). online
- Cornell, Saul. The Other Founders: Anti-Federalism and the Dissenting Tradition in America, 1788–1828 (1999) (ISBN 0-8078-2503-4).
- Cunningham, Noble E., Jr. The Process of Government Under Jefferson (1978).
- Dawson, Matthew Q. Partisanship and the Birth of America's Second Party, 1796–1800: Stop the Wheels of Government. Greenwood, 2000.
- Dougherty, Keith L. "TRENDS: Creating Parties in Congress: The Emergence of a Social Network." Political Research Quarterly 73.4 (2020): 759–773. online
- Elkins, Stanley M. and Eric McKitrick. The Age of Federalism (1995), detailed political history of 1790s.
- Ferling, John. Adams Vs. Jefferson: The Tumultuous Election of 1800 (2004) (ISBN 0-19-516771-6).
- Ferling, John (2009). The Ascent of George Washington: The Hidden Political Genius of an American Icon. New York: Bloomsbury Press. ISBN 978-1-59691-465-0.
- Goodman, Paul, ed. The Federalists vs. the Jeffersonian Republicans (1977) online, short excerpts by leading historians
- Howe, Daniel Walker (2007). What Hath God Wrought: The Transformation of America 1815–1848. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780195078947.
- Klein, Philip Shriver. Pennsylvania Politics, 1817–1832: A Game without Rules 1940.
- Morison, Samuel Eliot (1965). The Oxford History of the American People. New York: Oxford University Press.
- Onuf, Peter S., ed. Jeffersonian Legacies. (1993) (ISBN 0-8139-1462-0).
- Pasley, Jeffrey L. et al. eds. Beyond the Founders: New Approaches to the Political History of the Early American Republic (2004).
- Ray, Kristofer. "The Republicans Are the Nation? Thomas Jefferson, William Duane, and the Evolution of the Republican Coalition, 1809–1815." American Nineteenth Century History 14.3 (2013): 283–304.
- Risjord, Norman K.; The Old Republicans: Southern Conservatism in the Age of Jefferson (1965) on the Randolph faction.
- Rodriguez, Junius (2002). The Louisiana Purchase: a historical and geographical encyclopedia. ABC-CLIO. ISBN 978-1576071885.
- Sharp, James Roger. American Politics in the Early Republic: The New Nation in Crisis (1993) detailed narrative of 1790s.
- Smelser, Marshall. The Democratic Republic 1801–1815 (1968), survey of political history.
- Van Buren, Martin. Van Buren, Abraham, Van Buren, John, ed. Inquiry Into the Origin and Course of Political Parties in the United States (1867) (ISBN 1-4181-2924-0).
- Wiltse, Charles Maurice. The Jeffersonian Tradition in American Democracy (1935).
- Wilentz, Sean (September 2004). "Jeffersonian Democracy and the Origins of Political Antislavery in the United States: The Missouri Crisis Revisited". Journal of the Historical Society. 4 (3): 375–401. doi:10.1111/j.1529-921X.2004.00105.x.
- Wills, Garry. Henry Adams and the Making of America (2005), a close reading of Henry Adams (1889–1891).
Biographies
[edit]- Ammon, Harry (1971). James Monroe: The Quest for National Identity. McGraw-Hill. ISBN 9780070015821.
- Cunningham, Noble E. In Pursuit of Reason The Life of Thomas Jefferson (ISBN 0-345-35380-3) (1987).
- Cunningham, Noble E., Jr. "John Beckley: An Early American Party Manager", William and Mary Quarterly, 13 (January 1956), 40–52, online
- Miller, John C. Alexander Hamilton: Portrait in Paradox (1959), full-scale biography. online
- Peterson; Merrill D. Thomas Jefferson and the New Nation: A Biography (1975), full-scale biography.
- Remini, Robert. Henry Clay: Statesman for the Union (1991), a standard biography.
- Rutland, Robert A., ed. James Madison and the American Nation, 1751–1836: An Encyclopedia (1994).
- Schachner, Nathan. Aaron Burr: A Biography (1961), full-scale biography.
- Unger, Harlow G.. "The Last Founding Father: James Monroe and a Nation's Call to Greatness" (2009)
- Wiltse, Charles Maurice. John C. Calhoun, Nationalist, 1782–1828 (1944).
State studies
[edit]- Beeman, Richard R. The Old Dominion and the New Nation, 1788–1801 (1972), on Virginia politics.
- Formisano, Ronald P. The Transformation of Political Culture. Massachusetts Parties, 1790s–1840s (1984) (ISBN 0-19-503509-7).
- Gilpatrick, Delbert Harold. Jeffersonian Democracy in North Carolina, 1789–1816 (1931).
- Goodman, Paul. The Democratic-Republicans of Massachusetts (1964).
- McCormick, Richard P. (1966). The Second Party System: Party Formation in the Jacksonian Era. details the collapse state by state.
- Prince, Carl E. New Jersey's Jeffersonian Republicans: The Genesis of an Early Party Machine, 1789–1817 (1967).
- Risjord; Norman K. Chesapeake Politics, 1781–1800 (1978) on Virginia and Maryland.
- Young, Alfred F. The Democratic Republicans of New York: The Origins, 1763–1797 (1967).
Newspapers
[edit]- Hale, Matthew Rainbow. "On their tiptoes: Political time and Newspapers during the Advent of the Radicalized French Revolution, circa 1792-1793." Journal of the Early Republic 29.2 (2009): 191–218. online
- Humphrey, Carol Sue The Press of the Young Republic, 1783–1833 (1996).
- Knudson, Jerry W. Jefferson And the Press: Crucible of Liberty (2006) how 4 Republican and 4 Federalist papers covered election of 1800; Thomas Paine; Louisiana Purchase; Hamilton-Burr duel; impeachment of Chase; and the embargo.
- Laracey, Mel. "The presidential newspaper as an engine of early American political development: The case of Thomas Jefferson and the election of 1800." Rhetoric & Public Affairs 11.1 (2008): 7-46. excerpt
- Pasley, Jeffrey L. "The Two National" Gazettes": Newspapers and the Embodiment of American Political Parties." Early American Literature 35.1 (2000): 51-86. online
- Pasley, Jeffrey L. 'The Tyranny of Printers': Newspaper Politics in the Early American Republic (2003) (ISBN 0-8139-2177-5). online
- Scherr, Arthur. " 'A Genuine Republican': Benjamin Franklin Bache's Remarks (1797), the Federalists, and Republican Civic Humanism." Pennsylvania History 80.2 (2013): 243-298. online
- Stewart, Donald H. The Opposition Press of the Federalist Era (1968), highly detailed study of Republican newspapers. online
- The complete text, searchable, of all early American newspapers are online at Readex America's Historical Newspapers, available at research libraries.
Primary sources
[edit]- Adams, John Quincy. Memoirs of John Quincy Adams: Comprising Portions of His Diary from 1795 to 1848 Volume VII (1875) edited by Charles Francis Adams; (ISBN 0-8369-5021-6). Adams, son of the Federalist president, switched and became a Republican in 1808.
- Cunningham, Noble E., Jr., ed. The Making of the American Party System 1789 to 1809 (1965) excerpts from primary sources.
- Cunningham, Noble E., Jr., ed. Circular Letters of Congressmen to Their Constituents 1789–1829 (1978), 3 vol; reprints the political newsletters sent out by congressmen.
- Kirk, Russell ed. John Randolph of Roanoke: A study in American politics, with selected speeches and letters, 4th ed., Liberty Fund, 1997, 588 pp. ISBN 0-86597-150-1; Randolph was a leader of the "Old Republican" faction.
- McColley, Robert, ed. Federalists, Republicans, and foreign entanglements, 1789-1815 (1969) online, primary sources on foreign policy
- Smith, James Morton, ed. The Republic of Letters: The Correspondence of Thomas Jefferson and James Madison, 1776–1826 Volume 2 (1994).
External links
[edit]Democratic-Republican Party
View on GrokipediaHistorical Development
Origins and Formation, 1789–1797
The Democratic-Republican Party originated during the early years of George Washington's presidency (1789–1797), amid growing opposition to the centralizing fiscal policies of Treasury Secretary Alexander Hamilton. Divisions emerged in Congress over Hamilton's 1790 proposal for federal assumption of state debts and his 1791 plan for a national Bank of the United States, which critics argued exceeded constitutional authority and favored commercial elites over agrarian interests.[1][4] James Madison, a leading member of the House of Representatives, spearheaded congressional resistance to these measures, authoring key objections that highlighted their potential to consolidate power in the federal government.[1][4] Thomas Jefferson, serving as Secretary of State, aligned with Madison in viewing Hamilton's programs as monarchical in tendency and unconstitutional, though he refrained from public attacks while in the cabinet.[4] To counter pro-Hamilton publications like the Gazette of the United States, Jefferson and Madison backed the establishment of the National Gazette by Philip Freneau, which issued its first edition on October 31, 1791, and became a platform for anti-administration essays.[5][1] Jefferson encouraged Madison to join the "pamphlet wars" against Hamilton through private correspondence, urging systematic rebuttals to Federalist arguments.[1] The faction coalesced as the "Republican Party" following Madison's essay "A Candid State of Parties," published in the National Gazette on September 22, 1792, which formalized the name for opponents of executive influence and aristocratic tendencies.[1] The Anglo-French war erupting in 1793 sharpened partisan lines, with Republicans favoring alliance with revolutionary France while Federalists leaned toward Britain, prompting the rise of Democratic-Republican societies for grassroots organization by 1793–1794.[4][2] Resistance to the 1794 Jay Treaty, perceived as conciliatory to Britain, further unified the party, which by 1795 operated as a structured opposition emphasizing states' rights and republican simplicity.[2] Washington's Farewell Address on September 19, 1796, cautioned against the "baneful effects" of parties, yet the Democratic-Republicans, drawing from former Anti-Federalists and wary constitutionalists, were poised to contest federal power in the 1796 election.[1][2]Rise to Power: The Revolution of 1800
The Democratic-Republicans rose to national prominence in the late 1790s amid opposition to Federalist policies under Presidents Washington and Adams, including excise taxes, the national bank, and perceived favoritism toward British interests over French alliances.[2] Grievances intensified with the Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798, which expanded federal power to deport immigrants and prosecute critics of the government, prompting Democratic-Republican responses like the Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions asserting states' rights to nullify unconstitutional laws.[6] These measures alienated many voters, particularly in southern and western states where agrarian interests dominated, fueling party organization through newspapers, committees of correspondence, and grassroots mobilization.[7] The 1800 presidential election, spanning October 31 to December 3, pitted Democratic-Republican nominees Thomas Jefferson for president and Aaron Burr for vice president against Federalist incumbents John Adams and Charles Cotesworth Pinckney.[8] Campaign rhetoric emphasized Jefferson's vision of limited government and republican simplicity against Federalist accusations of Jacobin radicalism and deism.[6] Voter turnout surged in key states like New York, where Democratic-Republican efforts overturned a Federalist legislature, securing pivotal electoral votes.[6] Electoral College results yielded 73 votes each for Jefferson and Burr, 65 for Adams, and 64 for Pinckney, creating an unintended tie between the Democratic-Republican candidates under the original constitutional mechanism that did not distinguish presidential and vice-presidential ballots.[9] The decision devolved to the outgoing Federalist-majority House of Representatives, which convened on February 11, 1801, and deadlocked for 35 ballots amid partisan maneuvering and Burr's refusal to concede the presidency.[10] Alexander Hamilton's lobbying among Federalists, arguing Jefferson posed less threat than Burr, swayed enough votes to elect Jefferson on the 36th ballot on February 17, 1801.[10] This outcome, dubbed the Revolution of 1800 by Jefferson, represented the first peaceful transfer of executive power between opposing parties, affirming electoral legitimacy over monarchical tendencies and establishing Democratic-Republican control of the presidency and both houses of Congress for the ensuing generation.[8] The crisis exposed constitutional flaws, leading to the Twelfth Amendment in 1804 to mandate separate ballots for president and vice president.[11]Jeffersonian Era, 1801–1809
Thomas Jefferson's inauguration on March 4, 1801, ushered in the Democratic-Republican Party's unchallenged dominance of the federal government, with the party holding the presidency and majorities in both the House and Senate following the 1800 elections.[12] This period emphasized fiscal restraint, territorial expansion, and avoidance of entangling foreign alliances, core tenets of the party's ideology favoring limited federal authority and agrarian interests over centralized power and manufacturing elites.[13] Jefferson prioritized reducing the size and cost of government by appointing Albert Gallatin as Secretary of the Treasury, who oversaw the repeal of all internal excise taxes in 1802 and deep cuts to army and navy budgets.[14][13] These reforms lowered federal spending and eliminated unpopular direct taxes, aligning with the party's opposition to Hamiltonian financial systems, while generating revenue primarily through import duties.[15] Consequently, the national debt declined from $83 million in 1801 to $57 million by 1809, even after accounting for major expenditures like territorial acquisitions.[15] The Louisiana Purchase of 1803 exemplified pragmatic expansion under Republican leadership, as Jefferson negotiated the acquisition of 828,000 square miles from France for $15 million, ratified by the Senate on October 20, 1803, by a 24-7 vote dominated by party members.[16] Though this treaty-based expansion arguably exceeded strict constitutional limits on federal power—prompting initial reservations from Jefferson himself—it secured western outlets for agrarian commerce and was justified via implied powers, overriding ideological qualms within the party to prevent French control of New Orleans.[17] Federalists decried it as unconstitutional and a boon to Republican voters in new slaveholding states, but the deal faced minimal intra-party resistance and catalyzed explorations like the Lewis and Clark expedition authorized that year.[2] Foreign policy tensions arose from British and French violations of U.S. neutrality, culminating in the June 22, 1807, Chesapeake-Leopard incident where British forces attacked a U.S. frigate. In response, Congress passed the Embargo Act on December 22, 1807, banning all American exports to pressure belligerents without resorting to war, a measure championed by Jefferson and Republican majorities.[18] The policy devastated coastal trade, sparking smuggling and economic hardship especially in Federalist strongholds like New England, yet it preserved Republican control ahead of Madison's 1808 election victory, underscoring the party's preference for economic coercion over military engagement.[18] Overall, the era entrenched Democratic-Republican hegemony, diminishing Federalist influence through policy successes and electoral continuity.[13]Madison's Challenges, 1809–1817
James Madison, a Democratic-Republican, assumed the presidency on March 4, 1809, inheriting ongoing foreign policy crises stemming from British and French violations of U.S. neutrality during the Napoleonic Wars, including impressment of American sailors and interference with trade.[19] Congress promptly repealed the Embargo Act of 1807 and enacted the Non-Intercourse Act on March 1, 1809, which reopened trade with all nations except Britain and France in an attempt to coerce compliance with U.S. demands.[20] Madison's administration pursued diplomatic avenues, such as the short-lived Erskine Agreement in 1809 to ease British restrictions, but Britain disavowed it, leading to renewed nonintercourse measures by August 9, 1809.[21] Frustration within the Democratic-Republican Party grew over perceived British aggressions, including arming Native American tribes and the Chesapeake-Leopard affair of 1807, fueling a nationalist faction known as the War Hawks, led by figures like Henry Clay and John C. Calhoun, who dominated Congress after the 1810 elections.[22] Macon's Bill No. 2, passed May 1, 1810, lifted trade restrictions but authorized their reimposition on whichever belligerent first complied, yet Napoleon's insincere decrees in 1810 prompted Madison to target Britain exclusively, escalating tensions.[20] The Battle of Tippecanoe on November 7, 1811, where Governor William Henry Harrison defeated Tecumseh's confederacy—blamed on British influence—further galvanized War Hawks, who viewed war as essential for national honor, maritime rights, and territorial expansion into Canada.[21] On June 18, 1812, Congress declared war on Britain along strict party lines, with Democratic-Republicans overwhelmingly in favor and Federalists united in opposition, marking the first U.S. war initiated under Republican leadership and challenging the party's aversion to standing armies and centralized power.[22] The War of 1812 tested Madison's administration with military setbacks, including failed invasions of Canada in 1812 and 1813, supply shortages, and economic disruptions from British blockades that devastated New England commerce—ironically harming the party's agrarian base in the South and West while alienating Federalist strongholds.[20] Domestic opposition intensified as Federalists decried the conflict as a partisan "war of party, not country," and the expiration of the First Bank of the United States charter on March 4, 1811—opposed by Madison on strict constructionist grounds—exacerbated wartime financing woes, forcing reliance on state banks and Treasury notes.[21] British forces burned Washington, D.C., on August 24, 1814, forcing Madison to flee and symbolizing the vulnerability of the lightly defended capital, though U.S. naval victories like the Battle of Lake Erie on September 10, 1813, preserved key fronts.[20] New England Federalists convened the Hartford Convention from December 15, 1814, to January 5, 1815, protesting war policies, trade embargoes, and perceived southern dominance, proposing constitutional amendments such as requiring two-thirds majorities for war declarations and limiting embargoes to 60 days.[23] The convention's secrecy and timing—coinciding with Andrew Jackson's decisive victory at the Battle of New Orleans on January 8, 1815, and the Treaty of Ghent signed December 24, 1814—branded Federalists as disloyal, accelerating their political demise and consolidating Democratic-Republican dominance.[23] The treaty, ratified February 17, 1815, restored pre-war boundaries without addressing core issues like impressment, yet fostered nationalist sentiment that temporarily unified the Republican Party, though the war's necessities strained its ideological commitments to limited government and exposed emerging fissures between Old Republicans wary of federal expansion and younger nationalists favoring infrastructure and banking reforms, culminating in the chartering of the Second Bank of the United States in 1816.[21]Monroe's Era of Good Feelings, 1817–1825
James Monroe, a Democratic-Republican, assumed the presidency on March 4, 1817, following an election in which he secured 183 electoral votes against Federalist Rufus King's 34, reflecting the near-collapse of organized Federalist opposition after the War of 1812 and the Hartford Convention. The Democratic-Republican Party thus enjoyed unchallenged dominance in national politics, with Monroe appointing only party members to his cabinet to foster unity and diminish partisan strife.[24] This period, dubbed the "Era of Good Feelings" by the Boston Columbian Centinel on July 12, 1817, after Monroe's goodwill tour of Northern states reconciled lingering sectional animosities from the war.[25] Despite the veneer of harmony, economic distress emerged with the Panic of 1819, triggered by excessive land speculation, a credit contraction by the Second Bank of the United States, and plummeting cotton prices that halved from 1818 levels, leading to widespread bank failures, foreclosures, and unemployment estimated at 20% in some areas.[26][27] Monroe's administration responded with limited federal intervention, vetoing bills for internal improvements like roads and canals on strict constructionist grounds, arguing they exceeded constitutional authority, which deepened divisions within the party between advocates of national infrastructure and states' rights proponents.[28] Sectional tensions surfaced acutely over slavery's extension during debates on Missouri's statehood, culminating in the Missouri Compromise signed by Monroe on March 6, 1820, which admitted Missouri as a slave state and Maine as free, while prohibiting slavery north of the 36°30′ parallel in the Louisiana Territory to preserve Senate balance between slave and free states.[29] This measure, while temporarily quelling discord, exposed fissures in Democratic-Republican unity, as Northern members opposed slavery's expansion and Southerners defended it, foreshadowing deeper conflicts.[30] In foreign affairs, the administration secured the Adams-Onís Treaty in 1819, ceding Florida to the United States in exchange for $5 million in claims and setting the western boundary at the Sabine River, enhancing territorial security without war. Monroe's 1823 annual message to Congress articulated the Monroe Doctrine on December 2, declaring the Western Hemisphere closed to further European colonization and intervention, while affirming U.S. non-interference in European affairs, a policy shaped by Secretary of State John Quincy Adams to safeguard emerging Latin American independence amid post-Napoleonic threats.[31][32] These successes bolstered nationalistic sentiment but masked growing intraparty factions—nationalists favoring federal activism versus traditionalists upholding limited government—which intensified by Monroe's 1824 reelection, won unanimously with 231 electoral votes, yet sowed seeds for the party's fragmentation.Fragmentation and Dissolution, 1825–1833
The Democratic-Republican Party, which had enjoyed dominance during the Era of Good Feelings, began to fragment following the presidential election of 1824, as internal divisions over leadership and policy emerged among its candidates. In that election, four Democratic-Republicans vied for the presidency: Andrew Jackson received 99 electoral votes and 151,271 popular votes (approximately 42%), John Quincy Adams garnered 84 electoral votes and 108,740 popular votes (about 30%), William H. Crawford obtained 41 electoral votes and 46,618 popular votes (13%), and Henry Clay secured 37 electoral votes and 47,136 popular votes (13%).[33][34] With no candidate achieving a majority of the 261 electoral votes, the decision fell to the House of Representatives, where each state's delegation cast a single vote among the top three candidates.[35] On February 9, 1825, the House elected Adams as president with the support of 13 state delegations, compared to Jackson's 7 and Crawford's 4; Clay, eliminated from contention, had thrown his influence behind Adams. Adams subsequently appointed Clay as Secretary of State on March 7, 1825, prompting Jackson and his allies to accuse the pair of a "corrupt bargain" in which Clay allegedly traded his support for the cabinet position, though historical analysis has found no direct evidence of an explicit quid pro quo.[36][37] This perception of elite deal-making deepened sectional and ideological rifts within the party, alienating Jackson's popular base of agrarian interests, frontiersmen, and states' rights advocates from Adams's faction favoring national infrastructure and economic development.[38] The schism accelerated during Adams's presidency, with Jacksonians organizing opposition through informal networks that formalized into the Democratic Party by 1828, emphasizing expanded suffrage, rotation in office, and resistance to federal overreach. In the 1828 election, Jackson, running as a Democrat, defeated Adams, the National Republican candidate, winning 178 electoral votes to Adams's 83 and securing about 56% of the popular vote amid heightened voter turnout driven by the elimination of property requirements in many states.[39][40] Adams's supporters coalesced into the National Republican Party, which advocated for a strong federal role in internal improvements and protective tariffs, but it struggled against Jackson's appeal.[41] By the early 1830s, ongoing conflicts over Jackson's policies, including his veto of the Maysville Road bill in 1830 and opposition to the Second Bank of the United States, further polarized remnants of the Democratic-Republicans. The National Republicans nominated Henry Clay in 1832, but Jackson won reelection decisively with 219 electoral votes to Clay's 49, as anti-Jackson forces began merging with Anti-Masonic and other groups to form the Whig Party around 1833–1834, effectively dissolving the National Republican faction and marking the end of the Democratic-Republican Party as a cohesive entity.[42][41] The original party's ideological descendants persisted in the rival parties that dominated the Second Party System, with Democrats inheriting its states' rights and agrarian emphases, while National Republicans contributed to Whig nationalism.[43]Core Ideology
Strict Constructionism and Limited Federal Government
The Democratic-Republican Party championed strict constructionism, interpreting the U.S. Constitution to grant the federal government only those powers explicitly enumerated, thereby preserving states' rights and limiting central authority. This stance contrasted sharply with the Federalists' advocacy for implied powers and a stronger national government, as articulated by Alexander Hamilton. Thomas Jefferson, a principal architect of this view, argued in his 1791 opinion on the national bank that such an institution exceeded constitutional bounds since banking was not listed among Congress's enumerated powers.[44] Jeffersonian Republicans saw expansive federal actions as threats to republican liberty, favoring agrarian interests and local governance over centralized economic controls.[45] Central to this ideology were the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions of 1798, secretly drafted by Jefferson and James Madison in response to the Alien and Sedition Acts. The Virginia Resolution, authored by Madison, declared that acts exceeding constitutional limits were void and that states held the right to interpose against federal overreach, emphasizing a strict reading of the document to protect individual liberties.[46] The Kentucky Resolution, penned by Jefferson, went further, asserting state sovereignty to nullify unconstitutional laws, reinforcing the party's commitment to limited federal scope and opposition to perceived monarchical tendencies in Federalist policies.[47] These documents underscored the Democratic-Republicans' belief that the Constitution's compact nature empowered states to judge federal actions' legitimacy, influencing later debates on federalism.[48] In practice, Democratic-Republican administrations under Jefferson and Madison pursued limited government through fiscal restraint, including the repeal of internal taxes like the whiskey excise in 1802 and reductions in national debt from $83 million in 1801 to $57 million by 1809.[15] However, pragmatic necessities led to deviations from strict construction; Jefferson's 1803 Louisiana Purchase, doubling U.S. territory for $15 million, relied on treaty-making powers and national security imperatives rather than explicit constitutional authorization, which he privately acknowledged stretched originalist principles.[49] Similarly, the 1807 Embargo Act imposed broad economic restrictions, illustrating how the party's aversion to federal overreach yielded to perceived threats like British impressment, revealing tensions between ideological purity and executive discretion.[50] Despite such inconsistencies, strict constructionism remained a foundational tenet, shaping the party's resistance to institutions like the national bank, whose 1811 charter expiration the Republicans declined to renew.[51]Agrarian Interests and Economic Decentralization
The Democratic-Republican Party championed an agrarian economy, prioritizing independent yeoman farmers as the backbone of American virtue and self-sufficiency, in contrast to the Federalists' emphasis on commerce and manufacturing. Thomas Jefferson articulated this vision, asserting that "those who labour in the earth are the chosen people of God, if ever he had a chosen people, whose breasts he has made his peculiar deposit for substantial and genuine virtue." This ideology stemmed from the belief that agriculture fostered moral character and economic independence, essential for republican governance, while urban industry risked corruption and dependency.[52] Party leaders viewed small-scale farming, particularly in the South and West, as superior to concentrated industrial power, which they associated with aristocratic elites.[53] Economic decentralization formed a core tenet, with Democratic-Republicans advocating limited federal authority to prevent overreach that could undermine state sovereignty and individual liberty. They opposed Alexander Hamilton's First Bank of the United States, established in 1791, arguing it unconstitutionally concentrated financial power in the national government and favored wealthy creditors over agrarian debtors.[44] Jefferson contended that the Constitution granted no explicit authority for a national bank, insisting instead on states chartering their own institutions to handle local needs without federal monopoly.[44] This stance reflected a broader commitment to fiscal restraint, including reducing the national debt—Jefferson's administration cut it from $83 million in 1801 to $57 million by 1809 through spending cuts and land sale revenues—and avoiding internal improvements or tariffs that might centralize economic control.[54] In practice, this agrarian-decentralist framework supported policies like the 1807 Embargo Act, which aimed to protect domestic agriculture from foreign competition, though it inadvertently harmed exporters.[52] Treasury Secretary Albert Gallatin exemplified decentralization by decentralizing tax collection to states and promoting a minimal federal bureaucracy, aligning with the party's distrust of centralized finance.[55] By fostering a diffused economy of self-reliant farmers trading directly with global markets, Democratic-Republicans sought to avert the inequalities and dependencies they perceived in Federalist mercantilism, prioritizing local autonomy over national economic orchestration.[56]Republicanism and Anti-Aristocratic Stance
The Democratic-Republicans adhered to classical republicanism, which emphasized civic virtue, popular sovereignty, and the rotation of officeholders drawn from an independent citizenry, particularly yeoman farmers who owned their land and thus remained free from corrupting dependencies.[57][58] They drew on Enlightenment thinkers and American revolutionary ideals to argue that true republican government required vigilance against concentrations of power that could engender corruption or elite dominance, positioning the party as defenders of liberty against any resurgence of monarchical or aristocratic forms.[2] Central to their anti-aristocratic stance was the critique of Federalist policies, such as Alexander Hamilton's financial system including the national bank established in 1791 and the assumption of state debts, which they contended created a dependent class of financiers and speculators beholden to the federal government, fostering an "artificial aristocracy" based on wealth rather than merit.[2][52] Thomas Jefferson distinguished this from a "natural aristocracy" grounded in virtue and talent, warning in his October 28, 1813, letter to John Adams that artificial aristocracies, lacking such qualities, posed a perpetual threat to republican equality by enabling the few to control the many through economic leverage. Party leaders like Jefferson and James Madison portrayed Federalists as elitist sympathizers with British monarchical tendencies, accusing them of enacting measures like the Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798 to suppress dissent and entrench power among the propertied few.[2][52] This ideology manifested organizationally through the Democratic-Republican Societies, formed starting in Philadelphia in 1793, which mobilized artisans, farmers, and professionals to promote civic education, petition against excise taxes like the 1791 whiskey levy seen as burdensome to rural producers, and celebrate French republicanism as a model against aristocracy.[57] Over 40 such societies emerged by 1794, advocating broader political participation to counteract what they viewed as Federalist corruption and elitism, though Federalists, including President George Washington, condemned them for inciting the Whiskey Rebellion of 1794 and fostering factionalism, leading to their decline by 1799 amid the Quasi-War with France.[57] Despite this, the societies exemplified the party's grassroots commitment to empowering the "common man" over urban merchants and creditors, influencing the expansion of suffrage and party mobilization in subsequent elections.[52]Policy Positions
Fiscal and Domestic Policies
![Albert Gallatin, Treasury Secretary under Jefferson and Madison][float-right] The Democratic-Republicans emphasized fiscal conservatism, seeking to minimize federal expenditures and taxation while reducing the national debt inherited from the Federalist era. Upon assuming office in 1801, President Thomas Jefferson appointed Albert Gallatin as Secretary of the Treasury, who pursued aggressive debt reduction by slashing military budgets, eliminating internal excise taxes such as the whiskey tax, and enforcing strict accountability in government spending.[14][59] These measures reduced the federal debt from $83 million in 1801 to approximately $57 million by 1809, despite the $15 million Louisiana Purchase.[60] The party relied primarily on customs duties for revenue, viewing them as sufficient to fund essential government functions without burdening agrarian producers.[52] In domestic policy, the Democratic-Republicans championed an agrarian vision of the republic, prioritizing the interests of small farmers and opposing subsidies for manufacturing or commercial elites. They advocated for the sale of public lands in affordable parcels to promote widespread ownership among independent yeoman farmers, aligning with Jefferson's ideal of a virtuous citizenry tied to the soil.[61] Policies under their administrations facilitated westward expansion through enabling acts and land ordinances that lowered minimum purchase sizes, such as reducing tracts from 640 acres in 1785 to 160 acres by 1800, enabling more settlers to acquire farms.[62] This approach aimed to foster economic decentralization and self-sufficiency, contrasting with Federalist preferences for urban development. The party adhered to strict constructionism in domestic matters, opposing federal funding for internal improvements like roads and canals as unconstitutional encroachments on states' rights. Gallatin himself proposed limited infrastructure projects funded by land sales rather than general taxation, but broader party doctrine resisted centralized initiatives that could expand federal power.[63] President James Monroe vetoed a major internal improvements bill in 1822, citing its violation of the Constitution's enumerated powers and the lack of explicit authorization for such expenditures.[64] This stance reflected a commitment to limited government, prioritizing state and local control over domestic affairs while critiquing Federalist precedents like the national bank, whose recharter they blocked in 1811.[65]Foreign Policy and Expansion
The Democratic-Republican Party under Thomas Jefferson prioritized commercial neutrality and territorial expansion to secure agrarian interests, exemplified by the Louisiana Purchase of 1803, in which the United States acquired approximately 828,000 square miles of territory from France for $15 million, effectively doubling the nation's size and providing western farmers access to the port of New Orleans and the Mississippi River.[66] This acquisition, negotiated by Jefferson's envoys Robert Livingston and James Monroe, reflected the party's emphasis on westward growth while navigating constitutional debates over executive treaty powers.[16] Concurrently, Jefferson addressed threats to American shipping by dispatching naval forces to the Barbary Coast in 1801, initiating the First Barbary War against Tripoli to combat piracy and tribute demands, which ended in 1805 with a treaty affirming U.S. sovereignty over its vessels.[67] Facing British and French interference with neutral trade during the Napoleonic Wars, including impressment of American sailors, Jefferson enacted the Embargo Act of 1807, prohibiting U.S. exports to Europe in an attempt to coerce respect for maritime rights without military entanglement; however, the policy severely damaged the domestic economy, particularly New England commerce, leading to its repeal in 1809.[18] Under James Madison, escalating provocations prompted the War of 1812, advocated by "War Hawk" Democratic-Republicans in Congress such as Henry Clay and John C. Calhoun, who sought to defend national honor, end impressment, and potentially acquire Canadian territories for expansion.[22] The conflict, declared on June 18, 1812, ended in stalemate with the Treaty of Ghent on December 24, 1814, but fostered a surge in nationalism and validated the party's commitment to asserting sovereignty against European powers.[68] James Monroe's administration advanced expansion through the Adams-Onís Treaty of 1819, whereby Spain ceded East and West Florida to the United States in exchange for $5 million and recognition of Texas boundaries, resolving border disputes and securing southern frontiers amid Spain's weakening colonial hold.[69] Culminating this era, the Monroe Doctrine, articulated in Monroe's December 2, 1823, address to Congress, declared the Western Hemisphere closed to further European colonization and intervention, opposing recolonization while affirming U.S. non-interference in European affairs; drafted with input from Secretary of State John Quincy Adams, it underscored the party's vision of hemispheric independence aligned with republican principles.[70] These policies collectively prioritized avoiding permanent alliances, protecting commerce, and facilitating continental growth, though they occasionally strained strict constructionist ideals in pursuit of strategic imperatives.[67]Slavery, Sectionalism, and Social Policies
The Democratic-Republican Party's approach to slavery emphasized states' rights and opposition to federal interference, reflecting the interests of its predominantly Southern agrarian base where slaveholding was prevalent. Founders such as Thomas Jefferson, who owned over 600 slaves across his lifetime, viewed slavery as a necessary evil tied to economic realities but expressed private moral qualms without pursuing national abolition. The party platform did not advocate ending slavery in existing states, instead prioritizing constitutional limits on congressional power to regulate it, as seen in support for the Three-Fifths Compromise during the 1787 Constitutional Convention, which apportioned representation based on a formula counting enslaved persons as three-fifths of a free person. Northern party members, such as New Jersey Congressman James Sloan, occasionally criticized the institution and pushed measures like taxing the international slave trade, but these efforts were marginal and often overridden by Southern dominance within the party.[71] Tensions over slavery's expansion into western territories intensified internal divisions, culminating in the Missouri Crisis of 1819–1820. When Missouri sought admission as a slave state in 1819, Northern Democratic-Republicans proposed the Tallmadge Amendment, which would have gradually emancipated children born to slaves there, sparking fierce Southern opposition that viewed it as a threat to sectional balance in Congress.[72] President James Monroe, a party stalwart, supported a compromise admitting Missouri as a slave state alongside Maine as free, while prohibiting slavery north of the 36°30' parallel in the Louisiana Purchase territories, a measure passed by Congress on March 6, 1820.[73] Jefferson privately decried the debate as a "fire bell in the night," signaling potential union dissolution over slavery restrictions, yet the party prioritized preserving its coalition over moral reform.[74] Sectionalism within the party arose from these slavery disputes, pitting Southern agrarians against Northern members wary of unchecked expansion, which exacerbated economic divergences between slave-based plantation economies and free-labor regions. The Missouri Compromise temporarily averted a party schism along North-South lines, but it exposed the fragility of the "Era of Good Feelings" under Monroe, as Southern leaders like John Randolph of Virginia railed against perceived Northern encroachments on states' sovereignty.[72] By prioritizing territorial balance—maintaining equal slave and free states in the Senate—the party deferred rather than resolved underlying conflicts, contributing to its fragmentation in the 1820s as Northern factions gravitated toward anti-extension views and Southern ones toward unyielding defense of slavery. Empirical data from congressional votes showed near-unanimous Southern Democratic-Republican opposition to restrictionist amendments, underscoring how slavery bound the party's Southern wing to pro-slavery outcomes while alienating Northern allies.[75] On broader social policies, the Democratic-Republicans advocated minimal federal involvement, delegating matters like education, poor relief, and moral regulation to states and localities in line with their strict constructionism. Jefferson, as Virginia governor, championed state-funded public education in his 1779 Bill for the More General Diffusion of Knowledge, aiming to cultivate republican virtue among yeoman farmers, but federally, the party rejected centralized initiatives, viewing them as aristocratic overreach akin to Federalist programs. Religious policy followed suit: Jefferson's 1802 letter to the Danbury Baptists articulated a "wall of separation" between church and state, influencing party resistance to federal religious establishments while tolerating state-level variations, including Southern Anglican legacies. Social welfare remained localized, with no party push for national poorhouses or aid, as agrarian ideology emphasized self-reliance and warned against dependency that could undermine freeholder independence; this stance implicitly accommodated Southern social hierarchies, including slavery, as state prerogatives.Support Base and Leadership
Geographic and Demographic Foundations
The Democratic-Republican Party derived its core geographic support from the southern states and the trans-Appalachian West, regions characterized by agrarian economies reliant on agriculture rather than commerce or manufacturing. In the South, particularly Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, and later Kentucky and Tennessee, the party secured dominant positions due to alignment with planter and smallholder interests that opposed centralized federal power favoring northern mercantile elites.[76] This southern base provided consistent electoral majorities, as evidenced by the party's sweep of southern electoral votes in the 1800 presidential election, where Thomas Jefferson prevailed over Federalist incumbent John Adams.[77] Northern support for the Democratic-Republicans was more limited and regionally specific, emerging in rural western Pennsylvania and upstate New York among farmers wary of Federalist policies like the excise tax on whiskey, but faltering in New England strongholds such as Massachusetts and Connecticut where commercial and shipping interests bolstered Federalist allegiance.[78] By the 1804 election, the party's geographic reach had solidified, carrying all states except Connecticut and Delaware, underscoring its appeal beyond the South to expanding frontier areas.[77] Demographically, the party's foundation rested on yeoman farmers, small independent agriculturists, and southern plantation owners who prioritized states' rights, low tariffs, and minimal federal involvement in economic affairs to protect rural livelihoods from urban financial influences.[53][52] These supporters, often of Anglo-American or Scotch-Irish descent in rural settings, contrasted with the Federalists' base of merchants, bankers, and educated professionals in port cities; the Democratic-Republicans' mobilization efforts expanded suffrage to propertied white males, boosting turnout among this agrarian demographic.[79] While southern slaveholders formed a key faction, the party's broader appeal included non-slaveholding small farmers who shared anti-aristocratic sentiments against perceived eastern establishment favoritism.[80]Key Leaders and Intellectual Contributors
Thomas Jefferson emerged as the primary founder and intellectual architect of the Democratic-Republican Party, articulating its core principles of limited federal government and agrarian republicanism through writings such as the Kentucky Resolutions of 1798, which opposed expansive federal authority under the Alien and Sedition Acts.[1] James Madison, collaborating closely with Jefferson, contributed foundational theoretical support, including co-authoring early party essays in the National Gazette and advancing republican governance ideas that emphasized checks on centralized power while serving as a key organizer in the 1790s.[2] Madison's role extended to practical leadership, as he helped orchestrate Jefferson's 1800 presidential victory by mobilizing state-level support against Federalist incumbents.[41] James Monroe succeeded as a leading figure, embodying party continuity through his presidency from 1817 to 1825, during which he pursued expansionist policies aligned with Republican agrarian interests, such as the acquisition of Florida in 1819.[81] Albert Gallatin, a Swiss-born immigrant and long-serving Secretary of the Treasury under Jefferson and Madison from 1801 to 1814, provided fiscal expertise that reinforced the party's commitment to debt reduction and opposition to Hamiltonian banking systems, achieving a balanced budget by 1802 through rigorous spending cuts.[82] John Randolph of Roanoke led the "Old Republican" or Quid faction, advocating purist strict constructionism and critiquing internal party drifts toward federal expansion, as evidenced by his opposition to the 1816 recharter of the national bank.[82] Intellectually, John Taylor of Caroline advanced Republican thought through treatises like An Inquiry into the Principles and Policy of the Government of the United States (1814), which critiqued federal overreach and defended decentralized agrarian economies as bulwarks against corruption.[82] These contributors collectively shaped the party's resistance to aristocratic tendencies, prioritizing empirical fiscal restraint and state sovereignty over speculative national projects, though factional tensions highlighted debates over purity versus pragmatism in application.[2]Internal Dynamics
Factions and Divisions
The Democratic-Republican Party experienced internal divisions from its early years, with the emergence of the Tertium Quids, or Old Republicans, around 1805 as a splinter faction dissenting from Thomas Jefferson's administration. Led by Virginia congressman John Randolph of Roanoke and supported by figures like Nathaniel Macon of North Carolina, the Quids advocated strict constitutional constructionism, states' rights, limited federal taxation, and agrarian priorities over commercial expansion. They opposed Jefferson's 1803 Louisiana Purchase as an unconstitutional exercise of executive power and criticized deals like the 1805 Yazoo land claims resolution for compromising party principles.[83] This group, strongest in the South, particularly Virginia and North Carolina, never dominated the party but highlighted tensions between ideological purists and pragmatic leaders willing to expand federal authority for territorial growth.[83] Divisions intensified during James Madison's presidency (1809–1817), particularly over the War of 1812 and subsequent economic policies. Old Republicans like Randolph opposed the war as an overreach, costing Randolph his congressional seat in 1812 before he regained it in 1814. Postwar debates further fractured the party, with strict constructionists rejecting the 1816 recharter of the national bank, protective tariffs, and federally funded internal improvements as violations of the Constitution's enumerated powers. In contrast, emerging "National Republicans" within the party, favoring a stronger federal role in economic development, supported these measures to address war debts and infrastructure needs, marking a shift from pure agrarianism toward nationalist policies.[84] Randolph's vehement floor speeches against these trends, including opposition to Henry Clay's emerging "American System," underscored the rift between traditionalists emphasizing states' sovereignty and moderates prioritizing national unity and growth.[84][49] Under James Monroe's administration (1817–1825), surface unity during the "Era of Good Feelings" masked deepening sectional and ideological splits, fueled by slavery debates, tariff policies, and succession questions. These culminated in the 1824 presidential election, where all major candidates—Andrew Jackson, John Quincy Adams, William H. Crawford, and Henry Clay—hailed from the Democratic-Republican ranks, reflecting the absence of Federalist opposition but exposing factional rifts. Crawford, backed by Old Republicans for his adherence to traditional states' rights and opposition to federal expansion, secured strong Southern support despite a 1823 stroke impairing his campaign; Jackson drew populist and Western agrarian voters emphasizing military heroism and limited government; while Adams and Clay represented nationalist factions advocating internal improvements and a developmental state.[85][36] With no electoral majority, the House selected Adams on February 9, 1825, after Clay's support—denounced by Jacksonians as a "corrupt bargain" due to Clay's subsequent appointment as secretary of state—accelerating the party's dissolution into the Democratic Party (Jackson's faction) and National Republicans (Adams-Clay group).[36][38] ![John Randolph of Roanoke][float-right]Organizational Strategies and Mobilization
The Democratic-Republican Party initially organized through informal networks and local Democratic-Republican Societies, which emerged in 1793 and proliferated to over 40 chapters from Maine to Georgia by 1794, primarily in urban centers and towns.[57] These societies, starting with the German Republican Society and Democratic Society of Pennsylvania in Philadelphia in June 1793, mobilized mechanics, artisans, yeoman farmers, and professionals previously excluded from political discourse by fostering debates on republican principles, disseminating anti-Federalist addresses, and promoting civic participation against perceived monarchical tendencies in the Washington administration.[57] Although the societies disavowed partisanship, they effectively challenged Federalist policies, including neutrality toward the French Revolution, and served as a grassroots nucleus for party formation until their decline around 1796 amid backlash from the Whiskey Rebellion and President Washington's 1794 proclamation denouncing them as fomenters of disorder.[57] Jefferson and Madison publicly defended the societies' right to associate freely, with Madison deeming Washington's attack his "greatest error."[57] A cornerstone of mobilization was the partisan press, which functioned as de facto party organs to propagate Republican ideology and assail Federalist elitism.[86] Jefferson actively encouraged this development, viewing newspapers as essential for countering Federalist dominance in public opinion, though he anonymously subsidized outlets like Philip Freneau's National Gazette (launched October 31, 1791) to critique Hamilton's financial system and advocate states' rights.[86] Benjamin Franklin Bache's Aurora General Advertiser in Philadelphia similarly lambasted Federalist foreign policy and corruption, amplifying Republican appeals to agrarian and laboring interests during the 1790s.[2] This press strategy exploited public outrage over the Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798, framing Federalists as suppressors of speech and thereby rallying support for Republican candidates.[2] Electoral coordination advanced through congressional caucuses and state-level targeting, marking a shift from ad hoc opposition to structured mobilization.[87] In 1800, a caucus of Republican congressional leaders nominated Jefferson and Aaron Burr, strategically pairing them to capture New York's pivotal electoral votes after Republicans flipped the state legislature in 1799.[87] This effort unified electoral slates across southern and western states, yielding 73 votes each for Jefferson and Burr against Federalist John Adams's 65, though the tie necessitated House resolution.[87] By 1804, the first formal congressional nominating caucus, involving over 100 Republicans, selected Jefferson and George Clinton, demonstrating institutionalized party machinery that prioritized key swing regions and leveraged anti-Federalist sentiment from policies like debt assumption and the national bank.[87][2] Grassroots mobilization emphasized appeals to non-elite demographics, positioning the party as defenders of individual liberties against Federalist centralization.[2] Societies and local committees echoed Revolutionary-era correspondence networks, organizing public meetings and petitions to oppose measures like excise taxes, which alienated farmers.[57] This approach cultivated loyalty among southern planters, frontier settlers, and urban laborers, who viewed Federalists as favoring British-aligned commerce over republican virtue, enabling sustained dominance in state assemblies and congressional majorities post-1800.[2] Unlike the Federalists' urban mercantile base, Republicans' decentralized structure—relying on state parties and ideological networks—facilitated broader voter engagement without a rigid national hierarchy.[87]Electoral Record
Presidential Elections
The Democratic-Republican Party first contested the presidency in 1796, when Thomas Jefferson received 68 electoral votes, falling short of Federalist John Adams's 71 but securing the vice presidency under the constitutional rules then in effect.[88][89] This election highlighted emerging partisan divisions, with Democratic-Republicans opposing Federalist centralization efforts. In the pivotal 1800 election, Jefferson tied Aaron Burr at 73 electoral votes each, while Adams garnered 65; the House of Representatives resolved the deadlock in Jefferson's favor after 36 ballots, marking the first transfer of power between parties and the Democratic-Republicans' ascent to dominance.[9] Jefferson's 1804 reelection was a landslide, securing 162 electoral votes against Federalist Charles Cotesworth Pinckney's 14, reflecting widespread support for policies emphasizing limited government and agrarian interests.[90][77] James Madison, Jefferson's secretary of state, won the 1808 election with 122 electoral votes to Pinckney's 47, continuing the party's hold amid debates over the Embargo Act.[91] Despite the War of 1812's unpopularity, Madison secured reelection in 1812 with 128 votes against DeWitt Clinton's 89, bolstered by New England Federalist opposition to the war.[92][93] James Monroe's 1816 victory yielded 183 electoral votes to Federalist Rufus King's 34, signaling the Federalists' collapse post-war.[94] His 1820 reelection was nearly unanimous, with 231 of 232 electoral votes—one dissenting vote cast for John Quincy Adams—epitomizing the "Era of Good Feelings" and the party's unchallenged national supremacy.[95][96] The 1824 election exposed internal fissures, as the party failed to hold a congressional caucus to nominate a single candidate; Andrew Jackson led with 99 electoral votes, followed by Adams (84), William H. Crawford (41), and Henry Clay (37), none reaching a majority.[33] The House selected Adams per constitutional procedure, prompting accusations of a "corrupt bargain" after Clay's support, which fractured the party into factions leading to its dissolution and the rise of Democrats and National Republicans.[33]| Year | Democratic-Republican Candidate | Electoral Votes | Main Opponent(s) | Outcome |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1796 | Thomas Jefferson | 68 | John Adams (71) | Vice President |
| 1800 | Thomas Jefferson | 73 (tied, House-elected) | John Adams (65) | President |
| 1804 | Thomas Jefferson | 162 | Charles C. Pinckney (14) | President |
| 1808 | James Madison | 122 | Charles C. Pinckney (47) | President |
| 1812 | James Madison | 128 | DeWitt Clinton (89) | President |
| 1816 | James Monroe | 183 | Rufus King (34) | President |
| 1820 | James Monroe | 231 | John Quincy Adams (1) | President |
| 1824 | Split (no nominee) | Jackson: 99; Adams: 84; Crawford: 41; Clay: 37 | N/A | House elected Adams[33] |
Congressional and State-Level Performance
The Democratic-Republican Party initially operated as a minority faction in Congress during the 1790s, with Federalists holding majorities in both chambers under the administrations of George Washington and John Adams. In the 4th Congress (1795–1797), Democratic-Republicans secured 59 seats in the House out of 106, marking early gains but still short of control.[97] The 1800 elections represented a turning point, as the party won majorities in both houses for the 7th Congress (1801–1803), with 68 House seats out of 106 and 17 Senate seats out of 34 (including vacancies).[97][98] This shift enabled the party to dominate legislative agendas, including the repeal of the Judiciary Act of 1801 and passage of measures aligned with agrarian and states' rights priorities.[98] From the 7th through the 17th Congress (1801–1823), Democratic-Republicans maintained uninterrupted control of Congress, expanding their majorities amid the presidencies of Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, and James Monroe. House seats grew from 103 out of 142 in the 8th Congress (1803–1805) to 155 out of 187 in the 17th (1821–1823), reflecting population growth and partisan realignment favoring southern and western districts.[97] In the Senate, the majority strengthened from 25 out of 34 in the 8th Congress to 44 out of 48 in the 17th, with Federalist representation dwindling to marginal levels by 1821.[98] This congressional dominance facilitated key legislation, such as the Louisiana Purchase authorization in 1803 and the embargo policies of 1807–1809, though internal divisions emerged during the War of 1812. By the 18th Congress (1823–1825), factionalism between supporters of Andrew Jackson, William H. Crawford, John Quincy Adams, and Henry Clay fragmented the party's unity, resulting in no cohesive majority in the House (64 Jackson Republicans vs. 72 Adams-Clay Republicans out of 213) and a divided Senate (31 Jackson/Crawford vs. 17 Adams-Clay/Federalists out of 48).[97][98] At the state level, Democratic-Republicans achieved widespread control of legislatures from 1801 to 1825, particularly in southern and trans-Appalachian states where agrarian interests prevailed.[99] The party secured majorities in all southern state assemblies by the early 1800s, including Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Kentucky, and Tennessee, leveraging support from planters and small farmers opposed to Federalist commercial policies. In mid-Atlantic states like Pennsylvania and New York, Republican victories in 1800–1801 shifted legislative control, enabling the selection of presidential electors aligned with Jefferson. Western expansions, such as in Ohio (admitted 1803), further bolstered state-level dominance through 1820. Federalists retained strongholds in New England legislatures, such as Massachusetts and Connecticut, where mercantile elites resisted Republican influence until the party's national decline. This state-level success reinforced the party's congressional power by influencing Senate appointments and gubernatorial races, though regional disparities highlighted its dependence on non-industrial constituencies.[99]| Congress | House Democratic-Republican Seats (Total) | Senate Democratic-Republican Seats (Total) |
|---|---|---|
| 7th (1801–1803) | 68 (106) | 17 (34) |
| 8th (1803–1805) | 103 (142) | 25 (34) |
| 12th (1811–1813) | 107 (143) | 30 (36) |
| 17th (1821–1823) | 155 (187) | 44 (48) |