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Key Information

Han dynasty
"Han" in ancient seal script (top left), Han-era clerical script (top right), modern traditional (bottom left), and simplified (bottom right) Chinese characters
Traditional Chinese
Simplified Chinese
Hanyu PinyinHàn
Transcriptions
Standard Mandarin
Hanyu PinyinHàn
Bopomofoㄏㄢˋ
Gwoyeu RomatzyhHann
Wade–GilesHan4
Tongyong PinyinHàn
Yale RomanizationHàn
IPA[xân]
Wu
RomanizationHoe
Yue: Cantonese
Yale RomanizationHon
JyutpingHon3
IPA[hɔn˧]
Southern Min
Hokkien POJHàn
Tâi-lôHàn
Middle Chinese
Middle Chinesexàn
Old Chinese
Baxter (1992)*xans
Baxter–Sagart (2014)*n̥ˤar-s

The Han dynasty[a] was an imperial dynasty of China (202 BC – 9 AD, 25–220 AD) established by Liu Bang and ruled by the House of Liu. The dynasty was preceded by the short-lived Qin dynasty (221–206 BC) and a warring interregnum known as the Chu–Han Contention (206–202 BC), and it was succeeded by the Three Kingdoms period (220–280 AD). The dynasty was briefly interrupted by the Xin dynasty (9–23 AD) established by the usurping regent Wang Mang, and is thus separated into two periods—the Western Han (202 BC – 9 AD) and the Eastern Han (25–220 AD). Spanning over four centuries, the Han dynasty is considered a golden age in Chinese history, and had a permanent impact on Chinese identity in later periods.[5] The majority ethnic group of modern China refer to themselves as the "Han people" or "Han Chinese". The spoken Chinese and written Chinese are referred to respectively as the "Han language" and "Han characters".[6]

The Han emperor was at the pinnacle of Han society and culture. He presided over the Han government but shared power with both the nobility and the appointed ministers who came largely from the scholarly gentry class. The Han Empire was divided into areas directly controlled by the central government called commanderies, as well as a number of semi-autonomous kingdoms. These kingdoms gradually lost all vestiges of their independence, particularly following the Rebellion of the Seven States. From the reign of Emperor Wu (r. 141–87 BC) onward, the Chinese court officially sponsored Confucianism in education and court politics, synthesized with the cosmology of later scholars such as Dong Zhongshu.

The Han dynasty oversaw periods of economic prosperity as well as significant growth in the money economy that had first been established during the Zhou dynasty (c. 1050–256 BC). The coinage minted by the central government in 119 BC remained the standard in China until the Tang dynasty (618–907 AD). The period saw a number of modest institutional innovations. To finance its military campaigns and the settlement of newly conquered frontier territories, the Han government nationalised private salt and iron industries in 117 BC, creating government monopolies that were later repealed during the Eastern period. There were significant advances in science and technology during the Han period, including the emergence of papermaking, rudders for steering ships, negative numbers in mathematics, raised-relief maps, hydraulic-powered armillary spheres for astronomy, and seismometers that discerned the cardinal direction of distant earthquakes by use of inverted pendulums.

The Han dynasty had many conflicts with the Xiongnu, a nomadic confederation centred in the eastern Eurasian steppe.[7] The Xiongnu defeated the Han in 200 BC, prompting the Han to appease the Xiongnu with a policy of marriage alliance and payments of tribute, though the Xiongnu continued to raid the Han's northern borders. Han policy changed in 133 BC, under Emperor Wu, when Han forces began a series of military campaigns to quell the Xiongnu. The Xiongnu were eventually defeated and forced to accept a status as Han vassals, and the Xiongnu confederation fragmented. The Han conquered the Hexi Corridor and Inner Asian territory of the Tarim Basin from the Xiongnu, helping to establish the Silk Road. The lands north of the Han's borders were later overrun by the nomadic Xianbei confederation. Emperor Wu also launched successful conquests in the south, annexing Nanyue in 111 BC and Dian in 109 BC. He further expanded Han territory into the northern Korean Peninsula, where Han forces conquered Gojoseon and established the Xuantu and Lelang commanderies in 108 BC.

After 92 AD, palace eunuchs increasingly involved themselves in the dynasty's court politics, engaging in violent power struggles between various consort clans of the empresses and empresses dowager. Imperial authority was also seriously challenged by large Taoist religious societies which instigated the Yellow Turban Rebellion and the Five Pecks of Rice Rebellion. Following the death of Emperor Ling (r. 168–189 AD), the palace eunuchs were massacred by military officers, allowing members of the aristocracy and military governors to become warlords and divide the empire. The Han dynasty came to an end in 220 AD when Cao Pi, king of Wei, usurped the throne from Emperor Xian.

Etymology

[edit]

According to the Shiji, after the collapse of the Qin dynasty the hegemon Xiang Yu appointed Liu Bang as prince of the small fief of Hanzhong, named after its location on the Han River (in modern southwest Shaanxi). Following Liu Bang's victory in the Chu–Han Contention, the resulting Han dynasty was named after the Hanzhong fief.[8]

History

[edit]

Western Han (202 BC – 9 AD)

[edit]
Western Han painted ceramic jar with raised reliefs of dragons, phoenixes, and taotie
Reverse side of a Western Han bronze mirror with a painted flower motif

China's first imperial dynasty was the Qin dynasty (221–206 BC). The Qin united the Chinese Warring States by conquest, but their regime became unstable after the death of the first emperor Qin Shi Huang. Within four years, the dynasty's authority had collapsed in a rebellion.[9] Two former rebel leaders, Xiang Yu (d. 202 BC) of Chu and Liu Bang (d. 195 BC) of Han, engaged in a war to determine who would have hegemony over China, which had fissured into Eighteen Kingdoms, each claiming allegiance to either Xiang Yu or Liu Bang.[10] Although Xiang Yu proved to be an effective commander, Liu Bang defeated him at the Battle of Gaixia (202 BC) in modern-day Anhui. Liu Bang assumed the title of Emperor at the urging of his followers and is known posthumously as Emperor Gaozu (r. 202–195 BC).[11] Chang'an (modern Xi'an) was chosen as the new capital of the reunified empire under Han.[12]

Thirteen direct-controlled commanderies including the capital region (yellow) and ten semi-autonomous kingdoms, 195 BC

At the beginning of the Western Han (traditional Chinese: 西漢; simplified Chinese: 西汉; pinyin: Xīhàn), also known as the Former Han (前漢; 前汉; Qiánhàn), thirteen centrally controlled commanderies—including the capital region—existed in the western third of the empire, while the eastern two-thirds were divided into ten semi-autonomous kingdoms.[13] To placate his prominent commanders from the war with Chu, Emperor Gaozu enfeoffed some of them as kings.

By 196, the Han court had replaced all of these kings with royal Liu family members, with the lone exception of Changsha. The loyalty of non-relatives to the emperor was questioned,[13] and after several insurrections by Han kings—with the largest being the Rebellion of the Seven States in 154—the imperial court began enacting a series of reforms that limited the power of these kingdoms in 145, dividing their former territories into new commanderies under central control.[14] Kings were no longer able to appoint their own staff; this duty was assumed by the imperial court.[15][16] Kings became nominal heads of their fiefs and collected a portion of tax revenues as their personal incomes.[15][16] The kingdoms were never entirely abolished and existed throughout the remainder of Western and Eastern Han.[17]

To the north of China proper, the nomadic Xiongnu chieftain Modu Chanyu (r. 209–174 BC) conquered various tribes inhabiting the eastern portion of the Eurasian Steppe. By the end of his reign, he controlled the Inner Asian regions of Manchuria, Mongolia, and the Tarim Basin, subjugating over twenty states east of Samarkand.[18][19][20] Emperor Gaozu was troubled about the abundant Han-manufactured iron weapons traded to the Xiongnu along the northern borders, and he established a trade embargo against the group.[21]

In retaliation, the Xiongnu invaded what is now Shanxi, where they defeated the Han forces at Baideng in 200 BC.[21][22] After negotiations, the heqin agreement in 198 BC nominally held the leaders of the Xiongnu and the Han as equal partners in a royal marriage alliance, but the Han were forced to send large amounts of tribute items such as silk clothes, food, and wine to the Xiongnu.[23][24][25]

Statue of a horse trampling a Xiongnu warrior, at the mausoleum of Western Han general Huo Qubing (d. 117 BC), who fought in the Han–Xiongnu War. This is the first known monumental stone statue in China.[26]

Despite the tribute and negotiation between Laoshang Chanyu (r. 174–160 BC) and Emperor Wen (r. 180–157 BC) to reopen border markets, many of the Chanyu's subordinates chose not to obey the treaty and periodically raided Han territories south of the Great Wall for additional goods.[27][28][29] In a court conference assembled by Emperor Wu (r. 141–87 BC) in 135 BC, the majority consensus of the ministers was to retain the heqin agreement. Emperor Wu accepted this, despite continuing Xiongnu raids.[30][31]

However, a court conference the following year convinced the majority that a limited engagement at Mayi involving the assassination of the Chanyu would throw the Xiongnu realm into chaos and benefit the Han.[32][33] When this plot failed in 133 BC,[34] Emperor Wu launched a series of massive military invasions into Xiongnu territory. The assault culminated in 119 BC at the Battle of Mobei, when Han commanders Huo Qubing (d. 117 BC) and Wei Qing (d. 106 BC) forced the Xiongnu court to flee north of the Gobi Desert, and Han forces reached as far north as Lake Baikal.[35][36]

After Wu's reign, Han forces continued to fight the Xiongnu. The Xiongnu leader Huhanye (r. 58–31 BC) finally submitted to the Han as a tributary vassal in 51 BC. Huhanye's rival claimant to the throne, Zhizhi Chanyu (r. 56–36 BC), was killed by Han forces under Chen Tang and Gan Yanshou at the Battle of Zhizhi, in modern Taraz, Kazakhstan.[37][38]

In 121 BC, Han forces expelled the Xiongnu from a vast territory spanning the Hexi Corridor to Lop Nur. They repelled a joint Xiongnu-Qiang invasion of this northwestern territory in 111 BC. In that same year, the Han court established four new frontier commanderies in this region to consolidate their control: Jiuquan, Zhangyi, Dunhuang, and Wuwei.[39][40][41] The majority of people on the frontier were soldiers.[42] On occasion, the court forcibly moved peasant farmers to new frontier settlements, along with government-owned slaves and convicts who performed hard labour.[43] The court also encouraged commoners, such as farmers, merchants, landowners, and hired labourers, to voluntarily migrate to the frontier.[44]

The ruins of a Han dynasty watchtower made of rammed earth at Dunhuang, located at the eastern edge of the Silk Road

Even before the Han's expansion into Central Asia, diplomat Zhang Qian's travels from 139 to 125 BC had established Chinese contacts with many surrounding civilizations. Zhang encountered Dayuan (Fergana), Kangju (Sogdiana), and Daxia (Bactria, formerly the Greco-Bactrian Kingdom); he also gathered information on Shendu (the Indus River valley) and Anxi (the Parthian Empire). All of these countries eventually received Han embassies.[45][46][47][48][49] These connections marked the beginning of the Silk Road trade network that extended to the Roman Empire, bringing goods like Chinese silk and Roman glasswares between the two.[50][51]

From c. 115 BC until c. 60 BC, Han forces fought the Xiongnu over control of the oasis city-states in the Tarim Basin. The Han were eventually victorious and established the Protectorate of the Western Regions in 60 BC, which dealt with the region's defence and foreign affairs.[52][53][54][55] The Han also expanded southward. The naval conquest of Nanyue in 111 BC expanded the Han realm into what are now modern Guangdong, Guangxi, and northern Vietnam. Yunnan was brought into the Han realm with the conquest of the Dian Kingdom in 109 BC, followed by parts of the Korean Peninsula with the Han conquest of Gojoseon and establishment of the Xuantu and Lelang commanderies in 108 BC.[56][57] The first nationwide census in Chinese history was taken in 2 AD; the Han's total population was registered as comprising 57,671,400 individuals across 12,366,470 households.[58]

To pay for his military campaigns and colonial expansion, Emperor Wu nationalised several private industries. He created central government monopolies administered largely by former merchants. These monopolies included salt, iron, and liquor production, as well as bronze coinage. The liquor monopoly lasted only from 98 to 81 BC, and the salt and iron monopolies were eventually abolished in the early Eastern Han. The issuing of coinage remained a central government monopoly throughout the rest of the Han dynasty.[59][60][61][62][63][b]

The government monopolies were eventually repealed when a political faction known as the Reformists gained greater influence in the court. The Reformists opposed the Modernist faction that had dominated court politics in Emperor Wu's reign and during the subsequent regency of Huo Guang (d. 68 BC). The Modernists argued for an aggressive and expansionary foreign policy supported by revenues from heavy government intervention in the private economy. The Reformists, however, overturned these policies, favouring a cautious, non-expansionary approach to foreign policy, frugal budget reform, and lower tax-rates imposed on private entrepreneurs.[64][65][66]

Wang Mang's reign and civil war

[edit]
These rammed earth ruins of a granary in Hecang Fortress (河仓城; Hécāng chéng), located approximately 11 km (7 mi) northeast of the Western Han-era Yumen Pass, were built during the Western Han (202 BC – 9 AD) and was significantly rebuilt during the Western Jin (280–316 AD).[67]
A Western Han painted ceramic mounted cavalryman from a general's tomb at Xianyang, Shaanxi
A Western or Eastern Han bronze horse statuette with a lead saddle

Wang Zhengjun (71 BC – 13 AD) was first empress, then empress dowager, and finally grand empress dowager during the reigns of the Emperors Yuan (r. 49–33 BC), Cheng (r. 33–7 BC), and Ai (r. 7–1 BC), respectively. During this time, a succession of her male relatives held the title of regent.[68][69] Following the death of Ai, Wang Zhengjun's nephew Wang Mang (45 BC – 23 AD) was appointed regent as Marshall of State on 16 August under Emperor Ping (r.1 BC – 6 AD).[70]

When Ping died on 3 February 6 AD, Ruzi Ying (d. 25 AD) was chosen as the heir and Wang Mang was appointed to serve as acting emperor for the child.[70] Wang promised to relinquish his control to Liu Ying once he came of age.[70] Despite this promise, and against protest and revolts from the nobility, Wang Mang claimed on 10 January that the divine Mandate of Heaven called for the end of the Han dynasty and the beginning of his own: the Xin dynasty (9–23 AD).[71][72][73]

Wang Mang initiated a series of major reforms that were ultimately unsuccessful. These reforms included outlawing slavery, nationalizing and equally distributing land between households, and introducing new currencies, a change which debased the value of coinage.[74][75][76][77] Although these reforms provoked considerable opposition, Wang's regime met its ultimate downfall with the massive floods of c. 3 AD and 11 AD. Gradual silt build-up in the Yellow River had raised its water level and overwhelmed the flood control works. The Yellow River split into two new branches: one emptying to the north and the other to the south of the Shandong Peninsula, though Han engineers managed to dam the southern branch by 70 AD.[78][79][80]

The flood dislodged thousands of peasant farmers, many of whom joined roving bandit and rebel groups such as the Red Eyebrows to survive.[78][79][80] Wang Mang's armies were incapable of quelling these enlarged rebel groups. Eventually, an insurgent mob forced their way into the Weiyang Palace and killed Wang Mang.[81][82]

The Gengshi Emperor (r. 23–25 AD), a descendant of Emperor Jing (r. 157–141 BC), attempted to restore the Han dynasty and occupied Chang'an as his capital. However, he was overwhelmed by the Red Eyebrow rebels who deposed, assassinated, and replaced him with the puppet monarch Liu Penzi.[83][84] Gengshi's distant cousin Liu Xiu, known posthumously as Emperor Guangwu (r. 25–57 AD), after distinguishing himself at the Battle of Kunyang in 23 AD, was urged to succeed Gengshi as emperor.[85][86]

Under Guangwu's rule, the Han Empire was restored. Guangwu made Luoyang his capital in 25 AD, and by 27 his officers Deng Yu and Feng Yi had forced the Red Eyebrows to surrender and executed their leaders for treason.[86][87] From 26 until 36 AD, Emperor Guangwu had to wage war against other regional warlords who claimed the title of emperor; when these warlords were defeated, China reunified under the Han.[88][89]

A Western Han period arrow from Inner Mongolia, now in the Gansu Provincial Museum, Lanzhou

The period between the foundation of the Han dynasty and Wang Mang's reign is known as the Western Han (西漢; 西汉; Xīhàn) or Former Han (前漢; 前汉; Qiánhàn) (206 BC – 9 AD). During this period the capital was at Chang'an (modern Xi'an). From the reign of Guangwu the capital was moved eastward to Luoyang. The era from his reign until the fall of Han is known as the Eastern Han or Later Han (25–220 AD).[90]

Eastern Han (25–220 AD)

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The Eastern Han (traditional Chinese: 東漢; simplified Chinese: 东汉; pinyin: Dōnghàn), also known as the Later Han (後漢; 后汉; Hòuhàn), formally began on 5 August AD 25, when Liu Xiu became Emperor Guangwu of Han.[91] During the widespread rebellion against Wang Mang, the state of Goguryeo was free to raid Han's Korean commanderies; Han did not reaffirm its control over the region until AD 30.[92]

The Trưng Sisters of Vietnam rebelled against Han in AD 40. Their rebellion was crushed by Han general Ma Yuan (d. AD 49) in a campaign from AD 42 to 43.[93][94] Wang Mang renewed hostilities against the Xiongnu, who were estranged from Han until their leader Bi (), a rival claimant to the throne against his cousin Punu (蒲奴), submitted to Han as a tributary vassal in AD 50. This created two rival Xiongnu states: the Southern Xiongnu led by Bi, an ally of Han, and the Northern Xiongnu led by Punu, an enemy of Han.[95][96]

Bronze seal of a Xiongnu chieftain with impression and transcription, conferred by the Eastern Han government and inscribed with the following text: 漢匈奴,歸義親,漢長 ("The Chief of the Han Xiongnu, who have returned to righteousness and embraced the Han")[97]

During the turbulent reign of Wang Mang, China lost control over the Tarim Basin, which was conquered by the Northern Xiongnu in AD 63 and used as a base to invade the Hexi Corridor in Gansu.[98] Dou Gu (d. 88 AD) defeated the Northern Xiongnu at the Battle of Yiwulu in AD 73, evicting them from Turpan and chasing them as far as Lake Barkol before establishing a garrison at Hami.[99] After the new Protector General of the Western Regions Chen Mu (d. AD 75) was killed by allies of the Xiongnu in Karasahr and Kucha, the garrison at Hami was withdrawn.[99][100]

At the Battle of Ikh Bayan in AD 89, Dou Xian (d. AD 92) defeated the Northern Xiongnu chanyu who then retreated into the Altai Mountains.[99][101] After the Northern Xiongnu fled into the Ili River valley in AD 91, the nomadic Xianbei occupied the area from the borders of the Buyeo Kingdom in Manchuria to the Ili River of the Wusun people.[102] The Xianbei reached their apogee under Tanshihuai (d. AD 181), who consistently defeated Chinese armies. However, Tanshihuai's confederation disintegrated after his death.[103]

Eastern Han inscriptions on a lead ingot, using the Greek alphabet in the style of the Kushans, excavated in Shaanxi, 1st–2nd centuries AD – Gansu Provincial Museum[104]

Ban Chao (d. AD 102) enlisted the aid of the Kushan Empire, which controlled territory across South and Central Asia, to subdue Kashgar and its ally Sogdiana.[105][106] When a request by Kushan ruler Vima Kadphises (r.c. 90 – c. 100 AD) for a marriage alliance with the Han was rejected in AD 90, he sent his forces to Wakhan (modern-day Afghanistan) to attack Ban Chao. The conflict ended with the Kushans withdrawing because of lack of supplies.[105][106] In AD 91, the office of Protector General of the Western Regions was reinstated when it was bestowed on Ban Chao.[107]

Foreign travellers to the Eastern Han empire included Buddhist monks who translated works into Chinese, such as An Shigao from Parthia, and Lokaksema from Kushan-era Gandhara.[108][109] In addition to tributary relations with the Kushans, the Han empire received gifts from sovereigns in the Parthian Empire, as well as from kings in modern Burma and Japan. He also initiated an unsuccessful mission to Rome in AD 97 with Gan Ying as emissary.[110][111]

A Roman embassy of Emperor Marcus Aurelius (r. 161–180 AD) is recorded in the Weilüe and Book of Later Han to have reached the court of Emperor Huan of Han (r. 146–168 AD) in AD 166,[112] yet Rafe de Crespigny asserts that this was most likely a group of Roman merchants.[113][114] In addition to Roman glasswares and coins found in China,[115][116] Roman medallions from the reign of Antoninus Pius and his adopted son Marcus Aurelius have been found at Óc Eo in Vietnam.[116][117] This was near the commandery of Rinan where Chinese sources claim the Romans first landed, as well as embassies from Tianzhu in northern India in 159 and 161.[118] Óc Eo is also thought to be the port city "Cattigara" described by Ptolemy in his Geography (c. 150 AD) as lying east of the Golden Chersonese (Malay Peninsula) along the Magnus Sinus (i.e. the Gulf of Thailand and South China Sea), where a Greek sailor had visited.[119][120][121][122]

Eastern Han tombs sometimes have depiction of battles between Hu barbarians, with bows and arrows and wearing pointed hats (left), against Han troops – Eastern Han-era, Tsangshan tomb, Linyi. Also visible in the Yinan tombs.[123]

Emperor Zhang's (r. 75–88 AD) reign came to be viewed by later Eastern Han scholars as the high point of the dynastic house.[124] Subsequent reigns were increasingly marked by eunuch intervention in court politics and their involvement in the violent power struggles of the imperial consort clans.[125][126] In 92 AD, with the aid of the eunuch Zheng Zhong (d. 107 AD), Emperor He (r. 88–105 AD) had Empress Dowager Dou (d. 97 AD) put under house arrest and her clan stripped of power. This was in revenge for Dou's purging of the clan of his natural mother—Consort Liang—and then concealing her identity from him.[127][128] After Emperor He's death, his wife Empress Deng Sui (d. 121 AD) managed state affairs as the regent empress dowager during a turbulent financial crisis and widespread Qiang rebellion that lasted from 107 to 118 AD.[129][130]

When Empress Dowager Deng died, Emperor An (r. 106–125 AD) was convinced by the accusations of the eunuchs Li Run (李閏) and Jiang Jing (江京) that Deng and her family had planned to depose him. An dismissed Deng's clan members from office, exiled them, and forced many to commit suicide.[131][132] After An's death, his wife, Empress Dowager Yan (d. 126 AD) placed the child Marquess of Beixiang on the throne in an attempt to retain power within her family. However, palace eunuch Sun Cheng (d. 132 AD) masterminded a successful overthrow of her regime to enthrone Emperor Shun of Han (r. 125–144 AD). Yan was placed under house arrest, her relatives were either killed or exiled, and her eunuch allies were slaughtered.[133][134] The regent Liang Ji (d. 159 AD), brother of Empress Liang Na (d. 150 AD), had the brother-in-law of Consort Deng Mengnü (d. 165 AD) killed after Deng Mengnü resisted Liang Ji's attempts to control her. Afterward, Emperor Huan employed eunuchs to depose Liang Ji, who was then forced to commit suicide.[135][136]

A mural showing women dressed in traditional hanfu from the late Eastern Han-era Dahuting Tomb in Zhengzhou, Henan

Students from the imperial university organized a widespread student protest against the eunuchs of Emperor Huan's court.[137] Huan further alienated the bureaucracy when he initiated grandiose construction projects and hosted thousands of concubines in his harem at a time of economic crisis.[138][139] Palace eunuchs imprisoned the official Li Ying (李膺) and his associates from the Imperial University on a dubious charge of treason. In 167 AD, the Grand Commandant Dou Wu (d. 168 AD) convinced his son-in-law, Emperor Huan, to release them.[140] However, the emperor permanently barred Li Ying and his associates from serving in office, marking the beginning of the Partisan Prohibitions.[140]

Following Huan's death, Dou Wu and the Grand Tutor Chen Fan (d. 168 AD) attempted a coup against the eunuchs Hou Lan (d. 172 AD), Cao Jie (d. 181 AD), and Wang Fu (王甫). When the plot was uncovered, the eunuchs arrested Empress Dowager Dou (d. 172 AD) and Chen Fan. General Zhang Huan (張奐) favoured the eunuchs. He and his troops confronted Dou Wu and his retainers at the palace gate where each side shouted accusations of treason against the other. When the retainers gradually deserted Dou Wu, he was forced to commit suicide.[141]

Under Emperor Ling (r. 168–189 AD) the eunuchs had the partisan prohibitions renewed and expanded, while also auctioning off top government offices.[142][143] Many affairs of state were entrusted to the eunuchs Zhao Zhong (d. 189 AD) and Zhang Rang (d. 189 AD) while Emperor Ling spent much of his time roleplaying with concubines and participating in military parades.[144]

End of the Han dynasty

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Provinces and commanderies in 219 AD, the penultimate year of the Han dynasty

The Partisan Prohibitions were repealed during the Yellow Turban Rebellion and Five Pecks of Rice Rebellion in 184 AD, largely because the court did not want to continue to alienate a significant portion of the gentry class who might otherwise join the rebellions.[142] The Yellow Turbans and Five-Pecks-of-Rice adherents belonged to two different hierarchical Taoist religious societies led by faith healers Zhang Jue (d. 184 AD) and Zhang Lu (d. 216 AD), respectively.

Zhang Lu's rebellion, in what is now northern Sichuan and southern Shaanxi, was not quelled until 215 AD.[145] Zhang Jue's massive rebellion across eight provinces was annihilated by Han forces within a year; however, the following decades saw much smaller recurrent uprisings.[146] Although the Yellow Turbans were defeated, many generals appointed during the crisis never disbanded their assembled militias and used these troops to amass power outside of the collapsing imperial authority.[147]

General-in-chief He Jin (d. 189 AD), half-brother to Empress He (d. 189 AD), plotted with Yuan Shao (d. 202 AD) to overthrow the eunuchs by having several generals march to the outskirts of the capital. There, in a written petition to Empress He, they demanded the eunuchs' execution.[148] After a period of hesitation, Empress He consented. When the eunuchs discovered this, however, they had her brother He Miao (何苗) rescind the order.[149] The eunuchs assassinated He Jin on 22 September 189.

Yuan Shao then besieged Luoyang's Northern Palace while his brother Yuan Shu (d. 199 AD) besieged the Southern Palace. On September 25 both palaces were breached and approximately two thousand eunuchs were killed.[150][151] Zhang Rang had previously fled with Emperor Shao (r. 189 AD) and his brother Liu Xie—the future Emperor Xian of Han (r. 189–220 AD). While being pursued by the Yuan brothers, Zhang committed suicide by jumping into the Yellow River.[152]

General Dong Zhuo (d. 192 AD) found the young emperor and his brother wandering in the countryside. He escorted them safely back to the capital and was made Minister of Works, taking control of Luoyang and forcing Yuan Shao to flee.[153] After Dong Zhuo demoted Emperor Shao and promoted his brother Liu Xie as Emperor Xian, Yuan Shao led a coalition of former officials and officers against Dong, who burned Luoyang to the ground and resettled the court at Chang'an in May 191 AD. Dong Zhuo later poisoned Emperor Shao.[154]

Dong was killed by his adopted son Lü Bu (d. 198 AD) in a plot hatched by Wang Yun (d. 192 AD).[155] Emperor Xian fled from Chang'an in 195 AD to the ruins of Luoyang. Xian was persuaded by Cao Cao (155–220 AD), then Governor of Yan Province in modern western Shandong and eastern Henan, to move the capital to Xuchang in 196 AD.[156][157]

Yuan Shao challenged Cao Cao for control over the emperor. Yuan's power was greatly diminished after Cao defeated him at the Battle of Guandu in 200 AD. After Yuan died, Cao killed Yuan Shao's son Yuan Tan (173–205 AD), who had fought with his brothers over the family inheritance.[158][159] His brothers Yuan Shang and Yuan Xi were killed in 207 AD by Gongsun Kang (d. 221 AD), who sent their heads to Cao Cao.[158][159]

After Cao's defeat at the naval Battle of Red Cliffs in 208 AD, China was divided into three spheres of influence, with Cao Cao dominating the north, Sun Quan (182–252 AD) dominating the south, and Liu Bei (161–223 AD) dominating the west.[160][161] Cao Cao died in March 220 AD. By December his son Cao Pi (187–226 AD) had Emperor Xian relinquish the throne to him and is known posthumously as Emperor Wen of Wei. This formally ended the Han dynasty and initiated an age of conflict between the Three Kingdoms: Cao Wei, Eastern Wu, and Shu Han.[162][163]

Culture and society

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A late Eastern Han mural in a tomb, showing lively scenes of a banquet (yànyǐn 宴飲), dance and music (wǔyuè 舞樂), acrobatics (bǎixì 百戲), and wrestling (xiāngbū 相撲), from the Dahuting tomb in Zhengzhou, Henan

Social class

[edit]
A mural from an Eastern Han tomb at Zhucun (朱村), Luoyang; the two figures in the foreground are playing liubo, with the playing mat between them, and the liubo game board to the side of the mat.
Museum restoration of a household's lacquered furniture and furbishing. Lacquerware became a common luxury item in the Han dynasty.

In the hierarchical social order, the emperor was at the apex of Han society and government. However, the emperor was often a minor, ruled over by a regent such as the empress dowager or one of her male relatives.[164] Ranked immediately below the emperor were the kings who were of the same Liu family clan.[16][165] The rest of society, including nobles lower than kings and all commoners excluding slaves, belonged to one of twenty ranks (èrshí gōngchéng 二十公乘).

Each successive rank gave its holder greater pensions and legal privileges. The highest rank, of full marquess, came with a state pension and a territorial fiefdom. Holders of the rank immediately below, that of ordinary marquess, received a pension, but had no territorial rule.[166][167] Scholar-bureaucrats who served in government belonged to the wider commoner social class and were ranked just below nobles in social prestige. The highest government officials could be enfeoffed as marquesses.[168]

By the Eastern Han, local elites of unattached scholars, teachers, students, and government officials began to identify themselves as members of a nationwide gentry class with shared values and a commitment to mainstream scholarship.[169][170] When the government became noticeably corrupt in mid-to-late Eastern Han, many gentry even considered the cultivation of morally grounded personal relationships more important than serving in public office.[139][171]

Farmers, namely small landowner–cultivators, were ranked just below scholars and officials in the social hierarchy. Other agricultural cultivators were of a lower status, such as tenants, wage labourers, and slaves.[172][173][174][175] The Han dynasty made adjustments to slavery in China and saw an increase in agricultural slaves. Artisans, technicians, tradespeople, and craftsmen had a legal and socioeconomic status between that of owner-cultivator farmers and common merchants.[176]

State-registered merchants, who were forced by law to wear white-coloured clothes and pay high commercial taxes, were considered by the gentry as social parasites with a contemptible status.[177][178] These were often petty shopkeepers of urban marketplaces; merchants such as industrialists and itinerant traders working between a network of cities could avoid registering as merchants and were often wealthier and more powerful than the vast majority of government officials.[178][179]

Wealthy landowners, such as nobles and officials, often provided lodging for retainers who provided valuable work or duties, sometimes including fighting bandits or riding into battle. Unlike slaves, retainers could come and go from their master's home as they pleased.[180] Physicians, pig breeders, and butchers had fairly high social status, while occultist diviners, runners, and messengers had low status.[181][182]

A Han dynasty brick relief with acrobats

Marriage, gender, and kinship

[edit]
Detail of a mural showing two women wearing Hanfu robes, from Dahuting
Left: a ceramic statue of a seated woman holding a bronze mirror, Eastern Han – Sichuan Provincial Museum Chengdu
Right: a dog figurine found in a Han tomb wearing a decorative dog collar, indicating their domestication as pets.[183] Dog figurines are a common archaeological find in Han tombs,[184] while it is also known from written sources that the emperor's imperial parks had kennels for keeping hunting dogs.[185]
Western Han- or Xin-era murals showing men and women dressed in hanfu, with the Queen Mother of the West dressed in shenyi, from a tomb in Dongping, Shandong

The Han-era family was patrilineal and typically had four to five nuclear family members living in one household. Multiple generations of extended family members did not occupy the same house, unlike families of later dynasties.[186][187] According to Confucian family norms, various family members were treated with different levels of respect and intimacy. For example, there were different accepted time frames for mourning the death of a father versus a paternal uncle.[188]

Marriages were highly ritualized, particularly for the wealthy, and included many important steps. The giving of betrothal gifts, known as bride price and dowry, were especially important. A lack of either was considered dishonourable and the woman would have been seen not as a wife, but as a concubine.[189] Arranged marriages were typical, with the father's input on his offspring's spouse being considered more important than the mother's.[190][191]

Monogamous marriages were also normal, although nobles and high officials were wealthy enough to afford and support concubines as additional lovers.[192][193] Under certain conditions dictated by custom, not law, both men and women were able to divorce their spouses and remarry.[194][195] However, a woman who had been widowed continued to belong to her husband's family after his death. In order to remarry, the widow would have to be returned to her family in exchange for a ransom fee. Her children would not be allowed to go with her.[189]

Among the nobility, bisexuality was the norm, continuing the accepted tradition of sexual expression amongst other nobles since the Zhou dynasty.[196] In the Royal Court, Emperors often favored eunuchs above other non-castrated men for their bodies' "sexual passivity".[197] On the other hand, Han authors did not view male homosexual individuals as effeminate, as occurred in later dynasties.[198] While non-royal nobility were obligated to heterosexual marriages, male concubines were widely accepted. Despite openness to bisexuality or homosexuality, Han dynasty norms around gender and family obligated most moral questions, including that of polygamy, homosexuality, and bisexuality, to be solved by the patriarch within the household.[199]

Left image: A ceramic female servant in silk robes
Right image: A Han pottery female dancer in silk robes

Apart from the passing of noble titles or ranks, inheritance practices did not involve primogeniture; each son received an equal share of the family property.[200] Unlike the practice in later dynasties, the father usually sent his adult married sons away with their portions of the family fortune.[201] Daughters received a portion of the family fortune through their dowries, though this was usually much less than the shares of sons.[202] A different distribution of the remainder could be specified in a will, but it is unclear how common this was.[203]

Women were expected to obey the will of their father, then their husband, and then their adult son in old age. However, it is known from contemporary sources that there were many deviations to this rule, especially in regard to mothers over their sons, and empresses who ordered around and openly humiliated their fathers and brothers.[204] Women were exempt from the annual corvée labour duties, but often engaged in a range of income-earning occupations aside from their domestic chores of cooking and cleaning.[205]

The most common occupation for women was weaving clothes for the family, for sale at market, or for large textile enterprises that employed hundreds of women. Other women helped on their brothers' farms or became singers, dancers, sorceresses, respected medical physicians, and successful merchants who could afford their own silk clothes.[206][207] Some women formed spinning collectives, aggregating the resources of several different families.[208]

Education, literature, and philosophy

[edit]
A Western Han fresco depicting Confucius and Laozi, from a tomb of Dongping County, Shandong
Model of the Han dynasty royal academy

The early Western Han court simultaneously accepted the philosophical teachings of Legalism, Huang-Lao Taoism, and Confucianism in making state decisions and shaping government policy.[209][210] However, the Han court under Emperor Wu gave Confucianism exclusive patronage. In 136 BC, he abolished all academic chairs not concerned with the Five Classics, and in 124 BC he established the Imperial University, at which he encouraged nominees for office to receive a Confucian education.[211][212][213][214]

Unlike the original ideology espoused by Confucius (551–479 BC), Han Confucianism in Emperor Wu's reign was the creation of Dong Zhongshu (179–104 BC). Dong was a scholar and minor official who aggregated the ethical Confucian ideas of ritual, filial piety, and harmonious relationships with five phases and yin-yang cosmologies.[215][216] Dong's synthesis justified the imperial system of government within the natural order of the universe.[217]

The Imperial University grew in importance as the student body grew to over 30,000 by the 2nd century AD.[218][219] A Confucian-based education was also made available at commandery-level schools and private schools opened in small towns, where teachers earned respectable incomes from tuition payments.[220] Schools were established in far southern regions where standard Chinese texts were used to assimilate the local populace.[221]

Han period inscribed bamboo slips of Sun Bin's Art of War, unearthed in Linyi, Shandong
A fragment of the Xiping Stone Classics; these stone-carved Five Classics installed during Emperor Ling's reign along the roadside of the imperial university right outside Luoyang, were made at the instigation of Cai Yong (132–192 AD), who feared the Classics housed in the imperial library were being interpolated by University Academicians.[222][223][224]

Some important texts were created and studied by scholars. Philosophy written by Yang Xiong (53 BC – 18 AD), Huan Tan (43 BC – 28 AD), Wang Chong (27–100 AD), and Wang Fu (78–163 AD) questioned whether human nature was innately good or evil and posed challenges to Dong's universal order.[225] The Shiji started by Sima Tan (d. 110 BC) and finished by his son Sima Qian (145–86 BC) established the standard model for imperial China's tradition of official histories, being emulated initially by the Book of Han authored by Ban Biao (3–54 AD) with his son Ban Gu (32–92 AD), and his daughter Ban Zhao (45–116 AD).[226][227] Biographies on important figures were written by members of the gentry.[228] There were also dictionaries published during the Han period such as the Shuowen Jiezi by Xu Shen (c. 58 – c. 147 AD) and the Fangyan by Yang Xiong.[229][230] Han dynasty poetry was dominated by the fu genre, which achieved its greatest prominence during the reign of Emperor Wu.[227][231][232][233][234]

Law and order

[edit]
A silk banner from Mawangdui, draped over the coffin of Lady Dai (d. 168 BC), wife of the Marquess Li Cang (利蒼) (d. 186 BC), chancellor for the Kingdom of Changsha.[235]

Han scholars such as Jia Yi (201–169 BC) portrayed the Qin as a brutal regime. However, archaeological evidence from Zhangjiashan and Shuihudi reveal that many of the statutes in the Han law code compiled by Chancellor Xiao He (d. 193 BC) were derived from Qin law.[236][237][238]

Various cases for rape, physical abuse, and murder were prosecuted in court. Women, although usually having fewer rights by custom, were allowed to level civil and criminal charges against men.[239][240] While suspects were jailed, convicted criminals were never imprisoned. Instead, punishments were commonly monetary fines, periods of forced hard labour for convicts, and the penalty of death by beheading.[241] Early Han punishments of torturous mutilation were borrowed from Qin law. A series of reforms abolished mutilation punishments with progressively less-severe beatings by the bastinado.[242]

Acting as a judge in lawsuits was one of the many duties of the county magistrate and Administrators of commanderies. Complex, high-profile, or unresolved cases were often deferred to the Minister of Justice in the capital or even the emperor.[243] In each Han county was several districts, each overseen by a chief of police. Order in the cities was maintained by government officers in the marketplaces and constables in the neighbourhoods.[244][245]

Food

[edit]
Two Han dynasty red-and-black lacquerwares, one a bowl, the other a tray; usually only wealthy officials, nobles, and merchants could afford domestic luxury items like lacquerwares, which were common commodities produced by skilled artisans and craftsmen.[246][247]

The most common staple crops consumed during Han were wheat, barley, foxtail millet, proso millet, rice, and beans.[248] Commonly eaten fruits and vegetables included chestnuts, pears, plums, peaches, melons, apricots, strawberries, red bayberries, jujubes, calabash, bamboo shoots, mustard plant, and taro.[249] Domesticated animals that were also eaten included chickens, Mandarin ducks, geese, cows, sheep, pigs, camels, and dogs (various types were bred specifically for food, while most were used as pets). Turtles and fish were taken from streams and lakes. Commonly hunted game, such as owl, pheasant, magpie, sika deer, and Chinese bamboo partridge were consumed.[250] Seasoning included sugar, honey, salt, and soy sauce.[251] Beer and wine were regularly consumed.[252][253]

Clothing

[edit]
Woven silk textiles from Tomb #1 at Mawangdui
Woven silk textiles from Tomb #1 at Mawangdui
Carved reliefs on stone tomb doors showing men dressed in hanfu, with one holding a shield, the other a broom, Eastern Han Dynasty, from Lanjia Yard, Pi County, Sichuan – Sichuan Provincial Museum, Chengdu.

The types of clothing worn and the materials used during the Han period depended upon social class. Wealthy folk could afford silk robes, skirts, socks, and mittens, coats made of badger or fox fur, duck plumes, and slippers with inlaid leather, pearls, and silk lining. Peasants commonly wore clothes made of hemp, wool, and ferret skins.[254][255][256]

Religion, cosmology, and metaphysics

[edit]
Han dynasty fulu talisman, part of the Wucheng bamboo slips (烏程漢簡)
A fragmentary Daoist manuscript from the 2nd century BC, ink on silk, Mawangdui tomb #3

Families throughout Han China made ritual sacrifices of animals and food to deities, spirits, and ancestors at temples and shrines. They believed that these items could be used by those in the spiritual realm.[257] It was thought that each person had a two-part soul: the spirit-soul which journeyed to the afterlife paradise of immortals (xian), and the body-soul which remained in its grave or tomb on earth and was only reunited with the spirit-soul through a ritual ceremony.[253][258]

An Eastern Han bronze statuette of a qilin, 1st century AD

In addition to his many other roles, the emperor acted as the highest priest in the land who made sacrifices to Heaven, the main deities known as the Five Powers, and spirits of mountains and rivers known as shen.[259] It was believed that the three realms of Heaven, Earth, and Mankind were linked by natural cycles of yin and yang and the five phases.[260][261][262][263] If the emperor did not behave according to proper ritual, ethics, and morals, he could disrupt the fine balance of these cosmological cycles and cause calamities such as earthquakes, floods, droughts, epidemics, and swarms of locusts.[263][264][265]

It was believed that immortality could be achieved if one reached the lands of the Queen Mother of the West or Mount Penglai.[266][267] Han-era Taoists assembled into small groups of hermits who attempted to achieve immortality through breathing exercises, sexual techniques, and the use of medical elixirs.[268]

By the 2nd century AD, Taoists formed large hierarchical religious societies such as the Way of the Five Pecks of Rice. Its followers believed that the sage-philosopher Laozi (fl. 6th century BC) was a holy prophet who would offer salvation and good health if his devout followers would confess their sins, ban the worship of unclean gods who accepted meat sacrifices, and chant sections of the Tao Te Ching.[269]

Buddhism first entered Imperial China through the Silk Road during the Eastern Han, and was first mentioned in 65 AD.[270][271] Liu Ying (d. 71 AD), a half-brother to Emperor Ming of Han (r. 57–75 AD), was one of its earliest Chinese adherents, although Chinese Buddhism at this point was heavily associated with Huang–Lao Taoism.[271] China's first known Buddhist temple, the White Horse Temple, was constructed outside the wall of Luoyang during Emperor Ming's reign.[272] Important Buddhist canons were translated into Chinese during the 2nd century AD, including the Sutra of Forty-two Chapters, Perfection of Wisdom, Shurangama Sutra, and Pratyutpanna Sutra.[273][c]

Government and politics

[edit]

Central government

[edit]
A scene of historic paragons of filial piety conversing with one another, Chinese painted artwork on a lacquerware basketwork box, excavated from a tomb of the Lelang Commandery on the Korean Peninsula dating to the Eastern Han.

In Han government, the emperor was the supreme judge and lawgiver, the commander-in-chief of the armed forces and sole designator of official nominees appointed to the top posts in central and local administrations; those who earned a 600-bushel salary-rank or higher.[274][275] Theoretically, there were no limits to his power.

However, state organs with competing interests and institutions such as the court conference (tingyi 廷議)—where ministers were convened to reach a majority consensus on an issue—pressured the emperor to accept the advice of his ministers on policy decisions.[276][277] If the emperor rejected a court conference decision, he risked alienating his high ministers. Nevertheless, emperors sometimes did reject the majority opinion reached at court conferences.[278]

Below the emperor were his cabinet members known as the Three Councillors of State. These were the Chancellor or Minister over the Masses, the Imperial Counsellor or Excellency of Works (Yushi dafu 御史大夫 or Da sikong 大司空), and Grand Commandant or Grand Marshal (Taiwei 太尉 or Da sima 大司馬).[279][280]

The Chancellor, whose title had changed in 8 BC to Minister over the Masses, was chiefly responsible for drafting the government budget. The Chancellor's other duties included managing provincial registers for land and population, leading court conferences, acting as judge in lawsuits, and recommending nominees for high office. He could appoint officials below the salary-rank of 600 bushels.[281][282]

The Imperial Counsellor's chief duty was to conduct disciplinary procedures for officials. He shared similar duties with the Chancellor, such as receiving annual provincial reports. However, when his title was changed to Minister of Works in 8 BC, his chief duty became the oversight of public works projects.[283][284]

The Grand Commandant, whose title was changed to Grand Marshal in 119 BC before reverting to Grand Commandant in 51 AD, was the irregularly posted commander of the military and then regent during the Western Han period. In the Eastern Han era he was chiefly a civil official who shared many of the same censorial powers as the other two Councillors of State.[285][286]

A rubbing of a Han pictorial stone showing an ancestor worship hall (cítang 祠堂)

Ranked below the Three Councillors of State were the Nine Ministers, who each headed a specialized ministry. The Minister of Ceremonies (Taichang 太常) was the chief official in charge of religious rites, rituals, prayers, and the maintenance of ancestral temples and altars.[287][288][289] The Minister of the Household (Guang lu xun 光祿勳) was in charge of the emperor's security within the palace grounds, external imperial parks, and wherever the emperor made an outing by chariot.[287][290]

Animalistic guardian spirits of day and night wearing Han-era robes, Han-era paintings on ceramic tile; Michael Loewe writes that the hybrid of man and beast in art and religious beliefs predated the Han and remained popular during the first half of Western Han and the Eastern Han.[291]

The Minister of the Guards (Weiwei 衛尉) was responsible for securing and patrolling the walls, towers, and gates of the imperial palaces.[292][293] The Minister Coachman (Taipu 太僕) was responsible for the maintenance of imperial stables, horses, carriages, and coach-houses for the emperor and his palace attendants, as well as the supply of horses for the armed forces.[292][294] The Minister of Justice (Tingwei 廷尉) was the chief official in charge of upholding, administering, and interpreting the law.[295][296] The Minister Herald (Da honglu 大鴻臚) was the chief official in charge of receiving honoured guests like nobles and foreign ambassadors at court.[297][298]

The Minister of the Imperial Clan (Zongzheng 宗正) oversaw the imperial court's interactions with the empire's nobility and extended imperial family, such as granting fiefs and titles.[299][300] The Minister of Finance (da sìnong 大司農) was the treasurer for the official bureaucracy and the armed forces who handled tax revenues and set standards for units of measurement.[301][302] The Minister Steward (Shaofu 少府) served the emperor exclusively, providing him with entertainment and amusements, proper food and clothing, medicine and physical care, valuables and equipment.[301][303]

Local government

[edit]
An Eastern Han devotional stone statue depicting Li Bing (fl. 3rd century BC) in an official's cap and robe in Dujiangyan, Sichuan

The Han empire, excluding kingdoms and marquessates, was divided, in descending order of size, into political units of provinces, commanderies, and counties.[304] A county was divided into several districts (xiang ), the latter composed of a group of hamlets (li ), each containing about a hundred families.[305][306]

The heads of provinces, whose official title was changed from Inspector to Governor and vice versa several times during Han, were responsible for inspecting several commandery-level and kingdom-level administrations.[307][308] On the basis of their reports, the officials in these local administrations would be promoted, demoted, dismissed, or prosecuted by the imperial court.[309]

A governor could take various actions without permission from the imperial court. The lower-ranked inspector had executive powers only during times of crisis, such as raising militias across the commanderies under his jurisdiction to suppress a rebellion.[304]

A commandery consisted of a group of counties, and was headed by an administrator.[304] He was the top civil and military leader of the commandery and handled defence, lawsuits, seasonal instructions to farmers, and recommendations of nominees for office sent annually to the capital in a quota system first established by Emperor Wu.[310][311][312] The head of a large county of about 10,000 households was called a Prefect, while the heads of smaller counties were called chiefs, and both could be referred to as magistrates.[313][314] A Magistrate maintained law and order in his county, registered the populace for taxation, mobilized commoners for annual corvée duties, repaired schools, and supervised public works.[314]

Kingdoms and marquessates

[edit]

Kingdoms—roughly the size of commanderies—were ruled exclusively by the emperor's male relatives as semi-autonomous fiefdoms. Before 157 BC, some kingdoms were ruled by non-relatives, granted to them in return for their services to Emperor Gaozu. The administration of each kingdom was very similar to that of the central government.[315][316][317] Although the emperor appointed the Chancellor of each kingdom, kings appointed all the remaining civil officials in their fiefs.[315][316]

However, in 145 BC, after several insurrections by the kings, Emperor Jing removed the kings' rights to appoint officials whose salaries were higher than 400 bushels.[316] The Imperial Counsellors and Nine Ministers (excluding the Minister Coachman) of every kingdom were abolished, although the Chancellor was still appointed by the central government.[316]

With these reforms, kings were reduced to being nominal heads of their fiefs, gaining a personal income from only a portion of the taxes collected in their kingdom.[16] Similarly, the officials in the administrative staff of a full marquess's fief were appointed by the central government. A marquess's chancellor was ranked as the equivalent of a county prefect. Like a king, the marquess collected a portion of the tax revenues in his fief as personal income.[313][318]

The Flying Horse of Gansu, depicted in full gallop, bronze sculpture 34.5 cm in height. Wuwei, Gansu (25–220 AD)

Until the reign of Emperor Jing of Han, the Han emperors had great difficulties controlling their vassal kings, who often switched allegiances to the Xiongnu whenever they felt threatened by imperial centralization of power. The seven years of Gaozu's reign featured defections by three vassal kings and one marquess, who then aligned themselves with the Xiongnu. Even imperial princes controlling fiefdoms would sometimes invite a Xiongnu invasion in response to the Emperor's threats. The Han moved to secure a treaty with the Xiongnu, aiming to clearly divide authority between them. The Han and Xiongnu now held one another out as the "two masters" with sole dominion over their respective peoples; they cemented this agreement with a marriage alliance (heqin), before eliminating the rebellious vassal kings in 154 BC. This prompted some of the Xiongnu vassals to swap allegiances to the Han, starting in 147. Han court officials were initially hostile to the idea of disrupting the status quo by expanding into Xiongnu territory in the steppe. The surrendered Xiongnu were integrated into a parallel military and political structures loyal to the Han emperor, a step toward a potential Han challenge to the superiority of Xiongnu cavalry in steppe warfare. This also brought the Han into contact with the interstate trade networks through the Tarim Basin in the far northwest, allowing for the Han's expansion from a regional state to a universalist, cosmopolitan empire achieved in part through further marriage alliances with the Wusun, another steppe power.[319]

Military

[edit]
A mural showing chariots and cavalry from the Dahuting tomb near Zhengzhou, Henan, dated to the late Eastern Han
A Chinese crossbow mechanism with a buttplate from either the late Warring States period or the early Han dynasty; made of bronze and inlaid with silver

At the beginning of the Han, every male commoner aged twenty-three was liable for conscription into the military. The minimum age was reduced to twenty following the reign of Emperor Zhao (r. 87–74).[320] Conscripted soldiers underwent one year of training and one year of service as non-professional soldiers. The year of training was spent in one of three branches of the armed forces: infantry, cavalry, or navy. Prior to the abolition of much of the conscription system after 30 AD, soldiers could be called up for future service following the completion of their terms. They had to continue training regularly to maintain their skills, and were subject to annual inspections of their military readiness.[321][322] The year of active service was served either on the frontier, in a king's court, or in the capital under the Minister of the Guards. A small professional army was stationed near the capital.[321][322]

During the Eastern Han, conscription could be avoided if one paid a commutable tax. The Eastern Han court favoured the recruitment of a volunteer army.[323] The volunteer army comprised the Southern Army (Nanjun 南軍), while the standing army stationed in and near the capital was the Northern Army (Beijun 北軍).[324] Led by Colonels (Xiaowei 校尉), the Northern Army consisted of five regiments, each composed of several thousand soldiers.[325][326] When central authority collapsed after 189 AD, wealthy landowners, members of the aristocracy/nobility, and regional military-governors relied upon their retainers to act as their own personal troops.[327]

During times of war, the volunteer army was increased, and a much larger militia was raised across the country to supplement the Northern Army. In these circumstances, a general (jiangjun 將軍) led a division, which was divided into regiments led by a colonel or major (sima 司馬). Regiments were divided into companies and led by captains. Platoons were the smallest units.[325][328]

Economy

[edit]

Currency

[edit]
A wuzhu (五銖) coin issued during the reign of Emperor Wu (r. 141–87 BC), 25.5 mm in diameter
Gold coins from the Eastern Han

The Han dynasty inherited the ban liang coin type from the Qin. In the beginning of the Han, Emperor Gaozu closed the government mint in favour of private minting of coins. This decision was reversed in 186 BC by his widow Grand Empress Dowager Lü Zhi (d. 180 BC), who abolished private minting.[329] In 182 BC, Lü Zhi issued a bronze coin that was much lighter in weight than previous coins. This caused widespread inflation that was not reduced until 175 BC, when Emperor Wen allowed private minters to manufacture coins that were precisely 2.6 g (0.092 oz) in weight.[329]

In 144 BC, Emperor Jing abolished private minting in favour of central-government and commandery-level minting; he also introduced a new coin.[330] Emperor Wu introduced another in 120 BC, but a year later he abandoned the ban liangs entirely in favour of the wuzhu coin, weighing 3.2 g (0.11 oz).[331] The wuzhu became China's standard coin until the Tang dynasty (618–907). Its use was interrupted briefly by several new currencies introduced during Wang Mang's regime until it was reinstated in 40 AD by Emperor Guangwu.[332][333][334]

Since commandery-issued coins were often of inferior quality and lighter weight, the central government closed commandery mints and monopolized the issue of coinage in 113 BC. This central government issuance of coinage was overseen by the Superintendent of Waterways and Parks, this duty being transferred to the Minister of Finance during the Eastern Han.[334][335]

Taxation and property

[edit]

Aside from the landowner's land tax paid in a portion of their crop yield, the poll tax and property taxes were paid in coin cash.[336] The annual poll tax rate for adult men and women was 120 coins and 20 coins for minors. Merchants were required to pay a higher rate of 240 coins.[337] The poll tax stimulated a money economy that necessitated the minting of over 28,000,000,000 coins from 118 BC to 5 AD, an average of 220,000,000 coins a year.[338]

The widespread circulation of coin cash allowed successful merchants to invest money in land, empowering the very social class the government attempted to suppress through heavy commercial and property taxes.[339] Emperor Wu even enacted laws which banned registered merchants from owning land, yet powerful merchants were able to avoid registration and own large tracts of land.[340][341]

The small landowner-cultivators formed the majority of the Han tax base; this revenue was threatened during the latter half of Eastern Han when many peasants fell into debt and were forced to work as farming tenants for wealthy landlords.[342][343][344] The Han government enacted reforms in order to keep small landowner-cultivators out of debt and on their own farms. These reforms included reducing taxes, temporary remissions of taxes, granting loans, and providing landless peasants temporary lodging and work in agricultural colonies until they could recover from their debts.[62][345]

In 168 BC, the land tax rate was reduced from one-fifteenth of a farming household's crop yield to one-thirtieth,[346][347] and later to one-hundredth of a crop yield for the last decades of the dynasty. The consequent loss of government revenue was compensated for by increasing property taxes.[347]

The labour tax took the form of conscripted labour for one month per year, which was imposed upon male commoners aged fifteen to fifty-six. This could be avoided in Eastern Han with a commutable tax, since hired labour became more popular.[321][348]

Private manufacture and government monopolies

[edit]
An iron ji polearm and iron dagger

In the early Western Han, a wealthy salt or iron industrialist, whether a semi-autonomous king or wealthy merchant, could boast funds that rivalled the imperial treasury and amass a peasant workforce numbering in the thousands. This kept many peasants away from their farms and denied the government a significant portion of its land tax revenue.[349][350] To eliminate the influence of such private entrepreneurs, Emperor Wu nationalized the salt and iron industries in 117 BC and allowed many of the former industrialists to become officials administering the state monopolies.[351][352][353] By the Eastern Han, the central government monopolies were repealed in favour of production by commandery and county administrations, as well as private businessmen.[351][354]

Liquor was another profitable private industry nationalized by the central government in 98 BC. However, this was repealed in 81 BC and a property tax rate of two coins for every 0.2 litres (0.053 US gal) was levied for those who traded it privately.[355][356] By 110 BC, Emperor Wu also interfered with the profitable trade in grain when he eliminated speculation by selling government stores of grain at a lower price than that demanded by merchants.[62] Apart from Emperor Ming's creation of a short-lived Office for Price Adjustment and Stabilization, which was abolished in 68 AD, central-government price control regulations were largely absent during the Eastern Han.[357]

Science and technology

[edit]
A gilded bronze oil lamp in the shape of a kneeling female servant, dated to the 2nd century BC, found in the tomb of Dou Wan, wife of Liu Sheng, Prince of Zhongshan; its sliding shutter allows for adjustments in the direction and brightness in light while it also traps smoke within the body.[73][358]

The Han dynasty was a unique period in the development of premodern Chinese science and technology, comparable to the level of scientific and technological growth during the Song dynasty (960–1279).[359][360]

Writing materials

[edit]

In the 1st millennium BC, typical ancient Chinese writing materials were bronzeware, oracle bones, and bamboo slips or wooden boards. By the beginning of the Han, the chief writing materials were clay tablets, silk cloth, hemp paper,[361][362] and rolled scrolls made from bamboo strips sewn together with hempen string; these were passed through drilled holes and secured with clay stamps.[363][364][365]

The oldest known Chinese piece of hempen paper dates to the 2nd century BC.[366][361] The standard papermaking process was invented by Cai Lun (AD 50–121) in 105.[367][368] The oldest known surviving piece of paper with writing on it was found in the ruins of a Han watchtower that had been abandoned in AD 110, in Inner Mongolia.[369]

Metallurgy and agriculture

[edit]
An array of bronze bells from the Western Han
An ornamental belt buckle from the late Han, made of chiselled and hammered gold and decorated with mythical creatures
Left: A mould for making bronze gear wheels – Shanghai Museum
Right: A pair of iron scissors from the Eastern Han

Evidence suggests that blast furnaces, that convert raw iron ore into pig iron, which can be remelted in a cupola furnace to produce cast iron by means of a cold blast and hot blast, were operational in China by the late Spring and Autumn period (c. 770 – c. 481 BC).[370][371] The bloomery was non-existent in ancient China; however, the Han-era Chinese produced wrought iron by injecting excess oxygen into a furnace and causing decarburisation.[372] Cast iron and pig iron could be converted into wrought iron and steel using a fining process.[373][374]

The Han dynasty Chinese used bronze and iron to make a range of weapons, culinary tools, carpenters' tools, and domestic wares.[375][376] A significant product of these improved iron-smelting techniques was the manufacture of new agricultural tools. The three-legged iron seed drill, invented by the 2nd century BC, enabled farmers to carefully plant crops in rows instead of sowing seeds by hand.[377][378][379] The heavy mouldboard iron plough, also invented during the Han, required only one man to control it with two oxen to pull it. It had three ploughshares, a seed box for the drills, a tool which turned down the soil and could sow roughly 45,730 m2 (492,200 sq ft) of land in a single day.[380][381]

To protect crops from wind and drought, the grain intendant Zhao Guo (趙過) created the alternating fields system (daitianfa 代田法) during Emperor Wu's reign. This system switched the positions of furrows and ridges between growing seasons.[382] Once experiments with this system yielded successful results, the government officially sponsored it and encouraged peasants to use it.[382] Han farmers also used the pit field system (aotian 凹田) for growing crops, which involved heavily fertilized pits that did not require ploughs or oxen and could be placed on sloping terrain.[383][384] In the southern and small parts of central Han-era China, paddy fields were chiefly used to grow rice, while farmers along the Huai River used transplantation methods of rice production.[385]

Structural and geo-technical engineering

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Left: A pottery model of a palace from a Han dynasty tomb; the entrances to the emperor's palaces were strictly guarded by the Minister of the Guards; if it was found that a commoner, official, or noble entered without explicit permission via a tally system, the intruder was subject to execution.[386]
Right: A painted ceramic architectural model depicting a fortified manor with towers, a courtyard, verandas, tiled rooftops, dougong support brackets, and a covered bridge extending from the third floor of the main tower to the smaller watchtower, found in an Eastern Han tomb at Jiazuo, Henan[387]
Left: A ceramic architectural model of a grain storage tower with five layers of tiled rooftops and columns supporting the roofs of balconies on the first two floors, dated from the mid-Western Han to early Eastern Han
Right: A Han pottery model of a granary tower with windows and balcony placed several stories above the first-floor courtyard; Zhang Heng (78–139 AD) described the large imperial park in the suburbs of Chang'an as having tall towers where archers would shoot stringed arrows from the top in order to entertain the Western Han emperors.[388]

Timber was the chief building material during the Han; it was used to build palace halls, multi-story residential towers and halls, and single-story houses.[389] Because wood decays rapidly, the only remaining evidence of Han wooden architecture is a collection of scattered ceramic roof tiles.[389][390] The oldest surviving wooden halls in China date to the Tang dynasty.[391] Architectural historian Robert L. Thorp points out the scarcity of Han-era archaeological remains, and claims that often unreliable Han-era literary and artistic sources are used by historians as clues concerning lost Han architecture.[392]

Though Han wooden structures decayed, some Han dynasty ruins made of brick, stone, and rammed earth remain intact. This includes stone pillar-gates, brick tomb chambers, rammed-earth city walls, rammed-earth and brick beacon towers, rammed-earth sections of the Great Wall, rammed-earth platforms where elevated halls once stood, and two rammed-earth castles in Gansu.[393][394][395][d] The ruins of rammed-earth walls that once surrounded the capitals Chang'an and Luoyang still stand, along with their drainage systems of brick arches, ditches, and ceramic water pipes.[396] Monumental stone pillar-gates called que, of which 29 dated to the Han survive, formed entrances of walled enclosures at shrine and tomb sites.[397][398] These pillars feature artistic imitations of wooden and ceramic building components such as roof tiles, eaves, and balustrades.[399][398]

The courtyard house is the most common type of home portrayed in Han artwork.[389] Ceramic architectural models of buildings, like houses and towers, were found in Han tombs, perhaps to provide lodging for the dead in the afterlife. These provide valuable clues about lost wooden architecture. The artistic designs found on ceramic roof tiles of tower models are in some cases exact matches to Han roof tiles found at archaeological sites.[400]

Over ten Han-era underground tombs have been found, many of them featuring archways, vaulted chambers, and domed roofs.[401] Underground vaults and domes did not require buttress supports since they were held in place by earthen pits.[402] The use of brick vaults and domes in aboveground Han structures is unknown.[402]

From Han literary sources, it is known that wooden-trestle beam bridges, arch bridges, simple suspension bridges, and floating pontoon bridges existed during the Han.[403] However, there are only two known references to arch bridges in Han literature.[404] There is only one Han-era relief sculpture, located in Sichuan, that depicts an arch bridge.[405]

Underground mine shafts were dug to extract metal ores, with some reaching depths of more than 100 m (330 ft).[406][407] Borehole drilling and derricks were used to lift brine to iron pans where it was distilled into salt. The distillation furnaces were heated by natural gas funnelled to the surface through bamboo pipelines.[406][408][409] It is possible that these boreholes reached a total depth of 600 m (2,000 ft).[410]

Mechanical and hydraulic engineering

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A Han dynasty pottery model of two men operating a winnowing machine with a crank handle and a tilt hammer used to pound grain
A modern replica of Zhang Heng's seismometer

Han-era mechanical engineering comes largely from the choice observational writings of sometimes-disinterested Confucian scholars who generally considered scientific and engineering endeavours to be far beneath them.[411] Professional artisan-engineers (jiang ) did not leave behind detailed records of their work.[412][e] Han scholars, who often had little or no expertise in mechanical engineering, sometimes provided insufficient information on the various technologies they described.[413]

Nevertheless, some literary sources provide crucial information. For example, in 15 BC the philosopher and poet Yang Xiong described the invention of the belt drive for a quilling machine, which was of great importance to early textile manufacturing.[414] The inventions of mechanical engineer and craftsman Ding Huan are mentioned in the Miscellaneous Notes on the Western Capital.[415] Around AD 180, Ding created a manually operated rotary fan used for air conditioning within palace buildings.[416] Ding also used gimbals as pivotal supports for one of his incense burners and invented the world's first known zoetrope lamp.[417]

Modern archaeology has led to the discovery of Han artwork portraying inventions which were otherwise absent in Han literary sources. As observed in Han miniature tomb models, but not in literary sources, the crank handle was used to operate the fans of winnowing machines that separated grain from chaff.[418] The odometer cart, invented during the Han period, measured journey lengths, using mechanical figures banging drums and gongs to indicate each distance travelled.[419] This invention is depicted in Han artwork by the 2nd century, yet detailed written descriptions were not offered until the 3rd century.[420]

Modern archaeologists have also unearthed specimens of devices used during the Han dynasty, for example a pair of sliding metal calipers used by craftsmen for making minute measurements. These calipers contain inscriptions of the exact day and year they were manufactured. These tools are not mentioned in any Han literary sources.[421]

The waterwheel appeared in Chinese records during the Han. As mentioned by Huan Tan c. 20 AD, they were used to turn gears that lifted iron trip hammers, and were used in pounding, threshing, and polishing grain.[422] However, there is no sufficient evidence for the watermill in China until around the 5th century.[423] The administrator, mechanical engineer, and metallurgist Du Shi (d. 38 AD) created a waterwheel-powered reciprocator that worked the bellows for the smelting of iron.[424][425] Waterwheels were also used to power chain pumps that lifted water to raised irrigation ditches. The chain pump was first mentioned in China by the philosopher Wang Chong in his 1st-century Lunheng.[426]

The armillary sphere, a three-dimensional representation of the movements in the celestial sphere, was invented by the Han during the 1st century BC.[427] Using a water clock, waterwheel, and a series of gears, the Court Astronomer Zhang Heng (78–139 AD) was able to mechanically rotate his metal-ringed armillary sphere.[428][429][430][431] To address the problem of slowed timekeeping in the pressure head of the inflow water clock, Zhang was the first in China to install an additional tank between the reservoir and inflow vessel.[428][432]

Zhang also invented a device he termed an "earthquake weathervane" (houfeng didong yi 候風地動儀), which the British sinologist and historian Joseph Needham described as "the ancestor of all seismographs".[433] This device was able to detect the exact cardinal or ordinal direction of earthquakes from hundreds of kilometres away.[428][434][430] It employed an inverted pendulum that, when disturbed by ground tremors, would trigger a set of gears that dropped a metal ball from one of eight dragon mouths (representing all eight directions) into a metal toad's mouth.[435] The account of this device in the Book of the Later Han describes how, on one occasion, one of the metal balls was triggered without any of the observers feeling a disturbance. Several days later, a messenger arrived bearing news that an earthquake had struck in Longxi Commandery (modern Gansu), the direction the device had indicated, which forced the officials at court to admit the efficacy of Zhang's device.[436]

Mathematics

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Three Han mathematical treatises still exist. These are the Book on Numbers and Computation, the Zhoubi Suanjing, and the Nine Chapters on the Mathematical Art. Han mathematical achievements include solving problems with right triangles, square roots, cube roots, and matrix methods,[437][438] finding more accurate approximations for pi,[439][440] providing mathematical proof of the Pythagorean theorem,[441][442] use of the decimal fraction,[443] Gaussian elimination to solve linear equations,[444][445][446] and continued fractions to find the roots of equations.[447]

One of the Han's greatest mathematical advancements was the world's first use of negative numbers. Negative numbers first appeared in the Nine Chapters on the Mathematical Art as black counting rods, where positive numbers were represented by red counting rods.[438] Negative numbers were also used by the Greek mathematician Diophantus around AD 275, and in the 7th-century Bakhshali manuscript of Gandhara, South Asia,[448] but were not widely accepted in Europe until the 16th century.[438]

The Han applied mathematics to various diverse disciplines. In musical tuning, Jing Fang (78–37 BC) realized that 53 perfect fifths was approximate to 31 octaves. He also created a musical scale of 60 tones, calculating the difference at 177147176776 (the same value of 53 equal temperament discovered by the German mathematician Nicholas Mercator [1620–1687], i.e. 353/284).[449][450]

Astronomy

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Mathematics were essential in drafting the astronomical calendar, a lunisolar calendar that used the Sun and Moon as time-markers throughout the year.[451][452] In the 5th century BC, during the Spring and Autumn period, the Chinese established the Sifen calendar (古四分歷), which measured the tropical year at 365.25 days. This was replaced in 104 BC with the Taichu calendar (太初曆) that measured the tropical year at 365+3851539 (~ 365.25016) days and the lunar month at 29+4381 days.[453] However, Emperor Zhang later reinstated the Sifen calendar.[454]

Han dynasty astronomers made star catalogues and detailed records of comets that appeared in the night sky, including recording the appearance of the comet now known as Halley's Comet in 12 BC.[455][456][457][458] They adopted a geocentric model of the universe, theorizing that it was a sphere surrounding the Earth in the centre.[459][460][461] They assumed that the Sun, Moon, and planets were spherical and not disc-shaped. They also thought that the illumination of the Moon and planets was caused by sunlight, that lunar eclipses occurred when the Earth obstructed sunlight falling onto the Moon, and that a solar eclipse occurred when the Moon obstructed sunlight from reaching the Earth.[462] Although others disagreed with his model, Wang Chong accurately described the water cycle of the evaporation of water into clouds.[463]

Cartography, ships, and vehicles

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A silk map from the early Western Han depicting the kingdoms of Changsha and Nanyue in southern China, with the southern direction oriented at the top – Mawangdui tomb No. 3
An Eastern Han pottery boat model with a steering rudder at the stern and anchor at the bow

Both literary and archaeological evidence has demonstrated that cartography in China predated the Han.[464][465] Some of the oldest Han-era maps that have been discovered were written using ink on silk, and were found amongst the Mawangdui Silk Texts in a 2nd-century BC tomb in Hunan.[464][466] The general Ma Yuan created the world's first known raised-relief map from rice in the 1st century.[467] This date could be revised if the tomb of Qin Shi Huang is excavated and the Shiji's account of a model map of the empire is proven to be true.[468]

Although the use of graduated scales and grid references in maps was not thoroughly described prior to the work of Pei Xiu (AD 224–271), there is evidence that their use was introduced in the early 2nd century by the cartographer Zhang Heng.[428][464][469][470]

The Han sailed in various types of ships that differed from those used in previous eras, such as the tower ship. The junk design was developed and realized during the Han era. Junk ships featured a square-ended bow and stern, a flat-bottomed hull or carvel-shaped hull with no keel or sternpost, and solid transverse bulkheads in the place of [structural ribs found in Western vessels.[471][472] Moreover, Han ships were the first in the world to be steered using a rudder at the stern, in contrast to the simpler steering oar used for riverine transport, allowing them to sail on the high seas.[473][474][475][476][477][478]

Although ox carts and chariots were previously used in China, the wheelbarrow was first used in Han China in the 1st century BC.[479][480] Han artwork of horse-drawn chariots shows that the Warring-States-Era heavy wooden yoke placed around a horse's chest was replaced by the softer breast strap.[481] Later, during the Northern Wei (386–534), the fully developed horse collar was invented.[481]

Medicine

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The physical exercise chart; a painting on silk depicting the practice of Daoyin – Mawangdui tomb No. 3

Han-era medical physicians believed that the human body was subject to the same forces of nature that governed the greater universe, namely the cosmological cycles of yin and yang and the five phases. Each organ of the body was associated with a particular phase. Illness was viewed as a sign that qi, or vital energy, channels leading to a certain organ had been disrupted. Thus, Han-era physicians prescribed medicine that was believed to counteract this imbalance.[482][483][484]

For example, since the wood phase was believed to promote the fire phase, medicinal ingredients associated with the wood phase could be used to heal an organ associated with the fire phase.[482] Besides dieting, Han physicians also prescribed moxibustion, acupuncture, and callisthenics as methods of maintaining one's health.[485][486][487][488] When surgery was performed by the Chinese physician Hua Tuo (d. AD 208), he used anaesthesia to numb his patients' pain and prescribed a rubbing ointment that allegedly sped up the healing process for surgical wounds.[485] The physician Zhang Zhongjing (c. 150 – c. 219 AD) is known to have written the Shanghan Lun ("Dissertation on Typhoid Fever"), and it is thought that he and Hua Tuo collaborated to compile the Shennong Bencaojing medical text.[489]

See also

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Notes

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References

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
The Han dynasty (漢朝) (206 BCE–220 CE) was the second imperial dynasty of , founded by Liu Bang following the collapse of the , and renowned for establishing a durable bureaucratic system and fostering a cultural that shaped subsequent Chinese .
Divided into the Western Han (西漢) (206 BCE–9 CE) with its capital at and the Eastern Han (25–220 CE) centered in , the dynasty endured an interruption from Wang Mang (王莽)'s Xin regime (9–23 CE) before restoration under Liu Xiu (劉秀).
Under Han rule, experienced territorial expansion through campaigns against the and the initiation of the (絲綢之路) trade networks, alongside institutional adoption of as the state orthodoxy, which supported a merit-based precursor.
Technological innovations included , improved agricultural tools like the iron plow, and early seismographic devices, contributing to and economic stability estimated at over 50 million subjects by the dynasty's later phases.
The dynasty's eventual fragmentation into the period in 220 CE marked the end of centralized Han authority, yet its administrative, cultural, and ethnic legacies—defining identity—persisted as foundational to imperial .

Overview

Etymology and nomenclature

The name of the Han dynasty derives from the title "King of Han" (漢王, Hàn Wáng) granted to its founder, Liu Bang, by Xiang Yu in 206 BC following the collapse of the Qin dynasty. This title referred to the Hanzhong region (漢中, Hanzhong), a strategic area in present-day Shaanxi province along the upper reaches of the Han River (漢水, Hàn Shuǐ), which flows eastward through central China into the Yangtze. After Bang's victory over at the in 202 BC, he proclaimed himself emperor and established the dynasty, adopting "Han" as its name to signify continuity from his base of power rather than his personal surname (劉). The Han River, from which the region and title derive, lent its name to the dynasty, reflecting a common Chinese historical of naming ruling houses after significant geographical features or fiefs associated with their origins. In nomenclature, the dynasty is known in Chinese as 漢朝 (Hàn Cháo), literally "Han Dynasty," with "Han" (漢) in classical representing the riverine and regional connotation. The term "Han" later extended to denote the ethnic Chinese majority, emerging prominently during later periods like the (420–589 AD), as the dynasty's cultural and administrative legacy defined core Chinese identity.

Territorial extent and demographics

The territory of the Han dynasty initially comprised the central Chinese heartland inherited from the Qin , including the plain, the valley, and the middle basin, with borders roughly extending from the Liao River in the northeast to the in the south and westward to the Tibetan plateau's eastern fringes. During the Western Han period (202 BC–9 AD), aggressive campaigns under (r. 141–87 BC) significantly expanded the realm: northern expeditions subdued tribes, securing the Gansu Corridor and establishing the Protectorate over oasis states in the ; southern conquests incorporated (modern and ) as commandery; and northeastern incursions created in northern Korea. These additions brought the 's maximum extent to approximately 4 million square kilometers by circa 100 BC, though much of the western and southern peripheries involved tributary relationships or garrisons rather than direct administrative control. The Xin interregnum (9–25 AD) under led to partial territorial contraction, with losses in the northwest to resurgence and rebellions severing control over southern commanderies. The subsequent Eastern Han (25–220 AD) restoration under Emperor Guangwu recovered core territories east of the but failed to fully reclaim distant protectorates, which fragmented amid Qiang uprisings and migrations; by the late AD, effective control shrank to the and basins, with nominal suzerainty over Korea's Lelang until its fall in 313 AD post-Han collapse. Overall, the Han maintained a centralized commandery system over 100+ administrative units at peak, supplemented by semi-autonomous kingdoms granted to imperial kin, enabling resource extraction from fertile alluvial plains while frontier defenses relied on conscript armies and the Great Wall extensions. Demographic records from Han censuses, preserved in texts like the , indicate rapid driven by agricultural innovations such as iron plows and , which supported high yields in the soil regions. The empire-wide of 2 AD enumerated 57,671,400 individuals across 12,366,560 households, reflecting a density of roughly 14 persons per square kilometer in core areas and marking the first comprehensive tally in Chinese history. Subsequent registers, such as the 140 AD showing about 49 million and the 157 AD figure of 50.6 million, suggest fluctuations from warfare, famines, and possible underreporting of migrants or evaders, though scholarly estimates hold the true peak near 60 million by the early 1st century AD. The populace was overwhelmingly rural agrarian, with over 90% engaged in farming wet-rice and millet cultivation, concentrated in the eastern commanderies where urban centers like (Western Han capital, pop. ~250,000–500,000) and (Eastern Han, similar scale) served as administrative and trade hubs. Ethnically, the core population comprised Sinitic-speaking groups ancestral to modern , unified culturally through Confucian bureaucracy and imperial expansion, while frontier regions hosted non-Sinitic minorities including Yue tribes in the south, Qiang pastoralists in the northwest, and remnants, who numbered in the tens of thousands as tributaries or subjects but comprised less than 10% of the total demographic. Household registers categorized free commoners, slaves (from war captives, ~1–2% of population), and merchants, with gender ratios skewed by and warfare favoring males in censuses. These figures underscore the Han's demographic foundation as a densely settled , enabling military mobilization of millions but vulnerable to disruptions like the (184 AD), which halved regional populations in affected areas through plague and conflict.

History

Establishment and Western Han (202 BC–9 AD)

Personal Name (Traditional Chinese)Temple NameReign YearsMajor Event
Liu Bang (劉邦)N/A202–195 BCFounded the Han dynasty after victory in the Chu–Han Contention.
Liu Ying (劉盈)N/A195–188 BCEarly consolidation amid rise of Lü clan influence.
Liu Heng (劉恆)Taizong180–157 BCImplemented tax reductions and frugality to promote recovery.
Liu Qi (劉啟)N/A157–141 BCSuppressed the Rebellion of the Seven States, centralizing power.
Liu Che (劉徹)Shizong141–87 BCMilitary campaigns against Xiongnu and adoption of Confucianism.
Liu Fuling (劉弗陵)N/A87–74 BCPeriod of relative stability under regency.
Liu Xun (劉詢)Zhongzong74–49 BCManaged challenges from eunuchs and elite corruption.
Liu Kan (劉衎)N/A1 BC–6 ADRegency dominated by Wang Mang, leading to dynasty's end.
Following the collapse of the in 206 BC, Liu Bang (劉邦), a former peasant and minor official, emerged victorious from the against rival warlord , culminating in the in late 202 BC. On February 28, 202 BC, Liu Bang proclaimed himself Emperor Gaozu (漢高祖), establishing the Han dynasty with its capital at in present-day province. To consolidate power, Gaozu initially divided the realm into kingdoms granted to loyal generals and relatives alongside directly administered commanderies, a hybrid feudal-bureaucratic system intended to balance central authority with regional stability. Gaozu's early policies emphasized recovery from Qin's harsh rule, including a general amnesty for rebels, reduction of land taxes to one-fifteenth of the harvest, and abolition of corporal punishments like , replacing them with fines or labor. These measures, continued under his successors Huidi (r. 195–188 BC) and the regency of Empress Dowager Lü (until 180 BC), fostered economic revival but were marred by court intrigues and the elevation of Lü clan members, leading to purges after her death. Wen (r. 180–157 BC) further lightened taxes to one-thirtieth, shortened labor to one year in three, and promoted frugality, enabling to approximately 59 million by 2 AD as recorded in censuses. His son, Jing (r. 157–141 BC), suppressed the in 154 BC, centralizing power by reducing the autonomy of feudal kingdoms. The reign of Emperor Wu (漢武帝) (r. 141–87 BC) marked the zenith of Western Han expansion and institutionalization. Wu launched campaigns against the nomads starting in 133 BC, achieving decisive victories by 119 BC under generals like and , which secured northern frontiers and opened routes to . Conquests extended southward into and southwest into modern , while diplomatic missions under from 138 BC facilitated the trade networks. Domestically, Wu adopted as state orthodoxy in 136 BC on the advice of , establishing the Imperial Academy and prioritizing Confucian scholars in bureaucracy, though his militarism strained finances, prompting state monopolies on salt, iron, and coinage from 119–117 BC to fund expenditures. Subsequent emperors faced mounting challenges: Emperor Zhao (r. 87–74 BC) saw brief stability, but later rulers like Xuan (r. 74–49 BC) dealt with influence and corruption, while land concentration among elites exacerbated inequality. By the reign of Emperor Ping (r. 1 BC–6 AD), regent , initially a reformer, maneuvered to usurp the throne in 9 AD, declaring the and ending Western Han rule amid famines and revolts. Wang's policies, including land redistribution and abolition of private slave ownership, failed to stem chaos, reflecting underlying agrarian pressures from and unequal distribution.

Xin interregnum and civil strife (9–25 AD)

In 9 AD, , who had served as regent for the child emperor since 1 AD, deposed the Western Han ruler and proclaimed himself emperor, establishing the with the intent to restore ancient Confucian ideals through sweeping reforms. His policies included reviving the Zhou-era for land redistribution, limiting private estates to 100 acres and allocating about five acres per household while banning land sales and slave trading to curb inequality. was overhauled multiple times, introducing new denominations in place of traditional ones, alongside state monopolies on essentials like salt, iron, and alcohol, and price stabilization measures known as the "Five Equalizations." These initiatives aimed to alleviate peasant burdens but faced immediate resistance from entrenched landowners and merchants, whose wealth was eroded by confiscations and trade restrictions. Implementation faltered due to administrative inefficiencies and exogenous shocks, including severe droughts, floods starting around 11 AD, and resulting famines that displaced populations and spurred in some regions by 14 AD. changes fueled and widespread counterfeiting, while monopolies disrupted markets without adequate enforcement, exacerbating shortages and peasant indebtedness. Wang Mang partially reversed land reforms by 10 AD amid non-compliance, but unrest persisted, compounded by failed military campaigns against frontier nomads and internal corruption among officials. By 17 AD, agrarian rebellions ignited in eastern provinces, notably the Lulin (Green Forest) uprising led by figures like Wang Feng and Wang Kuang in modern Hubei, initially comprising starving peasants protesting tax burdens and famine relief failures. The (Chimei) rebellion emerged concurrently in and northern around 18 AD, marked by rebels painting their eyebrows red for identification and growing to tens of thousands through opportunistic recruitment amid . These groups, driven by survival rather than , drained Xin resources via guerrilla tactics and avoided direct confrontations until imperial forces suffered defeats, such as at Chengchang in 22 AD. On October 4, 23 AD, Lulin forces breached Chang'an's walls, leading to street fighting; Wang Mang was slain two days later on October 6 by a merchant amid the chaos, ending the Xin dynasty after 14 years of rule that historians attribute to overambitious policies clashing with entrenched interests and climatic adversities. Post-Wang Mang, civil strife intensified as rebel factions fragmented into warlord coalitions, with sacking and briefly installing puppet Han emperors like Liu Xuan () in 23 AD, only to clash over spoils and authority. Liu Xiu, a distant Han imperial relative and former Lulin affiliate, consolidated power in the east by defeating at the Battle of Kunyang in 23 AD and other rivals through alliances and superior strategy, relocating the capital to to escape western devastation. By 25 AD, Liu Xiu eliminated remaining claimants, declaring himself emperor as Guangwu and founding the Eastern Han, restoring Liu family rule after two years of anarchy that claimed millions of lives from warfare, , and . This period's turmoil stemmed causally from policy-induced economic dislocation amplifying natural disasters, eroding central legitimacy and enabling decentralized peasant militarization.

Eastern Han consolidation (25–184 AD)

Emperor Guangwu (r. 25–57 AD), formerly Liu Xiu, a collateral descendant of the Western Han imperial house, proclaimed the restoration of the Han dynasty in 25 AD following the collapse of Wang Mang's Xin interregnum, establishing the Eastern Han with as the new capital to leverage its central eastern position for improved defense and administration after the devastation centered on the west. This relocation facilitated consolidation by shifting focus to the more intact eastern heartland, avoiding the ruined infrastructure of . Guangwu's forces defeated key rebel groups, including the peasant uprising, through decisive campaigns that unified the core territories by approximately 36 AD, restoring central authority over fragmented warlord states that had proliferated during the civil strife of 23–25 AD. Administrative reforms under Guangwu emphasized merit-based appointments and fiscal recovery, including the destruction of tax-exempt estates held by Western Han aristocrats, which had eroded state revenues; this measure redistributed land and bolstered the treasury amid post-war reconstruction. He continued but ultimately abandoned Wang Mang's ineffective land equalizations and bans on self-enslavement, recognizing their failure to curb private derived from and , while state-owned slaves (nubi) remained a labor mainstay for . Economic policies repealed Western Han monopolies on salt, iron, and , spurring private enterprise; iron production advanced with water-powered , enhancing agricultural tools and output, complemented by canal repairs like the Bianqu in the 60s AD that irrigated northern plains. These steps fostered recovery, with southern migration increasing rice cultivation and , though inequality persisted as large estates reemerged among elites. Successors Emperor Ming (r. 57–75 AD) and Emperor Zhang (r. 75–88 AD) maintained stability through Confucian-oriented governance, lightened taxation, and capable officials, ushering in the "Rule of Ming and Zhang" era of relative peace and cultural flourishing that lasted until Zhang's death. Military efforts subdued northern remnants via alliances and campaigns, culminating in General Dou Xian's decisive victory in 89 AD that fragmented the confederation and secured the northwest frontier, while intermittent Qiang tribal incursions in the west were managed without major territorial losses. Population rebounded from Xin-era lows, reaching about 50 million by the 157 AD under Emperor Huan, reflecting agricultural expansion and reduced warfare. Post-88 AD, consolidation waned as child emperors like An (r. 106–125 AD) and subsequent rulers relied on regencies by empress dowagers and eunuchs, fostering factional strife between aristocratic clans and palace eunuchs without yet precipitating systemic collapse. Innovations bolstered , including Cai Lun's refinement of in 105 AD using mulberry bark and hemp, which improved bureaucratic record-keeping. Frontier defenses held through garrisons and tribute systems, with southern expansions incorporating commanderies, sustaining trade along routes despite occasional nomadic pressures. This era ended in 184 AD with the , but prior decades demonstrated resilient central control over a vast agrarian economy reliant on iron tools, canals, and coerced labor.

Decline, uprisings, and collapse (184–220 AD)

By the mid-2nd century AD, the Eastern Han faced systemic decay from by elites, which displaced peasants into tenancy or , exacerbated by like floods and droughts that triggered famines across northern commanderies. Heavy taxation to fund eunuch-dominated court extravagance and military campaigns further eroded rural stability, while imperial sales of offices under Emperor Ling (r. 168–189 AD) empowered corrupt officials, undermining bureaucratic integrity. This convergence of economic distress, administrative corruption, and factional strife between eunuchs and Confucian scholar-officials created fertile ground for widespread unrest. The erupted in February 184 AD, orchestrated by the brothers , Zhang Bao, and Zhang Liang, who propagated a Taoist millenarian doctrine of "Great Peace" (Taiping Dao) promising salvation amid chaos, attracting hundreds of thousands of followers who donned yellow headscarves as identifiers. Uprisings simultaneously struck multiple regions, including Julu (modern ), Guangzong, and Nanyang commanderies, where rebels under Zhang Mancheng seized Wancheng and killed the local administrator. Imperial forces, led by generals like Lu Zhi, , and Zhu Jun, initially struggled due to divided command and rebel guerrilla tactics but quelled the core rebellion by late 185 AD through decisive engagements, such as 's victory at Guangzong that captured and executed Zhang Liang. succumbed to illness prior to major clashes, while remnants persisted in pockets like Changsha and Kuaiji until 205 AD, inflicting heavy losses on both sides and fracturing Han military cohesion. The rebellion's suppression accelerated central authority's erosion, as victorious generals and regional inspectors amassed private armies, transitioning from loyalists to autonomous warlords. In 189 AD, following Emperor Ling's death, General-in-Chief attempted to purge eunuch influence but was assassinated, prompting chaos in that invited 's intervention with his northwestern frontier troops. deposed the infant Emperor Shao in September 189 AD, installing the nine-year-old Liu Xie as Emperor Xian (r. 189–220 AD), then razed in 190 AD amid rival coalitions' advance, relocating the court to and ruling tyrannically until his assassination in May 192 AD by Lü Bu and Wang Yun. This power vacuum spawned rival regimes: consolidated northern control after defeating at Guandu in 200 AD, relocating Emperor Xian to in 196 AD as a puppet; fled southward, allying with in the east; while fragmented coalitions dissolved into endemic warfare. By 215 AD, Cao Cao's domain dominated the Central Plains, but his death in 220 AD enabled his son to coerce Emperor Xian's on November 25, 220 AD, formally terminating the Han lineage and inaugurating the state. This event, mirroring the of mandate loss, marked the dynasty's collapse after 422 years, yielding to the era amid depopulated heartlands and entrenched militarism.

Government and administration

Central bureaucracy and Confucian principles

The Han dynasty's central formed a hierarchical, -centered apparatus that adapted the preceding Qin's centralized structure while integrating Confucian ideals to foster administrative stability and moral governance. At the apex stood the , who wielded supreme authority over policy, appointments, and executions, supported by the Three Excellencies—typically the (responsible for civil administration), the Imperial Counselor (overseeing oversight and justice), and the Grand Commandant (managing military affairs)—whose roles fluctuated slightly between Western and Eastern Han periods but collectively advised the throne and coordinated executive functions. Beneath them operated the Nine Ministers, each heading a specialized ministry: the Minister of Ceremonies (Taichang, handling rituals and of the (Guangluxun, managing and imperial hunts), Minister Coachman (Taipu, overseeing imperial transportation and ), Minister of Justice (Tingwei, adjudicating legal cases), Minister of Works (Dasinong, supervising public infrastructure and ), Minister of War (Langzhongling, directing armaments and ), Minister of Imperial Clan Affairs (Zongzheng, administering royal kin), Minister of Finance (Shaofu, controlling state revenues and workshops), and Minister of the Guards (Weiwei, commanding guards). This structure enabled efficient resource allocation and policy implementation across the vast empire, with ministers drawing salaries in grain measures (e.g., 2,000 to 1,000 shi annually) and reporting directly or indirectly to the Excellencies. Confucian principles profoundly shaped this , providing an ethical framework emphasizing hierarchy, , ritual propriety, and merit-based service to the state, which contrasted with Qin's harsh Legalism by promoting moral suasion over coercion alone. (r. 141–87 BC) formalized as the official state ideology in 136 BC, commissioning the establishment of imperial academies (Taixue) to train scholars in the Five Classics (Shijing, Shujing, Liji, Zhouyi, and Chunqiu), thereby aligning bureaucratic recruitment with doctrinal mastery rather than solely aristocratic birth. Influenced by the scholar (179–104 BC), who integrated Confucian humanism with correlative cosmology (e.g., linking imperial virtue to natural harmony via yin-yang and the five phases), the regime justified autocratic rule as a cosmic mandate while using these ideas to legitimize of rival philosophies like Daoism and to enforce through educated officials. Officials were selected via a recommendation system (chaqu), where local elites nominated candidates for on classics and policy essays, with successful examinees (often numbering in the hundreds annually by Eastern Han) entering the bureaucracy at junior ranks, theoretically enabling upward mobility but in practice favoring those with scholarly patronage networks. This Confucian infusion mitigated some Legalist excesses, such as arbitrary punishments, by instilling ideals of benevolence (ren) and righteousness (yi) in governance, yet the system remained instrumental: Emperor Wu exploited it to consolidate power, expanding the to over 120,000 officials by 100 BC to support military campaigns and economic controls, while doctrinal conformity suppressed dissent and reinforced loyalty oaths to the throne. Empirical records, including Han bamboo slips from sites like Juyan, reveal bureaucrats applying Confucian in edicts—e.g., invoking ancestral rites for tax compliance—while pragmatically enforcing state monopolies on salt, iron, and coinage, demonstrating how ideology served causal ends like revenue extraction (yielding millions of cash annually) rather than pure . By Eastern Han (25–220 AD), this framework had ossified, with eunuchs and imperial relatives increasingly bypassing Confucian merit norms, contributing to administrative corruption amid factional strife.

Local governance and commandery system

The Han dynasty implemented a centralized local governance system inherited and refined from the Qin, dividing the into commanderies (jùn 郡) as the primary provincial-level units directly under imperial control, alongside semi-autonomous kingdoms (wángguó 王國) that diminished over time. Each commandery was headed by a taishou (grand administrator or ), appointed by the for terms typically lasting three to five years to prevent entrenched local power, with responsibilities encompassing tax collection, household registration for and labor, judicial administration, , and coordination of local militias for defense and order. The taishou operated from a commandery seat, supported by a small staff including assistants for finance (gōngcāo 功曹) and legal affairs, and was paired with a military (dūwèi 都尉) to handle garrisons and security, ensuring civil-military separation under central oversight. Commanderies were subdivided into (xiàn 縣), the foundational units of local administration numbering around 1,300 by the late Western Han, each governed by a (líng 令 for larger counties exceeding 10,000 households or xiànzhǎng 縣長 for smaller ones), also centrally appointed and rotated periodically. magistrates managed granular tasks such as surveys, maintenance, local taxation in grain or cloth, enforcement of penal codes, and resolution of disputes, reporting upward to the taishou while maintaining records forwarded to the capital for imperial audits. This structure facilitated efficient resource extraction and stability across diverse regions, from the fertile Yellow River plains to arid frontiers, with further divided into townships (xiāng 鄉) and neighborhoods ( 里) for grassroots surveillance and mutual accountability among households. Initially under Emperor Gaozu (r. 202–195 BC), the system comprised about 13 commanderies alongside 10 kingdoms enfeoffed to royal kin, but Emperor Wu (r. 141–87 BC) expanded direct rule by converting kingdoms into commanderies, reaching 103 commanderies by 2 AD to curb feudal threats after incidents like the in 154 BC. In the Eastern Han, oversight intensified with the appointment of regional (cìshǐ 刺史), who toured multiple commanderies to evaluate officials' , investigate , and recommend promotions or punishments, evolving into more powerful provincial governors by the dynasty's end and foreshadowing decentralized warlordism. Local officials were often selected through the chájǔ recommendation system, where commandery elites nominated candidates based on virtues like or scholarly merit for , though this favored entrenched families and invited despite central vetting. This commandery-county framework enabled the Han to administer a exceeding 50 million by 2 AD with roughly 130,000 officials, balancing local responsiveness against imperial authority through standardized legal codes, regular inspections, and fiscal accountability, though inefficiencies arose from vast distances and official in remote areas. Frontier commanderies, such as those in the northwest, incorporated non-Han elements with auxiliary troops and accommodated tribal customs under Han overseers, contributing to and via trade routes.

Nobility, kingdoms, and imperial relatives

Upon establishing the Han dynasty in 202 BC, Emperor Gaozu (Liu Bang, r. 202–195 BC) enfeoffed numerous imperial relatives, primarily sons and brothers, as kings (wang) of semi-autonomous kingdoms, which comprised about 60% of the empire's territory, while retaining direct control over western commanderies. These kingdoms were intended to secure loyalty through familial ties but initially included grants to non-relatives like former rebel generals, who were later replaced by 196 BC with Liu relatives to consolidate imperial authority. The nobility system featured five ranks— (gong), marquis (hou), (bo), (zi), and (nan)—with kings reserved for imperial kin and marquises (liehou) granted to meritorious non-relatives, often subdivided into 19 ranks based on or civil achievements, conferring tax-exempt estates in districts or townships. Kingdoms under royal princes included administrative structures paralleling the central , allowing collection of taxes and maintenance of private armies, though this fostered tensions leading to revolts, such as the 154 BC Rebellion of the Seven Kingdoms (Wu, , Zhao, Jiaodong, Jiaoxi, Zichuan, and Jibei), triggered by proposals to curtail princely powers. Suppressed by General Zhou Yafu under Emperor Jing (r. 157–141 BC), the rebellion prompted reforms stripping kingdoms of administrative autonomy, reducing them to hereditary land estates without independent officials, while princes retained nominal titles and revenues. In the Western Han's later phases, Emperor Wu (r. 141–87 BC) further centralized by subordinating marquisal feoffs within kingdoms to commandery oversight and promoting Confucian , diminishing hereditary nobility's influence relative to appointed bureaucrats. Imperial relatives, including empress dowagers like Lü Zhi (d. 180 BC), occasionally wielded significant regental power early on, influencing succession and policy, but recurring princely intrigues underscored the system's instability, prompting ongoing curtailments. During the Eastern Han (25–220 AD), Emperor Guangwu (r. 25–57 AD) reestablished kingdoms and expanded marquessates, granting larger estates to and imperial kin to redistribute land and bolster support, though these remained smaller and more integrated under central commanderies than Western Han counterparts. increasingly intertwined with scholar-gentry families, who leveraged hereditary titles for bureaucratic access, yet true power shifted toward eunuchs and outer relatives in late periods, eroding traditional princely roles amid dynastic decline.

Military structure and frontier defense

The Han dynasty's military structure centered on a conscription system that obligated able-bodied males to serve two years of active duty, typically one year guarding frontiers or the capital and another in local units, followed by periodic training obligations. This levy system drew from a vast population, enabling field armies exceeding 300,000 men during major campaigns, such as the 119 BC Battle of Mobei against the Xiongnu, which deployed approximately 200,000 infantry, 100,000 cavalry, and 140,000 support horses. Basic organizational units included the tu-wei-fu, a company-sized formation of around 100–200 troops led by a colonel, with three such units forming a larger tun or chün equivalent to a regiment or brigade under experienced officers. Professional elements supplemented conscripts, particularly the Northern Army, a standing force of 10,000–40,000 elite guards stationed at the capital for imperial protection and rapid response, composed of career soldiers rather than short-term levies. Emperor Wu's reforms from 138 BC onward shifted emphasis toward , , and crossbows to adapt to warfare, incorporating multi-ethnic from kingdoms and nomadic defectors for specialized mounted units. By the Eastern Han period (25–220 AD), declined in favor of volunteer professionals and substitution taxes, with garrisons increasingly manned by long-term settlers and mercenaries. Frontier defense focused on containing nomadic incursions, primarily from the in the north and northwest, through a combination of offensive campaigns, fortified walls, and networks. Emperor Wu launched seven major expeditions between 133 BC and 119 BC, culminating in decisive victories under generals and that fragmented the confederation and pushed remnants beyond the by 89 AD. Defensive infrastructure included extensions of the Qin Great Wall, watchtowers for smoke signals, and agricultural colonies (tuntian) where soldier-farmers sustained permanent outposts in arid regions like the Ordos Loop and . These measures secured trade routes and prevented raids, though they strained resources, with numbering tens of thousands in key commanderies by the Western Han's end. In the Eastern Han, defenses adapted to new threats like Qiang tribes in the west, relying more on local alliances, river fortifications, and mobile cavalry patrols rather than mass levies, which reduced central control but mitigated overextension. Overall, the system's effectiveness stemmed from logistical superiority in and , enabling sustained pressure on mobile foes despite vulnerabilities in open terrain.

Economy

Agriculture, land distribution, and inequality

The Han dynasty's economy was fundamentally agrarian, with over 80% of the population engaged in farming to support the empire's growth and stability. Principal crops included drought-resistant millet in northern regions, irrigated rice along the River and southward, and , which Western Han emperors actively promoted through edicts starting around the to counteract food shortages from expanding population and military campaigns. advanced with the widespread adoption of iron-tipped plows by the early Western Han (around 200 BC), enabling deeper soil tillage, alongside oxen for draft power, which allowed larger cultivated areas per household compared to wooden implements. Land ownership was private, permitting free purchase and sale without enforced egalitarian distribution during the core Han periods, fostering initial smallholder farming but enabling gradual consolidation. In 9 AD, during the Xin interregnum, Wang Mang decreed the revival of the Zhou-era well-field system, nationalizing land, banning private sales, and allocating fixed quotas—up to 1,000 mu per adult male in a household—to curb elite accumulation and ensure peasant self-sufficiency. These reforms, however, faced resistance from landowners who concealed holdings or ignored edicts, proving unenforceable amid administrative chaos, and were rescinded after Wang's defeat in 23 AD, reverting to market-driven transactions. Persistent factors like heavy taxation, debt from crop failures, and demands drove smallholders to sell plots to affluent officials, merchants, and , resulting in expansive estates by the mid-Western Han. By the Eastern Han (25–220 AD), tenant farming dominated, with diannong (rent-paying cultivators) working elite domains under arrangements—often 50% of yield in rent—while landless laborers swelled ranks, heightening rural vulnerability. This concentration amplified inequality, as evidenced by estimates that the wealthiest 1% captured 26% of empire-wide , rooted in land monopolies that extracted surplus from dependent peasants without proportional state redistribution. Elite dominance, unchecked by effective policy beyond sporadic edicts, eroded smallholder viability and precipitated social unrest, including the of 184 AD.

Currency, markets, and Silk Road trade

The Han dynasty standardized bronze cash coinage with the introduction of the Wu Zhu (五銖) coin in 118 BC under Emperor Wu, replacing earlier varied issues and facilitating monetary circulation across the empire. These round coins with square holes weighed approximately 2.8 grams initially, bore the inscription denoting five zhu (a unit of weight), and were produced in state mints to support expanding trade and taxation. The Wu Zhu remained the primary currency through the Western and Eastern Han periods, enduring interruptions like Wang Mang's experimental coin reforms (9–23 AD) before restoration under Emperor Guangwu in 25 AD, underscoring its role in stabilizing economic exchanges amid agricultural surpluses and urban growth. Urban markets formed the backbone of internal commerce, regulated by officials who oversaw prices, weights, and measures in designated wards of cities like and . These markets traded staples such as , , iron implements, and salt—key outputs of state monopolies—while private merchants, despite legal restrictions and social disdain as a class below peasants and artisans, drove distribution through caravans and river transport. fueled by to around 60 million by the Eastern Han era supported bustling trade hubs, though heavy demands and taxes on merchants often constrained private enterprise, prioritizing state revenue over unfettered market dynamics. The networks, initiated by explorer-diplomat Zhang Qian's missions dispatched by Emperor Wu in 138 BC, connected Han to and beyond, primarily to secure allies against nomads and access superior Ferghana horses for cavalry. These routes facilitated export of textiles, , and iron goods in exchange for Central Asian alfalfa, grapes, pomegranates, and walnuts, with indirect flows reaching as far as the for glassware and spices. volumes grew post-119 BC military victories, but required costly frontier garrisons and tribute systems, yielding net economic benefits through luxury imports that enhanced elite consumption while exposing Han to foreign metallurgical and horticultural techniques.

Taxation, corvée labor, and state monopolies

The Han dynasty's fiscal system relied heavily on agricultural land taxes (tianzu), which constituted the primary revenue source, typically levied as one-fifteenth of the harvest in grain during the early Western Han period before being reduced to one-thirtieth following Wen's reforms in 167 BCE to alleviate peasant burdens. Supplementary poll taxes (koufu or suanfu) were imposed on households based on registers, with adults aged 15 to 56 paying approximately 120 coins annually, children aged 7 to 14 contributing 23 , and exemptions or reductions for the elderly, disabled, or ; these rates funded administrative and military needs but often proved challenging to collect accurately due to underreporting and migration. Commercial taxes, such as the min qian levy on merchants and artisans, supplemented these, while property taxes on assets like or dwellings were occasionally applied, particularly under Wu (r. 141–87 BCE) to support expansionist campaigns. By the late Western Han, fiscal pressures led to adjustments, including a temporary drop in land rates to one-hundredth amid revenue shortfalls, offset by hikes in poll and property levies, though enforcement varied by locality and contributed to administrative inefficiencies. Corvée labor (yao yi or gengzu), a form of unpaid compulsory service, required able-bodied males aged 15 to 56 to perform one month of annual duty for the state, alternating between like maintenance, , and wall repairs or military conscription; this could be commuted to a cash payment (gengfu) equivalent to wages for hired labor, a practice increasingly favored to reduce direct burdens. Exemptions applied to imperial kin, nobles, scholars, and certain artisans, while convicts and slaves supplemented the for harsher tasks; under Emperor Wen, requirements were lightened to one month every three years, reflecting efforts to stabilize rural populations amid post-Qin recovery, though wartime demands under Emperor Wu escalated impositions, straining peasant households and prompting evasion through falsified registers. These obligations, intertwined with taxation, formed the zufu system, where land rents funded granaries and supported infrastructure, yet over-reliance on undercounted rural assessments often led to shortfalls, exacerbating inequality as wealthier landowners evaded shares. To finance prolonged wars against the starting in the 130s BCE, Emperor Wu established state monopolies on salt and iron production in 119 BCE, centralizing control over these essentials via imperial officials who oversaw mines, foundries, and distribution, generating revenue through and equitable allocation systems that supplanted private enterprise. Salt, vital for preservation and health, and iron, key for tools and weapons, were produced in state facilities equipped with advanced techniques, yielding profits that funded military expeditions and ; alcohol and coinage faced similar restrictions later. These policies, debated in the 81 BCE conference, pitted modernists advocating state intervention for revenue against literati critics who argued monopolies stifled innovation, raised costs for consumers, and favored bureaucratic inefficiency over market efficiencies. Partial reforms followed, relaxing some iron controls while retaining salt oversight into the Eastern Han, though chronic mismanagement and eroded yields, contributing to fiscal instability by the 2nd century CE.

Society and culture

Hierarchical class structure and meritocracy myths

The Han dynasty's social was rigidly stratified, with the emperor at the apex as the divine possessing unchecked sovereignty over life, death, and policy. Immediately below were hereditary nobles, including enfeoffed kings, marquises (often granted for military merit under Emperor Wu, r. 141–87 BCE, totaling around 100–200 such titles by the Western Han's end), and imperial kin who controlled vast estates and enjoyed legal privileges like exemption from certain taxes and corvée. High officials, drawn from families, formed an interconnected elite class, with intermarriages reinforcing their dominance; by the Eastern Han (25–220 CE), nine major clans supplied over 30% of top magistrates according to Hou Hanshu records. The broader population adhered to the Confucian-inspired "four occupations" framework, prioritizing moral and productive roles: shì (scholars-officials, esteemed for governance and ethics), nóng (farmers, idealized as the economic foundation comprising 80–90% of the populace and bearing the brunt of grain taxes at rates up to 1/15th of harvest), gōng (artisans, valued for crafts but socially middling), and shāng (merchants, denigrated for avarice despite accumulating fortunes via state monopolies on salt, iron, and , and facing sumptuary laws restricting land ownership and ostentatious display). This ranking reflected causal priorities of stability—agriculture sustained the state, while risked inequality—yet in practice, wealthy merchants evaded status via or proxy landholding, underscoring enforcement gaps. At the base were jiàn (mean" classes: slaves from conquests (e.g., Xiongnu captives numbering tens of thousands post-119 BCE campaigns), convicts, and debtors, who performed forced labor on and comprised 1–5% of but swelled during fiscal crises like Wang Mang's (9–23 CE). Official selection, often mythologized as an early meritocratic triumph, centered on the chaju (recommendation) system formalized in 134 BCE under Emperor Wu, requiring each commandery to nominate two xiàolián ("filial and incorrupt," for men aged ~40 with local repute) and one xiūcái ("cultivated talent," for promising youths) annually for central review. Nominees faced capital examinations testing recitation of classics like the Analects and administrative aptitude, with passers entering palace service before appointments; Emperor Wen's 165 BCE edict introduced rudimentary testing for low-level clerks, processing perhaps 100–200 candidates yearly. However, local magnates—often kin to prior officials—controlled nominations, prioritizing pedigree over talent; Hanshu chronicles detail rampant nepotism, with quotas filled by bribes (e.g., 10,000 cash equivalents) or fabricated virtue claims, ensuring 70–80% of Eastern Han elites hailed from 20–30 entrenched clans. Social mobility remained negligible for non-gentry, as illiteracy afflicted 90%+ of peasants lacking access to private academies, rendering the process patronage-driven rather than empirically open—contrary to anachronistic portrayals equating it to later keju exams, which Tang (618–907 CE) innovators scaled into a quota-based alternative to heredity. This elitist reality, evident in declining recommendation quality by 100 CE prompting quota hikes to four per commandery, prioritized network loyalty over unbiased competence, fostering corruption that contributed to dynastic decay.

Family kinship, marriage, and gender realities

Han family was patrilineal, with clans organized around shared male ancestors and surnames, prioritizing paternal lineage under Confucian adopted as state from 136 BCE. Extended families, ideally spanning multiple generations under one roof, formed the basic social unit, governed by patriarchal authority where the senior male controlled resources and enforced hierarchy. , emphasizing children's obedience and care for parents, structured intra-family relations, mirroring broader Confucian bonds like ruler-subject and husband-wife, with the latter entailing female subordination. Marriage was arranged by parents to forge alliances between clans, typically without consulting the couple, who often met only on the wedding day; girls married in their late teens, boys in their early twenties, though policies lowered minimums to 13 for women and 15 for men to boost population. Patrilocality required brides to join husbands' households, transferring loyalty from natal to marital , while elite men practiced through one legal wife and multiple concubines to secure male heirs. State incentives included fivefold labor tax hikes on unmarried women aged 15–30 and exemptions for new mothers, pressuring early and . Gender realities reflected patrilineal dominance, confining most women to domestic roles like household management, child-rearing, and silk production, though lower-class women labored in fields; men held legal primacy, with divorce grounds favoring husbands (e.g., , ) but limited for wives unless severe mistreatment occurred. Widows faced social barriers to remarriage and lacked inheritance rights, yet elite women like scholar (45–116 CE) advocated in virtues of obedience and , exerting indirect influence via sons or as regents. While empress dowagers occasionally wielded political power, systemic hierarchy subordinated women, with Confucian texts reinforcing obedience to father, then husband, then son.

Education, literature, and philosophical orthodoxy

The Han dynasty's system emphasized Confucian scholarship to cultivate officials and reinforce state ideology, with the Taixue (Imperial Academy) serving as the premier institution. Established in 124 BCE under Emperor Wu (r. 141–87 BCE) in the capital on the recommendation of , it initially enrolled approximately 50 students and professors focused on the Five Classics: the Yijing, Shangshu, Shijing, Liji, and Chunqiu. The curriculum later incorporated commentaries like the Gongyangzhuan and Zuozhuan, prioritizing and interpretation to prepare scholars for bureaucratic roles. Enrollment expanded to 3,000 students by the late Western Han and peaked at over 30,000 in the Eastern Han by 126 CE, reflecting the system's growth amid imperial patronage, though access remained limited to elite males recommended by local officials. Private academies supplemented state , but the Taixue's dominance underscored education's role in perpetuating hierarchical governance rather than broad , with empirical records indicating low overall literacy rates below 10 percent. Philosophical orthodoxy centered on , elevated as the sole state doctrine to unify imperial authority and cosmology. (179–104 BCE), a key advisor, fused Confucian social ethics—emphasizing the three bonds (ruler-subject, father-son, husband-wife) and five constants (benevolence, righteousness, propriety, wisdom, trustworthiness)—with yin-yang dualism and five phases theory, arguing for "mutual responsiveness between heaven and man" to legitimize the as Heaven's son. Under , this culminated in the 136 BCE decree to "venerate only the and banish the hundred schools," suppressing rival traditions like Daoism and Legalism through expulsion of non-Confucian scholars and destruction of heterodox texts, a policy that prioritized causal links between moral rule and cosmic order over pluralistic debate. By 51 BCE, the Five Classics were canonized for official use, embedding orthodoxy in examinations and rituals, though Eastern Han critiques, such as Wang Chong's Lunheng (ca. 80 CE), challenged dogmatic interpretations by demanding empirical verification over unsubstantiated correlations. Literature thrived within this framework, producing historiographical masterpieces that chronicled dynastic legitimacy through Confucian lenses. (ca. 145–86 BCE) completed the Shiji (Records of the Historian) around 91 BCE, pioneering the biographical-thematic (jizhuan) style that integrated annals, treatises, and lives to trace causal historical patterns from legendary origins to the Han. Ban Gu (32–92 CE) extended this in the Hanshu (History of the Former Han), finished circa 92 CE under Emperor An, compiling Western Han records to affirm Confucian governance amid factional strife. Poetic innovation included fu rhapsodies—elaborate, descriptive forms like those of Sima Xiangru (ca. 179–117 BCE)—and anonymous gushi (old-style poems) in five- or seven-syllable lines, often lamenting social inequities, while philosophical texts such as Dong Zhongshu's Chunqiu Fanlu (ca. 136 BCE) systematized orthodox cosmology through exegesis of the Chunqiu. This output, preserved on and , prioritized moral edification over artistic autonomy, with stone engravings of classics in 175 CE during the Eastern Han ensuring textual fidelity against interpretive disputes.

Religion, cosmology, divination, and folk practices

During the Han dynasty, cosmology was characterized by a syncretic correlative framework that integrated yin-yang dualism with the five phases (wuxing: wood, fire, earth, metal, water), positing dynamic interdependencies between natural phenomena, human affairs, and cosmic order. This system, elaborated by scholars like Dong Zhongshu (c. 179–104 BCE), linked the phases to cycles of generation and conquest, influencing state rituals, calendrics, and political legitimacy; for instance, the Han claimed the earth phase succeeding the Qin water phase to justify dynastic continuity. Yin represented passive, feminine, shadowy forces, while yang embodied active, masculine, luminous ones, operating within the phases to explain seasonal changes, directional correspondences, and bodily harmonies. Official religion emphasized imperial sacrifices to (tian) and , with the emperor as the mediating cosmic harmony, often blending Confucian rites with cosmological principles rather than devotion to personal deities. , elevated as state orthodoxy under Emperor Wu (r. 141–87 BCE), focused on ethical governance and ancestral but lacked transcendent , serving more as a bureaucratic ideology than a with or scriptures mandating belief. Proto-Daoist elements, including Huang-Lao thought in the early Western Han (202 BCE–9 CE), incorporated longevity pursuits and immortality (xian) concepts, where adepts sought transcendence through elixirs, breath control, and harmony with nature's forces. Folk practices centered on ancestor worship, a Neolithic-era tradition intensified under Han filial piety norms, involving household altars, offerings of food and , and tomb rituals to sustain kin spirits and ensure familial prosperity. Shamanistic wu practitioners, often women, conducted exorcisms, rain-making, and spirit communications, bridging the living and ghostly realms amid beliefs in malevolent gui spirits and benevolent deities tied to mountains and rivers. These coexisted with emerging immortal cults, depicted in tomb art as feathered beings ascending to ethereal realms, reflecting aspirations for eternal life amid high mortality rates. Divination relied on the Yijing (Classic of Changes), using yarrow stalks cast into hexagrams to interpret omens for imperial decisions, military campaigns, and personal fortunes, with over 4,000 documented cracks on Han-era bones and shells for pyro-plast divination. and hemerology—calendrical omen-reading—were institutionalized, as in the Taixuanjing and court astronomers tracking planetary conjunctions to prognosticate dynastic fate, underscoring empirical pattern-seeking over supernatural intervention. Such methods, rooted in correlative logic, informed policies like flood control or warfare timing but were critiqued by rationalist officials for potential manipulation.

Science, technology, and engineering

Metallurgy, agriculture, and hydraulic works

The Han dynasty (206 BCE–220 CE) advanced through the widespread adoption and refinement of technology, enabling large-scale production of . Metallurgists employed forced-draft fueled by , achieving temperatures sufficient to smelt , which was then processed into via fining forges or decarburized into . This shift from earlier methods allowed for efficient of tools and weapons, with archaeological evidence from sites like Xuxiebian indicating specialized furnaces yielding high volumes of by the Eastern Han period (25–220 CE). State monopolies under Emperor Wu (r. 141–87 BCE) regulated , standardizing output and integrating it into military and agricultural supply chains. Agricultural innovations during the Han emphasized iron implements and mechanized sowing to boost yields on the . The iron moldboard plow, featuring a curved share for turning soil, replaced wooden variants and was pulled by one or two oxen, facilitating deeper tillage on heavier soils. By the 2nd century BCE, the multi-tube —often three-legged and animal-powered—enabled precise row planting, reducing seed waste and improving germination rates compared to . These tools, combined with and manure fertilization documented in texts like the Qimin Yaoshu (compiled post-Han but reflecting Han practices), supported to around 60 million by 2 CE, though regional famines persisted due to uneven land distribution. Hydraulic engineering focused on irrigation canals, dams, and pumps to mitigate flooding from the and expand . The chain pump, a geared device using rotating wheels to lift water via linked buckets or plates, was invented in the Han for field , powered manually or by animal treadwheels. Major projects included the Longshou Canal in 120 BCE, constructed by over 10,000 laborers to divert water for arid regions in modern , irrigating thousands of hectares. Han engineers built systems and earthen dams, as seen in northwestern canal networks, to control and seasonal flows, sustaining double-cropping of millet and ; these efforts, while effective locally, faced challenges from river avulsions, prompting ongoing repairs under imperial oversight.

Mechanical devices, vehicles, and cartography

The Han dynasty saw advancements in , particularly through the work of (78–139 AD), who constructed the first known seismoscope in 132 AD. This device, a urn approximately 2 meters in diameter, featured eight dragon heads positioned around its rim, each aligned with a cardinal or intercardinal direction, with corresponding toad figures below to catch balls dropped by the dragons during seismic activity. The mechanism detected distant earthquakes—up to 500–800 kilometers away—by channeling ground vibrations through internal levers and wires to release a ball from the dragon facing the quake's origin, allowing determination of direction without modern . Zhang Heng also developed a water-powered , an astronomical model using inflow () mechanisms to rotate rings representing , , and tropics, enabling timed observations of stars and planets. This innovation integrated hydraulic power for continuous motion, improving upon static armillary designs and influencing later . Water clocks themselves advanced under Han engineers, with Zhang Heng adding an overflow tank to his for greater accuracy in measuring time intervals down to minutes, essential for calendrical and observational purposes. Vehicles during the Han included horse-drawn two-wheeled chariots for warfare and transport, evolving from earlier Shang and Zhou designs into lighter, four-wheeled carriages by the Western Han (206 BC–9 AD) for elite mobility and administrative use. Ox-drawn facilitated bulk goods transport along roads, while innovations like the mileage —an using geared wheels to count distance via strikes or markers—supported and . Claims of a , a wheeled device purportedly always orienting toward south via differential gearing rather than , appear in Han texts but lack archaeological corroboration; reliable construction evidence dates to the period (220–280 AD) under Ma Jun, suggesting Han-era descriptions may reflect legendary or rudimentary prototypes rather than functional mechanisms. In , the silk maps, unearthed from a Western Han tomb dated before 168 BC, represent early systematic mapping on silk scrolls covering southern , , and regions. These include a depicting mountains, rivers, and passes with contour-like shading; a map marking garrisons and fortifications amid Han-Nanyue boundaries; and a prefecture map outlining administrative divisions. Standardized symbols—such as squares for cities and lines for roads—indicate a scale of roughly 1:180,000, prioritizing strategic terrain over precise measurement, and reflect state-driven for expansion and control.

Astronomy, mathematics, and calendrical science

The Han dynasty maintained systematic astronomical observations, primarily for calendrical, astrological, and imperial prognostic purposes, with records preserved in dynastic histories like the Hou Hanshu. These included detailed accounts of , appearing on average every 5.3 years between AD 22 and 218, and "guest stars," transient phenomena sometimes interpreted as supernovae candidates, such as the debated event of AD 185 initially cataloged as a guest star but later identified as likely a based on positional and duration data. , meteorites, and other celestial anomalies were also documented, contributing to early empirical datasets that later informed global studies, though Han interpretations often linked events to omens rather than physical mechanisms. Instrumental advancements supported these observations, including the equatorial armillary sphere constructed by Luo Xiahong in 104 BC for precise equatorial coordinate measurements, and Geng Shouchang's innovations around 52 BC, which featured a permanently fixed equatorial ring on the and a celestial globe (hun xiang) for modeling stellar positions. Star catalogs emerged during this era, with compilations like the Shi Shi Xing Jing attributing observations to pre-Han origins but systematized under Han auspices, listing hundreds of and constellations in an equatorial system that facilitated predictive modeling over the more common tropical frameworks elsewhere. In mathematics, the Nine Chapters on the Mathematical Art (Jiuzhang suanshu), compiled around the AD during the Eastern Han, served as a foundational practical with 246 problems spanning arithmetic operations on fractions, extraction of square and cube roots, proportional distributions, geometric computations for areas and volumes (including circular and pyramidal forms via empirical rules approximating π as 3 or 157/50), and ic solutions. The text's fangcheng chapter introduced a method akin to for solving systems of linear equations represented in matrix form, applied to problems in and , demonstrating algorithmic rigor without symbolic . These techniques, derived from pre-Han precedents but refined in Han administrative contexts, emphasized empirical verification over axiomatic proof, influencing East Asian for centuries. Calendrical science integrated astronomy and , culminating in the Taichu (Grand Inception) reform of 104 BC under Emperor Wu, which recalibrated the solar year to approximately 365.25 days, the synodic to 29.5306 days, and established a 19-year Metonic-like cycle for intercalary adjustments to align lunar and solar cycles. This system, computed using accumulated observations and mathematical interpolations, replaced the prior quarter-year calendar and symbolized dynastic legitimacy through precise imperial rituals, such as determining solstices and equinoxes for sacrifices; it reduced seasonal drift evident in earlier Qin-Han discrepancies and set precedents for subsequent Chinese almanacs. Empirical data from star positions and predictions validated the model's accuracy, though it retained correlations with Confucian cosmology rather than purely heliocentric reasoning.

Medicine, pharmacology, and empirical knowledge

The (Yellow Emperor's Inner Canon), compiled during the Western Han period (circa 200–100 BCE), established core principles of Chinese medical theory, including the balance of , the flow of (vital energy) through meridians, and the five phases (wuxing) framework for diagnosing imbalances in the body's organs and elements. This text emphasized preventive health through harmony with natural cycles, , and environmental factors, drawing on observational patterns rather than , which remained rare due to cultural taboos. It integrated cosmology with physiology, positing that diseases arose from disruptions in cosmic correspondences, influencing treatments like dietary regulation and seasonal regimens. Pharmacological knowledge advanced through the Bencao Jing (Divine Farmer's ), an early Han compilation (circa 100–200 CE) attributing herbal classifications to the legendary but reflecting accumulated empirical testing of plant effects. It cataloged 365 substances into three tiers—superior tonics for , medium remedies for ailments, and inferior purgatives for acute conditions—based on observed therapeutic outcomes, toxicities, and flavors linked to organ affinities. Han pharmacopeia prioritized herbal decoctions for internal disorders, with records of over 200 tested for efficacy against fevers, pain, and digestive issues, often combined in formulas to enhance synergy or mitigate side effects. Acupuncture and moxibustion emerged as documented interventions in Han texts, with the Neijing describing needle insertion at meridian points to restore qi flow, supported by archaeological finds of gold and silver needles from tombs dated 100 BCE–100 CE. Moxibustion, burning mugwort (Artemisia vulgaris) on or near the skin, was applied for "cold" syndromes to warm channels, as evidenced in Eastern Han prescriptions for conditions like abdominal pain. Empirical validation relied on practitioner case records and trial-and-error, yielding practical successes in symptom relief but constrained by non-experimental methods and integration with divination, limiting causal isolation of treatments from placebo or natural recovery. State medical bureaus under Wu (r. 141–87 BCE) standardized herb cultivation and distribution, fostering systematic collection of efficacy data from imperial physicians.

Foreign relations and warfare

Conflicts with Xiongnu and northern nomads

The Han dynasty's conflicts with the Xiongnu, a powerful nomadic confederation dominating the Mongolian-Manchurian steppe, began shortly after the dynasty's founding. In 200 BC, during the reign of Emperor Gaozu (Liu Bang), a Han army of approximately 320,000 was besieged at Pingcheng (modern Binzhou, Shanxi) by Xiongnu forces under Chanyu Modu, resulting in heavy losses and the initiation of the heqin policy of diplomatic marriage alliances and tribute payments to secure peace. This policy, continued under Emperors Wen and Jing, involved annual silk, grain, and wine tribute alongside princess marriages, but Xiongnu raids persisted, capturing thousands of Han subjects annually. Under Emperor Wu (r. 141–87 BC), the Han shifted to offensive warfare, investing heavily in cavalry forces equipped with iron weapons and crossbows to counter Xiongnu horse archers. In 133 BC, a failed Han ambush at Mayi (Shanxi) escalated hostilities, leading to Xiongnu counter-raids killing over 10,000 Han in the following years. General Wei Qing launched successful expeditions in 129 BC, defeating Xiongnu forces near Longcheng and recovering captives, followed by his nephew Huo Qubing's raids in 127 BC that subdued the , enabling Han control over key oases and routes to . The decisive Battle of Mobei in 119 BC saw and lead 100,000 elite cavalry deep into the Gobi, inflicting severe defeats on the Left and Right divisions, reportedly killing or capturing up to 80,000 nomads according to Shiji records by , though these figures likely include non-combatants and may reflect Han propagandistic exaggeration. Chanyu Yizhixie fled north beyond the Gobi, weakening their hold on southern territories, but Han campaigns were costly, with logistical strains from vast distances contributing to 's death in 117 BC from exhaustion-related illness. Subsequent Han fortifications, including the extension of the Great Wall and establishment of commanderies like Wuwei and Zhangyi, aimed to secure borders, though sporadic raids continued into the 90s BC. During the Western Han's later decades and Eastern Han (25–220 AD), internal Xiongnu divisions in 48 AD led to a split into Northern and Southern branches; the Southern Xiongnu submitted as Han tributaries, providing auxiliary . Conflicts with the Northern Xiongnu intensified under Emperor Ming and Zhang, culminating in General Dou Xian's 89 AD campaign with 40,000 and that defeated them at the , forcing further migration westward and enabling Xianbei ascendance in the steppe vacuum. Han encounters with other northern nomads, such as the Qiang in the northwest and in the northeast, involved similar patterns of raids and subjugation. Qiang uprisings in 107 BC prompted Han military responses, while Eastern Han policies integrated allies against remnants, reflecting a of divide-and-rule amid ongoing border insecurities. These conflicts strained Han resources, contributing to fiscal pressures and debates over the sustainability of expansionist warfare versus defensive .

Southern expansions and Yue resistance

During the reign of Emperor Wu (r. 141–87 BCE), the Han dynasty initiated military campaigns southward to consolidate control over territories once held by the Qin but lost to local Yue polities after Qin's collapse in 207 BCE. The kingdom of , established by the Qin general in 204 BCE encompassing modern , , and , had maintained independence despite nominal allegiance to the Han, resisting cultural and administrative integration by preserving Yue customs such as tattooing and short hair among elites. Initial probes targeted in modern , where the kingdom's aggression against neighboring Yue states in 138 BCE prompted Han intervention; general Zhuang Qiao led an expedition but defected, establishing a short-lived presence before Han forces under Yang Pu subdued Minyue territories in 135 BCE, though full annexation occurred later amid ongoing tribal skirmishes. Escalation against followed in 113 BCE when its king Zhao Ji executed Han diplomats sent to install a pro-Han heir, prompting Emperor Wu to mobilize approximately 100,000 troops under grand administrator Lu Bode in 112 BCE. Han forces advanced in five columns, including a naval contingent from Hepu that navigated coastal routes, exploiting internal divisions where a faction led by prime minister Lü Jia favored submission but was overruled by anti-Han nobles. Yue resistance relied on guerrilla tactics suited to the humid, swampy terrain of the and mountainous interiors, where tribes employed , poisoned arrows, and ambushes to harass Han supply lines, compounded by diseases like that decimated invaders. Despite these advantages, Han superiority in disciplined crossbow-armed , iron weaponry, and logistical coordination—enabled by riverine transport and alliances with pro-Han Yue elements—overwhelmed defenders; by early 111 BCE, Lu Bode's army breached Panyu's walls, forcing king Zhao Ji's suicide and the kingdom's collapse after 93 years. The conquered area was reorganized into nine commanderies, including Cangwu, Yulin, and (encompassing the ), with Han garrisons imposing taxation and labor to extract resources like pearls, rhinoceros horn, and timber. Post-conquest uprisings persisted, as in 's 111 BCE revolt where the Han exterminated the royal line and forcibly relocated over 100,000 Yue to northern prefectures to break tribal cohesion, though sporadic resistance continued into the Eastern Han. Further south, the Dian kingdom in modern fell to general Guo Chang's 100,000-strong army in 109 BCE, incorporating its bronze-drumming into Han tributary systems despite initial defiance through fortified hill settlements. These expansions, driven by strategic needs to flank threats and access trade routes, succeeded due to Han's centralized command and demographic reserves outweighing Yue disunity and technological disparities, though at high cost in lives and sustaining garrisons amid environmental hardships. Accounts in Sima Qian's Records of the Grand Historian (c. 100 BCE), while valorizing Han triumphs, reflect court perspectives that downplay Yue agency, yet archaeological evidence of hybrid Yue-Han artifacts in commandery sites corroborates gradual over outright extermination.

Diplomatic tribute systems and cultural exchanges

The Han dynasty's diplomatic relations with neighboring polities relied on a system, wherein foreign rulers presented symbolic gifts to the Han , receiving lavish returns, trade access, and nominal that affirmed China's hierarchical superiority while facilitating practical exchanges. This framework, evident from the early Western Han, emphasized ceremonial over strict , allowing flexible alliances amid military pressures. Annual missions from Central Asian kingdoms and border states involved local specialties like horses or , reciprocated with and , which bolstered Han prestige and economic ties. Central to early diplomacy was the heqin policy toward the Xiongnu, formalized in 198 BCE following Emperor Gaozu's defeat at Pingcheng, where Han forces agreed to marry a princess to Modu and supply 20,000 catties of thread plus foodstuffs annually to avert invasion. Proposed by minister , this marriage-and-gift arrangement treated the Han emperor and Xiongnu chanyu as "brothers," opened border markets for controlled trade, and prohibited mutual incursions, though Xiongnu raids frequently breached terms, prompting repeated renewals under emperors like Wen and Jing. By Wu's reign (141–87 BCE), heqin yielded to offensive campaigns, yet elements persisted in pacifying defeated Xiongnu factions post-119 BCE, integrating splinter groups as client states. Emperor Wu's westward expeditions, initiated by Zhang Qian's missions, expanded the tribute network into . In 138 BCE, Zhang led 300 men to ally with the against the ; detained for over a , he returned in 126 BCE with intelligence on 36 kingdoms, describing resources like strong horses and fruits absent in . His 119 BCE follow-up to the secured preliminary ties, paving routes for envoys that elicited tribute from oases states by the 1st century BCE, culminating in the Protectorate's oversight of submissions from Ferghana to around 60 BCE. These diplomacy-driven paths, later termed the , prioritized alliances over initial commerce, with Han garrisons ensuring tributary compliance amid threats. Cultural exchanges flourished via these conduits, introducing Western and exotica to Han domains. Zhang Qian's reports prompted imports of seeds in 115 BCE for , alongside pomegranates, walnuts, and grapes, diversifying Han and . Outbound, Han silks reached Parthian courts by 87 BCE through envoy Gan Ying's aborted mission to (), fostering indirect knowledge of distant and glasswork. In the Eastern Han, Parthian monk arrived circa 148 CE, translating that initiated scriptural exchanges, though doctrinal integration accelerated post-Han. Such interactions, grounded in logistics, transmitted astronomical tools and veterinary practices westward while embedding Han across .

Legacy and historiography

Enduring institutional and cultural impacts

The Han dynasty established a centralized bureaucratic system that served as the foundational model for imperial governance in subsequent Chinese dynasties, featuring a of officials appointed through recommendations emphasizing Confucian and administrative competence rather than hereditary privilege alone. This structure divided the empire into approximately 100 commanderies and principalities by 100 BCE, with officials rotating postings to prevent local entrenchment and corruption, a practice that persisted into the Tang and eras. The establishment of the Imperial Academy in 124 BCE under Emperor Wu trained scholars in the Five Classics, institutionalizing merit-based selection that prefigured the formalized civil service examinations of later periods. Confucianism was elevated as the state in 136 BCE through the reforms of , who advocated its integration into governance to promote moral rule and social harmony, displacing Legalist dominance from the Qin and enduring as China's official ideology until the early . This shift emphasized hierarchical relationships, , and ritual propriety, shaping legal codes, , and elite culture across millennia, with Han commentaries on Confucian texts forming the interpretive basis for imperial . Culturally, the dynasty standardized the Chinese script through reforms, facilitating administrative unity and literary production; Xu Shen's dictionary, completed in 121 CE, cataloged over 10,000 characters, preserving phonetic and semantic structures that underpin modern Chinese writing. The term "Han" became synonymous with Chinese ethnic and , originating from the dynasty's name and denoting the majority population—today over 1.3 billion people—who trace descent to Han-era settlers and assimilations in the Central Plains. This identity coalesced through expansions that integrated diverse groups via Confucian education and Han administrative norms, fostering a shared civilizational that influenced dynasties from the Sui onward.

Archaeological corroboration and recent findings

Excavations at the tombs near , Province, unearthed in the 1970s, have provided extensive material corroboration for Han-era practices, cosmology, and textual traditions described in historical records such as the Shiji. The tomb of Lady Dai (), dated to around 168 BCE, yielded a remarkably preserved corpse alongside funerary banners depicting mythological journeys and astronomical motifs that align with Han Daoist and yin-yang concepts, as well as over 1,000 lacquered artifacts and medical texts on exercises matching transmitted pharmacological knowledge. Recent analyses, including 2024-2025 studies on the tomb's Chengyun , have identified double-phoenix motifs and advanced weaving techniques, further validating the sophistication of Western Han production referenced in dynastic . Bamboo and wooden slips from sites like Juyan and Zhangjiashan have authenticated administrative, , and legal systems outlined in Sima Qian's histories, with over 30,000 Juyan Han Slips (excavated since the 1920s but systematically studied post-1970s) detailing border garrison logistics, taxation, and soldier correspondence that mirror recorded Han frontier policies against the . These artifacts, including variants of the from the Haihunhou tomb (2011) and military treatises akin to Sun Tzu's Art of War, demonstrate textual transmission fidelity while revealing regional adaptations not emphasized in court histories, thus corroborating the decentralized bureaucratic causality in Han governance. acquisitions of Han slips have similarly confirmed philosophical and calendrical texts, supporting empirical claims of widespread literacy and record-keeping. Recent discoveries underscore ongoing validations of Han material culture and expansion. In 2024, archaeologists in , Province, excavated three intact Western Han tombs (ca. 1800 years old) structured like residences, containing bronze mirrors, , jewelry, weapons, and a funeral carriage, which corroborate elite funerary customs and metallurgical prowess described in texts like the Hanshu. Over 1,240 tombs unearthed in , , since 2022 have yielded nearly 4,000 artifacts, including and seals, illuminating Qin-Han transitions in and . A 2023 waterlogged tomb in Wulong District produced 23 wooden slips among 600+ items, detailing ownership and rituals, while 2024 evidence of steel fining workshops in Chengdu Plain sites confirms advanced ironworking techniques integral to Han military and agricultural causality. Additionally, a rediscovered cliff inscription from 2017 narrates a Han victory over the , aligning with Shiji accounts of Emperor Wu's campaigns. These findings, drawn from systematic excavations rather than anecdotal reports, reinforce the empirical reliability of transmitted histories while highlighting regional variations in Han societal structures.

Scholarly debates on success factors and causal failures

Scholars attribute the Han dynasty's longevity, spanning over four centuries from 202 BCE to 220 CE, to its establishment of a meritocratic selected through examinations emphasizing Confucian , which provided administrative stability and legitimacy across diverse regions. This system contrasted with the Qin's harsh Legalist , fostering loyalty among elites and enabling effective governance despite vast territorial expansion. Economic innovations, such as widespread iron plows and water mills increasing agricultural yields by an estimated 30-50% in fertile areas, supported to around 60 million by the first century CE and sustained state revenues through land taxes. However, debates persist on whether military successes, like Emperor Wu's campaigns subduing the by 119 BCE, were net positive; some argue these expansions secured silk roads boosting GDP equivalents through luxury exports, while others contend the fiscal strain from garrisons of over 300,000 troops sowed seeds of later overextension. Causal analyses of the dynasty's decline highlight interlocking failures rather than singular events, with land concentration by absentee landlords displacing smallholders and exacerbating income inequality, where by the late second century CE, elite estates controlled up to 80% of in core provinces, fueling discontent. The of 184 CE, involving millions in Taoist-inspired uprisings amid famines, exposed bureaucratic inefficiencies, as local officials failed to distribute granary reserves effectively, leading to widespread starvation. Factional strife between Confucian scholar-officials and court s intensified under emperors like Ling (r. 168-189 CE), where cliques monopolized influence, executing over 100 officials in purges and undermining meritocratic recruitment. compounded these, with droughts and floods from 170-190 CE destroying crops across the basin, halving tax revenues and prompting military desertions. Historiographical contention surrounds the Wang Mang interregnum (9-23 CE), viewed by some as a corrective reform attempt via nationalizations that temporarily stabilized currency but ultimately provoked elite backlash and famine through disrupted trade, versus others seeing it as symptomatic of deeper dynastic fatigue from unchecked princely appanages fragmenting central authority. Modern econometric models suggest administrative bloat, with official-to-population ratios rising from 1:30,000 in early Han to 1:10,000 by the end, strained logistics like Yellow River canal transports, eroding fiscal resilience against shocks. Environmental determinism features in debates, positing cooler climates post-150 CE reduced yields by 20%, yet causal primacy favors endogenous factors like eunuch-bureaucrat antagonism over exogenous plagues, as recovery from earlier epidemics occurred without collapse. These views underscore that while initial successes stemmed from adaptive institutions, failures arose from their ossification, enabling warlord fragmentation post-189 CE.

References

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