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Women wearing burqas in Afghanistan
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A burqa,[a] also known as harabah,[b] is a type of enveloping outer garment worn by some Muslim women which fully covers the body and the face. The term burqa is sometimes conflated with niqāb even though, in more precise usage, the niqab is a face veil that leaves the eyes uncovered, while a burqa covers the entire body from the top of the head to the ground, with a mesh screen that only allows the wearer to see in front of her.

The use of face veils has been documented in various ancient cultures, including the Byzantine Empire, Persia, and Arabia.[1] Historical sources mention women’s practices of face veiling. Additionally, Biblical references in Genesis highlight the use of veils, indicating their significance in the cultural traditions of these regions. Oriental Orthodox Christian women traditionally wore dark garments with veils, white for the unmarried and black for the married.[2]

Face veiling has not been regarded as a religious requirement by most Islamic scholars, either in the past or the present. While some interpret Quranic verses, such as 24:31 and 33:59, as encouraging modesty and security for women, most contemporary scholars agree that the burqa is not obligatory. For many women, wearing the burqa represents modesty, piety, and cultural identity, while others choose it as an expression of personal or religious commitment. A minority of scholars in the Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh) consider it to be obligatory for Muslim women when they are in the presence of non-related (i.e., non-mahram) males. This is in order to prevent men from looking (perversely) at women. This aligns with the principles of Islamic jurisprudence, which requires men to observe modesty by lowering their gaze in the presence of women.

Women may wear the burqa for a number of reasons, including compulsion, as was the case during the Taliban's first rule of Afghanistan.[3] However, several countries have enacted full or partial bans on its use in public spaces. These include Austria, France, Belgium, Denmark, Bulgaria, the Netherlands (in public schools, hospitals and on public transport), Germany (partial bans in some states), Italy (in some localities), Kazakhstan, Spain (in some localities of Catalonia), Russia (in the Stavropol Krai),[4][5][6] Luxembourg,[7] Switzerland,[8] Norway (in nurseries, public schools and universities),[9] Canada (in the public workplace in Quebec),[10] Gabon, Chad, Senegal, the Republic of the Congo, Cameroon (in some localities), Niger (in some localities),[11][12] Sri Lanka,[13] Tajikistan,[14] Azerbaijan (in public schools),[15] Turkey (in the judiciary, military and police),[16] Kosovo (in public schools),[17] Bosnia and Herzegovina (in courts and other legal institutions),[18] Morocco (ban on manufacturing, marketing and sale),[19] Tunisia (in public institutions),[20] Egypt (in universities), Algeria (in the public workplace),[21] and China (in Xinjiang).[22][23]

[edit]

In Central Asia, there's a similar garment called paranja (/ˈpærənˌdʒɑː/; Russian: паранджа́; Tatar: пәрәнҗә). The Arab version of the burqa is called the boshiya and is usually black.

Pre-Islamic use of the face veil

[edit]
See also: Head covering for Christian women and Head covering for Jewish women
Pre-Islamic relief showing veiled Middle Eastern women, Temple of Baal, Palmyra, Syria, 1st century AD (in Iran)
Coptic Orthodox Christian woman wearing a garment with a Christian head covering (1918)

The face veil was originally part of women's dress among certain classes in the Byzantine Empire.[24]

However, although Byzantine art before Islam commonly depicts women with veiled heads or covered hair, it does not depict women with veiled faces. In addition, the Greek geographer Strabo, writing in the 1st century AD, refers to some Persian women veiling their faces;[25] and the early third-century Christian writer Tertullian clearly refers in his treatise The Veiling of Virgins to some "pagan" women of "Arabia" wearing a veil that covers not only their head but also the entire face.[26][c] Clement of Alexandria commends the contemporary use of face coverings.[27][28] There are also two Biblical references to the employment of covering face veils in Genesis 38:14 and Genesis 24:65,[29] by Tamar and by Rebecca, the daughters-in-law of Judah and his great-grandfather Abraham, respectively.[30][31][32] These primary sources show that some women in Persia, Egypt, Arabia, and ancient Israel veiled their faces long before Islam. In the case of Tamar, the Biblical text 'When Judah saw her, he thought her to be a harlot; because she had covered her face' indicates customary, if not sacred, use of the face veil to accentuate rather than disguise sexuality.[33][34]

Oriental Orthodoxy

[edit]

In Oriental Orthodox Christianity, Coptic women historically covered their head and face in public and in the presence of men.[35] During the 19th century, upper-class urban Christian and Muslim women in Egypt wore the burqa garment which was known there as harabah.[36] The name harabah, derives from early Christian and Judaic religious vocabulary, which may indicate the origins of the garment itself.[36] Unmarried women generally wore white veils while married women wore black.[35]

Coptic Orthodox Christian women historically have worn dark-coloured full garments, along with a Christian head covering that included a veil to wear in public.[2] Women who are unmarried wear white-coloured veils and married women wear black-coloured veils.[2]

Face veiling in Islam

[edit]
A religious policeman beating a woman for removing her burqa headpiece in public, Kabul, 2001 (image obtained by the Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan)
A painting of Afghan women in notably white burqa in Kabul, 1840

Despite legal requirements and prevalence in certain regions, many modern Islamic scholars[37][38] and most contemporary Islamic jurists[39] have said that Islam does not require women to cover their faces.

Scriptural sources

[edit]

Although the Quran commands both men and women to behave modestly and contains no precise prescription for how women should dress, certain Quranic verses have been used in exegetical discussions of face veiling. Coming after a verse which instructs men to lower their gaze and guard their modesty, verse 24:31 instructs women to do the same, providing additional detail:[39][40]

Tell the believing women to lower their eyes, guard their private parts (furuj), and not display their charms (zina) except what is apparent outwardly, and cover their bosoms with their veils (khumur, sing. khimar) and not to show their finery except to their husbands or their fathers or fathers-in-law [...]

The verse goes on to list a number of other types of exempted males. Classical Quranic commentators differed in their interpretation of the phrase "except what is apparent outwardly". Some said that it referred to face and hands, implying that these body parts need not be covered, while others disagreed.[39][40]

Another passage, known as the "mantle verse" (33:59), has been interpreted as establishing women's security as a rationale for veiling:[40]

O Prophet, tell your wives and daughters, and the women of the faithful, to draw their wraps (jalabib, sing. jilbab) over them. They will thus be recognized and no harm will come to them. God is forgiving and kind.

Based on the context of the verse and early Islamic literature, this verse has been generally understood as establishing a way to protect the Muslim women from a hostile faction who had molested them on the streets of Medina, claiming that they confused them with slave girls.[40][41]

A sahih hadith (authentic tradition) elaborates the circumstances under which the verse was revealed and attributes it to Umar ibn al-Khattab for taunting one of Muhammad's wives while she was walking.[42]

The exact nature of garments referred to in these verses, khimar and jilbab, has been debated by traditional and modern scholars.[40][41]

Islamic scholars who hold that face veiling is not obligatory also base this on a narration from one of the canonical hadith collections (sayings attributed to Muhammad), in which he tells Asma', the daughter of Abu Bakr: "O Asmaʿ, when a woman reaches the age of menstruation, it does not suit her that she displays her parts of body except this and this", pointing to her face and hands (Abū Dawūd, Book 32, Number 4092).[39] According to Yusuf al-Qaradawi, traditional hadith scholars have not viewed this narration as providing proof on its own, because its recorded chain of transmission made them uncertain about its authenticity, but those who argued that face veiling is not required have used it as supporting evidence along other practices, such as those recording customary practice at the time of prophet Muhammad and his companions however it is argued that this because of the low resources and incapability at the time.[38]

Classical jurisprudence

[edit]

When veiling was discussed in early Islamic jurisprudence beyond the context of prayer, it was generally considered an "issue of social status and physical safety". Later, during the medieval era, Islamic jurists began to devote more attention to the notion of awra (intimate parts) and the question of whether women should cover their faces.[43] The majority opinion which emerged during that time, predominant among Maliki and Hanafi jurists, held that women should cover everything except their faces in public. In contrast, most medieval Hanbali and Shafi'i (two of the four Islamic madhabs) jurists counted a woman's face among her awra (parts that shouldn't be shown), concluding that it should be veiled, except for the eyes.[40][43] The Hanbali jurist Ibn Taymiyyah (d. 1328 CE) was an influential proponent of the latter view, while the Hanafi scholar Burhan al-Din al-Marghinani (d. 1197 CE) stressed that it was particularly important for a woman to leave her face and hands uncovered during everyday business dealing with men. There was a difference of opinion on this question within the legal schools.[43] Thus, Yusuf al-Qaradawi quotes Shafi'i and Hanbali jurists stating that covering the face is not obligatory.[38]

In the Shi'a Ja'fari school of fiqh, covering the face is not obligatory.[44]

Salafi views

[edit]
Chadaree in Afghanistan

According to the Salafi point of view, it is obligatory (fard) for a woman to cover her entire body when in public or in presence of non-mahram (i.e men who aren't their husbands and intermediate family) men.[citation needed] Some interpretations say that a veil is not compulsory in front of blind men.[45]

The Salafi scholar Muhammad Nasiruddin al-Albani wrote a book expounding his view that the face veil is not a binding obligation upon Muslim women, while he was a teacher at Islamic University of Madinah. His opponents within the Saudi establishment ensured that his contract with the university was allowed to lapse without renewal.[46]

Reasons for wearing

[edit]

Reasons for wearing a burqa vary. A woman may choose to wear it to express her piety, modesty, political views, and cultural views among other reasons. A woman may also wear a burqa on being required to do so by law, such as in the case of Afghanistan during the first period of Taliban rule.[47]

Around the world

[edit]
See also: Hijab by country
A map of countries with a burqa ban. Map current as of 2025.
  Ban in public places
  Full or partial ban in some localities
  Ban on sale and manufacturing
  Ban in some public buildings or in the public workplace

Africa

[edit]

Cameroon

[edit]
Main article: Islam in Cameroon

In July 2015, Cameroon's Far North Region banned Islamic face veils, including the burqa, after two female suicide bombers in burqa detonated themselves in Fotokol, killing 13.[48][49] The ban is now active in five of the country's ten regions.[11][16]

Chad

[edit]
Main article: Islam in Chad

In June 2015, the full face veil was banned in Chad after veiled Boko Haram members disguised as women committed multiple suicide bombings in N'Djamena.[49][50][51]

Republic of the Congo

[edit]
Main article: Islam in the Republic of the Congo

In May 2015, the Republic of the Congo banned the face veil citing security reasons.[52][53] The decision was announced by El Hadji Djibril Bopaka, the president of the country's Islamic High Council who stated that "some non-Muslims have been using the full veil to hide and to carry out uncivic acts".[54]

Gabon

[edit]
Main article: Islam in Gabon

In 2015, Gabon banned the face veil in public and places of work. The authorities said the move was intended to "prevent the risk of suicide attack".[55][56]

Morocco

[edit]
Main article: Islam in Morocco

The government distributed letters to businesses on 9 January 2017 declaring a ban on the sale, production and importation of burqas. The letters indicated that businesses were expected to clear their stock within 48 hours.[57]

Asia

[edit]

Afghanistan

[edit]
Local Afghan women wearing burqas on a street in 2009
Women wearing burqas of different colors in Afghanistan in 1975

The full Afghan chadaree covers the wearer's entire face except for a small region about the eyes, which is covered by a concealing net or grille.[58] They are usually light blue in the Kabul area, white in the north in Mazar-i-Sharif and brown and green in Kandahar in the south.[59]

Before the Taliban took power in Afghanistan, the chadaree was rarely worn in cities, especially Kabul. While they were in power, the Taliban required the wearing of a chadaree in public. Chadaree use in the remainder of Afghanistan is variable and was observed to be gradually declining in Kabul, until the city fell to the Taliban on 15 August 2021. Due to political instability in these areas, women who might not otherwise be inclined to wear the chadaree must do so as a matter of personal safety, according to Khalid Hanafi.[60] The Taliban, immediately after re-taking Afghanistan, declared that while women may return to work, they must always wear the hijab while outside the house, while the chadaree was not mandatory. In May 2022 the Taliban issued a decree that all women in public must wear a chadaree.[47]

China

[edit]

In 2017, China banned the burqa in the Muslim area of Xinjiang.[61]

India

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Muslim and Hindu women stand in a queue to cast their votes in Muzaffarnagar.

Among the Muslim population in India (about 14.2% as of the 2011 census), the burqa (Hindi: बुरक़ा, Urdu: بُرقع) was formerly common in many areas,[62] such as Old Delhi, for example.[63] In Nizamuddin Basti, the obligation of a woman to wear a burqa is dependent on her age, according to a local informant:[64] young, unmarried women or young, married women in their first years of marriage are required to wear the burqa.[64] However, after this the husband usually decides if his wife should continue to wear a burqa.[64] In addition, the Indian burqa is a slim black cloak different from the style worn in Afghanistan.[65]

Israel

[edit]
See also: Haredi burqa sect
A member of the Haredi burqa sect in Meah Shearim, Israel

A group of Haredi (ultra-Orthodox) Jewish women in Israel began to don the burqa as a symbol of piety.[66] Following its adoption by Bruria Keren, an Israeli religious leader who taught a strict interpretation of Jewish scripture to female adherents, an estimated 600 Jewish women started to wear the veil.[67] Keren claimed to have adopted wearing the burqa to "save men from themselves. A man who sees a woman's body parts is sexually aroused, and this might cause him to commit sin. Even if he doesn't actually sin physically, his impure thoughts are sin in themselves".[68] However, a rabbinical authority said "There is a real danger that by exaggerating, you are doing the opposite of what is intended [resulting in] severe transgressions in sexual matters", and issued an edict declaring burqa-wearing a sexual fetish, and as promiscuous as wearing too little.[69]

According to The Jerusalem Post, in 2010, Marina Solodkin, a member of the Knesset, intended to put forward a bill to "prohibit the wearing of a full-body and face covering for women. [The] bill would not differentiate between Muslims and Jews".[70]

Sri Lanka

[edit]
See also: 2019 Sri Lanka Easter bombings

In April 2019, face-covering clothing was banned in Sri Lanka in the aftermath of the 2019 Easter Sunday bombings by jihadists.[71]

Syria

[edit]

Syria was a Ba'athist state and discouraged the wearing of hijab. Ghiyath Barakat, Syria's minister of higher education, announced that the government would ban students, teachers or staff from covering faces at universities, stating that the veils ran counter to "secular and academic principles of the country".[72]

Tajikistan

[edit]

In 2017 the government of Tajikistan passed a law requiring people to "stick to traditional national clothes and culture", which has been widely seen as an attempt to prevent women from wearing Islamic clothing, in particular the style of headscarf wrapped under the chin, in contrast to the traditional Tajik headscarf tied behind the head.[73]

Europe

[edit]
Further information: Islamic dress in Europe
Burqa bans in Europe. Map current as of 2025.
  National ban – country bans women from wearing full-face veils in public
  Local ban – cities or regions ban full-face veils
  Partial ban – government bans full-face veils in some locations

Austria

[edit]

In 2017, a legal ban on face-covering clothing in public spaces was adopted by the Austrian parliament including Islamic face-covering garments.[74] The government stated that accepting and respecting Austrian values is essential to the peaceful co-existence between the Austrian majority population and immigrants. The ban came into force on 1 October 2017 and carried a fine of 150 euros.[75] It is reported that there are 150 Austrian women who wear the burqa.[76]

Belgium

[edit]

On 29 April 2010, the lower house of parliament in Belgium passed a bill banning any clothing that would obscure the identity of the wearer in places like parks and in the street. The proposal was passed without dissent, and was then also passed by the Senate. BBC News estimated that only "around 30 women wear this kind of veil in Belgium, out of a Muslim population of around half a million".[77] The ban came into effect in Belgium in July 2011.[78] On 11 July 2017, the ban was upheld by the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) after having been challenged by two Muslim women who claimed their rights had been infringed.[79]

Bulgaria

[edit]

The Parliament of Bulgaria outlawed the wearing of any clothing "that partially or completely covers the face" in public places such as government offices, educational and cultural institutions, and places of public recreation, except for health or professional reasons from 30 September 2016. Anyone who violates the law is liable to a fine of up to 1,500 levs (US$860). The Muslim community makes up 15% of the Bulgarian population of 7.1 million.[80]

Denmark

[edit]
Main article: Islam in Denmark

In autumn 2017, the Danish government agreed to adopt a law prohibiting people to wear "attire and clothing masking the face in such a way that it impairs recognizability".[81] A full ban on both niqabs and burqas was announced on 31 May 2018.[82] The ban came into force on 1 August 2018 and carries a fine of 1000 DKK, then about 134 euro; repeat offenses are punishable with fines up to 10,000 DKK.[83] The law targets all garments that cover the face, such as fake beards or balaclavas.[84] Supporters of the ban claim that the ban facilitates integration of Muslims into Danish society, while Amnesty International claimed the ban violated women's rights.[84] On the date the law came into force, a protest numbering 300-400 people was held in Copenhagen's Nørrebro district organised by Socialist Youth Front, Kvinder i Dialog and Party Rebels, with protesters wearing various head coverings including party masks.[85]

France

[edit]
Main article: French ban on face covering

Wearing the burqa has not been allowed in French public schools since 2004, when it was judged to be a religious symbol, similar to the Christian cross, and was outlawed for wear within schools as an application of an established 1905 law that prohibits students and staff from wearing any clearly visible religious symbols. The law relates to the time where the secular French state took over control of most schools from the Catholic Church; it does not apply to private or religious schools. This was followed on 22 June 2009, when the then-President of France, Nicolas Sarkozy, said that burqas were "not welcome" in France, commenting that "In our country, we cannot accept that women be prisoners behind a screen, cut off from all social life, deprived of all identity".[86] The French National Assembly appointed 32 lawmakers from right- and left-wing parties to a six-month fact-finding mission to look at ways of restricting its use.[87] On 26 January 2010, the commission reported that access to public services and public transport should be barred to those wearing the burqa. On 13 July 2010, the Assembly overwhelmingly approved a bill banning burqas and niqabs.[88]

On 14 September 2010, the French Senate overwhelmingly approved a ban on burqas in public, with the law becoming effective beginning on 11 April 2011. When the measure was sent in May to the parliament, it was stated that "Given the damage it produces on those rules which allow the life in community, ensure the dignity of the person and equality between sexes, this practice, even if it is voluntary, cannot be tolerated in any public place".[89][90]

The ban is officially called "The bill to forbid concealing one's face in public". "It refers neither to Islam nor to veils. Officials insist the law against face-covering is not discriminatory because it would apply to everyone, not just Muslims. They cite a host of exceptions, including motorcycle helmets, or masks for health reasons, fencing, skiing or carnivals".[91]

In 2014, the European Court of Human Rights upheld the French ban on burqas, accepting the argument of the French government that the law was based on "a certain idea of living together".[92][93]

In 2022, France's top administrative court ruled against allowing body-covering "burkini" swimwear in public pools for religious reasons, arguing that it violates the principle of government neutrality toward religion.[94]

Germany

[edit]

In a 2016 speech, accepting her nomination for reelection, the German chancellor Angela Merkel called for banning the burqa in Germany "wherever legally possible", which was interpreted as support for the earlier proposal by Interior Minister Thomas de Maizière to outlaw full-face veils in public buildings. The announcement was seen as an attempt to counter public anger at Merkel's handling of the migrant crisis and electoral gains by the anti-immigration AfD party.[95][96][97] In 2017, a legal ban on face-covering clothing for soldiers and state workers during work was approved by the German parliament.[98] Also in 2017, a legal ban on face-covering clothing for car and truck drivers was approved by the German Ministry of Traffic.[99] In July 2017 the state of Bavaria approved a ban on face-covering clothing for teachers, state workers and students at university and schools.[100]

In August 2017, the state of Lower Saxony banned the burqa along with the niqab in public schools. This change in the law was prompted by a Muslim pupil in Osnabrück who wore the garment to school for years and refused to take it off. The law was instituted to prevent similar cases in the future following the completion of her schooling.[101]

In July 2020, the state of Baden-Württemberg banned face-covering veils for pupils, an extension of the ban already in force for school staff.[102]

Italy

[edit]

In Italy, by an anti-terrorism law passed in 1975, it is forbidden to wear any dress that hides the face of a person. At that time, Italy was facing domestic (not Islam-related) terrorism. In May 2010, it was reported that a Tunisian woman was fined €500 for this offence.[103]

Latvia

[edit]

In 2016, it was wrongly claimed in foreign media that a legal ban of face-covering Islamic clothing was adopted by the Latvian parliament.[104] After long public discussions draft legislation was approved by Latvian government on 22 August 2017; however, it was never adopted by the parliament as a law.[105]

Malta

[edit]

Malta has no restrictions on Islamic garments such as the veil (hijab) or the full-face veil (burqa and/or niqab),[106] but strictly speaking face covering is illegal.[107] An official ban on face covering for religious reasons is ambiguous.[108] It is guaranteed that individuals are allowed to wear as they wish at their private homes and at the Mosque.[107] Imam El Sadi stated his belief that banning of the niqab and the burka "offends Muslim women".[109] Elsadi said that the Malteses' attitude towards Muslim women is positive and, despite cultural clashes, they tolerate the dressing.[110] Some Muslim women share the belief that it is sinful to be seen in public without veiling themselves;[111][112] however, they are legally required to remove it when needed.[113]

Netherlands

[edit]

On 27 January 2012, a bill was agreed upon by the Dutch cabinet, banning any clothing that would hide the wearer's identity, with potential fines for wearing a burqa in public going up to 380 euros.[114] However, it did not pass in Parliament. In October 2012, this law was mitigated by the succeeding cabinet to pertain only to public transport, health care, education and government buildings, rather than all public spaces.[115]

On 22 May 2015, a bill was agreed upon by the Dutch cabinet, banning wearing a burqa in public places. Public places would have included public transportation, educational institutes, public health institutes, and government buildings. In the courtroom, a burqa or a niqab could not be worn, with both allowed in public spaces. Police officers could have requested one to remove face-covering clothing for identification purposes. There were exceptions, such as during carnival or other festivities, and when face-covering clothing was necessary as a sports or job requirement. Opposition party D66 commented on the burqa abolishment as tokenism, while PVV labelled the ban unsatisfactory. Minister of Internal Affairs, Plasterk, has stated that setting a norm is important.[116][117]

The May 2015 bill did not pass either, but a new bill was proposed in November 2015, which was eventually made into law. On 26 June 2018, a partial ban on face covering (including burqas) on public transport and in buildings and associated yards of educational institutions, governmental institutions and healthcare institutions was enacted, with a number of exceptions.[118][119][120] From 1 August 2019 a national burka ban was introduced in the Netherlands.

As of August 2019, 200-400 Dutch women were believed to wear a burqa or niqab.[121]

Norway

[edit]

In June 2018, the parliament of Norway passed a bill banning clothing covering the face at educational institutions as well as daycare centres, which included face-covering Islamic veils. The prohibition applies to pupils and staff alike.[122][123]

Sweden

[edit]

In December 2019, the municipality of Skurup banned Islamic veils in educational institutions. Earlier, the municipality of Staffanstorp approved a similar ban.[124] The ban was overturned by the Supreme Administrative Court in December 2022 since it was deemed to be a violation religious freedoms as defined in the Fundamental Law on Freedom of Expression.[125]

In 2012, a poll by Uppsala University found that Swedes responded that face-covering Islamic veils are either completely unacceptable or fairly unacceptable, 85% for the burqa and 81% for the niqab. The researchers noted these figures represented a compact resistance to the face-covering veil by the population of Sweden.[126]

Switzerland

[edit]

The burqa was outlawed in the canton of Ticino after a citizen initiative to hold a referendum. With 65% in favour of a ban, it was ruled that the ban was constitutional, and took effect in July 2016. Those who violate the law face a fine of up to CHF 10,000.[127]

In September 2018, a ban on face-covering veils was approved with a 67% vote in favour in the canton of St. Gallen. The largest Islamic community organisation in Switzerland, the Islamic Central Council, recommended that Muslim women continue to cover their faces.[128]

During the federal votation of the 7 March 2021 regarding the prohibition of face-covering, the Swiss people voted for the prohibition. The question submitted for the referendum was initiated from a right-wing political group affiliated with the Swiss People's Party. Although very few women in Switzerland actually wear a burqa or niqab, the proposition has been made with the intention to forbid these outfits in public spaces. 51.4% of the population participated in the vote, 51.2% of them agreed with the initiative.[129]

United Kingdom

[edit]
Main article: United Kingdom debate over veils

Face veils have caused debate in the United Kingdom. In 2006, Jack Straw, who was the Labour MP for Blackburn at the time, attracted controversy after asking Muslim women from his constituency to remove any veils covering their faces during face-to-face constituency surgeries. Straw explained to the media that a female staffer would remain in the room during any potential meeting, however the public reaction to the decision was varied. Some Muslim groups said that they understood his concerns, whilst others rejected his request as prejudicial to Muslim women.[130] A poll in 2011 indicated that 66 per cent of British people supported banning the burqa in all public places.[131] However, a ban on burqas was ruled out by the Conservative government, and in 2018 Theresa May stated "we do not support a ban on the wearing of the veil in public".[132] In 2025 Reform UK MP Sarah Pochin called for Prime Minister Keir Starmer to ban the burka during PMQs.[133]

Oceania

[edit]

Australia

[edit]
Main article: Burqa ban in Australia

In 2010, Australian Liberal Senator Cory Bernardi called for the burqa to be banned in Australia, branding it "un-Australian". The ban did not go ahead, but the debate about the burqa continues.[134][135]

In 2011, Carnita Matthews of Sydney was sentenced to six months jail for making a statement accusing a police officer of attempting to forcibly lift her niqab, which news sources initially referred to incorrectly as a burqa.[136] The officer had pulled her over for a random breath test and then ticketed her for a licence infringement. Matthews allegedly then submitted a signed complaint to a police station while wearing a niqab. Judge Clive Jeffreys overturned the conviction in June 2011, citing what he thought were differences between the signature on her license and that on the complaint.[137] She then proceeded to seek legal costs.[136] Matthews was subsequently revealed to have a considerable record of unpaid fines and licence revocations that cast doubt on her character.[138]

"Say no to burqas" mural in Newtown, New South Wales, before (left), modification (middle) and vandalism (right)

On 4 July 2011, New South Wales became the first Australian state to pass laws allowing police to demand that burqas (and other headgear such as motorcycle helmets) be removed when asking for identification.

In October 2014, the Speaker of the House and President of the Senate at Parliament House in Canberra decreed that female visitors wearing a face covering would have to sit in the separated glassed-in areas of the public gallery normally reserved for schoolchildren. This was in response to a planned disruptive action by a political activist group. Prime Minister Tony Abbott stated that he opposed this restriction.[139] The decision was subsequently reversed.[140]

In August 2017, Senator Pauline Hanson arrived at the Senate wearing a burqa in protest, calling for the garment to be banned. Following the incident, ReachTEL polled 2,832 Australians and found that 56.3% supported banning the wearing of the burqa in public places.[141]

Canada

[edit]

Quebec

[edit]

On June 16, 2019, Bill 21 was passed which banned all religious symbols in the public sector for those in a position of authority, i.e. teachers, police officers, judges, and lawyers, amongst others. It also banned the face veil (niqab, burqa) when receiving public services. It has so far been upheld by the courts due to the passing of the notwithstanding clause.[citation needed]

See also

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References

[edit]
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Burqa

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The burqa is an enveloping outer garment worn primarily by women in certain Muslim-majority regions, fully covering the body from head to toe, including the face, with a screen over the eyes permitting limited vision while concealing identity. Originating from the Arabic term burqu' meaning veil, the garment entered English usage around 1836 via influences tied to Asian practices. Distinct from partial veils like the or , the burqa emphasizes extreme but lacks direct Quranic prescription, emerging more from cultural traditions in Pashtun areas of and than universal Islamic doctrine. Historically linked to pre-Islamic customs of for elite women, the burqa gained prominence in 20th-century under monarchic and later regimes, where it was enforced as a marker of and segregation, often amid reports of compulsion through social or . Usage remains concentrated in rural , with negligible adoption elsewhere—estimated at under 0.01% among Muslim women in —reflecting its regional specificity rather than broad religious observance. In empirical surveys of Muslim-majority countries, preferences lean toward less restrictive coverings, underscoring the burqa's minority status even within conservative contexts. The burqa has sparked global controversies, particularly regarding women's autonomy and , as its full-face obscuration impedes facial recognition, , and integration in diverse societies, prompting bans in over 20 countries including , , and several Muslim states like for reasons of equality and civic . Critics, drawing on causal analyses of gender dynamics, argue it symbolizes and reinforces female subordination by limiting mobility, , and social agency, especially in enforcement-prone environments like Taliban-controlled , where non-compliance has historically invited punishment. While proponents frame it as voluntary devotion, evidence from phenomenological studies reveals frequent dissociation by wearers upon exposure to freer settings, highlighting underlying over authentic choice in many cases.

Definition and Terminology

The burqa, also known as the chadari in , is characterized by its full-body enclosure that includes a stiffened headpiece and a screen or grille over the eye area, allowing limited visibility while concealing the entire face and form. This distinguishes it from other Islamic ing practices, which vary in coverage and regional prevalence. Unlike partial coverings, the burqa integrates the and outer garment into a single, tent-like structure typically made of lightweight fabric, often or , secured by strings or ties. In contrast to the , which veils the face below the eyes but leaves the eye region fully exposed without any barrier, the burqa employs a crocheted or embroidered mesh for opacity across the eyes, originating from Pashtun tribal customs in rather than broader traditions. The , prevalent in the and parts of , is usually paired with a separate or and permits clearer vision, reflecting a less restrictive facial concealment. The differs fundamentally as a that covers the hair, neck, and shoulders while leaving the face unobstructed, serving as a modest head covering rather than a full-body or facial ; it is the most widespread form of veiling across Muslim-majority regions, mandated in some countries like but not entailing the burqa's total anonymity. Similarly, the , a semicircular pinned or held at the shoulders common in and Shia communities, drapes over the body and head but exposes the face entirely, lacking the burqa's integrated facial screen and rigid frame. The , a loose over-garment from the Gulf states, covers the body from shoulders to ankles but does not veil the face or head unless combined with a or , emphasizing simplicity over the burqa's comprehensive enclosure; it functions more as everyday outerwear than a symbol of extreme seclusion. These distinctions highlight the burqa's cultural specificity to , where it predates modern Islamist enforcement and embodies local Pashtun norms of female seclusion, whereas other garments like the or align more closely with pan-Islamic or Arab customs without the burqa's signature ocular mesh.
GarmentCoverageKey FeaturePrimary Region
BurqaFull body and face; mesh over eyesIntegrated tent-like structure with eye grille for vision (Pashtun areas)
NiqabFace except eyes; often with body coveringOpen eye slit, no mesh,
HijabHead, hair, neck; face visibleScarf-style wrapWidespread in Muslim world
ChadorFull body and head; face visible held closed at front, Shia communities
AbayaBody from shoulders to ankles; face/head optionalLoose robe over clothesGulf states (e.g., )

Historical Origins

Pre-Islamic Veiling Practices

Veiling practices for women originated in ancient Near Eastern societies long before the advent of , with the earliest documented evidence appearing in Mesopotamian and Assyrian legal codes dating to the 15th-14th centuries BCE. In the Middle Assyrian Law Code, composed between approximately 1400 and 1100 BCE, veiling was mandated for respectable women, including wives, daughters, and concubines, while explicitly prohibiting it for prostitutes, slave women, and keepers to distinguish and prevent deception in public spaces. This restriction underscored veiling as a marker of privilege and male ownership, applicable during public appearances on streets or markets, with penalties such as for violations by lower-status women attempting to veil. These Assyrian regulations extended to broader categories of free women, including widows and those designated as "Assyrian" by affiliation, reflecting a legal framework that tied veiling to marital or familial status rather than religious prescription. Archaeological and textual evidence from earlier Mesopotamian contexts, such as Sumerian and Babylonian records, suggests veiling was not universal but associated with or protected women, often symbolizing , purity, or from public gaze, though commoner women were sometimes barred to maintain class distinctions. Similar customs persisted in adjacent regions, including Sassanian Persia and pre-Christian Byzantine territories, where veiling denoted rank and for upper-class women, influencing cultural norms across the ancient Mediterranean and . In , veiling was practiced selectively among certain tribes, such as the Banū Ismāʿīl and Banū Qaḥṭān, primarily as an indicator of for free women, while slave women were typically unveiled to signify their availability and subordinate position. Tribal customs in the , influenced by interactions with neighboring empires, incorporated veiling for and protection during travel or public exposure, though it was not uniformly enforced across nomadic or rural groups where practical considerations like desert mobility often prevailed over strict covering. These practices, rooted in socioeconomic hierarchies rather than doctrinal mandates, prefigured later Islamic interpretations but varied widely by locale and class, with urban elites adopting more elaborate forms akin to those in Persian or Byzantine societies.

Adoption and Evolution in Early Islamic Societies

In early Islamic societies, veiling practices were largely adopted from pre-existing customs prevalent in and surrounding regions, where they signified social status and distinguished free women from slaves or those of lower standing. Assyrian laws from around 1500 BCE had restricted ing to respectable women, a norm echoed in Mesopotamian, Persian Sassanid, Jewish, and Christian communities, which influenced Arabian clans like Banū Ismāʿīl and Banū Qaḥṭān. The term "burqa," referring to a face-covering , was in use in Arabia prior to the CE, though full-body enclosing forms evolved later through regional adaptations. The specific style of the burqa prevalent among the Pashtun people, Afghanistan's largest ethnic group, originated in the 19th century among upper classes as a traditional full-body covering for outdoor use. Quranic revelations during Muhammad's lifetime (circa 610–632 CE) emphasized modesty for women, instructing them to "draw their veils over their bosoms" ( 24:31) and to wear outer garments when abroad for protection and recognition as believers ( 33:59), but these applied initially and primarily to the Prophet's wives ( 33:53). Historical accounts indicate that during this period, veiling was not universally mandated for all Muslim women in ; many participated in public life, including commercial and roles, often without full covering, while upper-class women adopted it as a marker of respectability and against . Face veiling was practiced by some free women, as referenced in pre-Islamic and early Umayyad , but remained optional and class-linked rather than a religious imperative for the broader population. Following Muhammad's death in 632 CE, veiling extended beyond elite circles during the (632–661 CE) and Umayyad (661–750 CE) caliphates, incorporating influences from conquered Byzantine and Persian territories where seclusion and head-covering were common among dhimmis (protected non-Muslims). Umayyad-era poetry depicts variation, with some women veiled and others not, reflecting ongoing pre-Islamic norms where slaves and entertainers () typically went unveiled to denote their status. This period saw veiling evolve as a cultural fusion, spreading via trade and conquest but without standardized enforcement. By the (750–1258 CE), veiling practices intensified amid urbanization, expanded harems (e.g., over 11,000 servants under Caliph in the ), and the codification of Islamic jurisprudence (). The four Sunni schools diverged: Hanafi and Maliki permitted the face and hands to remain uncovered, while Shafi'i and Hanbali advocated fuller coverage, including facial veiling in public, drawing on interpretations from the 8th–9th centuries. Garments like the or miqna'a (face veils) and enveloping wraps became more common among urban Muslim women, as evidenced in documents from the Fatimid era (overlapping Abbasid influences), though rural and lower-class women often adhered less strictly, prioritizing practicality over seclusion. This evolution tied veiling to patriarchal structures and class distinctions, adapting pre-Islamic elements into a more systematized, though regionally variable, norm.

Religious Context in Islam

Scriptural References to Modesty

The Quran addresses modesty (known as haya or guarding chastity) for both men and women, emphasizing restraint in gaze and behavior as foundational to moral conduct. In Surah An-Nur (24:30), men are instructed: "Tell the believing men to lower their gaze and guard their chastity. That is purer for them. Surely Allah is All-Aware of what they do." This verse parallels the directive for women in the subsequent verse (24:31), which states: "And tell the believing women to lower their gaze and guard their chastity, and not to reveal their adornments except what normally appears. Let them draw their veils over their chests, and not expose their ˹hidden˺ adornments except to their husbands..." The term "adornments" (zinah) here refers to beauty or jewelry, with exception for what is apparent by default, such as the face and hands in classical interpretations, though the verse focuses on covering the bosom (juyub) rather than mandating head or face covering explicitly. A second key reference appears in Surah Al-Ahzab (33:59): "O Prophet! Tell your wives and daughters, and the women of the believers, to draw their cloaks over their bodies. In this way it is more likely that they will be recognized ˹as virtuous˺ and not be harassed. And Allah is All-Forgiving, Most Merciful." The word jilbab denotes an outer garment or cloak, intended to provide identification as respectable women in 7th-century Medina, reducing harassment amid social unrest following battles like Uhud. This directive promotes visibility for protection rather than anonymity through full enclosure, with no textual requirement for face veiling (niqab) or the burqa, a garment extending mesh over the eyes. The Quran nowhere explicitly prescribes covering the face or full body obscuration, limiting scriptural mandates to general modesty, chest coverage, and outer garments for distinction. These verses emerged in historical contexts of tribal Arabia, where pre-existing veiling customs among elites influenced phrasing, but the reframes as mutual obligation without cultural imports like total . Literal readings prioritize behavioral purity over specific attire, with face veiling deriving from later interpretive traditions rather than direct revelation. Scholarly consensus holds that while is obligatory, the extent of physical covering remains interpretive, not univocally scriptural for burqa-like forms.

Interpretations in Hadith and Classical Jurisprudence

The primary scriptural basis for veiling practices in derives from Quranic verses such as 24:31, which instructs believing women to "not display their adornments except what normally appears" and to draw their head coverings over their chests, and Al-Ahzab 33:59, directing women to draw their outer garments over themselves for recognition and protection from harassment. Classical interpretations of these verses in literature and emphasize modesty but diverge on whether the face constitutes part of the "normally appearing" exceptions, with no explicit Quranic mandate for face covering. narrations, such as those in and Muslim, describe early Muslim women, including the Prophet Muhammad's wives, initially veiling their faces fully upon revelation of hijab-related verses, as reported by : "When the verse 'draw their veils over their juyub' was revealed, the women cut their sheets and veiled themselves with them." However, other authentic s permit uncovering the face in non-tempting contexts, such as during or for necessity, indicating that full face veiling (, precursor to burqa-style coverings) was practiced as a precautionary measure rather than an absolute command. In classical Sunni , the four major schools (madhabs) exhibit variation on the 'awrah (parts requiring covering) for women in front of non-mahram men, influencing interpretations of burqa-like full enclosure. The generally permits uncovering the face and hands as the minimal "normally appearing" adornments, though some Hanafi scholars, citing prevalent fitnah (temptation), deem obligatory in practice. The Maliki and Shafi'i schools align closely, allowing the face and hands to remain visible provided no adornments or intent to attract attention are present, based on evidence of the Prophet's companions seeing women's faces without rebuke. The , however, mandates covering the face except in cases of hardship or for elderly women past childbearing age, drawing from stricter readings of Hadiths emphasizing total concealment to avert desire, as articulated by Ibn Qudamah in Al-Mughni. This Hanbali position influenced later Salafi and Wahhabi rulings, which often treat as wajib (obligatory) amid modern societal risks, though even they acknowledge evidentiary gradations in authenticity. Shia jurisprudence, particularly in Twelver traditions, similarly prioritizes body coverage but permits face exposure based on (independent reasoning) from the same Quranic verses and Imami Hadiths, viewing as (recommended) rather than (compulsory) unless fitnah necessitates it. Across schools, consensus holds that veiling aims at and deterrence of , per 33:59, but the burqa's extreme form—enclosing the entire body with a eye screen—exceeds minimal requirements and reflects regional customs amplified by juristic caution, not uniform scriptural imperative. Critics within Islamic scholarship note that weaker Hadiths promoting total coverage have been elevated in some traditions, potentially conflating cultural norms with religious obligation.

Contemporary Sectarian Perspectives

In contemporary , views on the burqa—defined as full-body covering including a mesh-screened face —differ across jurisprudential schools, with stricter obligations emphasized in Hanbali and Shafi'i traditions compared to Hanafi leniency. Hanafi scholars generally hold that and hands are not part of the awrah (parts requiring coverage) in the absence of fitna ( or social discord), rendering or burqa recommended but not obligatory unless circumstances warrant it to prevent . In contrast, Shafi'i, Maliki, and Hanbali schools deem exposure of the face impermissible before non-mahram men, regardless of fitna, aligning with fatwas requiring full facial coverage in public. Salafi and Wahhabi movements, influential in and global revivalist circles, advocate strongly for the or burqa as obligatory, drawing on interpretations that extend modesty requirements to the face during times of prevalent fitna, as articulated by scholars like Nasiruddin who argue for its wajib status based on early prophetic practices. Deobandi scholars, rooted in Hanafi thought but prominent in and , endorse facial covering via burqa as (obligatory), citing Quranic verses on veiling and issuing fatwas against form-fitting styles that defeat concealment purposes, while opposing Western bans as undemocratic. Shia jurisprudence, as per major marja' like Sistani, mandates covering the body and hair from (age nine lunar years) but excludes the face and hands from awrah, viewing or burqa as cultural rather than religiously required, with no Quranic or core doctrinal basis for facial veiling. This stance explains the rarity of burqas in Shia-majority , where chadors leave the face exposed, prioritizing modesty without full enclosure. In both sects, contemporary debates often hinge on authenticity and modern fitna levels, with conservative factions prioritizing stricter coverings amid perceived moral decline.

Purported Purposes and Rationales

Traditional and Theological Justifications

The primary theological justifications for the burqa derive from interpretations of Quranic verses emphasizing modesty (haya) and protection from social harms like harassment or temptation (fitna). Surah An-Nur (24:31) commands believing women to "draw their khimars (veils) over their juyub (bosoms)" and refrain from displaying zina (adornments) except to close relatives, while guarding their private parts and lowering their gazes; this is understood by proponents as establishing comprehensive covering to prevent male arousal and maintain chastity. Similarly, Surah Al-Ahzab (33:59) instructs the Prophet Muhammad to direct his wives, daughters, and believing women to "draw their jalabib (outer garments) over themselves," interpreted in traditional tafsir (exegesis) by scholars like Ibn Kathir as a means to render women unrecognizable as potential targets of molestation, thereby necessitating full-body enclosure including facial veiling in public to signal piety and deter advances. Hadith collections reinforce these scriptural bases through narrations depicting early Muslim women adopting face coverings. In Sahih Bukhari (4758), relates that after the revelation of verses, the Prophet's wives veiled their faces upon encountering non-mahram men, such as when a rider passed by; analogous reports in describe female companions pulling veils over faces during travel or public interactions to avoid fitna. Classical jurists, including those in the Hanbali —prevalent in burqa-enforcing regions like —extrapolate from these to classify the face as awrah (requiring covering) before unrelated men, viewing non-coverage as a risk factor for societal discord unless proven absent, as in pre-Islamic Medina's relative safety. In Islamic jurisprudence (), the burqa aligns with the principle of sadd al-dhara'i (blocking means to harm), where full veiling preempts lustful gazes that could lead to () or family dishonor, prioritizing communal moral order over individual visibility. Theologically, it embodies (God-consciousness), redirecting focus from physical beauty to spiritual merit, as articulated in works by scholars like Ibn Taymiyyah, who deemed face veiling (recommended) or wajib (obligatory) amid fitna, drawing on the salaf's (pious predecessors') practices for emulating prophetic example. Traditional rationales extend this to cultural preservation of women's in patriarchal contexts, where exposure invites objectification, though such views vary across madhhabs, with Hanafi and Maliki schools often exempting the face absent temptation.

Empirical Critiques and Alternative Explanations

Empirical assessments of the burqa's purported role in shielding women from and violence reveal limited supportive evidence, with data from enforcement contexts indicating ongoing gender-based violence. In , following the 's 2021 resurgence and imposition of burqa mandates, women continue to face domestic , honor killings, and public punishments, as documented in reports highlighting the absence of protective mechanisms amid restrictive dress codes. Similarly, in , where full-body coverings have long been obligatory, prevalence rates of exceed 30% according to regional studies on and the , showing no discernible reduction attributable to veiling practices. Critiques emphasize that claims of modesty-induced overlook causal factors rooted in patriarchal attitudes and male entitlement, rather than attire. Analyses argue that linking veiling to lower rates constitutes a , as it shifts responsibility onto women and ignores persistent experienced by covered individuals, including verbal and physical targeting in public spaces. In Western contexts, veiled Muslim women report elevated victimization from Islamophobic incidents, suggesting that full covering may heighten rather than mitigate risks in diverse settings. Alternative explanations posit the burqa's persistence as a mechanism of and gender hierarchy enforcement, transcending purely theological rationales. Originating from pre-Islamic among Byzantine and Persian elites to denote status and , its adoption in Islamic societies served to curtail women's public agency, a function reinforced by cultural norms rather than scriptural imperatives alone. Among the Pashtun ethnic group, Afghanistan's largest, the burqa symbolizes strict adherence to Pashtunwali, the tribal code that prioritizes protecting women's honor (namus) through enforced modesty and gender segregation. Sociological veiling mandates to diminished female labor participation, with hijab-wearing women in facing barriers, indicating economic disincentives over protective benefits. These interpretations, drawn from analyses, challenge modesty narratives by highlighting how burqas symbolize communal and patriarchal , often imposed via familial or societal pressure irrespective of individual religious conviction.

Design Features and Regional Variations

Core Components of the Burqa

The burqa, specifically the Afghan chadri variant, consists of a supportive , a voluminous body covering, and a panel with an integrated grille for vision. The , typically constructed from stiffened fabric or cardboard reinforced with , rests atop the head and projects outward to create a tent-like structure that drapes over the body. This rigid frame, often adorned with decorative stitching or lace along the edges, ensures the garment maintains its shape and provides space for movement beneath. The body covering forms a loose, pleated or draped sheet of fabric extending from the head cap to the ankles, enveloping the entire form in a billowing shroud that conceals the wearer's . Made from lightweight materials such as synthetic chiffon, , or —predominantly in shades of blue, black, or brown—this component allows for ventilation and mobility despite the full enclosure. In traditional designs, the fabric is gathered at the shoulders and flows freely, weighing approximately 1.5 to 2 kilograms when complete. The face veil panel attaches to the lower edge of the head , fully obscuring the face except for a narrow horizontal covered by a fine screen or crocheted grille. This grille, woven from thread or metal in earlier variants, permits outward vision while preventing clear inward visibility of the eyes, spanning about 10-15 centimeters in width. Regional adaptations may feature varying grille densities, with denser weaves in conservative areas enhancing opacity. These components integrate to form a single, donned-over-inner-clothing garment, distinct from looser veils like the by its comprehensive enclosure and structural rigidity. Handcrafted in markets such as those in or , assembly involves sewing the panels together with reinforced seams to withstand daily wear, though mass-produced versions using machine stitching have emerged since the .

Adaptations Across Cultures

In , the burqa, locally termed chadri or chadaree, features a structured , flowing body , and a pleated face with embroidered mesh over the eyes for ventilation and limited visibility, often reinforced with a lightweight frame of cardboard, plastic, or wood to maintain shape and allow peripheral vision in rugged terrains. This design adapts to Pashtun cultural norms of , with regional variations in embroidery—such as intricate floral motifs in —and fabric choices like breathable in rural areas or synthetic blends in urban centers like , where mid-blue or light blue hues predominate, white in the north (e.g., Mazar-i-Sharif), and brown or green in the south (e.g., Kandahar), for practicality and symbolism of modesty. Across the border in , particularly among Pashtun communities in and , the burqa mirrors the Afghan chadri in its full-body enclosure but incorporates local adaptations like earth-toned colors (brown or green) suited to arid landscapes and tribal weaving techniques for durability, reflecting a shared ethnic heritage while evolving with increased urban adoption since the amid conservative influences. Usage has risen exponentially in over the past three decades, with designs sometimes including adjustable ties or lighter weaves to accommodate daily labor in agricultural or market settings. In Yemen, the term "burqa" denotes a distinct stiff veil covering the head, face, and upper torso, typically crafted from black or indigo-dyed fabric with a narrow embroidered slit for the eyes, layered over a thawb or dress and adapted for the region's hot climate with lightweight, opaque materials that prioritize facial concealment over full-body shrouding. This form integrates Yemeni tribal embroidery traditions, varying by rural southern styles that emphasize dark blues for cooling properties and cultural markers of status among conservative communities. Historical adaptations in , such as the worn in pre-Soviet and , featured a face attached to a padded , designed for in steppe environments but largely phased out under secular policies, with modern revivals of burqa-like coverings facing restrictions as cultural-secular tensions resurface. These variations underscore how burqa designs, while rooted in interpretations of Islamic , primarily evolve through local environmental demands, artisanal skills, and ethnic customs rather than uniform doctrine.

Global Distribution and Enforcement

Prevalence in Muslim-Majority Regions

The burqa, a full-body garment with a mesh screen over the eyes, is most prevalent in , where the regime has enforced its use since regaining control in August 2021. A May 2022 decree by the 's Ministry for the Propagation of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice mandates that women cover themselves from head to toe in public, allowing only their eyes to be visible, with the burqa explicitly recommended as the appropriate garment. This policy has resulted in near-universal compliance among Afghan women in public spaces due to strict , including arrests for violations, reversing a post-2001 decline in its usage among urban and younger populations. In neighboring , burqa usage is concentrated in conservative Pashtun regions, such as and the former bordering , where cultural ties to Afghan traditions influence its adoption for perceived safety amid high rates of gender-based violence. However, it is not nationally mandatory, and a 2014 survey indicated that only 28% of preferred the burqa as the most appropriate public attire for women, with a plurality favoring the or instead. Nationwide, most women opt for less restrictive coverings like the over , reflecting varied regional and socioeconomic practices rather than uniform prevalence. Elsewhere in Muslim-majority regions, the burqa remains rare, overshadowed by alternative veiling forms such as the in Gulf states like or the in . In , women commonly wear black abayas with niqabs in urban and tribal areas, but the burqa—with its distinctive mesh—is not standard, though stricter coverings have been imposed in Houthi-controlled zones. A 2014 Pew survey across multiple countries, including , , and , showed minimal preference for full-face coverings like the burqa, with majorities favoring headscarves that leave the face visible. In and , such as or , hijab variants dominate, and burqa adoption is negligible outside isolated conservative pockets. Overall, stands as the sole Muslim-majority country where the burqa is effectively mandatory, highlighting its limited geographic and cultural footprint despite broader Islamic veiling norms.

Emergence in Non-Muslim Diaspora Communities

The practice of full-face and body veiling, often referred to interchangeably as burqa or in diaspora contexts, emerged among Muslim communities in non-Muslim countries during the late , becoming more visible in European urban centers from the 1990s onward. Unlike headscarf traditions carried by early immigrants from regions like or , full veiling was not widespread in origin countries for most groups and instead reflected adoption of stricter interpretations promoted transnationally. This shift aligned with the global expansion of Salafism starting in the 1970s, which interprets Islamic texts—such as 24:31 and certain hadiths—as mandating coverage of the face and body to embody religious purity and separation from non-Muslim societies (al-wala’ wa-l-bara’). In , particularly , the , , and the , wearers were predominantly young women aged 18–35, often second-generation immigrants or converts socialized in host countries rather than recent arrivals from veil-enforcing regimes. By the early 2000s, small cohorts formed around Salafi networks, including quietist missionary groups, mosques funded by Gulf states, and online , leading to increased public sightings that sparked debates. In , for example, government estimates placed the number of full-veil wearers at around 2,000 by 2010, representing less than 0.04% of the approximately 5 million Muslim population, yet sufficient to prompt national legislation. Similar low but growing incidences appeared in the UK, where post-9/11 identity assertions amplified adoption among educated urban youth rejecting secular family norms. In , the phenomenon remained marginal but followed parallel ideological drivers, with niqab communities emerging in cities like and New York through Salafi study circles and immigrant enclaves from diverse backgrounds. Empirical patterns indicate voluntary choice within these subcultures, framed by adherents as or , though causal analysis links it to neo-fundamentalist revivalism rather than cultural continuity or response to host-society . This diaspora emergence contrasted with declining veiling enforcement in some Muslim-majority states, highlighting ideology's role in sustaining and exporting rigorous practices amid migration.

Impositions in Authoritarian Regimes

In , the regime has imposed the burqa as a mandatory form of for women appearing in public spaces, enforcing it through decrees and policing mechanisms. During their initial rule from to 2001, the required women to wear the burqa—a full-body garment with a mesh screen over the eyes—to ensure complete concealment of the female form, with non-compliance punishable by , flogging, or execution by the Ministry for the Propagation of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice. Following their return to power in August 2021, the reinstated similar mandates, culminating in a May 7, 2022, edict from the Ministry of Women's Affairs stipulating that women must cover from head to toe in loose garments that conceal the body, face, and voice, effectively reinstating the burqa or equivalent niqab-style veiling as the standard. This policy aligns with the regime's interpretation of , where failure to adhere results in immediate intervention by roving patrols, including physical beatings, detention, or family warnings, as documented in ongoing reports of enforcement actions. Enforcement remains rigorous as of 2025, with the issuing over 50 edicts by early 2023 specifically targeting women's visibility and mobility, many of which reinforce burqa compliance through and public shaming. In practice, urban women in and other areas have occasionally adopted abayas as a partial alternative, but rural Pashtun regions adhere more strictly to the traditional burqa due to cultural entrenchment and intensified patrols, leading to documented cases of violence against resisters. The regime justifies this as protecting women's honor and preventing fitna (social discord), though empirical observations indicate it primarily serves to limit female , with women barred from most employment and unless fully veiled. Beyond , impositions of the burqa are rare in other authoritarian Islamic contexts, as most prioritize or over full-face veiling. In , the theocratic regime mandates since the 1979 revolution but does not require the burqa, focusing instead on head and body coverage with penalties escalating under 2024 legislation including fines, business closures, and surveillance for "bad hijab." Historical Saudi enforcement emphasized and in public until reforms in 2018–2019 relaxed requirements, rendering burqa non-mandatory even in conservative areas. Transient groups like in and (2014–2019) mandated or burqa equivalents in controlled territories, enforcing via public executions, but these lacked sustained state apparatus. Such policies in these regimes correlate with broader controls on female agency, substantiated by patterns of reduced participation and mobility post-imposition.

Restrictions in Liberal Democracies

France enacted legislation in October 2010 prohibiting the wearing of garments that fully conceal the face in spaces, effective April 2011, with penalties including fines of up to €150 and potential citizenship courses for repeat offenders. The law, justified by the French on grounds of , for equality between sexes, and the principle of vivre ensemble (living together), was upheld by the in 2014, which ruled it proportionate to legitimate aims despite claims of religious freedom infringement. Enforcement has resulted in thousands of fines issued annually, though the number of women affected remains small, estimated at fewer than 2,000 prior to the ban. Belgium followed with a nationwide ban in June 2011, criminalizing attire obscuring the face in public, punishable by fines up to €137.50 or imprisonment for aggravated cases. The measure, aimed at ensuring identification and social interaction, was endorsed by the in 2017 as a necessary restriction in a democratic . Local bans predated the federal law in cities like , reflecting concerns over security post-terror incidents. Denmark implemented a prohibition on face coverings, including burqas and niqabs, in public areas effective August 1, 2018, with initial fines starting at 1,000 Danish kroner (about €134) escalating to 10,000 kroner for recidivism. The policy, framed as promoting integration and visibility in public life, saw its first shortly after inception when a was fined following an altercation over her veil. introduced a similar restriction in October 2017, barring full-face coverings in public except for health or professional reasons, with fines up to €150, as part of broader integration efforts amid rising migration. The Netherlands adopted a partial ban in , prohibiting face coverings in , educational institutions, hospitals, and government buildings, but not on streets, with fines up to €400. Implementation faced practical challenges, including police reluctance due to resource constraints. approved a constitutional ban via in March 2021, with 51.2% support, prohibiting face coverings in public spaces except for or ; enforcement began in 2025, carrying fines of up to 1,000 Swiss francs. These measures, often validated by supranational courts, prioritize empirical needs for facial recognition in security-sensitive environments over individual religious expression, amid data showing minimal prevalence—e.g., fewer than 100 burqa-wearers in pre-ban—yet persistent associations with non-integration.

Recent Policy Shifts (2023–2025)

In , the regime escalated enforcement of mandatory full-face veiling, including burqas, for women in public from 2023 onward, with decrees requiring coverings that conceal the face except for the eyes and accompaniment by a male guardian. In January 2024, officials reported arbitrary arrests and detentions of women and girls accused of dress code violations, including insufficient veiling, amid broader crackdowns on female mobility. By July 2025, forces in detained dozens of women for alleged improper attire, marking intensified street-level policing that contravenes prior 2021 decrees nominally protecting while prioritizing fundamentalist interpretations of Islamic dress. In , several countries advanced restrictions on full-face veils like the burqa and during this period. Portugal's parliament passed legislation on October 17, 2025, banning face coverings worn for religious or gender-related reasons in public spaces such as schools, hospitals, and transport, with penalties including fines up to €3,000 and potential imprisonment for repeat offenses. Italy's ruling party introduced a bill on October 8, 2025, prohibiting burqas and niqabs in public areas including shops, offices, and educational institutions, enforceable with fines from €300 to €3,000 to address and identification concerns. Denmark's announced plans in June 2025 to expand the 2018 national ban to all educational settings, alongside eliminating dedicated rooms, citing integration and public safety rationales. In , judicial rulings reinforced institutional bans on burqas in educational contexts. The in August 2024 partially stayed a Mumbai college's prohibiting hijabs but upheld exclusions for burqas, niqabs, and similar full-face coverings, emphasizing uniform policies to maintain discipline and security in classrooms. The in July 2024 dismissed challenges to similar college-level prohibitions, affirming that such measures do not infringe essential religious practices while prioritizing educational uniformity. These decisions built on prior state-level precedents without national specifically targeting burqas outside schools.

Key Controversies

Security Risks and Identification Challenges

The burqa's full-face covering obscures facial features essential for visual identification, complicating routine security protocols in public spaces such as surveillance via CCTV systems, where facial recognition relies on unobstructed views to detect known threats. This limitation extends to interpersonal verification, as individuals cannot confirm identities during interactions, increasing vulnerability to impersonation in contexts like banking transactions or access to secure facilities. In security, burqa-wearers face mandatory face unveiling at checkpoints to match passport photographs, as international standards require visible facial matching to prevent ; failure to comply can result in denied boarding, as documented in protocols enforced by agencies like the U.S. . Similar requirements apply in judicial settings, where courts in jurisdictions like the mandate veil removal for witness identification to ensure accurate testimony and prevent evasion of legal accountability. Security risks escalate with the burqa's potential as a for illicit activities, evidenced by multiple terrorist incidents where attackers exploited face veils to conceal gender and identity. In Tunisia's 2019 Kasserine bombing, one suicide bomber donned a to approach a security post undetected, prompting a nationwide ban on face veils in public institutions to mitigate such tactics. Analogous concerns drove Morocco's 2017 burqa prohibition, with officials citing its utility for criminals and extremists to hide explosives or evade patrols, as seen in prior regional attacks. Further examples include Russia's region's 2024 niqab ban following coordinated gun attacks on synagogues and churches, where veiled figures facilitated rapid escapes amid heightened jihadist threats. In the UK, a 2013 counter-terrorism evaded monitoring by donning a burqa to slip past restrictions, underscoring how such garments enable monitored individuals to bypass . These cases, while infrequent relative to overall burqa usage, demonstrate causal vulnerabilities: the veil's opacity allows asymmetrical advantages to perpetrators intent on , justifying targeted restrictions in high-risk environments despite broader debates on efficacy.

Implications for Gender Dynamics and Autonomy

In authoritarian contexts like Taliban-controlled Afghanistan, the burqa functions as an instrument of enforced gender segregation, curtailing women's public autonomy and reinforcing male dominance. Following the Taliban's 2021 takeover, decrees mandated full-body and face coverings for women venturing outdoors, coinciding with prohibitions on girls' secondary and university education, affecting approximately 1.1 million female students by 2023. These policies have precipitated a collapse in female workforce participation, with women barred from most professions and reliant on male guardians for mobility, as non-compliance risks corporal punishment or detention. Such measures echo the 1996–2001 era, where burqa mandates symbolized systemic subjugation, limiting women's visibility and agency in societal spheres. Even absent state coercion, familial and communal pressures in conservative Muslim communities often dictate burqa adoption, challenging assertions of unqualified voluntariness. Accounts from women in settings reveal indirect enforcement through social or familial , with many reporting initial compliance yielding to later rejection upon gaining . While some proponents frame veiling as empowering , empirical patterns indicate it correlates with constrained , as women navigate patriarchal expectations that prioritize collective honor over individual choice. The burqa's concealing form impedes interpersonal dynamics, anonymizing wearers and hindering non-verbal cues vital for equitable social exchange, thereby perpetuating asymmetrical gender relations. Studies on analogous full veiling document heightened barriers to and , with veiled women facing discrimination rates up to 71% in hiring processes due to perceptions of incompatibility with professional . In practice, this attire restricts physical mobility—due to restricted vision and encumbrance—and fosters dependency, as evidenced by reduced in burqa-prevalent regions, where women's roles remain confined to domestic spheres under male oversight. Overall, these dynamics underscore a causal link between burqa normalization and diminished female agency, prioritizing communal norms over personal liberty.

Effects on Social Integration and Public Life

The burqa's full coverage obstructs non-verbal cues critical for social interaction, such as expressions and , which links to reduced perceptions of trustworthiness and in public encounters. Studies on occlusion, analogous to burqas and niqabs, demonstrate that concealed faces impair and lower confidence in trait judgments during interactions, fostering hesitation in cooperative behaviors like service provision or casual exchanges. In multicultural settings, this barrier contributes to , as veiled individuals report fewer opportunities for spontaneous , exacerbating parallel societies where integration relies on mutual visibility and reciprocity. Public perceptions in reinforce these dynamics, with surveys showing majorities viewing full-face veils as incompatible with societal norms of openness and equality, often interpreting them as markers of cultural rather than personal . A 2018 analysis across eight countries found 60-80% of non-Muslim respondents favoring bans on burqas in public spaces, including schools and government buildings, citing needs for identification and social cohesion over religious accommodation. This sentiment correlates with lower tolerance when veils are perceived as imposed by community pressure rather than voluntary choice, per experimental data on intergroup attitudes. In terms of public life participation, burqa-wearing women encounter practical hurdles in , , and civic activities requiring facial recognition or uniform visibility, leading to documented in hiring and access to services. Field experiments reveal veiled applicants face higher rejection rates in job markets, attributed both to and the veil's signal of non-adaptation to norms emphasizing interpersonal . Integration policies in countries like and , which enacted full-face veil bans in 2018, aim to mitigate these by mandating facial exposure, with proponents arguing it fosters assimilation; however, compliance data post-ban shows some women withdrawing from public spheres initially, though long-term analyses indicate gradual re-engagement without veils aligns with broader gains among unveiled Muslim cohorts. Critics, including affected communities, contend bans entrench marginalization, yet causal assessments prioritize the veil's inherent opacity as the primary integrator of distrust over policy enforcement alone.

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