The history of logic deals with the study of the development of the science of valid inference (logic). Formal logics developed in ancient times in India, China, and Greece. Greek methods, particularly Aristotelian logic (or term logic) as found in the Organon, found wide application and acceptance in Western science and mathematics for millennia.[1] The Stoics, especially Chrysippus, began the development of predicate logic.
Christian and Islamic philosophers such as Boethius (died 524), Avicenna (died 1037), Thomas Aquinas (died 1274) and William of Ockham (died 1347) further developed Aristotle's logic in the Middle Ages, reaching a high point in the mid-fourteenth century, with Jean Buridan. The period between the fourteenth century and the beginning of the nineteenth century saw largely decline and neglect, and at least one historian of logic regards this time as barren.[2]Empirical methods ruled the day, as evidenced by Sir Francis Bacon's Novum Organon of 1620.
Logic revived in the mid-nineteenth century, at the beginning of a revolutionary period when the subject developed into a rigorous and formal discipline which took as its exemplar the exact method of proof used in mathematics, a hearkening back to the Greek tradition.[3] The development of the modern "symbolic" or "mathematical" logic during this period by the likes of Boole, Frege, Russell, and Peano is the most significant in the two-thousand-year history of logic, and is arguably one of the most important and remarkable events in human intellectual history.[4]
The Nasadiya Sukta of the Rigveda (RV 10.129) contains ontological speculation in terms of various logical divisions that were later recast formally as the four circles of catuskoti: "A", "not A", "A and 'not A'", and "not A and not not A".
Who really knows? Who will here proclaim it? Whence was it produced? Whence is this creation? The gods came afterwards, with the creation of this universe. Who then knows whence it has arisen?
Though the origins in India of public debate (pariṣad), one form of rational inquiry, are not clear, we know that public debates were common in preclassical India, for they are frequently alluded to in various Upaniṣads and in the early Buddhist literature. Public debate is not the only form of public deliberations in preclassical India. Assemblies (pariṣad or sabhā) of various sorts, comprising relevant experts, were regularly convened to deliberate on a variety of matters, including administrative, legal and religious matters.[citation needed]
A philosopher named Dattatreya is stated in the Bhagavata Purana to have taught Anviksiki to Aiarka, Prahlada and others. It appears from the Markandeya purana that the Anviksiki-vidya expounded by him consisted of a mere disquisition on soul in accordance with the yoga philosophy. Dattatreya expounded the philosophical side of Anviksiki and not its logical aspect.[9][10]
While the teachers mentioned before dealt with some particular topics of Anviksiki, the credit of founding the Anviksiki in its special sense of a science is to be attributed to Medhatithi Gautama (c. 6th century BC). Guatama founded the anviksiki school of logic.[11] The Mahabharata (12.173.45), around the 5th century BC, refers to the anviksiki and tarka schools of logic.
Pāṇini (c. 5th century BC) developed a form of logic (to which Boolean logic has some similarities) for his formulation of Sanskrit grammar. Logic is described by Chanakya (c. 350–283 BC) in his Arthashastra as an independent field of inquiry.[12]
Two of the six Indian schools of thought deal with logic: Nyaya and Vaisheshika. The Nyāya Sūtras of Aksapada Gautama (c. 2nd century AD) constitute the core texts of the Nyaya school, one of the six orthodox schools of Hindu philosophy. This realist school developed a rigid five-member schema of inference involving an initial premise, a reason, an example, an application, and a conclusion.[13] The idealistBuddhist philosophy became the chief opponent to the Naiyayikas.
Umaswati (2nd century AD), author of first Jain work in Sanskrit, Tattvārthasūtra, expounding the Jain philosophy in a most systematized form acceptable to all sects of Jainism
Jains made its own unique contribution to this mainstream development of logic by also occupying itself with the basic epistemological issues, namely, with those concerning the nature of knowledge, how knowledge is derived, and in what way knowledge can be said to be reliable.
The Jains have doctrines of relativity used for logic and reasoning:
Anekāntavāda – the theory of relative pluralism or manifoldness;
Syādvāda – the theory of conditioned predication and;
Nagarjuna (c. 150–250 AD), the founder of the Madhyamaka ("Middle Way") developed an analysis known as the catuṣkoṭi (Sanskrit), a "four-cornered" system of argumentation that involves the systematic examination and rejection of each of the four possibilities of a proposition, P:
P; that is, being.
not P; that is, not being.
Painting of Nāgārjuna from the Shingon Hassozō, a series of scrolls authored by the Shingon school of Buddhism. Japan, Kamakura period (13th–14th century)P and not P; that is, being and not being.
not (P or not P); that is, neither being nor not being.Under propositional logic, De Morgan's laws would imply that the fourth case is equivalent to the third case, and would be therefore superfluous, with only 3 actual cases to consider.
However, Dignāga (c 480–540 AD) is sometimes said to have developed a formal syllogism,[15] and it was through him and his successor, Dharmakirti, that Buddhist logic reached its height; it is contested whether their analysis actually constitutes a formal syllogistic system. In particular, their analysis centered on the definition of an inference-warranting relation, "vyapti", also known as invariable concomitance or pervasion.[16] To this end, a doctrine known as "apoha" or differentiation was developed.[17] This involved what might be called inclusion and exclusion of defining properties.
Dignāga's famous "wheel of reason" (Hetucakra) is a method of indicating when one thing (such as smoke) can be taken as an invariable sign of another thing (like fire), but the inference is often inductive and based on past observation. Matilal remarks that Dignāga's analysis is much like John Stuart Mill's Joint Method of Agreement and Difference, which is inductive.[18]
In China, a contemporary of Confucius, Mozi, "Master Mo", is credited with founding the Mohist school, whose canons dealt with issues relating to valid inference and the conditions of correct conclusions. In particular, one of the schools that grew out of Mohism, the Logicians, are credited by some scholars for their early investigation of formal logic. Due to the harsh rule of Legalism in the subsequent Qin dynasty, this line of investigation disappeared in China until the introduction of Indian philosophy by Buddhists.
Valid reasoning has been employed in all periods of human history. However, logic studies the principles of valid reasoning, inference and demonstration. It is probable that the idea of demonstrating a conclusion first arose in connection with geometry, which originally meant the same as "land measurement".[19] The ancient Egyptians discovered geometry, including the formula for the volume of a truncated pyramid.[20]Ancient Babylon was also skilled in mathematics. Esagil-kin-apli's medical Diagnostic Handbook in the 11th century BC was based on a logical set of axioms and assumptions,[21] while Babylonian astronomers in the 8th and 7th centuries BC employed an internal logic within their predictive planetary systems, an important contribution to the philosophy of science.[22]
While the ancient Egyptians empirically discovered some truths of geometry, the great achievement of the ancient Greeks was to replace empirical methods by demonstrative proof. Both Thales and Pythagoras of the Pre-Socratic philosophers seemed aware of geometric methods.
Fragments of early proofs are preserved in the works of Plato and Aristotle,[23] and the idea of a deductive system was probably known in the Pythagorean school and the Platonic Academy.[20] The proofs of Euclid of Alexandria are a paradigm of Greek geometry. The three basic principles of geometry are as follows:
Certain propositions must be accepted as true without demonstration; such a proposition is known as an axiom of geometry.
Every proposition that is not an axiom of geometry must be demonstrated as following from the axioms of geometry; such a demonstration is known as a proof or a "derivation" of the proposition.
The proof must be formal; that is, the derivation of the proposition must be independent of the particular subject matter in question.[20]
Further evidence that early Greek thinkers were concerned with the principles of reasoning is found in the fragment called dissoi logoi, probably written at the beginning of the fourth century BC. This is part of a protracted debate about truth and falsity.[24] In the case of the classical Greek city-states, interest in argumentation was also stimulated by the activities of the Rhetoricians or Orators and the Sophists, who used arguments to defend or attack a thesis, both in legal and political contexts.[25]
It is said Thales, most widely regarded as the first philosopher in the Greek tradition,[26][27] measured the height of the pyramids by their shadows at the moment when his own shadow was equal to his height. Thales was said to have had a sacrifice in celebration of discovering Thales' theorem just as Pythagoras had the Pythagorean theorem.[28]
Thales is the first known individual to use deductive reasoning applied to geometry, by deriving four corollaries to his theorem, and the first known individual to whom a mathematical discovery has been attributed.[29]Indian and Babylonian mathematicians knew his theorem for special cases before he proved it.[30] It is believed that Thales learned that an angle inscribed in a semicircle is a right angle during his travels to Babylon.[31]
Proof of the Pythagorean Theorem in Euclid's Elements
Before 520 BC, on one of his visits to Egypt or Greece, Pythagoras might have met the c. 54 years older Thales.[32] The systematic study of proof seems to have begun with the school of Pythagoras (i. e. the Pythagoreans) in the late sixth century BC.[20] Indeed, the Pythagoreans, believing all was number, are the first philosophers to emphasize form rather than matter.[33]
The writing of Heraclitus (c. 535 – c. 475 BC) was the first place where the word logos was given special attention in ancient Greek philosophy,[34] Heraclitus held that everything changes and all was fire and conflicting opposites, seemingly unified only by this Logos. He is known for his obscure sayings.
This logos holds always but humans always prove unable to understand it, both before hearing it and when they have first heard it. For though all things come to be in accordance with this logos, humans are like the inexperienced when they experience such words and deeds as I set out, distinguishing each in accordance with its nature and saying how it is. But other people fail to notice what they do when awake, just as they forget what they do while asleep.
Parmenides has been called the discoverer of logic.
In contrast to Heraclitus, Parmenides held that all is one and nothing changes. He may have been a dissident Pythagorean, disagreeing that One (a number) produced the many.[35] "X is not" must always be false or meaningless. What exists can in no way not exist. Our sense perceptions with its noticing of generation and destruction are in grievous error. Instead of sense perception, Parmenides advocated logos as the means to Truth. He has been called the discoverer of logic,[36][37]
For this view, that That Which Is Not exists, can never predominate. You must debar your thought from this way of search, nor let ordinary experience in its variety force you along this way, (namely, that of allowing) the eye, sightless as it is, and the ear, full of sound, and the tongue, to rule; but (you must) judge by means of the Reason (Logos) the much-contested proof which is expounded by me.
— B 7.1–8.2
Zeno of Elea, a pupil of Parmenides, had the idea of a standard argument pattern found in the method of proof known as reductio ad absurdum. This is the technique of drawing an obviously false (that is, "absurd") conclusion from an assumption, thus demonstrating that the assumption is false.[38] Therefore, Zeno and his teacher are seen as the first to apply the art of logic.[39] Plato's dialogue Parmenides portrays Zeno as claiming to have written a book defending the monism of Parmenides by demonstrating the absurd consequence of assuming that there is plurality. Zeno famously used this method to develop his paradoxes in his arguments against motion. Such dialectic reasoning later became popular. The members of this school were called "dialecticians" (from a Greek word meaning "to discuss").
None of the surviving works of the great fourth-century philosopher Plato (428–347 BC) include any formal logic,[40] but they include important contributions to the field of philosophical logic. Plato raises three questions:
What is it that can properly be called true or false?
What is the nature of the connection between the assumptions of a valid argument and its conclusion?
What is the nature of definition?
The first question arises in the dialogue Theaetetus, where Plato identifies thought or opinion with talk or discourse (logos).[41] The second question is a result of Plato's theory of Forms. Forms are not things in the ordinary sense, nor strictly ideas in the mind, but they correspond to what philosophers later called universals, namely an abstract entity common to each set of things that have the same name. In both the Republic and the Sophist, Plato suggests that the necessary connection between the assumptions of a valid argument and its conclusion corresponds to a necessary connection between "forms".[42] The third question is about definition. Many of Plato's dialogues concern the search for a definition of some important concept (justice, truth, the Good), and it is likely that Plato was impressed by the importance of definition in mathematics.[43] What underlies every definition is a Platonic Form, the common nature present in different particular things. Thus, a definition reflects the ultimate object of understanding, and is the foundation of all valid inference. This had a great influence on Plato's student Aristotle, in particular Aristotle's notion of the essence of a thing.[44]
The logic of Aristotle, and particularly his theory of the syllogism, has had an enormous influence in Western thought.[45] Aristotle was the first logician to attempt a systematic analysis of logical syntax, of noun (or term), and of verb. He was the first formal logician, in that he demonstrated the principles of reasoning by employing variables to show the underlying logical form of an argument.[46] He sought relations of dependence which characterize necessary inference, and distinguished the validity of these relations, from the truth of the premises. He was the first to deal with the principles of contradiction and excluded middle in a systematic way.[47]
Aristotle's logic was still influential in the Renaissance.
His logical works, called the Organon, are the earliest formal study of logic that have come down to modern times. Though it is difficult to determine the dates, the probable order of writing of Aristotle's logical works is:
The Categories, a study of the ten kinds of primitive term.
These works are of outstanding importance in the history of logic. In the Categories, he attempts to discern all the possible things to which a term can refer; this idea underpins his philosophical work Metaphysics, which itself had a profound influence on Western thought.
He also developed a theory of non-formal logic (i.e., the theory of fallacies), which is presented in Topics and Sophistical Refutations.[47]
On Interpretation contains a comprehensive treatment of the notions of opposition and conversion; chapter 7 is at the origin of the square of opposition (or logical square); chapter 9 contains the beginning of modal logic.
The Prior Analytics contains his exposition of the "syllogism", where three important principles are applied for the first time in history: the use of variables, a purely formal treatment, and the use of an axiomatic system.
The other great school of Greek logic is that of the Stoics.[48] Stoic logic traces its roots back to the late 5th century BC philosopher Euclid of Megara, a pupil of Socrates and slightly older contemporary of Plato, probably following in the tradition of Parmenides and Zeno. His pupils and successors were called "Megarians", or "Eristics", and later the "Dialecticians". The two most important dialecticians of the Megarian school were Diodorus Cronus and Philo, who were active in the late 4th century BC.
The Stoics adopted the Megarian logic and systemized it. The most important member of the school was Chrysippus (c. 278 – c. 206 BC), who was its third head, and who formalized much of Stoic doctrine. He is supposed to have written over 700 works, including at least 300 on logic, almost none of which survive.[49][50] Unlike with Aristotle, we have no complete works by the Megarians or the early Stoics, and have to rely mostly on accounts (sometimes hostile) by later sources, including prominently Diogenes Laërtius, Sextus Empiricus, Galen, Aulus Gellius, Alexander of Aphrodisias, and Cicero.[51]
Three significant contributions of the Stoic school were (i) their account of modality, (ii) their theory of the Material conditional, and (iii) their account of meaning and truth.[52]
Modality. According to Aristotle, the Megarians of his day claimed there was no distinction between potentiality and actuality.[53] Diodorus Cronus defined the possible as that which either is or will be, the impossible as what will not be true, and the contingent as that which either is already, or will be false.[54] Diodorus is also famous for what is known as his Master argument, which states that each pair of the following 3 propositions contradicts the third proposition:
Everything that is past is true and necessary.
The impossible does not follow from the possible.
What neither is nor will be is possible.
Diodorus used the plausibility of the first two to prove that nothing is possible if it neither is nor will be true.[55] Chrysippus, by contrast, denied the second premise and said that the impossible could follow from the possible.[56]
Conditional statements. The first logicians to debate conditional statements were Diodorus and his pupil Philo of Megara. Sextus Empiricus refers three times to a debate between Diodorus and Philo. Philo regarded a conditional as true unless it has both a true antecedent and a false consequent. Precisely, let T0 and T1 be true statements, and let F0 and F1 be false statements; then, according to Philo, each of the following conditionals is a true statement, because it is not the case that the consequent is false while the antecedent is true (it is not the case that a false statement is asserted to follow from a true statement):
If T0, then T1
If F0, then T0
If F0, then F1
The following conditional does not meet this requirement, and is therefore a false statement according to Philo:
If T0, then F0
Indeed, Sextus says "According to [Philo], there are three ways in which a conditional may be true, and one in which it may be false."[57] Philo's criterion of truth is what would now be called a truth-functional definition of "if ... then"; it is the definition used in modern logic.
In contrast, Diodorus allowed the validity of conditionals only when the antecedent clause could never lead to an untrue conclusion.[57][58][59]
Meaning and truth. The most important and striking difference between Megarian-Stoic logic and Aristotelian logic is that Megarian-Stoic logic concerns propositions, not terms, and is thus closer to modern propositional logic.[60] The Stoics distinguished between utterance (phone), which may be noise, speech (lexis), which is articulate but which may be meaningless, and discourse (logos), which is meaningful utterance. The most original part of their theory is the idea that what is expressed by a sentence, called a lekton, is something real; this corresponds to what is now called a proposition. Sextus says that according to the Stoics, three things are linked together: that which signifies, that which is signified, and the object; for example, that which signifies is the word Dion, and that which is signified is what Greeks understand but barbarians do not, and the object is Dion himself.[61]
The works of Al-Kindi, Al-Farabi, Avicenna, Al-Ghazali, Averroes and other Muslim logicians were based on Aristotelian logic and were important in communicating the ideas of the ancient world to the medieval West.[62]Al-Farabi (Alfarabi) (873–950) was an Aristotelian logician who discussed the topics of future contingents, the number and relation of the categories, the relation between logic and grammar, and non-Aristotelian forms of inference.[63] Al-Farabi also considered the theories of conditional syllogisms and analogical inference, which were part of the Stoic tradition of logic rather than the Aristotelian.[64]
Maimonides (1138-1204) wrote a Treatise on Logic (Arabic: Maqala Fi-Sinat Al-Mantiq), referring to Al-Farabi as the "second master", the first being Aristotle.
Ibn Sina (Avicenna) (980–1037) was the founder of Avicennian logic, which replaced Aristotelian logic as the dominant system of logic in the Islamic world,[65] and also had an important influence on Western medieval writers such as Albertus Magnus.[66] Avicenna wrote on the hypothetical syllogism[67] and on the propositional calculus, which were both part of the Stoic logical tradition.[68] He developed an original "temporally modalized" syllogistic theory, involving temporal logic and modal logic.[63] He also made use of inductive logic, such as the methods of agreement, difference, and concomitant variation which are critical to the scientific method.[67] One of Avicenna's ideas had a particularly important influence on Western logicians such as William of Ockham: Avicenna's word for a meaning or notion (ma'na), was translated by the scholastic logicians as the Latin intentio; in medieval logic and epistemology, this is a sign in the mind that naturally represents a thing.[69] This was crucial to the development of Ockham's conceptualism: A universal term (e.g., "man") does not signify a thing existing in reality, but rather a sign in the mind (intentio in intellectu) which represents many things in reality; Ockham cites Avicenna's commentary on Metaphysics V in support of this view.[70]
Fakhr al-Din al-Razi (b. 1149) criticised Aristotle's "first figure" and formulated an early system of inductive logic, foreshadowing the system of inductive logic developed by John Stuart Mill (1806–1873).[71] Al-Razi's work was seen by later Islamic scholars as marking a new direction for Islamic logic, towards a Post-Avicennian logic. This was further elaborated by his student Afdaladdîn al-Khûnajî (d. 1249), who developed a form of logic revolving around the subject matter of conceptions and assents. In response to this tradition, Nasir al-Din al-Tusi (1201–1274) began a tradition of Neo-Avicennian logic which remained faithful to Avicenna's work and existed as an alternative to the more dominant Post-Avicennian school over the following centuries.[72]
The Illuminationist school was founded by Shahab al-Din Suhrawardi (1155–1191), who developed the idea of "decisive necessity", which refers to the reduction of all modalities (necessity, possibility, contingency and impossibility) to the single mode of necessity.[73]Ibn al-Nafis (1213–1288) wrote a book on Avicennian logic, which was a commentary of Avicenna's Al-Isharat (The Signs) and Al-Hidayah (The Guidance).[74]Ibn Taymiyyah (1263–1328), wrote the Ar-Radd 'ala al-Mantiqiyyin, where he argued against the usefulness, though not the validity, of the syllogism[75] and in favour of inductive reasoning.[71] Ibn Taymiyyah also argued against the certainty of syllogistic arguments and in favour of analogy; his argument is that concepts founded on induction are themselves not certain but only probable, and thus a syllogism based on such concepts is no more certain than an argument based on analogy. He further claimed that induction itself is founded on a process of analogy. His model of analogical reasoning was based on that of juridical arguments.[76][77] This model of analogy has been used in the recent work of John F. Sowa.[77]
The Sharh al-takmil fi'l-mantiq written by Muhammad ibn Fayd Allah ibn Muhammad Amin al-Sharwani in the 15th century is the last major Arabic work on logic that has been studied.[78] However, "thousands upon thousands of pages" on logic were written between the 14th and 19th centuries, though only a fraction of the texts written during this period have been studied by historians, hence little is known about the original work on Islamic logic produced during this later period.[72]
"Medieval logic" (also known as "Scholastic logic") generally means the form of Aristotelian logic developed in medieval Europe throughout roughly the period 1200–1600.[1] For centuries after Stoic logic had been formulated, it was the dominant system of logic in the classical world. When the study of logic resumed after the Dark Ages, the main source was the work of the Christian philosopher Boethius, who was familiar with some of Aristotle's logic, but almost none of the work of the Stoics.[79] Until the twelfth century, the only works of Aristotle available in the West were the Categories, On Interpretation, and Boethius's translation of the Isagoge of Porphyry (a commentary on the Categories). These works were known as the "Old Logic" (Logica Vetus or Ars Vetus). An important work in this tradition was the Logica Ingredientibus of Peter Abelard (1079–1142). His direct influence was small,[80] but his influence through pupils such as John of Salisbury was great, and his method of applying rigorous logical analysis to theology shaped the way that theological criticism developed in the period that followed.[81] The proof for the principle of explosion, also known as the principle of Pseudo-Scotus, the law according to which any proposition can be proven from a contradiction (including its negation), was first given by the 12th century French logician William of Soissons.
By the early thirteenth century, the remaining works of Aristotle's Organon, including the Prior Analytics, Posterior Analytics, and the Sophistical Refutations (collectively known as the Logica Nova or "New Logic"), had been recovered in the West.[82] Logical work until then was mostly paraphrasis or commentary on the work of Aristotle.[83] The period from the middle of the thirteenth to the middle of the fourteenth century was one of significant developments in logic, particularly in three areas which were original, with little foundation in the Aristotelian tradition that came before. These were:[84]
The theory of supposition. Supposition theory deals with the way that predicates (e.g., 'man') range over a domain of individuals (e.g., all men).[85] In the proposition 'every man is an animal', does the term 'man' range over or 'supposit for' men existing just in the present, or does the range include past and future men? Can a term supposit for a non-existing individual? Some medievalists have argued that this idea is a precursor of modern first-order logic.[86] "The theory of supposition with the associated theories of copulatio (sign-capacity of adjectival terms), ampliatio (widening of referential domain), and distributio constitute one of the most original achievements of Western medieval logic".[87]
The theory of syncategoremata. Syncategoremata are terms which are necessary for logic, but which, unlike categorematic terms, do not signify on their own behalf, but 'co-signify' with other words. Examples of syncategoremata are 'and', 'not', 'every', 'if', and so on.
The theory of consequences. A consequence is a hypothetical, conditional proposition: two propositions joined by the terms 'if ... then'. For example, 'if a man runs, then God exists' (Si homo currit, Deus est).[88] A fully developed theory of consequences is given in Book III of William of Ockham's work Summa Logicae. There, Ockham distinguishes between 'material' and 'formal' consequences, which are roughly equivalent to the modern material implication and logical implication respectively. Similar accounts are given by Jean Buridan and Albert of Saxony.
The last great works in this tradition are the Logic of John Poinsot (1589–1644, known as John of St Thomas), the Metaphysical Disputations of Francisco Suarez (1548–1617), and the Logica Demonstrativa of Giovanni Girolamo Saccheri (1667–1733).
Traditional logic generally means the textbook tradition that begins with Antoine Arnauld's and Pierre Nicole's Logic, or the Art of Thinking, better known as the Port-Royal Logic.[89] Published in 1662, it was the most influential work on logic after Aristotle until the nineteenth century.[90] The book presents a loosely Cartesian doctrine (that the proposition is a combining of ideas rather than terms, for example) within a framework that is broadly derived from Aristotelian and medieval term logic. Between 1664 and 1700, there were eight editions, and the book had considerable influence after that.[90] The Port-Royal introduces the concepts of extension and intension. The account of propositions that Locke gives in the Essay is essentially that of the Port-Royal: "Verbal propositions, which are words, [are] the signs of our ideas, put together or separated in affirmative or negative sentences. So that proposition consists in the putting together or separating these signs, according as the things which they stand for agree or disagree."[91]
Dudley Fenner helped popularize Ramist logic, a reaction against Aristotle. Another influential work was the Novum Organum by Francis Bacon, published in 1620. The title translates as "new instrument". This is a reference to Aristotle's work known as the Organon. In this work, Bacon rejects the syllogistic method of Aristotle in favor of an alternative procedure "which by slow and faithful toil gathers information from things and brings it into understanding".[92] This method is known as inductive reasoning, a method which starts from empirical observation and proceeds to lower axioms or propositions; from these lower axioms, more general ones can be induced. For example, in finding the cause of a phenomenal nature such as heat, three lists should be constructed:
The presence list: a list of every situation where heat is found.
The absence list: a list of every situation that is similar to at least one of those of the presence list, except for the lack of heat.
The variability list: a list of every situation where heat can vary.
Then, the form nature (or cause) of heat may be defined as that which is common to every situation of the presence list, and which is lacking from every situation of the absence list, and which varies by degree in every situation of the variability list.
Other works in the textbook tradition include Isaac Watts's Logick: Or, the Right Use of Reason (1725), Richard Whately's Logic (1826), and John Stuart Mill's A System of Logic (1843). Although the latter was one of the last great works in the tradition, Mill's view that the foundations of logic lie in introspection[93] influenced the view that logic is best understood as a branch of psychology, a view which dominated the next fifty years of its development, especially in Germany.[94]
G.W.F. Hegel indicated the importance of logic to his philosophical system when he condensed his extensive Science of Logic into a shorter work published in 1817 as the first volume of his Encyclopaedia of the Philosophical Sciences. The "Shorter" or "Encyclopaedia" Logic, as it is often known, lays out a series of transitions which leads from the most empty and abstract of categories—Hegel begins with "Pure Being" and "Pure Nothing"—to the "Absolute", the category which contains and resolves all the categories which preceded it. Despite the title, Hegel's Logic is not really a contribution to the science of valid inference. Rather than deriving conclusions about concepts through valid inference from premises, Hegel seeks to show that thinking about one concept compels thinking about another concept (one cannot, he argues, possess the concept of "Quality" without the concept of "Quantity"); this compulsion is, supposedly, not a matter of individual psychology, because it arises almost organically from the content of the concepts themselves. His purpose is to show the rational structure of the "Absolute"—indeed of rationality itself. The method by which thought is driven from one concept to its contrary, and then to further concepts, is known as the Hegelian dialectic.
Although Hegel's Logic has had little impact on mainstream logical studies, its influence can be seen elsewhere:
Between the work of Mill and Frege stretched half a century during which logic was widely treated as a descriptive science, an empirical study of the structure of reasoning, and thus essentially as a branch of psychology.[96] The German psychologist Wilhelm Wundt, for example, discussed deriving "the logical from the psychological laws of thought", emphasizing that "psychological thinking is always the more comprehensive form of thinking."[97] This view was widespread among German philosophers of the period:
Theodor Lipps described logic as "a specific discipline of psychology".[98]
Christoph von Sigwart understood logical necessity as grounded in the individual's compulsion to think in a certain way.[99]
Benno Erdmann argued that "logical laws only hold within the limits of our thinking".[100]
Such was the dominant view of logic in the years following Mill's work.[101] This psychological approach to logic was rejected by Gottlob Frege. It was also subjected to an extended and destructive critique by Edmund Husserl in the first volume of his Logical Investigations (1900), an assault which has been described as "overwhelming".[102] Husserl argued forcefully that grounding logic in psychological observations implied that all logical truths remained unproven, and that skepticism and relativism were unavoidable consequences.
Such criticisms did not immediately extirpate what is called "psychologism". For example, the American philosopher Josiah Royce, while acknowledging the force of Husserl's critique, remained "unable to doubt" that progress in psychology would be accompanied by progress in logic, and vice versa.[103]
The period between the fourteenth century and the beginning of the nineteenth century had been largely one of decline and neglect, and is generally regarded as barren by historians of logic.[2] The revival of logic occurred in the mid-nineteenth century, at the beginning of a revolutionary period where the subject developed into a rigorous and formalistic discipline whose exemplar was the exact method of proof used in mathematics. The development of the modern "symbolic" or "mathematical" logic during this period is the most significant in the 2000-year history of logic, and is arguably one of the most important and remarkable events in human intellectual history.[4]
A number of features distinguish modern logic from the old Aristotelian or traditional logic, the most important of which are as follows:[104] Modern logic is fundamentally a calculus whose rules of operation are determined only by the shape and not by the meaning of the symbols it employs, as in mathematics. Many logicians were impressed by the "success" of mathematics, in that there had been no prolonged dispute about any truly mathematical result. C. S. Peirce noted[105] that even though a mistake in the evaluation of a definite integral by Laplace led to an error concerning the moon's orbit that persisted for nearly 50 years, the mistake, once spotted, was corrected without any serious dispute. Peirce contrasted this with the disputation and uncertainty surrounding traditional logic, and especially reasoning in metaphysics. He argued that a truly "exact" logic would depend upon mathematical, i.e., "diagrammatic" or "iconic" thought. "Those who follow such methods will ... escape all error except such as will be speedily corrected after it is once suspected". Modern logic is also "constructive" rather than "abstractive"; i.e., rather than abstracting and formalising theorems derived from ordinary language (or from psychological intuitions about validity), it constructs theorems by formal methods, then looks for an interpretation in ordinary language. It is entirely symbolic, meaning that even the logical constants (which the medieval logicians called "syncategoremata") and the categoric terms are expressed in symbols.
The development of modern logic falls into roughly five periods:[106]
The embryonic period from Leibniz to 1847, when the notion of a logical calculus was discussed and developed, particularly by Leibniz, but no schools were formed, and isolated periodic attempts were abandoned or went unnoticed.
The algebraic period from Boole's Analysis to Schröder's Vorlesungen. In this period, there were more practitioners, and a greater continuity of development.
The logicist period from the Begriffsschrift of Frege to the Principia Mathematica of Russell and Whitehead. The aim of the "logicist school" was to incorporate the logic of all mathematical and scientific discourse in a single unified system which, taking as a fundamental principle that all mathematical truths are logical, did not accept any non-logical terminology. The major logicists were Frege, Russell, and the early Wittgenstein.[107] It culminates with the Principia, an important work which includes a thorough examination and attempted solution of the antinomies which had been an obstacle to earlier progress.
The metamathematical period from 1910 to the 1930s, which saw the development of metalogic, in the finitist system of Hilbert, and the non-finitist system of Löwenheim and Skolem, the combination of logic and metalogic in the work of Gödel and Tarski. Gödel's incompleteness theorem of 1931 was one of the greatest achievements in the history of logic. Later in the 1930s, Gödel developed the notion of set-theoretic constructibility.
The idea that inference could be represented by a purely mechanical process is found as early as Raymond Llull, who proposed a (somewhat eccentric) method of drawing conclusions by a system of concentric rings. The work of logicians such as the Oxford Calculators[108] led to a method of using letters instead of writing out logical calculations (calculationes) in words, a method used, for instance, in the Logica magna by Paul of Venice. Three hundred years after Llull, the English philosopher and logician Thomas Hobbes suggested that all logic and reasoning could be reduced to the mathematical operations of addition and subtraction.[109] The same idea is found in the work of Leibniz, who had read both Llull and Hobbes, and who argued that logic can be represented through a combinatorial process or calculus. But, like Llull and Hobbes, he failed to develop a detailed or comprehensive system, and his work on this topic was not published until long after his death. Leibniz says that ordinary languages are subject to "countless ambiguities" and are unsuited for a calculus, whose task is to expose mistakes in inference arising from the forms and structures of words;[110] hence, he proposed to identify an alphabet of human thought comprising fundamental concepts which could be composed to express complex ideas,[111] and create a calculus ratiocinator that would make all arguments "as tangible as those of the Mathematicians, so that we can find our error at a glance, and when there are disputes among persons, we can simply say: Let us calculate."[112]
Gergonne (1816) said that reasoning does not have to be about objects about which one has perfectly clear ideas, because algebraic operations can be carried out without having any idea of the meaning of the symbols involved.[113]Bolzano anticipated a fundamental idea of modern proof theory when he defined logical consequence or "deducibility" in terms of variables:[114]
Hence I say that propositions , , ,... are deducible from propositions , , , ,... with respect to variable parts , ,..., if every class of ideas whose substitution for , ,... makes all of , , , ,... true, also makes all of , , ,... true. Occasionally, since it is customary, I shall say that propositions , , ,... follow, or can be inferred or derived, from , , , ,.... Propositions , , , ,... I shall call the premises, , , ,... the conclusions.
Modern logic begins with what is known as the "algebraic school", originating with Boole and including Peirce, Jevons, Schröder, and Venn.[115] Their objective was to develop a calculus to formalise reasoning in the area of classes, propositions, and probabilities. The school begins with Boole's seminal work Mathematical Analysis of Logic which appeared in 1847, although De Morgan (1847) is its immediate precursor.[116] The fundamental idea of Boole's system is that algebraic formulae can be used to express logical relations. This idea occurred to Boole in his teenage years, working as an usher in a private school in Lincoln, Lincolnshire.[117] For example, let x and y stand for classes, let the symbol = signify that the classes have the same members, xy stand for the class containing all and only the members of x and y and so on. Boole calls these elective symbols, i.e. symbols which select certain objects for consideration.[118] An expression in which elective symbols are used is called an elective function, and an equation of which the members are elective functions, is an elective equation.[119] The theory of elective functions and their "development" is essentially the modern idea of truth-functions and their expression in disjunctive normal form.[118]
Boole's system admits of two interpretations, in class logic, and propositional logic. Boole distinguished between "primary propositions" which are the subject of syllogistic theory, and "secondary propositions", which are the subject of propositional logic, and showed how under different "interpretations" the same algebraic system could represent both. An example of a primary proposition is "All inhabitants are either Europeans or Asiatics." An example of a secondary proposition is "Either all inhabitants are Europeans or they are all Asiatics."[120] These are easily distinguished in modern predicate logic, where it is also possible to show that the first follows from the second, but it is a significant disadvantage that there is no way of representing this in the Boolean system.[121]
In his Symbolic Logic (1881), John Venn used diagrams of overlapping areas to express Boolean relations between classes or truth-conditions of propositions. In 1869 Jevons realised that Boole's methods could be mechanised, and constructed a "logical machine" which he showed to the Royal Society the following year.[118] In 1885 Allan Marquand proposed an electrical version of the machine that is still extant (picture at the Firestone Library).
Charles Sanders Peirce
The defects in Boole's system (such as the use of the letter v for existential propositions) were all remedied by his followers. Jevons published Pure Logic, or the Logic of Quality apart from Quantity in 1864, where he suggested a symbol to signify exclusive or, which allowed Boole's system to be greatly simplified.[122] This was usefully exploited by Schröder when he set out theorems in parallel columns in his Vorlesungen (1890–1905). Peirce (1880) showed how all the Boolean elective functions could be expressed by the use of a single primitive binary operation, "neither ... nor ..." and equally well "not both ... and ...",[123] however, like many of Peirce's innovations, this remained unknown or unnoticed until Sheffer rediscovered it in 1913.[124] Boole's early work also lacks the idea of the logical sum which originates in Peirce (1867), Schröder (1877) and Jevons (1890),[125] and the concept of inclusion, first suggested by Gergonne (1816) and clearly articulated by Peirce (1870).
Boolean multiples
The success of Boole's algebraic system suggested that all logic must be capable of algebraic representation, and there were attempts to express a logic of relations in such form, of which the most ambitious was Schröder's monumental Vorlesungen über die Algebra der Logik ("Lectures on the Algebra of Logic", vol iii 1895), although the original idea was again anticipated by Peirce.[126]
Boole's unwavering acceptance of Aristotle's logic is emphasized by the historian of logic John Corcoran in an accessible introduction to Laws of Thought.[127] Corcoran also wrote a point-by-point comparison of Prior Analytics and Laws of Thought.[128] According to Corcoran, Boole fully accepted and endorsed Aristotle's logic. Boole's goals were "to go under, over, and beyond" Aristotle's logic by 1) providing it with mathematical foundations involving equations, 2) extending the class of problems it could treat—from assessing validity to solving equations—and 3) expanding the range of applications it could handle—e.g. from propositions having only two terms to those having arbitrarily many.
More specifically, Boole agreed with what Aristotle said; Boole's 'disagreements', if they might be called that, concern what Aristotle did not say.
First, in the realm of foundations, Boole reduced the four propositional forms of Aristotelian logic to formulas in the form of equations—by itself a revolutionary idea.
Second, in the realm of logic's problems, Boole's addition of equation solving to logic—another revolutionary idea—involved Boole's doctrine that Aristotle's rules of inference (the "perfect syllogisms") must be supplemented by rules for equation solving.
Third, in the realm of applications, Boole's system could handle multi-term propositions and arguments whereas Aristotle could handle only two-termed subject-predicate propositions and arguments. For example, Aristotle's system could not deduce "No quadrangle that is a square is a rectangle that is a rhombus" from "No square that is a quadrangle is a rhombus that is a rectangle" or from "No rhombus that is a rectangle is a square that is a quadrangle".
After Boole, the next great advances were made by the German mathematician Gottlob Frege. Frege's objective was the program of Logicism, i.e. demonstrating that arithmetic is identical with logic.[129] Frege went much further than any of his predecessors in his rigorous and formal approach to logic, and his calculus or Begriffsschrift is important.[129] Frege also tried to show that the concept of number can be defined by purely logical means, so that (if he was right) logic includes arithmetic and all branches of mathematics that are reducible to arithmetic. He was not the first writer to suggest this. In his pioneering work Die Grundlagen der Arithmetik (The Foundations of Arithmetic), sections 15–17, he acknowledges the efforts of Leibniz, J. S. Mill as well as Jevons, citing the latter's claim that "algebra is a highly developed logic, and number but logical discrimination."[130]
Frege's first work, the Begriffsschrift ("concept script") is a rigorously axiomatised system of propositional logic, relying on just two connectives (negational and conditional), two rules of inference (modus ponens and substitution), and six axioms. Frege referred to the "completeness" of this system, but was unable to prove this.[131] The most significant innovation, however, was his explanation of the quantifier in terms of mathematical functions. Traditional logic regards the sentence "Caesar is a man" as of fundamentally the same form as "all men are mortal." Sentences with a proper name subject were regarded as universal in character, interpretable as "every Caesar is a man".[132] At the outset Frege abandons the traditional "concepts subject and predicate", replacing them with argument and function respectively, which he believes "will stand the test of time". He goes on to say that it is "easy to see how regarding a content as a function of an argument leads to the formation of concepts. Furthermore, the demonstration of the connection between the meanings of the words if, and, not, or, there is, some, all, and so forth, deserves attention".[133] Frege argued that the quantifier expression "all men" does not have the same logical or semantic form as "all men", and that the universal proposition "every A is B" is a complex proposition involving two functions, namely ' – is A' and ' – is B' such that whatever satisfies the first, also satisfies the second. In modern notation, this would be expressed as
In English, "for all x, if Ax then Bx". Thus only singular propositions are of subject-predicate form, and they are irreducibly singular, i.e. not reducible to a general proposition. Universal and particular propositions, by contrast, are not of simple subject-predicate form at all. If "all mammals" were the logical subject of the sentence "all mammals are land-dwellers", then to negate the whole sentence we would have to negate the predicate to give "all mammals are not land-dwellers". But this is not the case.[134] This functional analysis of ordinary-language sentences later had a great impact on philosophy and linguistics.
This means that in Frege's calculus, Boole's "primary" propositions can be represented in a different way from "secondary" propositions. "All inhabitants are either men or women" is
whereas "All the inhabitants are men or all the inhabitants are women" is
As Frege remarked in a critique of Boole's calculus:
"The real difference is that I avoid [the Boolean] division into two parts ... and give a homogeneous presentation of the lot. In Boole the two parts run alongside one another, so that one is like the mirror image of the other, but for that very reason stands in no organic relation to it."[135]
As well as providing a unified and comprehensive system of logic, Frege's calculus also resolved the ancient problem of multiple generality. The ambiguity of "every girl kissed a boy" is difficult to express in traditional logic, but Frege's logic resolves this through the different scope of the quantifiers. Thus
Peano
means that to every girl there corresponds some boy (any one will do) who the girl kissed. But
means that there is some particular boy whom every girl kissed. Without this device, the project of logicism would have been doubtful or impossible. Using it, Frege provided a definition of the ancestral relation, of the many-to-one relation, and of mathematical induction.[136]
Ernst Zermelo
This period overlaps with the work of what is known as the "mathematical school", which included Dedekind, Pasch, Peano, Hilbert, Zermelo, Huntington, Veblen and Heyting. Their objective was the axiomatisation of branches of mathematics like geometry, arithmetic, analysis and set theory. Most notable was Hilbert's Program, which sought to ground all of mathematics to a finite set of axioms, proving its consistency by "finitistic" means and providing a procedure which would decide the truth or falsity of any mathematical statement. The standard axiomatization of the natural numbers is named the Peano axioms eponymously. Peano maintained a clear distinction between mathematical and logical symbols. While unaware of Frege's work, he independently recreated his logical apparatus based on the work of Boole and Schröder.[137]
The logicist project received a near-fatal setback with the discovery of a paradox in 1901 by Bertrand Russell. This proved Frege's naive set theory led to a contradiction. Frege's theory contained the axiom that for any formal criterion, there is a set of all objects that meet the criterion. Russell showed that a set containing exactly the sets that are not members of themselves would contradict its own definition (if it is not a member of itself, it is a member of itself, and if it is a member of itself, it is not).[138] This contradiction is now known as Russell's paradox. One important method of resolving this paradox was proposed by Ernst Zermelo.[139]Zermelo set theory was the first axiomatic set theory. It was developed into the now-canonical Zermelo–Fraenkel set theory (ZF). Russell's paradox symbolically is as follows:
The monumental Principia Mathematica, a three-volume work on the foundations of mathematics, written by Russell and Alfred North Whitehead and published 1910–1913 also included an attempt to resolve the paradox, by means of an elaborate system of types: a set of elements is of a different type than is each of its elements (set is not the element; one element is not the set) and one cannot speak of the "set of all sets". The Principia was an attempt to derive all mathematical truths from a well-defined set of axioms and inference rules in symbolic logic.
The names of Gödel and Tarski dominate the 1930s,[140] a crucial period in the development of metamathematics—the study of mathematics using mathematical methods to produce metatheories, or mathematical theories about other mathematical theories. Early investigations into metamathematics had been driven by Hilbert's program. Work on metamathematics culminated in the work of Gödel, who in 1929 showed that a given first-order sentence is deducible if and only if it is logically valid—i.e. it is true in every structure for its language. This is known as Gödel's completeness theorem. A year later, he proved two important theorems, which showed Hibert's program to be unattainable in its original form. The first is that no consistent system of axioms whose theorems can be listed by an effective procedure such as an algorithm or computer program is capable of proving all facts about the natural numbers. For any such system, there will always be statements about the natural numbers that are true, but that are unprovable within the system. The second is that if such a system is also capable of proving certain basic facts about the natural numbers, then the system cannot prove the consistency of the system itself. These two results are known as Gödel's incompleteness theorems, or simply Gödel's Theorem. Later in the decade, Gödel developed the concept of set-theoretic constructibility, as part of his proof that the axiom of choice and the continuum hypothesis are consistent with Zermelo–Fraenkel set theory.
In proof theory, Gerhard Gentzen developed natural deduction and the sequent calculus. The former attempts to model logical reasoning as it 'naturally' occurs in practice and is most easily applied to intuitionistic logic, while the latter was devised to clarify the derivation of logical proofs in any formal system. Since Gentzen's work, natural deduction and sequent calculi have been widely applied in the fields of proof theory, mathematical logic and computer science. Gentzen also proved normalization and cut-elimination theorems for intuitionistic and classical logic which could be used to reduce logical proofs to a normal form.[141]
Alfred Tarski
Alfred Tarski, a pupil of Łukasiewicz, is best known for his definition of truth and logical consequence, and the semantic concept of logical satisfaction. In 1933, he published (in Polish) The concept of truth in formalized languages, in which he proposed his semantic theory of truth: a sentence such as "snow is white" is true if and only if snow is white. Tarski's theory separated the metalanguage, which makes the statement about truth, from the object language, which contains the sentence whose truth is being asserted, and gave a correspondence (the T-schema) between phrases in the object language and elements of an interpretation. Tarski's approach to the difficult idea of explaining truth has been enduringly influential in logic and philosophy, especially in the development of model theory.[142] Tarski also produced important work on the methodology of deductive systems, and on fundamental principles such as completeness, decidability, consistency and definability. According to Anita Feferman, Tarski "changed the face of logic in the twentieth century".[143]
Alonzo Church and Alan Turing proposed formal models of computability, giving independent negative solutions to Hilbert's Entscheidungsproblem in 1936 and 1937, respectively. The Entscheidungsproblem asked for a procedure that, given any formal mathematical statement, would algorithmically determine whether the statement is true. Church and Turing proved there is no such procedure; Turing's paper introduced the halting problem as a key example of a mathematical problem without an algorithmic solution.
Church's system for computation developed into the modern λ-calculus, while the Turing machine became a standard model for a general-purpose computing device. It was soon shown that many other proposed models of computation were equivalent in power to those proposed by Church and Turing. These results led to the Church–Turing thesis that any deterministic algorithm that can be carried out by a human can be carried out by a Turing machine. Church proved additional undecidability results, showing that both Peano arithmetic and first-order logic are undecidable. Later work by Emil Post and Stephen Cole Kleene in the 1940s extended the scope of computability theory and introduced the concept of degrees of unsolvability.
In set theory, the method of forcing revolutionized the field by providing a robust method for constructing models and obtaining independence results. Paul Cohen introduced this method in 1963 to prove the independence of the continuum hypothesis and the axiom of choice from Zermelo–Fraenkel set theory.[145] His technique, which was simplified and extended soon after its introduction, has since been applied to many other problems in all areas of mathematical logic.
Computability theory had its roots in the work of Turing, Church, Kleene, and Post in the 1930s and 40s. It developed into a study of abstract computability, which became known as recursion theory.[146] The priority method, discovered independently by Albert Muchnik and Richard Friedberg in the 1950s, led to major advances in the understanding of the degrees of unsolvability and related structures. Research into higher-order computability theory demonstrated its connections to set theory. The fields of constructive analysis and computable analysis were developed to study the effective content of classical mathematical theorems; these in turn inspired the program of reverse mathematics. A separate branch of computability theory, computational complexity theory, was also characterized in logical terms as a result of investigations into descriptive complexity.
Model theory applies the methods of mathematical logic to study models of particular mathematical theories. Alfred Tarski published much pioneering work in the field, which is named after a series of papers he published under the title Contributions to the theory of models. In the 1960s, Abraham Robinson used model-theoretic techniques to develop calculus and analysis based on infinitesimals, a problem that first had been proposed by Leibniz.
In proof theory, the relationship between classical mathematics and intuitionistic mathematics was clarified via tools such as the realizability method invented by Georg Kreisel and Gödel's Dialectica interpretation. This work inspired the contemporary area of proof mining. The Curry–Howard correspondence emerged as a deep analogy between logic and computation, including a correspondence between systems of natural deduction and typed lambda calculi used in computer science. As a result, research into this class of formal systems began to address both logical and computational aspects; this area of research came to be known as modern type theory. Advances were also made in ordinal analysis and the study of independence results in arithmetic such as the Paris–Harrington theorem.
This was also a period, particularly in the 1950s and afterwards, when the ideas of mathematical logic begin to influence philosophical thinking. For example, tense logic is a formalised system for representing, and reasoning about, propositions qualified in terms of time. The philosopher Arthur Prior played a significant role in its development in the 1960s. Modal logics extend the scope of formal logic to include the elements of modality (for example, possibility and necessity). The ideas of Saul Kripke, particularly about possible worlds, and the formal system now called Kripke semantics have had a profound impact on analytic philosophy.[147] His best known and most influential work is Naming and Necessity (1980).[148]Deontic logics are closely related to modal logics: they attempt to capture the logical features of obligation, permission and related concepts. Although some basic novelties syncretizing mathematical and philosophical logic were shown by Bolzano in the early 1800s, it was Ernst Mally, a pupil of Alexius Meinong, who was to propose the first formal deontic system in his Grundgesetze des Sollens, based on the syntax of Whitehead's and Russell's propositional calculus.
Another logical system founded after World War II was fuzzy logic by Azerbaijani mathematician Lotfi Asker Zadeh in 1965.
^Matilal, Bimal Krishna (1998). The Character of Logic in India. Albany, New York, USA: State University of New York Press. pp. 12, 18. ISBN9780791437407.
^H. F. J. Horstmanshoff, Marten Stol, Cornelis Tilburg (2004), Magic and Rationality in Ancient Near Eastern and Graeco-Roman Medicine, p. 99, Brill Publishers, ISBN90-04-13666-5.
^D. Brown (2000), Mesopotamian Planetary Astronomy-Astrology , Styx Publications, ISBN90-5693-036-2.
^Heath, Mathematics in Aristotle, cited in Kneale, p. 5
^"forming an opinion is talking, and opinion is speech that is held not with someone else or aloud but in silence with oneself" Theaetetus 189E–190A
^Kneale p. 20. For example, the proof given in the Meno that the square on the diagonal is double the area of the original square presumably involves the forms of the square and the triangle, and the necessary relation between them
^Sowa, John F. (2000). Knowledge representation: logical, philosophical, and computational foundations. Pacific Grove: Brooks/Cole. p. 2. ISBN0-534-94965-7. OCLC38239202.
^"Throughout later antiquity two great schools of logic were distinguished, the Peripatetic which was derived from Aristotle, and the Stoic which was developed by Chrysippus from the teachings of the Megarians" – Kneale p. 113
^Feldman, Seymour (1964-11-26). "Rescher on Arabic Logic". The Journal of Philosophy. 61 (22). Journal of Philosophy, Inc.: 724–734. doi:10.2307/2023632. ISSN0022-362X. JSTOR2023632. [726]. Long, A. A.; Sedley, D. N. (1987). The Hellenistic Philosophers. Vol 1: Translations of the principal sources with philosophical commentary. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN0-521-27556-3.
^Abu Shadi Al-Roubi (1982), "Ibn Al-Nafis as a philosopher", Symposium on Ibn al-Nafis, Second International Conference on Islamic Medicine: Islamic Medical Organization, Kuwait (cf.Ibn al-Nafis As a PhilosopherArchived 2008-02-06 at the Wayback Machine, Encyclopedia of Islamic World).
^See pp. 253–254 of Street, Tony (2005). "Logic". In Peter Adamson; Richard C. Taylor (eds.). The Cambridge Companion to Arabic Philosophy. Cambridge University Press. pp. 247–265. ISBN978-0-521-52069-0.
^ abJohn F. Sowa; Arun K. Majumdar (2003). "Analogical reasoning". Conceptual Structures for Knowledge Creation and Communication, Proceedings of ICCS 2003. Berlin: Springer-Verlag., pp. 16–36
^N. Abbagnano, "Psychologism" in P. Edwards (ed) The Encyclopaedia of Philosophy, MacMillan, 1967
^Of the German literature in this period, Robert Adamson wrote "Logics swarm as bees in springtime..."; Robert Adamson, A Short History of Logic, Wm. Blackwood & Sons, 1911, page 242
^Carl von Prantl (1855–1867), Geschichte von Logik in Abendland, Leipzig: S. Hirzl, anastatically reprinted in 1997, Hildesheim: Georg Olds.
^See e.g. Psychologism, Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy
^Wilhelm Wundt, Logik (1880–1883); quoted in Edmund Husserl, Logical Investigations, translated J. N. Findlay, Routledge, 2008, Volume 1, pp. 115–116.
^Theodor Lipps, Grundzüge der Logik (1893); quoted in Edmund Husserl, Logical Investigations, translated J. N. Findlay, Routledge, 2008, Volume 1, p. 40
^Christoph von Sigwart, Logik (1873–1878); quoted in Edmund Husserl, Logical Investigations, translated J. N. Findlay, Routledge, 2008, Volume 1, p. 51
^Benno Erdmann, Logik (1892); quoted in Edmund Husserl, Logical Investigations, translated J. N. Findlay, Routledge, 2008, Volume 1, p. 96
^Dermot Moran, "Introduction"; Edmund Husserl, Logical Investigations, translated J. N. Findlay, Routledge, 2008, Volume 1, p. xxi
^Michael Dummett, "Preface"; Edmund Husserl, Logical Investigations, translated J. N. Findlay, Routledge, 2008, Volume 1, p. xvii
^Josiah Royce, "Recent Logical Enquiries and their Psychological Bearings" (1902) in John J. McDermott (ed) The Basic Writings of Josiah Royce Volume 2, Fordham University Press, 2005, p. 661
^Before publishing, he wrote to De Morgan, who was just finishing his work Formal Logic. De Morgan suggested they should publish first, and thus the two books appeared at the same time, possibly even reaching the bookshops on the same day. cf. Kneale p. 404
^Peirce, "A Boolian Algebra with One Constant", 1880 MS, Collected Papers v. 4, paragraphs 12–20, reprinted Writings v. 4, pp. 218–221. Google Preview.
^Trans. Amer. Math. Soc., xiv (1913), pp. 481–488. This is now known as the Sheffer stroke
^George Boole. 1854/2003. The Laws of Thought, facsimile of 1854 edition, with an introduction by J. Corcoran. Buffalo: Prometheus Books (2003). Reviewed by James van Evra in Philosophy in Review. 24 (2004) 167–169.
^JOHN CORCORAN, Aristotle's Prior Analytics and Boole's Laws of Thought, History and Philosophy of Logic, vol. 24 (2003), pp. 261–288.
^See Philosophical Analysis in the Twentieth Century: Volume 2: The Age of Meaning, Scott Soames: "Naming and Necessity is among the most important works ever, ranking with the classical work of Frege in the late nineteenth century, and of Russell, Tarski and Wittgenstein in the first half of the twentieth century". Cited in Byrne, Alex and Hall, Ned. 2004. 'Necessary Truths'. Boston Review October/November 2004
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Gabbay, Dov and John Woods, eds, Handbook of the History of Logic 2004. 1. Greek, Indian and Arabic logic; 2. Mediaeval and Renaissance logic; 3. The rise of modern logic: from Leibniz to Frege; 4. British logic in the Nineteenth century; 5. Logic from Russell to Church; 6. Sets and extensions in the Twentieth century; 7. Logic and the modalities in the Twentieth century; 8. The many-valued and nonmonotonic turn in logic; 9. Computational Logic; 10. Inductive logic; 11. Logic: A history of its central concepts; Elsevier, ISBN0-444-51611-5.
Geach, P. T. Logic Matters, Blackwell 1972.
Goodman, Lenn Evan (2003). Islamic Humanism. Oxford University Press, ISBN0-19-513580-6.
The history of logic encompasses the evolution of systematic reasoning, argumentation, and inference from ancient philosophical traditions through medieval developments to the mathematical formalizations of the modern era, serving as a foundational discipline across cultures including Greek, Indian, Chinese, Arabic, and European.[1][2][3][4]In ancient Greece, logic emerged in the 5th century BCE with the Sophists' analyses of paradoxes and sentence types, but it was Aristotle in the 4th century BCE who established the first comprehensive system in his Organon, introducing syllogistic reasoning with categorical propositions and deductive inference rules that dominated Western thought for over two millennia.[1][5] The Hellenistic Stoics, particularly Chrysippus in the 3rd century BCE, advanced propositional logic with concepts like connectives and indemonstrable arguments, shifting focus from terms to whole statements.[1]Parallel developments occurred in ancient India from the 5th century BCE, where early texts documented inference in debates, leading to the classical Nyāya school's syllogistic framework in Gautama's Nyāya-sūtra (c. 2nd century CE), which emphasized epistemic validity and identified fallacies, influencing Buddhist logicians like Dignāga and Dharmakīrti who refined deductive forms and exclusion principles.[2]In the Arabic and Islamic world from the 8th century CE, scholars translated and expanded Greek works, with al-Fārābī and Avicenna (Ibn Sina) innovating modal syllogistics and temporal logic, creating a tradition that synthesized Aristotelian and non-Aristotelian elements and profoundly shaped medieval European logic through translations.[4][6]Medieval European logic, divided into the logica vetus (up to the 12th century, building on Boethius and Abelard) and logica nova (post-12th century, incorporating Arabic influences), saw expansions in supposition theory, modal distinctions, and consequence relations, culminating in 14th-century works by William of Ockham and John Buridan who systematized syllogisms beyond Aristotle's 19 moods to broader inferential frameworks.[7]The modern era began in the 19th century with George Boole's algebraic logic in 1847, followed by Gottlob Frege's 1879 Begriffsschrift introducing quantifiers and predicate calculus, and Charles Peirce's relational extensions, leading to first-order logic's formalization by the 1930s through Kurt Gödel's completeness theorem (1929) and its establishment as the cornerstone of mathematical foundations.[8]
Ancient origins
Prehistoric and Mesopotamian precursors
The earliest indications of proto-logical thinking appear in Paleolithic societies, where tool-making required sequential planning and deductive inference to predict outcomes from material properties and actions. Stone tool production in the Lower Paleolithic, dating back over 2.6 million years, involved cumulative cultural transmission that demanded foresight and error correction, as evidenced by analyses of Acheulean handaxe manufacturing sequences showing hierarchical planning akin to rudimentary conditional reasoning.[9] Similarly, cave art from the Upper Paleolithic, such as symbolic markings in sites like Lascaux Cave (circa 17,000 BCE), reflects abstract representation and pattern-based inference, where artists encoded environmental observations into visual symbols, suggesting early forms of symbolic logic for communication and prediction.[10]In ancient Mesopotamia, cuneiform texts from around 2000 BCE demonstrate proto-logical elements through pattern recognition and causal inference, particularly in Babylonian omen literature like the series Šumma ālu. These texts systematically cataloged observed anomalies (e.g., animal behaviors or celestial events) as antecedents to predicted consequences, employing if-then structures that imply basic conditional reasoning, though embedded in divinatory practices rather than abstract deduction.[11] Such omen compendia, compiled over centuries, reveal an empirical approach to correlating signs with outcomes, forming a foundational mode of inferential science in the region.[12]Egyptian mathematical papyri, such as the Rhind Papyrus from circa 1650 BCE, exhibit implicit logical structures in practical problem-solving, using methods like false position to resolve linear equations through iterative assumption and verification. This document contains 84 problems addressing geometry, fractions, and proportions, where solutions rely on proportional reasoning and step-by-step deduction without formal proof, highlighting a case-based logic tailored to administrative and engineering needs.[13] Geometric tasks in the papyrus, including area calculations for circles and triangles, further imply deductive application of empirical rules derived from observation.[14]Sumerian records, primarily from the third millennium BCE, often blend myth-based explanations with proto-empirical observations, as seen in administrative texts and early myths like the Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta, where causal narratives attribute events to divine will alongside practical tallies. In contrast, Akkadian sources from the second millennium BCE, such as legal codes and astronomical records, show a shift toward more empirical reasoning, prioritizing observable patterns over purely mythological causation, though divination persisted.[15] This distinction underscores an evolving tension between interpretive myth and evidence-based inference in Near Eastern thought, laying groundwork for later formalized systems.[12]
Early Greek philosophy before Aristotle
Thales of Miletus (c. 624–546 BCE) initiated a transformative approach in Greek philosophy by prioritizing rational, naturalistic explanations over mythological narratives for natural phenomena. In an era dominated by myths attributing events like earthquakes to divine anger, Thales proposed water as the arche (originating principle) of all things, drawing on empirical observations of its nourishing and transformative qualities in biological and meteorological processes.[16] This shift to logos—reason-based inquiry—laid foundational groundwork for philosophical argumentation by emphasizing evidence and causal inference rather than supernatural intervention.[16]The Pythagoreans, emerging in the 6th century BCE under Pythagoras' influence, blended numerical mysticism with proto-mathematical demonstrations, treating numbers as the cosmic essence governing harmony and structure. They associated symbolic meanings with numbers, such as the tetraktys (a triangular arrangement summing to 10) representing divine order, and applied proportional ratios to music and astronomy, as seen in their explanation of octaves via the 2:1 interval.[17] In geometry, they explored numerical relations, such as the one later known as the Pythagorean theorem (a² + b² = c²), using proportional and empirical methods to demonstrate geometric properties through visual arguments.[17] These practices fostered a deductive mindset, where geometric figures served as models for inferring universal truths from axioms.[17]Heraclitus of Ephesus (c. 535–475 BCE) advanced dialectical thinking by positing the unity of opposites and universal flux as core principles of reality, challenging static views and anticipating notions of contradiction in reasoning. He argued that apparent contraries—such as day and night or war and peace—are interconnected aspects of a single process, famously stating in Fragment B51 that "the road up and down is one and the same," implying harmony arises from tension rather than resolution.[18] This flux doctrine, encapsulated in the idea that "everything flows" (panta rhei), portrayed change as normative, where stability is illusory and opposites generate each other through strife (polemos), providing an early framework for exploring logical tensions without outright rejection.[18]Parmenides of Elea (c. 515–450 BCE) countered Heraclitean flux with a rigorous monistic ontology, asserting that true reality is a singular, eternal, and unchanging to on (what is), accessible only through reason and bound by the principle of non-contradiction. In his poem On Nature, he delineated the "Way of Truth" versus the "Way of Opinion," arguing that motion, plurality, and becoming violate logic since "what is not" cannot exist or be thought, thus deeming void and change impossible.[19] His arguments against motion, such as the impossibility of traversing distances without "non-being" (empty space), emphasized that affirmations must cohere without self-contradiction, establishing non-contradiction as a criterion for valid philosophical claims and influencing later deductive methods.[19]Zeno of Elea, a disciple of Parmenides (c. 490–430 BCE), further developed these ideas through his famous paradoxes, which used reductio ad absurdum to argue against motion and plurality. For instance, the Dichotomy paradox posits that to travel a distance, one must first traverse half, then half of the remainder, ad infinitum, making completion impossible. These arguments exemplified early logical techniques to expose contradictions in common intuitions, paving the way for more formal dialectic.[20]Plato (c. 428–348 BCE) synthesized these threads in his dialogues, notably the Theaetetus, where he deployed dialectic as an interrogative method to probe definitions and expose inconsistencies, advancing logical inquiry beyond mere assertion. Through Socratic elenchus—cross-examination leading to aporia (puzzlement)—Plato tested proposals like knowledge as perception, revealing their flaws and prompting deeper analysis of stable truths.[21] His theory of Forms complemented this by positing eternal, immaterial ideals (e.g., the Form of Justice) as the true objects of knowledge, with sensible particulars participating imperfectly in them; dialectic thus serves as the ascent from opinion (doxa) to understanding (episteme), resolving contradictions via hierarchical division into genera and species.[21] These innovations provided tools for systematic argumentation, directly shaping Aristotle's formal logic.
Logic in classical antiquity
Aristotle's syllogistic logic
Aristotle (384–322 BCE), building on earlier Greek philosophical inquiries into reasoning, formalized deductive logic through his theory of the syllogism, which became the cornerstone of Western logical thought for over two millennia.[5] In the Prior Analytics, he defined a syllogism as "a discourse in which, certain things being supposed, something different from those supposed results of necessity because of their being so" (Prior Analytics I.2, 24b18–20), emphasizing necessary inference from premises.[22] This categorical syllogistic focuses on arguments involving universal and particular statements about classes or categories, such as "All men are mortal; Socrates is a man; therefore, Socrates is mortal," where "mortal" is the major term, "man" the middle term, and "Socrates" the minor term.[23]Aristotle classified syllogisms into three figures based on the position of the middle term in the premises and identified valid moods—combinations of premise types (universal affirmative "All A is B," universal negative "No A is B," particular affirmative "Some A is B," particular negative "Some A is not B")—within each figure. The first figure includes moods like Barbara (All B are A; All C are B; therefore, All C are A) and Celarent (No B are A; All C are B; therefore, No C are A), which are "perfect" as they directly yield conclusions through conversion rules.[24] The second figure yields negative conclusions via moods such as Cesare (No B are A; All C are B; therefore, No C are A), while the third figure produces particular conclusions, as in Darapti (All B are A; All B are C; therefore, Some C are A). He enumerated 14 valid moods across the figures (later expanded by commentators to 24 including weakened forms), using methods like ecthesis (introducing particular instances) and reduction to demonstrate their validity.[25]These ideas form part of the Organon, Aristotle's collected logical treatises, which include the Categories (on predication and substance), On Interpretation (on propositions and truth), Prior Analytics (syllogistic rules), Posterior Analytics (scientific demonstration via syllogisms from true, necessary premises), Topics (dialectical reasoning using probable opinions or endoxa to argue topically), and Sophistical Refutations (classification of fallacies like equivocation and begging the question as pseudo-syllogisms).[26] In the Posterior Analytics, Aristotle distinguished demonstration (apodeixis) as syllogisms yielding scientific knowledge (episteme), requiring premises that are true, primary, and immediate, thus linking logic to epistemology. He contrasted deduction—necessary inference from generals to particulars—with induction (epagoge), which generalizes from observed particulars to universals, essential for grasping first principles in science (Posterior Analytics II.19).[27]Central to his propositional framework is the square of opposition, which maps logical relations among the four categorical types: universal affirmative (A: "All S is P"), universal negative (E: "No S is P"), particular affirmative (I: "Some S is P"), and particular negative (O: "Some S is not P").[28] Contraries (A and E) cannot both be true but can both be false; subcontraries (I and O) cannot both be false but can both be true; contradictories (A-O, E-I) cannot both be true or false; and subalterns (A implies I, E implies O) follow from universals to particulars. This structure, rooted in On Interpretation chapters 7–10, underscores the opposition in assertions and denials.[29]Aristotle's logical framework profoundly shaped the organization of knowledge, positioning logic as a tool for all inquiry, distinct from physics (study of change) and metaphysics (study of being), thereby establishing it as the "instrument" (organon) for systematic philosophy and science.[30] His syllogistic provided a method to categorize and demonstrate truths across disciplines, influencing subsequent traditions in demonstrating valid inferences from categorical premises.[31]
Hellenistic developments: Stoics and Epicureans
The Hellenistic period following Aristotle saw significant advancements in logical thought, particularly through the Stoics and Epicureans, who shifted emphasis toward propositional structures and empirical validation rather than solely categorical syllogisms.[32] These developments, emerging in the 3rd century BCE, addressed inference in everyday language and natural reasoning, influencing later philosophical methodologies. The Megarian school, active in the 4th century BCE, had earlier pioneered propositional logic, influencing Stoic innovations.[1]Stoic logic, initiated by Zeno of Citium around 300 BCE and rigorously systematized by Chrysippus (c. 279–206 BCE), formed a foundational propositional system distinct from Aristotle's term-based approach.[33]Chrysippus introduced key connectives including conjunction (kai, "and"), disjunction (ē, "or"), implication (ei...tote, "if...then"), and negation (ou, "not"), enabling the construction of complex assertibles (simple or compound propositions) from atomic ones.[32] These connectives operated in a largely truth-functional manner, with early precursors to truth tables used to evaluate compound propositions' validity based on their components' truth values.[32] The core of Stoic deduction consisted of five indemonstrables—irreducible argument forms serving as axioms—along with four reduction rules (themata) to analyze more complex syllogisms.[33] These indemonstrables included:
If P, then Q; P; therefore Q.
If P, then Q; not Q; therefore not P.
Not both P and Q; P; therefore not Q.
Either P or Q; not P; therefore Q.
Either P or Q; not both P and R; R; therefore Q.[34]
This framework allowed Stoics to validate arguments through connective-based inference, emphasizing formal validity over content.[33]In contrast, Epicurean philosophy under Epicurus (341–270 BCE) integrated logic within canonic, a doctrine outlining criteria for truth and simple rules for inference, prioritizing empirical foundations over formal deduction.[35] Canonic identified three empirical criteria: direct sensations (aistheseis), preconceptions (prolepseis, innate general concepts formed from repeated sensations), and feelings (pathe, pleasures and pains as guides to ethical truth).[36] These criteria ensured inferences remained grounded in observable phenomena, rejecting abstract speculation.[35] Epicurean inference centered on sign-inference (sēmeiosis), drawing conclusions from evident signs to hidden matters, such as inferring atomic motion from visible changes.[37] Epicurus distinguished necessary signs—those with unbreakable empirical connections, yielding certain conclusions—from merely rhetorical or probabilistic uses, which lacked such necessity and were unsuitable for philosophical truth.[37] This approach supported Epicurean physics and ethics by validating theories through compatibility with sensory evidence, as elaborated in works like Philodemus' On Signs.[36]
Non-Western ancient traditions
Indian schools: Nyaya, Vaisheshika, and grammarians
The roots of logical inquiry in ancient India trace back to the late Vedic period (c. 800–200 BCE), where philosophical debates in the Upanishads emphasized dialectical reasoning and epistemological analysis to explore concepts like the self (atman) and ultimate reality (brahman).[38] These early discussions laid the groundwork for systematic logic by prioritizing valid inference and refutation of opposing views in oral and textual exchanges.[39]The foundational text of the Nyaya school, the Nyaya Sutras, was composed by Akshapada Gautama around the 2nd century CE, establishing a comprehensive framework for epistemology, logic, and debate.[40] This work outlines inference (anumana) as a primary means of knowledge, structured through a five-part syllogism known as panchavayava: the proposition (pratijna, e.g., "There is fire on the hill"), the reason (hetu, "because there is smoke"), the example (udaharana, "like a kitchen"), the application (upanaya, "the hill has smoke just like the kitchen"), and the restatement of the conclusion (nigamana, "therefore, there is fire on the hill").[40] This syllogism emphasizes empirical correlation and universal applicability, distinguishing Nyaya as a realist tradition focused on perennial substances and qualities rather than transient phenomena.[41]Complementing Nyaya, the Vaisheshika school, founded by Kanada around the 6th century BCE, provided an ontological basis for logical classification through its atomic theory and six (later seven) categories (padarthas): substance (dravya), quality (guna), action (karma), generality (samanya), particularity (vishesha), inherence (samavaya), and non-existence (abhava).[42] These categories supported deductive reasoning by enabling the dissection of reality into indivisible atoms (paramanu)—eternal particles of earth, water, fire, and air—whose combinations explain observable phenomena, thus integrating physics with inference.[42] Nyaya and Vaisheshika traditions later merged, enhancing logical rigor with Vaisheshika's emphasis on causal realism.[41]Indian grammarians contributed to logic through meta-linguistic rules that formalized language structure, with Panini's Ashtadhyayi (c. 4th century BCE) serving as a paradigmatic example.[43] Comprising 3,959 concise sutras, this generative grammar employs recursive rules and meta-rules (e.g., vipratishedha, resolving rule conflicts by later precedence) to derive Sanskrit morphology and syntax systematically, functioning as a proto-computational model for unambiguous expression essential to precise argumentation.[43] Such grammatical precision influenced logical discourse by ensuring terms in syllogisms were semantically stable, avoiding ambiguities in philosophical debates.[43]Unlike Buddhist and Jain logics, which incorporate doctrines like momentariness (kshanikavada) positing the flux of all entities, Nyaya and Vaisheshika logics affirm enduring substances and reject such impermanence, grounding inference in stable causal relations.[44] This distinction underscores their commitment to a perduring reality amenable to categorical analysis.[44] The Indian syllogism bears structural parallels to Aristotle's without evidence of direct influence, reflecting independent developments in formal reasoning.[45]
Chinese Mohist and later logics
The Mohist school, active during the Warring States period from the 5th to 3rd century BCE, developed one of the earliest systematic approaches to argumentation in ancient China, emphasizing practical reasoning tied to ethical and political concerns.[46] Founded by Mozi (c. 470–391 BCE), Mohism promoted "bian" (disputation or debate) as a method to resolve disputes by distinguishing correct (shi, "this") from incorrect (fei, "not-this") claims through clear standards and analogies, aiming to promote social order and impartiality.[46] Unlike the deductive syllogisms of Indian Nyaya logic, Mohist bian focused on analogical extension and semantic clarification rather than formal inference structures.Central to Mohist thought were standards for naming (ming-shi), which linked words (ming) to actualities (shi) via intrinsic similarities among kinds (lei), such as shape or function, using models (fa) as benchmarks for correct application.[46] In the later Mohist texts known as the Canons (compiled around the late 4th to mid-3rd century BCE), these ideas were formalized in brief, aphoristic statements exploring logical relations.[46] The Canons addressed trilemmas involving categories like being, non-being, sameness (tong), and difference (yi), often posing dilemmas such as whether something can be "both" or "neither" in relation to a kind, resolved through disputation techniques like analogy (pi) and parallel inference (mou).[46] For instance, proofs relied on comparing cases to models to establish similarity, as in arguing ethical actions by analogizing to beneficial outcomes in statecraft.[47]Building on Mohist foundations, the School of Names (Mingjia), flourishing in the 4th and 3rd centuries BCE, advanced disputation through paradoxical arguments that probed the limits of language and reference.[48] A prominent figure, Gongsun Long (c. 325–250 BCE), famously argued in his "White Horse Dialogue" that "a white horse is not a horse," distinguishing the compound name "white horse" (referring to a specific kind with color and shape) from the general "horse" (shape alone), highlighting ambiguities in predication and identity.[48] This paradox, rooted in Mohist semantics of sameness and difference, challenged rigid naming conventions without developing formal syllogisms, instead using verbal distinctions to reveal relational complexities.[49]Later Chinese logics shifted toward correlative thinking, exemplified in the Yin-Yang system from the Warring States era onward, which viewed reality as interdependent opposites rather than binary contradictions.[50] In this framework, phenomena were understood through dynamic correlations—such as yin (passive, dark) and yang (active, light)—forming holistic patterns without strict logical exclusion, influencing philosophical reasoning in cosmology and ethics.[51] Overall, these traditions prioritized practical applications in ethics and governance over abstract formal systems, with Mohist and School of Names methods informing later correlative approaches but lacking the deductive rigor of Western or Indian logics.[48]
Other ancient traditions
In ancient Mesopotamia and Egypt, rhetorical debates in literary works exemplified early forms of argumentative reasoning, often structured as dialogues or disputations to explore ethical and existential dilemmas. Mesopotamian literature featured disputations such as those between inanimate objects or natural elements, like the debate between Grain and Sheep or Summer and Winter, which employed personification and balanced argumentation to resolve conflicts through logical juxtaposition.[52] These texts, dating to the second millennium BCE, demonstrated proto-logical structures by presenting opposing claims and evaluating them against shared criteria of utility and harmony.[53] Similarly, Egyptian works like the Dispute between a Man and His Ba (c. 2000 BCE) portrayed a dialogue between a despairing individual and his soul (ba), using rhetorical questions and counterarguments to weigh the merits of life against death, reflecting a deliberative logic rooted in moral and cosmic order.[54] This text employed antithesis and analogy to probe human endurance, serving as a vehicle for philosophical inquiry without formal deductive rules.[55]In Mesoamerica, the Maya Dresden Codex (c. 11th century CE, with roots in earlier Classic period traditions) incorporated calendrical inference patterns that relied on cyclical computations to predict astronomical events, demonstrating sophisticated logical sequencing. The codex's eclipse table utilized overlapping lunar cycles—such as 177-day and 148-day intervals—to forecast solar and lunar eclipses up to 700 years in advance, employing modular arithmetic and pattern recognition akin to predictive reasoning.[56] These calculations integrated observational data with ritual timing, allowing daykeepers to infer future alignments through recursive tables that balanced solar, lunar, and Venus cycles. Such methods highlighted a non-verbal logic embedded in visual and numerical schemas, prioritizing empirical verification over abstract syllogisms.African oral traditions, particularly the Yoruba Ifá divination system (with ancient origins), utilized binary oppositions for decision-making, generating 256 odù (signs) through paired marks on an divination tray to interpret probabilities and ethical choices. This binary framework—marking single (I) or double (II) lines—facilitated combinatorial logic to derive narratives from a corpus of 800 verses, enabling probabilistic reasoning in resolving disputes or guiding actions.[57]Ifá's structure prefigured modern binary coding by systematically opposing elements to yield holistic outcomes, emphasizing relational balance over linear deduction.[58] Across these traditions, formal written logical systems were scarce, with reasoning instead embedded in oral, ritual, and performative contexts that preserved knowledge through communal recitation and mnemonic devices.[59] This approach underscored adaptive, context-dependent inference, often serving social and cosmological functions rather than abstract theorizing.[60]
Medieval developments
Islamic Golden Age contributions
During the Islamic Golden Age (roughly 8th to 13th centuries), scholars in the Abbasid and later Andalusian contexts systematically translated, preserved, and innovated upon Greek logical traditions, particularly Aristotle's syllogistic framework, while adapting them to address theological and metaphysical questions central to Islamic thought.[61] This translation movement, centered in Baghdad's House of Wisdom, facilitated the synthesis of Aristotelian logic with Islamic kalam (dialectical theology), enabling rigorous defenses of monotheism and rational inquiry into divine attributes.[4]Al-Kindi (c. 801–873 CE), often called the "Philosopher of the Arabs," played a pivotal role in introducing Aristotelian logic to the Islamic world by overseeing the translation of key texts, including Aristotle's Metaphysics and parts of the Organon, through the "Kindi circle" of scholars.[61] He applied modal logic concepts—such as necessity and possibility—to theological issues like divine causation and the eternity of the world, arguing in works like On First Philosophy that logical demonstration supports the unity and simplicity of God.[61] These efforts marked an early extension of Greek logic beyond mere preservation, integrating it with Islamic metaphysics to resolve apparent conflicts between reason and revelation.[61]Al-Farabi (c. 872–950 CE), known as the "Second Teacher" after Aristotle, advanced logical demonstration as a method for achieving certain scientific knowledge, emphasizing its role in structuring philosophy and distinguishing it from rhetoric or dialectic.[62] In treatises like The Book of Demonstration, he elaborated on syllogistic proofs, clarifying logic's functions in relation to grammar and language to ensure precise conveyance of universal truths.[62] His work influenced Avicenna (Ibn Sina, 980–1037 CE), who built upon it by distinguishing essence (what a thing is) from existence (that it is) within syllogistic reasoning, arguing that necessary propositions in demonstrations must account for this separation to avoid contingent errors in metaphysical claims.[6]Avicenna's modal syllogistics further refined Al-Farabi's framework, introducing temporal and conditional modalities to analyze propositions about divine will and human knowledge.[6]Averroes (Ibn Rushd, 1126–1198 CE) contributed extensive commentaries on Aristotle's logical corpus, including middle and long expositions of the Organon, which harmonized Greek demonstration with Islamic principles by asserting that philosophical truth aligns with religious truth.[63] In his Decisive Treatise, he defended the use of logic for interpreting Quranic texts, countering critics like al-Ghazali by showing how syllogistic methods uphold Islamic orthodoxy.[63] Averroes also explored temporal modalities in his commentary on the Posterior Analytics, distinguishing types of demonstration based on causal priority and temporal relations, such as absolute causes versus signs of existence, to address questions of contingency in the created world.[63]Logic's integration with kalam during this era transformed theological dialectics, as scholars like the Mu'tazilites and Ash'arites employed Aristotelian categories and syllogisms to debate attributes of God, free will, and atomism.[64] Avicenna's "flying man" thought experiment exemplified this synthesis: imagining a person suspended in air, devoid of sensory input yet self-aware, it demonstrated the soul's incorporeal essence as a self-evident truth, independent of the body, thereby supporting kalam's proofs for immaterial immortality without relying on empirical syllogisms.[6]
European scholasticism
European scholasticism emerged as a systematic approach to logic within medieval Christian universities, building primarily on Aristotelian frameworks preserved through earlier translations while incorporating significant influences from Islamic scholars who had expanded and commented on Aristotle's works.[65] Boethius (c. 480–524 CE) laid the foundational groundwork by translating much of Aristotle's Organon (with the exception of the Posterior Analytics) into Latin, along with Porphyry's Isagoge, and providing commentaries that integrated these texts with Christian theology, making them accessible for subsequent scholastic study.[1] These translations preserved syllogistic logic as a tool for dialectical reasoning, emphasizing inference from premises to conclusions, and became the core curriculum in emerging cathedral schools and universities.[66]In the 11th century, Anselm of Canterbury (1033–1109 CE) advanced logical argumentation in theology through his Proslogion, where he formulated the ontological argument for God's existence, deriving divine reality from the concept of a being "than which no greater can be conceived," thus exemplifying a priori reasoning within a faith-seeking-understanding framework.[67] This approach treated logical deduction as a means to illuminate theological truths, influencing scholastic methods of proof. Peter Abelard (1079–1142 CE) further developed dialectics in his Sic et Non, a compilation of 158 theological questions paired with contradictory patristic citations, accompanied by a prologue outlining hermeneutic rules—such as considering context and resolving ambiguities—to guide rational reconciliation of apparent oppositions.[68] Abelard also pioneered supposition theory in logic, distinguishing a term's signification (sense) from its nominatio (reference), positing that common nouns like "animal" refer distributively to individuals rather than abstract universals, thereby supporting an early nominalist semantics that clarified how terms function in propositions.[68]The 13th century saw Thomas Aquinas (1225–1274 CE) synthesize Aristotelian logic with Christian doctrine in his Summa Theologica, where he employed rigorous deductive structures to articulate the "five ways" as proofs for God's existence: from motion, causation, contingency, degrees of perfection, and teleological order, each building on empirical observation to infer an uncaused first cause.[69] These arguments exemplified scholastic integration of logic into natural theology, using syllogisms to bridge sensory experience and metaphysical necessity without relying on revelation alone.[70]By the 14th century, nominalist challenges critiqued realist interpretations of universals, with William of Ockham (c. 1287–1347 CE) promoting metaphysical nominalism that denied the real existence of universals beyond mental concepts, advocating instead for their status as signs referring to particulars.[71] Ockham refined supposition theory by classifying it into personal (referring to individuals), simple (standing for universals as concepts), and material (referring to spoken/written terms), emphasizing simple supposition to avoid positing unnecessary entities.[72] His principle of parsimony, known as Ockham's razor—"entities should not be multiplied beyond necessity"—applied this to logic and metaphysics, favoring simpler explanations in arguments and influencing late scholastic debates on inference and ontology.[71]
Early modern and traditional logic
Renaissance revivals and textbook traditions
The Renaissance marked a significant revival of interest in ancient logical texts, driven by humanist scholars who sought to recover classical sources while critiquing the perceived excesses of medieval scholasticism. Francesco Petrarch (1304–1374), often regarded as the father of humanism, lambasted scholastic logic for its verbose and overly technical language, which he viewed as obscuring clear thought and eloquence; instead, he advocated returning to the rhetorical and dialectical models of Cicero and other Roman authors to foster a more accessible and morally oriented pursuit of knowledge.[73][74] This humanist critique extended to figures like Leonardo Bruni, who emphasized the abuse of philosophical jargon in scholastic debates, promoting a language of precision and persuasion over intricate syllogistic chains inherited from the Middle Ages.[73]A pivotal figure in reforming logical pedagogy was Petrus Ramus (1515–1572), a French humanist and Protestant convert whose dialectical method aimed to simplify Aristotelian syllogisms into a more practical, bifurcating structure of topics and natural logic. Ramus rejected the complexity of traditional syllogistic forms, replacing them with a "method" that organized knowledge through dichotomous divisions—beginning with general concepts and branching into specifics—to make logic a tool for invention and disposition rather than mere judgment.[75][76] His works, such as Dialecticae institutiones (1543), influenced educational reforms across Europe, emphasizing brevity and utility in teaching, though critics accused him of oversimplifying valid inferences.The Logique de Port-Royal (1662), authored by Antoine Arnauld and Pierre Nicole, represented a synthesis of Cartesian philosophy and Jansenist theology, introducing elements of probabilistic reasoning into logical discourse while linking it closely to grammar. This influential textbook treated logic as the "art of thinking," analyzing ideas as mental representations and judgments as operations on them, with a novel discussion of degrees of probability in assent—distinguishing certain demonstrations from probable opinions based on evidence strength, which laid groundwork for later probability theory.[77][78] Complementing the earlier Grammaire générale et raisonnée (1660), it posited that logical structure mirrors universal grammar, with propositions reflecting mental categories like subject-predicate relations, thereby standardizing logic as a pedagogical bridge between language and reasoning. Its vernacular accessibility and focus on clear method made it a cornerstone textbook, reprinted numerous times and shaping Enlightenment education.[79]Christian Wolff (1679–1754) further advanced logic's systematization through his application of a mathematical method in textbooks like Vernünftige Gedanken von den Kräften des menschlichen Verstandes (1713), or German Logic, where he structured arguments as deductive chains of syllogisms derived from definitions and axioms, akin to Euclidean geometry.[80] This approach aimed to achieve scientific certainty in philosophy, treating logic as a formal discipline for all sciences, with examples from geometry (proving triangle angles sum to two right angles via enunciation, ecthesis, proof, and conclusion) and physics (demonstrating air's elasticity through experimental syllogisms).[80] Wolff's method influenced German rationalism, promoting logic as a universal tool for orderly exposition.[81]Immanuel Kant (1724–1804) critiqued these traditions in his Critique of Pure Reason (1781), distinguishing general logic—which abstracts from content to formal rules of thought, as in Wolff's syllogistic chains—from transcendental logic, which examines the a priori conditions enabling objective cognition.[82] As Kant stated, "General logic abstracts from all content of cognition... and considers only the logical form," whereas transcendental logic addresses how pure concepts of understanding relate to objects, revealing limits of formal logic in metaphysics.[82] This bifurcation elevated logic's role in epistemology, influencing subsequent philosophical inquiry.Throughout this period, logic solidified as a core pedagogical tool in Jesuit colleges, where the Ratio Studiorum (1599) prescribed its teaching as the foundation of philosophy courses, using Aristotelian commentaries like those from Coimbra to train students in disputation and critical analysis.[83] Jesuit educators integrated revived humanist elements with scholastic rigor, emphasizing logic's utility in rhetoric, theology, and sciences across their European network, thereby disseminating standardized logical traditions amid Counter-Reformation efforts.[83]
19th-century philosophical logics
In the 19th century, philosophical logics often intertwined with metaphysical and psychological inquiries, viewing logic not merely as formal rules but as embedded in broader processes of thought and historical development. Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel (1770–1831) advanced a dialectical logic in his Science of Logic (1812–1816), portraying reasoning as a dynamic process where contradictions drive progress. Hegel's method involves a thesis encountering its antithesis, leading to a synthesis that resolves the opposition at a higher level, reflecting the unfolding of the Absolute Idea through history and nature. This approach positioned logic as the self-movement of the Concept, emphasizing speculative negation over static syllogisms.[84]John Stuart Mill (1806–1873) shifted focus toward empirical foundations in his A System of Logic (1843), developing inductive logic as a tool for scientific discovery grounded in observation. Mill's canons of induction, such as the method of agreement—which identifies a common factor across instances of a phenomenon to infer causation—provided practical guidelines for eliminating alternative explanations and establishing causal laws. For example, if multiple cases of an effect share one antecedent circumstance while differing in others, that shared factor is likely the cause, underscoring Mill's commitment to empiricism over a priori deduction. This framework influenced positivist methodologies by prioritizing verifiable evidence in reasoning.[85]Sir William Hamilton (1788–1856), a Scottish philosopher, integrated psychological associations into logic, treating thought processes as governed by mental laws of resemblance, contiguity, and contrast. In works like Lectures on Metaphysics and Logic (1859–1860, based on earlier lectures), Hamilton argued that logical relations arise from associative mechanisms in the mind, blending formal logic with introspection to explain judgment formation. His quantification of the predicate in syllogisms, for instance, expanded traditional Aristotelian forms by allowing terms to denote quantities, influencing later debates on logical expression. Hamilton's psychologistic leanings portrayed logic as inseparable from subjective mental operations, contrasting with more objective formalisms.[86]Debates on psychologism intensified mid-century, questioning whether logic derives from psychological facts or stands independently. Christoph Sigwart (1830–1904), in his Logik (1873), defended a moderate psychologism, asserting that logical laws emerge from reflective analysis of mental processes, such as judgment and inference, without reducing them to mere empirical psychology. Sigwart critiqued extreme subjectivism while maintaining that understanding cognition is essential to logic's validity, sparking responses from anti-psychologists like those in the Brentano school who sought to purify logic of psychological contamination. These exchanges highlighted tensions between logic as a normative discipline and its psychological underpinnings, paving a brief transition toward algebraic formalizations that abstracted from mental processes.[87]
Rise of symbolic and mathematical logic
Boolean algebra and early formalization
George Boole's seminal work, An Investigation of the Laws of Thought (1854), marked a pivotal advancement in the formalization of logic by treating it as an algebraic system operating on classes of objects. Influenced by the empiricist philosophy of John Stuart Mill, particularly his emphasis on inductive reasoning in A System of Logic (1843), Boole sought to mathematize the operations of the mind in reasoning.[88] In this framework, logical propositions correspond to classes, and deductive processes are expressed through algebraic manipulations, thereby bridging traditional Aristotelian logic with the rigor of mathematics.[88]Boole represented the fundamental logical operations using algebraic symbols, where variables denote classes (subsets of the universe of discourse, symbolized as 1). Conjunction (AND) is modeled by multiplication, so the class of objects belonging to both x and y is xy. Disjunction (OR), excluding overlap, is addition: x+y. Negation (NOT) is subtraction from the universe: 1−x. These operations satisfy the axioms of an algebra, allowing logical inferences to be derived mechanically, much like solving equations.[88] For instance, the empty class (0) arises from contradictory classes, x(1−x)=0, enforcing the law of non-contradiction.[88]Key properties of Boole's system include commutativity for addition, x+y=y+x, and distributivity, x(y+z)=xy+xz, mirroring arithmetic while constraining values to 0 or 1 for strict logical interpretation. Boole also derived De Morgan's laws algebraically: the negation of a conjunction is x∧y=x∨y, expressed as 1−xy=(1−x)+x(1−y), and similarly for the negation of a disjunction. These relations, proven through expansion and simplification in his system, demonstrated the duality between conjunction and disjunction, enhancing the system's expressive power for syllogistic reasoning.[88]Ernst Schröder significantly expanded Boole's algebraic logic in his three-volume Vorlesungen über die Algebra der Logik (1890–1905), systematizing and generalizing the framework to encompass relations between classes. In Volume III (1895), Schröder introduced relation algebras, treating binary relations as algebraic objects with composition and converse operations, thereby extending Boolean methods to handle relative terms and higher-order logics.[89] This work synthesized contributions from Boole, De Morgan, and Peirce, establishing a comprehensive calculus for deductive science.[89]Boole's and Schröder's algebraic formalizations provided essential precursors for practical applications, notably in the design of switching circuits, where logical operations could model electrical relays and gates decades later. Although full realization came with Claude Shannon's 1938 thesis applying Boolean algebra to telephone relay networks, the abstract structure of class algebras anticipated such uses by enabling the representation of binary decision processes.
In 1879, Gottlob Frege published Begriffsschrift, eine der arithmetischen nachgebildete Formelsprache des reinen Denkens, introducing a two-dimensional formal notation system that represented logical relations in a way modeled after arithmetic equations, marking the first complete presentation of first-order predicate logic.[90] This system incorporated quantifiers for universal and existential claims, denoted by symbols that Frege adapted into a linear notation equivalent to modern ∀ (universal) and ∃ (existential), enabling the precise expression of complex inferences beyond propositional forms.[90] For instance, the syllogism "All men are mortal" could be formalized as ∀x (Man(x) → Mortal(x)), where the quantifier binds the variable x across the implication, allowing for nested scopes and argument structures that captured relational predicates like ancestry or sequences.[90] Frege's innovation extended to defining functions and judgments, distinguishing content from assertoric force, and provided a deductive framework for deriving theorems from axioms without reliance on natural language ambiguities.[90]Building on this logical foundation, Frege's Die Grundlagen der Arithmetik (1884) advanced the philosophy of mathematics by critiquing psychologism—the view that logical laws and numbers derive from mental processes or empirical psychology—as fundamentally flawed, insisting instead that arithmetic truths are objective and independent of subjective experience. Frege argued that numbers must be abstract entities graspable by all thinkers, not private psychological contents, rejecting accounts like those of John Stuart Mill that treated numbers as generalizations from sensory impressions. He outlined a path toward defining numbers logically, proposing that the number belonging to a concept F is the extension of the concept "equinumerous with F," where equinumerosity means a one-to-one correspondence between objects falling under F and another concept.[91] This approach laid groundwork for logicism, the program to derive all of arithmetic from purely logical principles, emphasizing that mathematical objects like cardinals are not primitive but definable via logical notions of concepts and extensions.[91]Concurrently, Giuseppe Peano contributed to this formalization effort with Arithmetices principia, nova methodo exposita (1889), where he presented a set of axioms for the natural numbers using an ideographic symbolism that combined logical and arithmetical signs to express definitions and proofs with maximal precision and brevity. Peano's five axioms specified zero as a number, the successor function as injective, the absence of cycles in successors, induction as a schema for defining properties over all numbers, and the uniqueness of zero and successors, providing a rigorous basis for arithmetic that influenced later axiomatizations. His ideography, refined in subsequent works like the Formulario mathematico, aimed to create a universal symbolic language for mathematics, reducing reliance on verbal exposition and enabling mechanical verification of derivations, though it built on rather than fully adopting Frege's predicate apparatus.[92] Peano's framework supported logicist ambitions by treating arithmetic as derivable from logical primitives, including equality and quantification, and emphasized structural properties over intuitive constructions.[92]The logicist program, prominently advanced by Frege and echoed in Peano's axiomatic rigor, sought to demonstrate that arithmetic is analytic and a branch of logic, with numbers reducible to logical concepts without invoking non-logical primitives like space or time.[91] Frege's cardinal definition exemplified this by equating the number 0 with the extension of the concept "not equinumerous with itself" (empty), and successor numbers via mappings, allowing proofs of arithmetic laws like addition commutativity from logical axioms alone.[91] Peano's axioms complemented this by providing a minimal logical basis for induction and ordering, facilitating the translation of number theory into a formal system where theorems follow deductively from definitions of concepts like "natural number" as the smallest class closed under successor and induction.[92] However, this naive approach to extensions faltered when Bertrand Russell identified a paradox in 1902, communicated directly to Frege, revealing that assuming every concept has a unique extension leads to contradiction: the set of all sets not containing themselves both does and does not contain itself, undermining the unrestricted comprehension axiom central to Frege's logicism. Frege acknowledged the issue in an appendix to the second volume of Grundgesetze der Arithmetik (1903), conceding that the paradox necessitated revisions to his basic law of value-ranges, though he maintained the core logicist vision with proposed restrictions.
20th-century modern logic
Principia Mathematica and foundational crisis
In the early 20th century, Bertrand Russell and Alfred North Whitehead sought to establish mathematics on a firm logical foundation through their monumental work Principia Mathematica, published in three volumes between 1910 and 1913. Building on the logicist ideas of Gottlob Frege and Giuseppe Peano, they aimed to derive all mathematical truths from purely logical axioms using a formal system of symbolic logic. To address paradoxes arising in naive set theory, such as Russell's paradox, they introduced a ramified type theory, which stratified propositions and predicates into hierarchical types to prevent self-referential definitions. This system included controversial axioms, notably the axiom of infinity, which posits the existence of an infinite collection of individuals, and the axiom of reducibility, which allowed higher-order predicates to be equivalent to lower-order ones, thereby simplifying the type hierarchy but at the cost of introducing what critics saw as an ad hoc assumption.[93]The foundational crisis in mathematics intensified with the discovery of Russell's paradox in 1901, which exposed contradictions in unrestricted set comprehension and challenged Georg Cantor's theory of transfinite numbers. Russell's paradox arises from considering the set of all sets that do not contain themselves, leading to a self-contradictory membership: if it contains itself, it does not, and vice versa. This undermined the intuitive foundations of set theory, revealing that Cantor's infinities—such as the distinction between countable and uncountable sets—relied on principles prone to inconsistency, prompting widespread doubt about the reliability of classical mathematics. The crisis highlighted the need for rigorous axiomatization, as naive assumptions about sets and infinity proved insufficient for a coherent foundation.[94]In response, David Hilbert launched his program in the 1920s, advocating for the formalization of mathematics in axiomatic systems accompanied by finitary consistency proofs to ensure no contradictions could be derived. Hilbert envisioned using concrete, finite methods to verify the soundness of infinite mathematical structures, preserving classical logic while addressing the paradoxes. Concurrently, Luitzen Egbertus Jan Brouwer developed intuitionism, rejecting the law of the excluded middle for infinite domains, as it assumes decidability without constructive proof; intuitionists required explicit mental constructions for mathematical existence, leading to a rejection of non-constructive proofs and impredicative definitions. Meanwhile, the Vienna Circle, formed in the 1920s, promoted logical positivism, emphasizing the verifiability principle: meaningful statements must be empirically verifiable or tautological, dismissing metaphysical speculations about foundations as nonsensical and focusing on scientific logic to resolve philosophical uncertainties in mathematics.[95][96][97]
Gödel's theorems and metamathematics
In 1931, Kurt Gödel published his groundbreaking incompleteness theorems, which demonstrated fundamental limitations in formal axiomatic systems. The first incompleteness theorem states that any consistent formal system powerful enough to describe basic arithmetic—such as Peano arithmetic—must be incomplete, meaning there are true statements within its language that cannot be proved or disproved using the system's axioms and rules of inference. Gödel achieved this by constructing a self-referential sentence, often paraphrased as "This statement is unprovable within the system," which, if the system is consistent, is true but unprovable, and if provable, leads to a contradiction.[98] These results, derived through Gödel numbering to encode syntactic statements as arithmetic ones, revealed inherent incompleteness in sufficiently expressive formal systems and marked the birth of metamathematics as a rigorous study of the syntax and provability within such systems.[98]Gödel's second incompleteness theorem extends this by proving that, in any consistent formal system containing arithmetic, the consistency of the system itself cannot be proved within that system. This implies that no such system can establish its own reliability using only its internal resources, posing a profound challenge to efforts like Hilbert's program, which aimed to prove the consistency of all mathematics through finitary methods.[98] Together, these theorems shifted the focus of mathematical logic toward metamathematical investigations, emphasizing the distinction between provability and truth, and highlighting the undecidable propositions that arise in formal theories.[98]Building on Gödel's insights into self-reference and paradoxes, Alfred Tarski in 1933 proved his undefinability theorem, showing that no consistent formal language containing arithmetic can define its own truth predicate. In other words, there is no formula in the language that correctly identifies all and only the true sentences of that language, as any attempt leads to semantic paradoxes, such as the liar paradox ("This sentence is false").[99] Tarski's work necessitated a hierarchical approach to semantics, where truth is defined in a stronger metalanguage, further enriching metamathematics by separating syntactic provability from semantic truth and preventing paradoxes in formal theories.[99]Concurrently, the exploration of computability emerged as a key metamathematical theme. In 1936, Alonzo Church introduced lambda calculus as a model of effective computation, while Alan Turing proposed Turing machines, abstract devices simulating algorithmic processes on symbols. These independent formulations converged on the Church-Turing thesis, which posits that any function effectively computable by a human following an algorithm can be computed by a Turing machine (or equivalently, via lambda-definable functions), establishing a foundational limit on what is mechanically decidable and linking metamathematics to the theory of computation.[100]
Post-WWII expansions: computability and beyond
Following World War II, logic expanded significantly into computability theory and computer science, building on pre-war foundations to enable practical implementations of universal computation. Alan Turing's seminal 1936 concepts of universal machines and the undecidability of the halting problem provided the theoretical basis for post-war developments, but it was in the late 1940s that these ideas materialized in actual hardware.[101] In 1945, John von Neumann outlined the stored-program architecture in his "First Draft of a Report on the EDVAC," which separated data and instructions while storing both in the same memory, allowing computers to be reprogrammed dynamically without hardware changes.[102] This design, implemented in machines like the IAS computer starting in 1952, revolutionized computing by making logic directly executable, influencing all subsequent digital computers and embedding logical formalization into engineering practice.[103]Parallel to these computational advances, logicians explored non-classical systems to address limitations in classical logic, particularly in philosophy and applied reasoning. Modal logic, which deals with notions of necessity and possibility, gained a rigorous semantic foundation through Saul Kripke's 1963 framework of possible worlds.[104] In Kripke semantics, propositions are evaluated across a set of accessible worlds, where necessity means truth in all accessible worlds from a given point, and possibility means truth in at least one; this model resolved issues in earlier axiomatic approaches and found applications in epistemology, metaphysics, and linguistics. Kripke's work, building on his 1959 completeness theorem, integrated modal logic into mainstream philosophy by providing a relational structure that avoided the paradoxes of earlier strict implication systems.Relevance logic emerged in the 1950s as a response to the paradoxes of material implication in classical logic, where irrelevant antecedents can imply any consequent (e.g., a false premise implying anything).[105] Pioneered by Alan Ross Anderson and Nuel D. Belnap, this approach insists that for an implication A→B to hold, A and B must share relevant content, often formalized using Routley-Meyer semantics with worlds and ternary accessibility relations. Their system E and later R (from the 1960s) excluded such paradoxes while preserving intuitionistic features, influencing debates in entailment and applied fields like legal reasoning.Later developments further diversified logic to handle real-world inconsistencies and imprecision. Paraconsistent logics, developed by Newton C.A. da Costa in the 1970s, allow inconsistent theories without deriving all contradictions via explosion, using hierarchies of consequence relations to control inference.[106] Da Costa's C-systems, introduced in works like his 1972 paper on inconsistent formal systems, enabled reasoning in databases and scientific theories with contradictions, such as quantum mechanics interpretations. Similarly, fuzzy logic, proposed by Lotfi A. Zadeh in 1965, addresses vagueness by assigning truth values on a continuous [0,1] scale rather than binary true/false. Zadeh's fuzzy sets model partial membership (e.g., "somewhat tall" at 0.7), with operations like min for conjunction, facilitating applications in control systems and artificial intelligence where classical logic falters on ambiguity. These innovations marked logic's shift toward interdisciplinary utility, from computing to handling uncertainty in philosophy and engineering.