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Antoninus Pius
Antoninus Pius
Antoninus Pius
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Denarius, struck 140 AD with portrait of Antoninus Pius (obverse) and his adoptive son Marcus Aurelius (reverse). Inscription: ANTONINVS AVG PIVS P. P., TR. P., CO[N]S. III / AVRELIVS CAES. AVG. PII F. CO[N]S.

Key Information

Roman imperial dynasties
Nerva–Antonine dynasty (AD 96–192)
Chronology
Nerva 96–98
Trajan 98–117
Hadrian 117–138
Antoninus Pius 138–161
Lucius Verus 161–169
Marcus Aurelius 161–180
Commodus 177–192
Family
Succession
Preceded by
Flavian dynasty		 Followed by
Year of the Five Emperors

Titus Aelius Hadrianus Antoninus Pius (/ˌæntəˈnaɪnəs ˈpaɪəs/;[3] Latin: [antoːˈniːnus ˈpius]; 19 September 86 – 7 March 161) was Roman emperor from AD/CE 138 to 161. He was the fourth of the Five Good Emperors from the Nerva–Antonine dynasty.[4]

Born into a senatorial family, Antoninus held various offices during the reign of Emperor Hadrian. He married Hadrian's niece Faustina, and Hadrian adopted him as his son and successor shortly before his death. Antoninus acquired the cognomen Pius after his accession to the throne, either because he compelled the Senate to deify his adoptive father,[5] or because he had saved senators sentenced to death by Hadrian in his later years.[6] His reign is notable for the peaceful state of the Empire, with no major revolts or military incursions during this time. A successful military campaign in southern Scotland early in his reign resulted in the construction of the Antonine Wall.

Antoninus was an effective administrator, leaving his successors a large surplus in the treasury, expanding free access to drinking water throughout the Empire, encouraging legal conformity, and facilitating the enfranchisement of freed slaves. He died of illness in AD 161 and was succeeded by his adopted sons Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus as co-emperors.

Early life

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Childhood and family

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Antoninus Pius was born Titus Aurelius Fulvus Boionius Antoninus in 86, near Lanuvium (modern-day Lanuvio) in Italy to Titus Aurelius Fulvus, consul in 89, and wife Arria Fadilla.[7][4][8] The Aurelii Fulvi were an Aurelian family settled in Nemausus (modern Nîmes).[9] Titus Aurelius Fulvus was the son of a senator of the same name, who, as legate of Legio III Gallica, had supported Vespasian in his bid to the Imperial office and been rewarded with a suffect consulship, plus an ordinary one under Domitian in 85. The Aurelii Fulvi were therefore a relatively new senatorial family from Gallia Narbonensis whose rise to prominence was supported by the Flavians.[10] The link between Antoninus's family and their home province explains the increasing importance of the post of proconsul of Gallia Narbonensis during the late second century.[11]

Antoninus's father had no other children and died shortly after his 89 ordinary consulship. Antoninus was raised by his maternal grandfather Gnaeus Arrius Antoninus,[4] reputed by contemporaries to be a man of integrity and culture and a friend of Pliny the Younger.[12] The Arrii Antonini were an older senatorial family from Italy, very influential during Nerva's reign. Arria Fadilla, Antoninus's mother, married afterwards Publius Julius Lupus, suffect consul in 98; from that marriage came two daughters, Arria Lupula and Julia Fadilla.[13]

Marriage and children

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Statue of Faustina the Elder in the Getty Villa

Some time between 110 and 115, Antoninus married Annia Galeria Faustina the Elder.[14] They are believed to have enjoyed a happy marriage. Faustina was the daughter of consul Marcus Annius Verus (II)[4] and Rupilia Faustina (often thought to be a step-sister to the Empress Vibia Sabina[15] or more likely a granddaughter of the emperor Vitellius.[16]) Faustina was a beautiful woman, and despite rumours about her character, it is clear that Antoninus cared for her deeply.[17]

Faustina bore Antoninus four children, two sons and two daughters.[18] They were:

  • Marcus Aurelius Fulvus Antoninus (died before 138); his sepulchral inscription has been found at the Mausoleum of Hadrian in Rome.[19][20][21]
  • Marcus Galerius Aurelius Antoninus (died before 138); his sepulchral inscription has been found at the Mausoleum of Hadrian in Rome.[19][22][21] His name appears on a Greek Imperial coin.
  • Aurelia Fadilla (died in 135); she married Lucius Plautius Lamia Silvanus, consul 145. She appeared to have no children with her husband; and her sepulchral inscription has been found in Italy.[23][24]
  • Annia Galeria Faustina Minor or Faustina the Younger (between 125 and 130–175), a future Roman Empress, married her maternal cousin Marcus Aurelius in 146.[9][21]

When Faustina died in 141, Antoninus was greatly distressed.[25] In honour of her memory, he asked the Senate to deify her as a goddess, and authorised the construction of a temple to be built in the Roman Forum in her name, with priestesses serving in her temple.[26] He had various coins with her portrait struck in her honor. These coins were scripted "DIVA FAUSTINA" and were elaborately decorated. He further founded a charity, calling it Puellae Faustinianae or Girls of Faustina, which assisted destitute girls[14] of good family.[27] Finally, Antoninus created a new alimenta, a Roman welfare programme, as part of Cura Annonae.

The emperor never remarried. Instead, he lived with Galeria Lysistrate,[28] Faustina's freedwoman. Concubinage was a form of female companionship sometimes chosen by powerful men in Ancient Rome, especially widowers like Vespasian, and Marcus Aurelius. Their union could not produce any legitimate offspring who could threaten any heirs, such as those of Antoninus. Also, as one could not have a wife and an official concubine (or two concubines) at the same time, Antoninus avoided being pressed into a marriage with a noblewoman from another family. (Later, Marcus Aurelius would also reject the advances of his former fiancée Ceionia Fabia, Lucius Verus's sister, on the grounds of protecting his children from a stepmother, and took a concubine instead.)[29][30][31]

Favour with Hadrian

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Marble bust of Antoninus Pius (138–161); British Museum, London

Having filled the offices of quaestor and praetor with more than usual success,[32] he obtained the consulship in 120[14] having as his colleague Lucius Catilius Severus.[33] He was next appointed by the Emperor Hadrian as one of the four proconsuls to administer Italia,[34] his district including Etruria, where he had estates.[35] He then greatly increased his reputation by his conduct as proconsul of Asia, probably during 134–135.[34]

He acquired much favor with Hadrian, who adopted him as his son and successor on 25 February 138,[36] after the death of his first adopted son Lucius Aelius,[37] on the condition that Antoninus would in turn adopt Marcus Annius Verus, the son of his wife's brother, and Lucius, son of Lucius Aelius, who afterwards became the emperors Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus.[14] He also adopted (briefly) the name Imperator Titus Aelius Caesar Antoninus, in preparation for his rule.[38] There seems to have been some opposition to Antoninus's appointment on the part of other potential claimants, among them his former consular colleague Lucius Catilius Severus, then prefect of the city. Nevertheless, Antoninus assumed power without opposition.[39]

Emperor

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The Roman Empire during the reign of Antoninus Pius

On his accession, Antoninus's name and style became Imperator Caesar Titus Aelius Hadrianus Antoninus Augustus. One of his first acts as emperor was to persuade the Senate to grant divine honours to Hadrian, which they had at first refused;[40] his efforts to persuade the Senate to grant these honours is the most likely reason given for his title of Pius (dutiful in affection; compare pietas).[41] Two other reasons for this title are that he would support his aged father-in-law with his hand at Senate meetings and that he had saved those men that Hadrian, during his period of ill health, had condemned to death.[9]

Immediately after Hadrian's death, Antoninus approached Marcus and requested that his marriage arrangements be amended: Marcus's betrothal to Ceionia Fabia would be annulled, and he would be betrothed to Faustina, Antoninus's daughter instead. Faustina's betrothal to Ceionia's brother Lucius Commodus, Marcus's future co-emperor, would also have to be annulled. Marcus consented to Antoninus's proposal.[42][43]

Antoninus built temples, theaters, and mausoleums, promoted the arts and sciences, and bestowed honours and financial rewards upon the teachers of rhetoric and philosophy.[14] Antoninus made few initial changes when he became emperor, leaving the arrangements instituted by Hadrian as undisturbed as possible.[40] Epigraphical and prosopographical research has revealed that Antoninus's imperial ruling team centered around a group of closely knit senatorial families, most of them members of the priestly congregation for the cult of Hadrian, the sodales Hadrianales. According to the German historian H.-G. Pflaum, prosopographical research of Antoninus's ruling team allows us to grasp the deeply conservative character of the ruling senatorial caste.[44]

He owned palatial villas near Lanuvium and Villa Magna (Latium) and his ancestral estate at Lorium (Etruria).[45]

Lack of warfare

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The temple of Antoninus and Faustina in the Roman Forum (now the church of San Lorenzo in Miranda). The emperor and his Augusta were deified after their death by Marcus Aurelius.

There are no records of his involvement in military acts during his tenure, with J. J. Wilkes noting that he likely never saw or commanded a Roman army and was never within five hundred miles of a legion throughout his twenty-three-year reign.[46]

His reign was the most peaceful in the entire history of the Principate,[47] even though there were several military disturbances in the Empire in his time. Such disturbances happened in Mauretania, where a senator was named as governor of Mauretania Tingitana in place of the usual equestrian procurator[48] and cavalry reinforcements from Pannonia were brought in,[49] towns such as Sala and Tipasa being fortified.[50] Similar disturbances took place in Judea, and amongst the Brigantes in Britannia; however, these were considered less serious than prior (and later) revolts among both.[47] It was however in Britain that Antoninus decided to follow a new, more aggressive path, with the appointment of a new governor in 139, Quintus Lollius Urbicus,[40] a native of Numidia and previously governor of Germania Inferior[51] as well as a new man.[52]

Under instructions from the emperor, Lollius undertook an invasion of southern Scotland, winning some significant victories and constructing the Antonine Wall[53] from the Firth of Forth to the Firth of Clyde. However, the wall was soon gradually decommissioned during the mid-150s and eventually abandoned late during the reign (early 160s) for reasons that are still unclear.[54][55] Antonine's Wall is mentioned in just one literary source, Antoninus's biography in the Historia Augusta. Pausanias makes a brief and confused mention of a war in Britain. In one inscription honouring Antoninus, erected by Legio II Augusta, which participated in the building of the Wall, a relief showing four naked prisoners, one of them beheaded, seems to stand for some actual warfare.[56]

Statue of Antoninus Pius in military garb and muscle cuirass, from the Museo Chiaramonti (Vatican Museums)

Although Antonine's Wall was, in principle, much shorter (37 miles in length as opposed to 73) and, at first sight, more defensible than Hadrian's Wall, the additional area that it enclosed within the Empire was barren, with land use for grazing already in decay.[57] This meant that supply lines to the wall were strained enough such that the costs of maintaining the additional territory outweighed the benefits of doing so.[58] Also, in the absence of urban development and the ensuing Romanization process, the rear of the wall could not be lastingly pacified.[59]

It has been speculated that the invasion of Lowland Scotland and the building of the wall had to do mostly with internal politics, that is, offering Antoninus an opportunity to gain some modicum of necessary military prestige at the start of his reign. An Imperial salutation followed the campaign in Britannia—that is, Antoninus formally took for the second (and last) time the title of Imperator in 142.[60] The fact that around the same time coins were struck announcing a victory in Britain points to Antoninus's need to publicise his achievements.[61] The orator Fronto was later to say that, although Antoninus bestowed the direction of the British campaign to others, he should be regarded as the helmsman who directed the voyage, whose glory, therefore, belonged to him.[62]

That this quest for some military achievement responded to an actual need is proved by the fact that, although generally peaceful, Antoninus's reign was not free from attempts at usurpation: Historia Augusta mentions two, made by the senators Cornelius Priscianus ("for disturbing the peace of Spain";[63] Priscianus had also been Lollius Urbicus's successor as governor of Britain) and Atilius Rufius Titianus (possibly a troublemaker already exiled under Hadrian[64]). Both attempts are confirmed by the Fasti Ostienses and by the erasing of Priscianus' name from an inscription.[65] In both cases, Antoninus was not in formal charge of the ensuing repression: Priscianus committed suicide and Titianus was found guilty by the Senate, with Antoninus abstaining from sequestering their families' properties.[66]

A coin of Antoninus Pius showing a subdued Parthia (PAR-TH-IA on the reverse) handing the crown to him, an empty claim that Parthia was still subject to Rome after the events surrounding Parthamaspates[67]

There were also some troubles in Dacia Inferior, which required the granting of additional powers to the procurator governor and the dispatch of additional soldiers to the province.[54] On the northern Black Sea coast, the Greek city of Olbia was held against the Scythians.[68] Also during his reign the governor of Upper Germany, probably Gaius Popillius Carus Pedo, built new fortifications in the Agri Decumates, advancing the Limes Germanicus fifteen miles forward in his province and neighboring Raetia.[69] In the East, Roman suzerainty over Armenia was retained by the choice in AD 140 of Arsacid scion Sohaemus as client king.[70]

Nevertheless, Antoninus was virtually unique among emperors in that he dealt with these crises without leaving Italy once during his reign,[71] but instead dealt with provincial matters of war and peace through their governors or through imperial letters to the cities such as Ephesus (of which some were publicly displayed). His contemporaries and later generations highly praised this style of government.[72]

Antoninus was the last Roman Emperor recognised by the Indian Kingdoms, especially the Kushan Empire.[73] Raoul McLaughlin quotes Aurelius Victor as saying, "The Indians, the Bactrians, and the Hyrcanians all sent ambassadors to Antoninus. They had all heard about the spirit of justice held by this great emperor, justice that was heightened by his handsome and grave countenance, and his slim and vigorous figure." Due to the outbreak of the Antonine epidemic and wars against northern Germanic tribes, the reign of Marcus Aurelius was forced to alter the focus of foreign policies, and matters relating to the Far East were increasingly abandoned in favour of those directly concerning the Empire's survival.[73]

Economy and administration

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An aureus of Antoninus Pius, 145 AD. Inscription: ANTONINVS AVG PIVS PP / TR POT COS IIII

Antoninus was regarded as a skilled administrator and builder. Despite an extensive building directive—under Antoninus' reign many bridges, roads and aqueducts have been continued or repaired—the emperor still managed to leave behind a sizable public treasury of around 2.7 billion sesterces. Rome would not witness another Emperor leaving his successor with a surplus for a long time, but the treasury was depleted almost immediately after Antoninus's reign due to the Antonine Plague brought back by soldiers after the Parthian victory.[74]

The Emperor also famously suspended the collection of taxes from multiple cities affected by natural disasters, such as when fires struck Rome and Narbona, and earthquakes affected Rhodes and the Province of Asia. He offered hefty financial grants for rebuilding and recovery of various Greek cities after two serious earthquakes: the first, c. 140, which mainly affected Rhodes and other islands; the second, in 152, which hit Cyzicus (where the huge and newly built Temple to Hadrian was destroyed[75]), Ephesus, and Smyrna. Antoninus's financial help earned him praise from Greek writers such as Aelius Aristides and Pausanias.[76] These cities received the usual honorific accolades from Antoninus, such as when he commanded that all governors of Asia should enter the province when taking office through Ephesus.[77] Ephesus was especially favoured by Antoninus, who confirmed and upheld its distinction of having two temples for the imperial cult (neocorate), therefore having first place in the list of imperial honor titles, surpassing both Smyrna and Pergamon.[78]

In his dealings with Greek-speaking cities, Antoninus followed the policy adopted by Hadrian of ingratiating himself with local elites, especially with local intellectuals: philosophers, teachers of literature, rhetoricians, and physicians were explicitly exempted from any duties involving private spending for civic purposes, a privilege granted by Hadrian that Antoninus confirmed by means of an edict preserved in the Digest (27.1.6.8).[79] Antoninus also created a chair for the teaching of rhetoric in Athens.[80]

Antoninus was known as an avid observer of rites of religion and formal celebrations, both Roman and foreign. He is known for having increasingly formalized the official cult offered to the Great Mother, which from his reign onwards included a bull sacrifice, a taurobolium, formerly only a private ritual, now being also performed for the sake of the Emperor's welfare.[81] Antoninus also offered patronage to the worship of Mithras, to whom he erected a temple in Ostia.[82] In 148, he presided over the celebrations of the 900th anniversary of the founding of Rome.

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Copy inscribed in marble of a letter from Antoninus to the Ephesians, from the Bouleuterion at Ephesus, 140–144 AD, explaining how the emperor resolved a dispute between the Roman cities of Ephesus and Smyrna.
British Museum, London.

Antoninus tried to portray himself as a magistrate of the res publica, no matter how extended and ill-defined his competencies were. He is credited with splitting the imperial treasury, the fiscus. This splitting had to do with the division of imperial properties into two parts. Firstly, the fiscus itself, or patrimonium, meaning the properties of the "Crown", the hereditary properties of each succeeding person that sat on the throne, transmitted to his successors in office,[83] regardless of their previous membership in the imperial family.[84] Secondly, the res privata, the "private" properties tied to the personal maintenance of the emperor and his family,[85] something like a Privy Purse. An anecdote in the Historia Augusta biography, where Antoninus replies to Faustina (who complained about his stinginess) that "we have gained an empire [and] lost even what we had before," possibly relates to Antoninus's actual concerns at the creation of the res privata.[86] While still a private citizen, Antoninus had increased his personal fortune significantly using various legacies, the consequence of his caring scrupulously for his relatives.[87] Also, Antoninus left behind him a reputation for stinginess and was probably determined not to leave his personal property to be "swallowed up by the demands of the imperial throne".[88]

The res privata lands could be sold and/or given away, while the patrimonium properties were regarded as public.[89] It was a way of pretending that the Imperial function—and most properties attached to it—was a public one, formally subject to the authority of the Senate and the Roman people.[90] That the distinction played no part in subsequent political history—that the personal power of the princeps absorbed his role as office-holder—proves that the autocratic logic of the imperial order had already subsumed the old republican institutions.[91]

Of the public transactions of this period, there is only the scantiest of information. However, to judge by what is extant, those twenty-two years were not remarkably eventful compared to those before and after the reign.[12] However, Antoninus did take a great interest in the revision and practice of the law throughout the empire.[92] One of his chief concerns was to having local communities conform their legal procedures to existing Roman norms: in a case concerning the repression of banditry by local police officers ("irenarchs", Greek for "peacekeepers") in Asia Minor, Antoninus ordered that these officers should not treat suspects as already condemned, and also keep a detailed copy of their interrogations, to be used in the possibility of an appeal to the Roman governor.[93] Also, although Antoninus was not an innovator, he would not always follow the absolute letter of the law. Rather, he was driven by concerns over humanity and equality and introduced into Roman law many important new principles based upon this notion.[92]

In this, the emperor was assisted by five chief lawyers: Lucius Fulvius Aburnius Valens, an author of legal treatises;[94] Lucius Ulpius Marcellus, a prolific writer; and three others.[92] Of these three, the most prominent was Lucius Volusius Maecianus, a former military officer turned by Antoninus into a civil procurator, and who, given his subsequent career (discovered on the basis of epigraphical and prosopographic research), was the emperor's most important legal adviser.[95] Maecianus would eventually be chosen to occupy various prefectures (see below) as well as to conduct the legal studies of Marcus Aurelius. He also authored an extensive work on Fidei commissa (Testamentary Trusts). As a hallmark of the increased connection between jurists and the imperial government,[96] Antoninus's reign also saw the appearance of the Institutes of Gaius, an elementary legal textbook for beginners.[92]

Gold aureus of Antoninus, 153 AD. ANTONINVS AVG PIVS PP TR P XVII

Antoninus passed measures to facilitate the enfranchisement of slaves.[97] Mostly, he favoured the principle of favor libertatis, giving the putative freedman the benefit of the doubt when the claim to freedom was not clear-cut.[98] Also, he punished the killing of a slave by their master without previous trial[99] and determined that slaves could be forcibly sold to another master by a proconsul in cases of consistent mistreatment.[100] Antoninus upheld the enforcement of contracts for selling of female slaves forbidding their further employment in prostitution.[101] In criminal law, Antoninus introduced the important principle of the presumption of innocence—namely, that accused persons are not to be treated as guilty before trial,[97] as in the case of the irenarchs (see above). Antoninus also asserted the principle that the trial was to be held and the punishment inflicted in the place where the crime had been committed. He mitigated the use of torture in examining slaves by certain limitations. Thus, he prohibited the application of torture to children under fourteen years, though this rule had exceptions.[97] However, it must be stressed that Antoninus extended, using a rescript, the use of torture as a means of obtaining evidence to pecuniary cases, when it had been applied up until then only in criminal cases.[102] Also, already at the time torture of free men of low status (humiliores) had become legal, as proved by the fact that Antoninus exempted town councillors expressly from it, and also free men of high rank (honestiores) in general.[103]

One highlight during his reign occurred in 148, with the 900th anniversary of the foundation of Rome being celebrated by hosting magnificent games in the city.[104] It lasted many days, and a host of exotic animals were killed, including elephants, giraffes, tigers, rhinoceroses, crocodiles and hippopotamuses. While this increased Antoninus's popularity, the frugal emperor had to debase the Roman currency. He decreased the silver purity of the denarius from 89% to 83.5, the actual silver weight dropping from 2.88 grams to 2.68 grams.[54][105]

Antoninus is a likely candidate for the Antoninus named multiple times in the Talmud as a friend of Rabbi Judah Ha-Nasi.[106][107] In the Talmudic tractate Avodah Zarah 10a–b, Rabbi Judah—exceptionally wealthy and highly revered in Rome—shared a close friendship with a man named Antoninus (possibly Antoninus Pius), who frequently sought his counsel on spiritual (in this context, Jewish), philosophical, and governance matters.[108]

Diplomatic mission to China

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See also: Sino-Roman relations
Green Roman glass cup unearthed from an Eastern Han dynasty (25–220 AD) tomb, Guangxi, China

The first group of people claiming to be an ambassadorial mission of Romans to China was recorded in 166 AD by the Hou Hanshu.[109] Harper (2017)[110] states that the embassy was likely to be a group of merchants, as many Roman merchants traveled to India and some might have gone beyond, while there are no records of official ambassadors of Rome travelling as far east. The group came to Emperor Huan of Han China and claimed to be an embassy from "Andun" (Chinese: 安敦 āndūn; for Anton-inus), "king of Daqin" (Rome).[111] As Antoninus Pius died in 161, leaving the empire to his adoptive son Marcus Aurelius (Antoninus), and the envoy arrived in 166, confusion remains about who sent the mission, given that both emperors were named "Antoninus".[112][113][114] The Roman mission came from the south (therefore probably by sea), entering China by the frontier province of Jiaozhi at Rinan or Tonkin (present-day northern Vietnam). It brought presents of rhinoceros horns, ivory, and tortoise shell, probably acquired in South Asia.[109][115] The text states explicitly that it was the first time there had been direct contact between the two countries.[109][116]

Furthermore, a piece of Republican-era Roman glassware has been found at a Western Han tomb in Guangzhou along the South China Sea, dated to the early 1st century BC.[117] Roman golden medallions made during the reign of Antoninus Pius and perhaps even Marcus Aurelius have been found at Óc Eo in southern Vietnam, then part of the Kingdom of Funan near the Chinese province of Jiaozhi.[118][119] This may have been the port city of Kattigara, described by Ptolemy (c. 150) as being visited by a Greek sailor named Alexander and lying beyond the Golden Chersonese (i.e., Malay Peninsula).[118][119] Roman coins from the reigns of Tiberius to Aurelian have been discovered in Xi'an, China (site of the Han capital Chang'an), although the significantly greater amount of Roman coins unearthed in India suggest the Roman maritime trade for purchasing Chinese silk was centered there, not in China or even the overland Silk Road running through ancient Iran.[120]

Death and legacy

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Ruins of the triumphal arch of Antoninus Pius outside the Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore in Eleusis, Greece, imitating Hadrian's Arch in Athens

In 156, Antoninus Pius turned 70. He found it difficult to keep himself upright without stays. He started nibbling on dry bread to give him the strength to stay awake through his morning receptions.

Marcus Aurelius had already been created consul with Antoninus in 140, receiving the title of Caesar, i.e., heir apparent.[121] As Antoninus aged, Marcus took on more administrative duties. Marcus's administrative duties increased again after the death, in 156 or 157, of one of Antoninus's most trusted advisers, Marcus Gavius Maximus.

For twenty years, Gavius Maximus had been praetorian prefect, an office that was as much secretarial as military.[122][123] Gavius Maximus had been awarded with the consular insignia and the honours due a senator.[124] He had a reputation as a most strict disciplinarian (vir severissimus, according to Historia Augusta) and some fellow equestrian procurators held lasting grudges against him. A procurator named Gaius Censorius Niger died while Gavius Maximus was alive. In his will, Censorius Niger vilified Maximus, creating serious embarrassment for one of the heirs, the orator Fronto.[125]

Gavius Maximus's death initiated a change in the ruling team. It has been speculated that it was the legal adviser Lucius Volusius Maecianus who assumed the role of grey eminence. Maecianus was briefly Praefect of Egypt, and subsequently Praefectus annonae in Rome. If it was Maecianus who rose to prominence, he may have risen precisely in order to prepare the incoming—and unprecedented—joint succession.[126] In 160, Marcus and Lucius were designated joint consuls for the following year. Perhaps Antoninus was already ill; in any case, he died before the year was out, probably on 7 March.[133]

The bust of Antoninus Pius at the Museo del Prado, Madrid

Two days before his death, the biographer reports, Antoninus was at his ancestral estate at Lorium, in Etruria,[134][135] about twelve miles (19 km) from Rome.[135] He ate Alpine cheese at dinner quite greedily. In the night he vomited; he had a fever the next day. The day after that, he summoned the imperial council, and passed the state and his daughter to Marcus. The emperor gave the keynote to his life in the last word that he uttered: when the tribune of the night-watch came to ask the password, he responded, "aequanimitas" (equanimity).[136] He then turned over, as if going to sleep, and died.[137][138] His death closed out the longest reign since Augustus (surpassing Tiberius by a couple of months).[134] His record for the second-longest reign would be unbeaten for 168 years, until 329 when it was surpassed by Constantine the Great.

Antoninus Pius' funeral ceremonies were, in the words of the biographer, "elaborate".[139] If his funeral followed the pattern of past funerals, his body would have been incinerated on a pyre at the Campus Martius, while his spirit would rise to the gods' home in the heavens. However, it seems that this was not the case: according to his Historia Augusta biography (which seems to reproduce an earlier, detailed report) Antoninus's body (and not his ashes) was buried in Hadrian's mausoleum. After a seven-day interval (justitium), Marcus and Lucius nominated their father for deification.[140] In contrast to their behaviour during Antoninus's campaign to deify Hadrian, the senate did not oppose the emperors' wishes. A flamen, or cultic priest, was appointed to minister the cult of the deified Antoninus, now Divus Antoninus.

A column was dedicated to Antoninus on the Campus Martius,[14] and the temple he had built in the Forum in 141 to his deified wife Faustina was rededicated to the deified Faustina and the deified Antoninus.[136] It survives as the church of San Lorenzo in Miranda.[141]

Historiography

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Arch of Antoninus Pius in Sbeïtla, Tunisia
Statue of Antoninus Pius, Palazzo Altemps, Rome

The only intact account of his life handed down to us is that of the Augustan History, an unreliable and mostly fabricated work. Nevertheless, it still contains information that is considered reasonably sound; for instance, it is the only source that mentions the erection of the Antonine Wall in Britain.[142]

Antoninus in many ways was the ideal of the landed gentleman praised not only by ancient Romans, but also by later scholars of classical history, such as Edward Gibbon[143] or the author of the article on Antoninus Pius in the Encyclopædia Britannica Eleventh Edition.[12]

A few months afterwards, on Hadrian's death, he was enthusiastically welcomed to the throne by the Roman people, who, for once, were not disappointed in their anticipation of a happy reign. For Antoninus came to his new office with simple tastes, kindly disposition, extensive experience, a well-trained intelligence and the sincerest desire for the welfare of his subjects. Instead of plundering to support his prodigality, he emptied his private treasury to assist distressed provinces and cities, and everywhere exercised rigid economy (hence the nickname κυμινοπριστης "cummin-splitter"). Instead of exaggerating into treason whatever was susceptible of unfavorable interpretation, he turned the very conspiracies that were formed against him into opportunities for demonstrating his clemency. Instead of stirring up persecution against the Christians, he extended to them the strong hand of his protection throughout the empire. Rather than give occasion to that oppression which he regarded as inseparable from an emperor's progress through his dominions, he was content to spend all the years of his reign in Rome, or its neighbourhood.[12]

Some historians have a less positive view of his reign. According to the historian J. B. Bury,

however estimable the man, Antoninus was hardly a great statesman. The rest which the Empire enjoyed under his auspices had been rendered possible through Hadrian's activity, and was not due to his own exertions; on the other hand, he carried the policy of peace at any price too far, and so entailed calamities on the state after his death. He not only had no originality or power of initiative, but he had not even the insight or boldness to work further on the new lines marked out by Hadrian.[144]

German historian Ernst Kornemann notes in his Römische Geschichte [2 vols., ed. by H. Bengtson, Stuttgart 1954] that the reign of Antoninus comprised "a succession of grossly wasted opportunities", given the upheavals that were to come. There is more to this argument, given that the Parthians in the East were themselves soon to make no small amount of mischief after Antoninus's death. Kornemann's brief is that Antoninus might have waged preventive wars to head off these outsiders. Michael Grant agrees that it is possible that had Antoninus acted decisively sooner (it appears that, on his death bed, he was preparing a large-scale action against the Parthians), the Parthians might have been unable to choose their own time, but current evidence is not conclusive. Grant opines that Antoninus and his officers did act in a resolute manner dealing with frontier disturbances of his time, although conditions for long-lasting peace were not created. On the whole, according to Grant, Marcus Aurelius's eulogistic picture of Antoninus seems deserved, and Antoninus appears to have been a conservative and nationalistic (although he respected and followed Hadrian's example of Philhellenism moderately) emperor who was not tainted by the blood of either citizen or foe, combined and maintained Numa Pompilius's good fortune, pacific dutifulness and religious scrupulousness, and whose laws removed anomalies and softened harshnesses.[145]

Krzysztof Ulanowski argues that the claims of military inability are exaggerated, considering that although the sources praise Antoninus's love for peace and his efforts "rather to defend, than enlarge the provinces", he could hardly be considered a pacifist, as shown by the conquest of the Lowlands, the building of the Antonine Wall and the expansion of Germania Superior. Ulanowski also praises Antoninus for being successful in deterrence by diplomatic means.[146]

Descendants

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Although only one of his four children survived to adulthood, Antoninus came to be ancestor to four generations of prominent Romans, including the Emperor Commodus. Hans-Georg Pflaum has identified five direct descendants of Antoninus and Faustina who were consuls in the first half of the third century.[147]

  1. Marcus Aurelius Fulvus Antoninus (died before 138), died young without issue
  2. Marcus Galerius Aurelius Antoninus (died before 138), died young without issue
  3. Aurelia Fadilla (died in 135), who married Lucius Plautius Lamia Silvanus, suffect consul in 145;[148] no children known for certain.
  4. Annia Galeria Faustina the Younger (21 September between 125 and 130–175), had several children; those who had children were:[149]
    1. Annia Aurelia Galeria Lucilla (7 March 150–182?), whose children included:
      1. Tiberius Claudius Pompeianus
    2. Annia Galeria Aurelia Faustina (151–?), whose children included:
      1. Tiberius Claudius Severus Proculus
        1. Empress Annia Faustina, Elagabalus's third wife
    3. Annia Aurelia Fadilla (159 – after 211)
    4. Annia Cornificia Faustina Minor (160–213)

Nerva–Antonine family tree

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References

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Sources

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Primary sources
Secondary sources

Further reading

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[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Antoninus Pius

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Titus Aurelius Fulvus Boionius Arrius Antoninus, known as Antoninus Pius (19 September AD 86 – 7 March AD 161), was from 10 July AD 138 until his death, succeeding as the adoptive father of and . Born on a family estate near to Titus Aurelius Fulvus, a in AD 89, he rose through senatorial ranks, earning praise for his integrity and administrative skill before his adoption by at age 51 to ensure dynastic continuity. Antoninus Pius's 23-year reign exemplified stability and restraint, with the empire avoiding large-scale wars or revolts, limited frontier skirmishes in Britain and , and emphasis on defensive consolidation rather than expansion. He received the "Pius" from the for defending 's deified status and unpopular final acts, reflecting his commitment to precedent and filial duty in Roman tradition. Key achievements included legal reforms easing burdens on debtors and provincials, extensive public building projects such as aqueducts and temples, financial prudence that maintained reserves without heavy taxation, and aid to cities for reconstruction after disasters, fostering prosperity amid a policy of measured benevolence. His era, often idealized in later historiography for its administrative efficiency and cultural patronage, marked the zenith of the adoptive emperor system before the and succession challenges.

Early Life and Background

Birth and Family Origins

Antoninus Pius, originally named Titus Aurelius Fulvus Boionius Arrius Antoninus, was born on 19 September 86 AD at an estate near , a town approximately 20 miles southeast of in . His birth occurred during the reign of , in the emperor's twelfth consulship alongside L. Volusius Saturninus. He was the only child of Titus Aurelius Fulvus, a Roman senator from Nemausus (modern ) in , who served as suffect in 89 AD and died shortly thereafter. The paternal line traced to an earlier Titus Aurelius Fulvus, a man of Gallic provincial origin who had risen to twice hold the consulship, reflecting the family's ascent from equestrian roots in southern to senatorial status through military and administrative service under the Flavians. His mother, Arria Fadilla, hailed from a senatorial family; her father was Arrius Antoninus, who held the consulship twice and was noted for his integrity, while her mother was Boionia Procilla. Following his father's death, Antoninus was raised by maternal grandparents and guardians, including the Gaius Caelius Secundus and the orator Quintus Arrius Antoninus Hybridus, which facilitated his early immersion in Roman elite networks. The family's provincial yet established status underscored the meritocratic elements of Roman social mobility, distinct from the more entrenched Italian aristocratic houses.

Education and Early Public Service

Titus Aurelius Fulvus Boionius Arrius Antoninus, born on September 19, 86 AD, was raised primarily at Lorium on the after spending his early childhood with his paternal and maternal grandparents, demonstrating notable familial piety. As a member of the senatorial class, he pursued the conventional , beginning with the quaestorship around 112 AD, followed by the praetorship in 117 AD. He advanced to the consulship in 120 AD, serving alongside Gaius Calpurnius Piso, which marked a significant step in his administrative ascent. His , though sparsely documented, equipped him as an elegant scholar and gifted orator, skills essential for senatorial duties and indicative of training in and classical . Post-consulship, Emperor tasked him with judicial oversight in portions of , where his conscientious and equitable approach earned commendation. Antoninus later governed as from approximately 130 to 135 AD, administering the province with distinction and reportedly receiving portents foreshadowing his future rule. These roles highlighted his administrative acumen and adherence to legal propriety, traits that later defined his imperial tenure.

Marriage and Immediate Family

Antoninus Pius married Annia Galeria Faustina, known as Faustina the Elder, circa 110 AD, prior to his prominent public career under Hadrian. Faustina was the daughter of Marcus Annius Verus, a three-time consul and influential senator from a wealthy equestrian family with ties to the imperial circle. The union strengthened Antoninus's connections within the Roman elite, though it remained childless in terms of surviving male heirs. The marriage produced four children: two sons, Marcus Aurelius Fulvus Antoninus and another unnamed son, both of whom died in infancy or youth before 138 AD; and two daughters, an elder daughter who married the urban prefect Cornelius Rufus and predeceased her parents, and the younger Annia Galeria Faustina, known as , who survived to adulthood. died in 141 AD, shortly after Antoninus's accession, and was promptly deified by her husband, with a temple dedicated to her in . Antoninus did not remarry, maintaining fidelity to her memory throughout his reign.

Rise to Imperial Power

Patronage under Hadrian

Antoninus advanced rapidly in the senatorial following 's accession in 117 AD, culminating in his election as suffect in 120 AD at the age of 34, well below the typical minimum age of 42 for that office. This early consulship reflected 's favor toward a senator noted for competence in prior roles, including circa 111 AD and around 116 AD, both executed with distinction. In the years after his consulship, Hadrian reorganized Italy's judicial administration by dividing it into four districts, each supervised by a consular-rank senator to handle appeals and local governance more efficiently. Antoninus was appointed to administer the district encompassing his family's properties, where he earned praise for impartiality, refusing to exploit his position for personal gain in property disputes. This role underscored Hadrian's trust in Antoninus's administrative acumen and integrity, qualities essential for managing provincial unrest and legal equity amid the emperor's travels. Toward the end of Hadrian's reign, circa 134–135 AD, Antoninus served as of , governing one of the empire's wealthiest and most strategically vital provinces. The assignment to , typically reserved for reliable senators, further evidenced Hadrian's , as it provided Antoninus with experience in fiscal oversight and without military entanglements, aligning with his civilian expertise. His prior to Annia Galeria Faustina, daughter of the emperor's relative Matidia and thus connected to the imperial household, had already positioned him within Hadrian's extended family network, facilitating these elevations.

Adoption and Constitutional Arrangements

Following the unexpected death of Lucius Aelius Caesar, Hadrian's designated heir, on January 1, 138 AD, the aging and ill emperor sought a new successor to ensure stable transition of power. Hadrian selected Titus Aurelius Antoninus, a 51-year-old senator of proven administrative competence and uncontroversial character, announcing his intention to adopt him on January 24, 138 AD. The formal adoption occurred on February 25, 138 AD, granting Antoninus the name Titus Aelius Caesar Antoninus and the title of Caesar, positioning him as Hadrian's immediate deputy. A key condition imposed by Hadrian required Antoninus to adopt two young heirs: Marcus Annius Verus (later ), aged 17, and Lucius Ceionius Commodus (later ), aged 7 and son of the deceased Aelius Caesar. This arrangement extended the adoptive succession principle established since , prioritizing merit and continuity over biological lineage to mitigate risks of dynastic instability. Hadrian presented the adoption to the , overcoming initial resistance due to his frailty and the bypassing of other candidates, thereby securing senatorial acquiescence through the promise of long-term stability. Constitutionally, the adoption reinforced the emperor's and the Senate's consultative role in imperial transitions, without altering the 's monarchical core. Antoninus Pius assumed full imperial powers as upon Hadrian's death on July 10, 138 AD, while the adoptions ensured a designated path for future succession, averting immediate contests for power. This mechanism, rooted in Roman legal traditions of adoptio, allowed experienced patricians to inherit without direct descent, fostering administrative expertise over hereditary entitlement.

Reign as Emperor (138–161 AD)

Domestic Administration and Fiscal Policies

Antoninus Pius administered the with a focus on fairness and efficiency, treating all subjects equally and curtailing the use of that had plagued prior reigns. He enforced strict on provincial governors and tax procurators, permitting only fixed, reasonable collections and allowing appeals against excesses. This oversight ensured administrative continuity from Hadrian's era without major upheavals, emphasizing practical governance over innovation. In fiscal matters, Antoninus pursued conservative policies that avoided wasteful expenditure while funding essential public works. He returned Italy's aurum coronarium and remitted half of certain provincial contributions, easing financial burdens on key regions. These measures, combined with efficient revenue collection, resulted in a substantial treasury surplus of approximately 675 million denarii at his death in 161 AD, providing a stable inheritance for Marcus Aurelius. To support public welfare, Antoninus established an alimentary foundation for orphaned girls, known as the puellae Faustinianae, funded by interest from imperial loans. During famines, he distributed free grain, oil, and wine in , and personally financed relief for provinces devastated by fires, floods, and earthquakes between 138 and 161 AD. Infrastructure investments included completing 's Mausoleum, erecting temples to and , restoring the bridge and in , and enhancing provincial roads, aqueducts, and bridges, all executed without debasing the or raising taxes. Antoninus Pius enacted legal reforms emphasizing fairness and restraint in , particularly by curbing abuses against vulnerable groups and limiting arbitrary punishments. A key constitutio attributed to him decreed that a master who killed his own slave without justification would face punishment equivalent to that for murdering a free person, marking a step toward recognizing slaves' basic under . This measure reflected broader humanitarian tendencies in his administration, extending protections against excessive cruelty, such as prohibiting repeated beatings that endangered life. In judicial practice, Antoninus is credited with formalizing the , establishing that the burden of proof lay with the accuser rather than the accused, a principle later codified in Roman jurisprudence. He restricted the use of , barring it for freeborn individuals in minor cases and limiting its application to extract confessions only under strict conditions, thereby mitigating miscarriages of justice. These changes aimed to prevent unjust accusations and delations, with edicts prohibiting anonymous informers and requiring substantiation of charges before proceedings advanced. Provincially, Antoninus issued rescripts regulating local criminal administration, such as instructions to eirenarchs in Asia Minor on handling trials and maintaining order without overreach, ensuring Roman oversight aligned with equitable enforcement. His numerous judicial responses, preserved in inscriptions like the letter to the Ephesians, demonstrate a hands-on approach to resolving legal disputes, often favoring moderation and legal precedent over punitive excess. Overall, these reforms contributed to a more systematic and less capricious legal framework, influencing subsequent imperial .

Military Policy and Frontier Defense

Antoninus Pius adopted a military policy centered on frontier consolidation and defensive maintenance, delegating operations to provincial legates rather than leading campaigns personally. This approach largely followed Hadrian's emphasis on linear fortifications but included selective advances, such as in Britain, to secure borders and enhance imperial prestige. Military actions remained limited, with no major wars or territorial expansions beyond localized suppressions of revolts and incursions. In Britain, unrest among tribes like the prompted an offensive under legate , who reoccupied lowland shortly after Antoninus's accession in 138 AD. Roman forces drove back the Britons, establishing a new frontier on the Forth-Clyde with the of the between approximately 139 and 143 AD. This turf rampart, spanning 39 miles from Borrowstounness on the to Old Kilpatrick on the , featured a 10-foot-high wall on a 14-foot-wide foundation, a 40-foot-wide , and at least six primary forts along with secondary installations. The wall served to control northern tribes, facilitate , and symbolize Antoninus's authority, as reflected in contemporary coinage. It was abandoned around 163 AD amid renewed pressures, with forces retreating to . Elsewhere, legates contained threats efficiently: in , forces compelled the Moors to sue for peace around 145 AD; in , incursions were crushed between 140 and 145 AD; and in , revolts were suppressed circa 157 AD. On the German limes, Antoninus advanced the line by converting timber structures to stone, extending it 30 kilometers with 20 additional forts and 250 watchtowers. Minor disturbances in , , and by Jewish rebels or Alani raiders were similarly quelled without escalating to full-scale conflict, preserving the empire's stability through reinforcement and fortification rather than conquest.

Foreign Relations and Diplomacy

Antoninus Pius prioritized and frontier stability over territorial expansion, resulting in a period of relative peace with no large-scale invasions or revolts penetrating Roman borders. His administration maintained treaties inherited from , particularly with , averting aggression against through a stern diplomatic letter to the Parthian king that deterred invasion. Roman authority was upheld among peripheral states via the endorsement of client rulers, including approvals for kings in Iberia, the , the Lazi (appointing Pacorus), and the . These measures reinforced influence without direct military commitment, reflecting a of indirect control and deterrence. Defensive campaigns were delegated to legates to address localized threats. In Britain, Governor , appointed around 139 AD, suppressed unrest among the tribe circa 141–142 AD, reconquering southern and constructing the —a turf stretching 37 miles from the to the —as a new northern . This advance temporarily extended Roman control beyond before later abandonment under . In , a Moorish revolt erupted between 145 and 150 AD, prompting the dispatch of reinforcements from under imperial legates to quell the uprising in western regions. Similar suppressive actions occurred against Germanic tribes, , and along other frontiers, as well as minor disturbances in , , and Jewish communities, all resolved without escalating to empire-wide conflict. These operations, conducted through provincial governors, preserved while minimizing fiscal and human costs, aligning with Antoninus' overall aversion to protracted warfare.

Personal Life and Character

Philosophical Influences and Piety

Antoninus Pius, while not a prolific writer or public advocate of philosophy like his successor , demonstrated inclinations toward Stoic virtues through his personal conduct and administrative style. , in (Book 1.16), extolled Antoninus for embodying traits such as in misfortune, aversion to luxury, self-mastery over desires, and a cheerful disposition free from melancholy—qualities aligning closely with Stoic ideals of temperance, resilience, and rational detachment from externals. These attributes, drawn from direct observation during Marcus's upbringing under Antoninus from 138 to 161 AD, suggest an implicit philosophical influence shaping his rule, even if Antoninus did not formally identify as a Stoic. Antoninus further evidenced philosophical leanings by fostering Stoic education in his household. He employed tutors including the Stoic philosopher Claudius Maximus, who instructed Marcus in self-discipline and ethical reasoning until Maximus's death around 161 AD. This extended tolerance to philosophers generally, though he restricted public assemblies in to maintain order, reflecting a pragmatic balance between intellectual pursuits and civic stability. The emperor's epithet "," granted by the in 138 AD, underscored his exemplification of —the Roman virtue encompassing dutiful reverence toward gods, family, and state. This honor stemmed principally from his persistent advocacy for Hadrian's deification, overriding senatorial reluctance by petitioning for rituals, a golden image in the Senate house, and public sacrifices, actions performed as . Alternative accounts in the attribute it to his priestly sacrifices for Hadrian's recovery, merciful reprieves of condemned men, or validation of Matidia's contested will, but the deification effort predominates as the causal trigger. Antoninus actively upheld traditional Roman religion through ritual observance and infrastructure. He restored multiple temples, including that of Concord (initiated by ) and one dedicated to his deceased wife in the circa 141 AD, ensuring continuity of sacred sites amid . As an assiduous participant in state sacrifices and festivals, he prioritized pax deorum (divine favor) to legitimize his peaceful reign, embodying an "old " of piety focused on orthopraxic duty rather than speculative . This approach contrasted with emerging Christian influences, though no empire-wide persecutions occurred under him; local incidents, such as the circa 155 AD, proceeded without central directive. ![Temple of Antoninus and Faustina][center]

Health, Habits, and Governance Style

Antoninus Pius maintained good health for most of his life, reaching the age of 74 without recorded major ailments prior to his final illness. He died on March 7, 161 AD, at Lorium, his estate on the , following a short indisposition that some ancient accounts attribute to from overconsumption of cheese, though this detail originates from the later , a source prone to embellishment. Cassius Dio's briefer epitome notes no specific cause, emphasizing instead the peaceful nature of his passing amid a reign free of personal excess. His personal habits reflected Stoic-influenced moderation and frugality, avoiding ostentation in dress, diet, and daily routine. , in Book 1, credits his adoptive father with teaching him simplicity in food and clothing, endurance of physical labor without complaint, and a routine of early rising followed by diligent work rather than idle pursuits. Antoninus reportedly purchased ordinary market provisions for his table and slept on a simple even during illness, eschewing luxurious remedies. He limited pomp in imperial ceremonies, embodying the ideal of a civilis —a citizen-emperor—who prioritized restraint over grandeur, as assessed in analyses of his portrayal in literary sources. In , Antoninus adopted a hands-off yet judicious approach, delegating routine administration to freedmen, procurators, and provincial officials while reserving personal oversight for appeals and legal equity. praises this as mild rule, neither oppressive nor indulgent, which preserved stability without micromanagement. He seldom ventured beyond —only twice, briefly to Nmes and —focusing instead on senatorial consultations and judicial reviews, which fostered fiscal surplus through conservative policies rather than expansionist ventures. This style, marked by sobrius (sobriety) and parcus (frugality) in expenditures, contrasted with predecessors' extravagance, enabling infrastructure maintenance and without burdensome taxation, as evidenced by his establishment of low-interest loans to Italian farmers.

Death and Succession

Final Years and Demise

In the closing years of his reign, Antoninus Pius remained actively engaged in governance from , overseeing routine administrative matters amid a period of sustained internal stability and minimal external threats. By 160 AD, however, his health began to falter, with reports of increasing frailty consistent with advanced age. He retreated to his villa at Lorium, approximately 12 miles west of Rome along the , where he succumbed to an acute illness on March 7, 161 AD, at age 74. Contemporary and near-contemporary accounts attribute his demise to a sudden fever, from which he failed to recover despite medical attention; some describe a brief ending peacefully in after he had verbally affirmed the succession arrangements. Later biographical traditions in the elaborate with details of from overconsumption of cheese followed by and escalating fever, but this narrative, compiled over three centuries after the event, incorporates anecdotal and possibly embellished elements typical of its genre, rendering it less reliable for precise causation without corroboration. Modern analyses concur on an unexplained acute ailment, likely infectious or gastrointestinal, as the probable terminal factor, given the era's limited diagnostic capabilities and the absence of evidence for violence or poison. Antoninus was promptly deified by the , with a and consecration rites honoring his 23-year tenure.

Transition to Marcus Aurelius

The succession to Antoninus Pius was arranged by his predecessor , who in 138 AD adopted Antoninus on the condition that he in turn adopt and (born Lucius Ceionius Commodus) as heirs to ensure dynastic continuity. This adoptive system, rooted in merit rather than biological descent, positioned , then aged 17, as the primary successor alongside Lucius. To prepare Marcus for rule, Antoninus elevated him through marriage to his daughter in 145 AD, granting her the title Augusta and integrating Marcus into the imperial family. Marcus was relocated to the palace and progressively involved in administrative duties, serving multiple consulships and sharing imperial powers, which groomed him in governance during Antoninus's 23-year reign. These steps fostered a seamless transition, with Marcus acting as Antoninus's chief aide by the late 140s AD. Antoninus died on 7 March 161 AD at Lorium, aged 74, following a brief illness triggered by from Alpine cheese, which led to vomiting and fever; he passed peacefully, issuing the watchword "" as his final act. On his deathbed, he entrusted the state and his daughter to Marcus in the presence of the prefects, symbolically handing over a golden of Fortune. The promptly deified Antoninus, and and were acclaimed co-emperors without opposition, marking the first dual emperorship and continuing the Nerva-Antonine adoptive tradition. This handover preserved stability, leaving a surplus of approximately 675 million denarii.

Legacy and Assessment

Ancient Historiography

The principal ancient literary source for the reign of Antoninus Pius (r. 138–161 CE) is the , a collection of imperial biographies compiled in the late 3rd or early CE, purportedly by multiple authors but likely the work of a single individual or small group drawing on earlier, now-lost materials. This text's "Life of Antoninus Pius" presents him as a model of moderation, piety, and administrative competence, emphasizing his reluctance to assume power, his deification of despite senatorial opposition, and his avoidance of unnecessary wars or executions. It attributes to him virtues such as clemency—claiming he never put a senator to death—and frugality, while detailing anecdotes like his daily routine of judicial hearings and philosophical reading. However, the is widely recognized by modern scholars for its unreliability, incorporating fabricated documents, chronological errors, and invented speeches, which undermines its value as a primary historical record despite occasional alignments with epigraphic or numismatic evidence. Cassius Dio's Roman History, a comprehensive annalistic work covering from its founding to 229 CE, originally included an account of Antoninus' reign but survives only in for this period, with the relevant books (likely Books 70–71) entirely lost, as noted by the 11th-century Byzantine epitomator John Xiphilinus. Fragments and indirect references suggest Dio portrayed Antoninus positively, highlighting his adoption speech by in 138 CE and his role in securing Hadrian's deification, but the absence of the full text leaves significant gaps, possibly due to damage or deliberate omission in transmission. Dio, writing in the early as a senator under , favored emperors who respected the senatorial order, which may have colored any surviving impressions of Antoninus as a stabilizing figure after Hadrian's more autocratic style. Shorter references appear in later epitomes and chronicles, such as Aurelius Victor's De Caesaribus (ca. 361 CE), which praises Antoninus for his justice, restraint in taxation, and construction projects like the Temple of Hadrian, portraying him as a pacific ruler who maintained the empire without expansionist ambitions. Eutropius' Breviarium (late 4th century) similarly lauds his 23-year reign of peace and prosperity, free from major rebellions or foreign incursions. These derivative works, drawing from lost senatorial histories like those of Marius Maximus (a possible source for the Historia Augusta), reinforce a consensus view of Antoninus as exemplary but offer little original detail. Pausanias, in his Description of Greece (2nd century CE), briefly mentions Antoninus' extension of the frontier to the Antonine Wall in Britain around 142 CE, framing it as a pragmatic defensive measure rather than conquest. Overall, the ancient tradition, shaped by a senatorial perspective valuing stability over drama, depicts Antoninus' era as a golden interlude, though the paucity of contemporary narratives—owing to the reign's uneventfulness—necessitates corroboration from non-literary sources like inscriptions and coins for verification.

Modern Scholarly Views

Modern historians generally assess Antoninus Pius as a paradigmatic "good emperor," characterized by administrative competence, , and the maintenance of domestic tranquility, which allowed the to enjoy relative prosperity during his 23-year reign from 138 to 161 CE. Scholars highlight his avoidance of extravagant spending and territorial overextension, crediting him with leaving a substantial surplus for his successor, , through policies of parsimony in both public and private spheres. This view aligns with analyses of non-literary sources, such as inscriptions and economic records, which portray him as embodying the civilis —a restrained ruler who minimized imperial pomp while ensuring equitable and improvements, including expanded aqueduct access. Numismatic studies further scholarly appreciation for his of continuity, with series evoking a "golden age" of (securitas) and liberality, positioning his rule as a deliberate extension of Augustan ideals rather than innovation. Economic evaluations praise his monetary stability and controlled expenditures, which avoided the inflationary pressures seen under prior expansions, contributing to sustained growth without undue taxation. However, some contemporary assessments critique this inertia, arguing that his preference for defensive minimalism—responding to border incidents like those in Britain and without broader reforms—failed to fortify vulnerable frontiers along the , , and Parthian borders, potentially sowing seeds for the under . Debates persist on his oversight of succession and dynastic policy; while praised for grooming , critics note that extending his own rule may have delayed the younger emperor's direct experience, though evidence from Fronto's correspondence suggests Antoninus actively delegated responsibilities. Overall, Pius's is often contrasted with Hadrian's dynamism and Marcus's trials, rendering it "unremarkable" in histories yet exemplary in institutional terms, with scholars like those examining epigraphic evidence emphasizing his underappreciated role in sustaining Roman resilience amid emerging demographic and fiscal strains. This consensus tempers earlier hagiographic tendencies, informed by interdisciplinary sources, but resists revisionist downplaying, attributing his relative obscurity to the absence of conquests or scandals rather than substantive failings.

Achievements, Criticisms, and Debates

Antoninus Pius maintained internal stability through administrative efficiency and legal reforms that emphasized equity and protection of the vulnerable. He restricted the arbitrary execution of slaves by owners, requiring justification before magistrates, and extended guardianship protections to orphaned minors, reducing exploitation in provincial administration. These measures built on Hadrian's codifications but applied them more humanely, as evidenced by surviving legal rescripts preserved in the Digest of Justinian. Economically, his conservative fiscal policies prioritized expenditure cuts and revenue stabilization, leaving a surplus of approximately 675 million denarii at his death in 161 AD, which funded subsequent imperial needs without . Infrastructure projects, including aqueduct expansions and urban restorations in and provinces like Asia Minor, enhanced public welfare without excessive taxation. In foreign affairs, Antoninus adopted a defensive posture, authorizing limited campaigns to secure frontiers rather than expansion. British forces under governors like advanced north to construct the around 142 AD, reclaiming territory lost earlier and deterring Caledonian raids. Rebellions in (c. 145-148 AD) prompted interventions that stabilized North African provinces, earning him the title Germanicus for related actions, though no major conquests occurred. This approach preserved resources during a period of relative calm, avoiding the overextension seen under . Criticisms of Antoninus center on perceived passivity and over-reliance on routine governance. Ancient epitomators like , drawing from lost sources, noted his mildness bordered on indolence, with decisions delegated to advisors like Gavius Maximus, potentially stifling innovation. The , a 4th-century compilation of dubious reliability prone to fabrication, portrays his court as frugal to a fault, with anecdotes of stinginess that contrast his public piety. Modern assessments, such as Edward Gibbon's in The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, acknowledge the tranquility but imply it yielded few memorable exploits, fostering complacency that burdened successors like Marcus Aurelius with unresolved frontier pressures. Debates persist over Antoninus's legacy, particularly the attribution of to versus circumstance. Proponents of his effectiveness highlight the surplus and legal precedents as causal stabilizers, arguing his restraint prevented fiscal strain amid demographic recoveries post-Hadrian. Critics contend the lack of proactive military reforms or provincial integrations masked underlying ethnic tensions, as sparse contemporary records—reliant on biased panegyrics—obscure administrative . Scholarly , informed by epigraphic like rescripts to cities (e.g., , c. 140-144 AD), favors viewing his reign as competent consolidation rather than transformative, though source scarcity—exacerbated by the Historia Augusta's unreliability—fuels uncertainty about intentional versus fortuitous outcomes.

Dynastic Context

Nerva-Antonine Family Tree

The Nerva-Antonine dynasty relied on adoptive succession to bridge the lack of direct male heirs, prioritizing merit over blood ties among its emperors from Nerva to Marcus Aurelius. This chain began when Nerva, ruling from 96 to 98 AD without biological sons, adopted the general Marcus Ulpius Traianus (Trajan) as his heir on 27 October 97 AD, stabilizing the throne after Domitian's assassination. Trajan, emperor from 98 to 117 AD, then adopted Publius Aelius Hadrianus (Hadrian) as successor, formalized shortly before Trajan's death in 117 AD amid rumors of influence by Trajan's wife Plotina. Hadrian, reigning from 117 to 138 AD, initially designated as heir, but after Aelius's death on 1 January 138 AD, Hadrian selected Titus Aelius Hadrianus Antoninus (Antoninus Pius) for on 25 February 138 AD, praising his integrity and consular experience. As a condition imposed by and ratified by the , Antoninus—then aged 51—simultaneously adopted two youths as co-heirs: (later , born 26 April 121 AD, aged 17 at adoption) and (later , born 15 December 130 AD, aged 7, grandson of the deceased Aelius). This dual ensured rapid succession planning, with Marcus receiving the praenomen "Aurelius" and Lucius "Verus" to align with Antoninus's nomenclature. Antoninus Pius, biological son of Titus Aurelius Fulvus (suffect consul 89 AD) and Arria Fadilla, married Annia Galeria Faustina (, ca. 105–141 AD) around 111 AD; their union produced several children, though most sons died in infancy. Surviving offspring included at least one daughter, Annia Galeria Faustina (, ca. 125/130–176 AD), who married in 145 AD, forging a partial biological link between the adoptive lines and producing (161–192 AD), the dynasty's first blood-successor emperor. Antoninus's lack of surviving adult sons necessitated the adoptions, averting dynastic crisis during his 23-year reign (138–161 AD). The following schematic outlines the primary adoptive and key biological connections:

References

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  14. https://blogs.nottingham.ac.uk/mintimperials/2015/02/25/1877-years-ago-today-hadrian-adopted-pius-on-the-proviso-pius-adopted-marcus-aurelius-and-lucius-verus/
  15. https://penelope.uchicago.edu/encyclopaedia_romana/romanforum/antoninuspius.html
  16. https://blogs.nottingham.ac.uk/mintimperials/2015/07/10/on-this-day-in-ad138-the-emperor-hadrian-died-and-was-succeeded-by-antoninus-pius/
  17. https://historycooperative.org/roman-emperor-antoninus-pius/
  18. https://sourcebooks.web.fordham.edu/basis/535institutes.asp
  19. https://journals.umcs.pl/sil/article/download/10492/8508
  20. https://lawtimesjournal.in/ei-incumbit-probatio-qui/
  21. https://www.armstrongeconomics.com/research/monetary-history-of-the-world/roman-empire/chronology_-by_-emperor/2nd-civil-war-end-of-julio-claudian-era/antoninus-pius-138-161ad/
  22. https://academic.oup.com/book/36865/chapter/322067072
  23. https://grbs.library.duke.edu/index.php/grbs/article/download/16015/7109/19170
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  25. https://scholarlypublications.universiteitleiden.nl/access/item%253A2889955/view
  26. https://www.roman-britain.co.uk/military/roman-frontier-systems/the-antonine-wall/
  27. https://figshare.utas.edu.au/articles/journal_contribution/An_analysis_of_Antoninus_Pius_frontier_policy_in_Northern_Britain_and_its_representation_of_his_Principate/22904807
  28. https://imperiumromanum.pl/en/biographies/antoninus-pius/
  29. https://donaldrobertson.name/2017/03/18/marcus-on-the-emperor-antoninus-pius/
  30. https://grbs.library.duke.edu/index.php/grbs/article/download/7361/4937/14799
  31. https://hekint.org/2017/01/22/death-in-ancient-times/
  32. https://lexundria.com/m_aur_med/1/lg
  33. https://academic.oup.com/book/51688/chapter/419734882
  34. https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/roman-frugality/introduction/D8C36462F7CD1797B21EB9E6D5EEBBC9
  35. https://www.academia.edu/35010058/Antoninus_Pius_and_Rome_sobrius_parcus_parum_largiens_in_C_Michels_P_F_Mittag_eds_Jenseits_des_Narrativs_Antoninus_Pius_in_den_nicht_literarischen_Quellen_Stuttgart_2017_pp_65_87
  36. https://www.acton.org/publications/transatlantic/2021/06/15/romenomics-monetary-reform-among-five-good-emperors
  37. https://roman-empire.net/people/antoninus
  38. https://www.italianartsociety.org/2015/03/roman-emperor-antoninus-pius-died-on-7-march-161-ce-in-lorium-an-ancient-etruscan-village-on-the-via-aurelia-less-than-twelve-miles-west-of-rome/
  39. https://ancientromelive.org/antoninuspius/
  40. https://topostext.org/work/585
  41. https://sc27acff487a90c65.jimcontent.com/download/version/1457939214/module/6740177854/name/The_fatal_illness_of_the_Roman_Emperor_Ant._Pius__sep._summary__14-9-2012.doc
  42. https://www.historytoday.com/archive/months-past/marcus-aurelius-becomes-emperor-rome
  43. https://www.loebclassics.com/view/LCL139/1921/pb_LCL139.ix.xml
  44. https://www.loebclassics.com/view/dio_cassius-roman_history/1914/pb_LCL176.469.xml
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  46. https://www.gutenberg.org/files/10890/10890-h/10890-h.htm
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  48. https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/papers-of-the-british-school-at-rome/article/imaging-the-golden-age-the-coinage-of-antoninus-pius1/12035CCEB0F75A7D49B10A23C723E3A6
  49. https://chariotjournal.wordpress.com/2021/01/11/good-emperors-good-economics/
  50. https://www.[researchgate](/page/ResearchGate).net/publication/352149623_Antoninus_Pius_der_Krieg_und_das_Militar
  51. https://academic.oup.com/book/42005/chapter/355543321
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  53. https://www.thecollector.com/emperor-antoninus-pius/
  54. https://www.law.nyu.edu/sites/default/files/upload_documents/WP5kranjc.pdf
  55. https://www.unrv.com/five-good-emperors/antoninus-pius.php
  56. https://fee.org/articles/antoninus-pius-the-greatest-roman-emperor-you-ve-never-heard-of/
  57. https://historum.com/t/did-antoninus-pius-leave-marcus-aurelius-with-a-mess.86752/
  58. https://www.britannica.com/topic/Five-Good-Emperors
  59. https://whatifhistoryhappened.com/articles/ai-nerva-trajan-hadrian-antoninus-pius-and-marcus-aurelius-compared-pax-romana-five-good-emperors/
  60. https://historyguild.org/nerva-antonine-dynasty/
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