Hubbry Logo
LiteracyLiteracyMain
Open search
Literacy
Community hub
Literacy
logo
8 pages, 0 posts
0 subscribers
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Literacy
Literacy
from Wikipedia

Adult literacy rates, 2023[1]

Literacy is the ability to read and write, while illiteracy refers to an inability to read and write. Some researchers suggest that the study of literacy as a concept can be divided into two periods: the period before 1950, when literacy was understood solely as alphabetical literacy (word and letter recognition); and the period after 1950, when literacy slowly began to be considered as a wider concept and process, including the social and cultural aspects of reading, writing,[2] and functional literacy.[3][4]

Definition

[edit]
World illiteracy halved between 1970 and 2015.
Literate and illiterate world population between 1800 and 2016
Illiteracy rate in France in the 18th and 19th centuries

The range of definitions of literacy used by NGOs, think tanks, and advocacy groups since the 1990s suggests that this shift in understanding from "discrete skill" to "social practice" is both ongoing and uneven. Some definitions remain fairly closely aligned with the traditional "ability to read and write" connotation, whereas others take a broader view:

  • The 2003 National Assessment of Adult Literacy (USA) included "quantitative literacy" (numeracy) in its treatment of literacy. It defined literacy as "the ability to use printed and written information to function in society, to achieve one's goals, and to develop one's knowledge and potential."[5] It included three types of adult literacy: prose (e.g., a newspaper article), documents (e.g., a bus schedule), and quantitative literacy (e.g., the use of arithmetic operations in a product advertisement).[6][7]
  • In 2015, the United Nations Statistics Division defined the youth literacy rate as "the percentage of the population aged 15–24 years who can both read and write with understanding a short simple statement on everyday life."[8]
  • In 2016, the European Literacy Policy Network defined literacy as "the ability to read and write [...] in all media (print or electronic), including digital literacy."[9]
  • In 2018, UNESCO included "printed and written materials" and "varying contexts" in its definition of literacy, i.e., "the ability to identify, understand, interpret, create, communicate and compute, using printed and written materials associated with varying contexts."[10]
  • In 2019, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), in its Programme for the International Assessment of Adult Competencies (PIAAC) adult skills surveys, included "written texts" in its definition of literacy, i.e., "the ability to understand, evaluate, use and engage with written texts in order to participate in society, achieve one's goals, and develop one's knowledge and potential."[11][12] Also, it treats numeracy and problem solving using technology as separate considerations.[13]
  • In 2021, Education Scotland and the National Literacy Trust in the UK included oral communication skills (listening and speaking) under the umbrella of literacy.[14][15]
  • As of 2021, the International Literacy Association uses "the ability to identify, understand, interpret, create, compute, and communicate using visual, audible, and digital materials across disciplines and in any context."[16][17]
  • The expression "reading literacy" is used by the Progress in International Reading Literacy Study (PIRLS), which has monitored international trends in reading achievement at the fourth grade level since 2001.[18]
  • Other organizations might include numeracy skills and technology skills separately but alongside literacy skills;[19] still others emphasize the increasing involvement of computers and other digital technologies in communication that necessitates additional skills (e.g., interfacing with web browsers and word processing programs, organizing and altering the configuration of files, etc.).[20]
  • Some researchers define literacy as "particular ways of thinking about and doing reading and writing" with the purpose of understanding or expressing thoughts or ideas in written form in some specific context of use.[21][22] In this view, humans in literate societies have sets of practices for producing and consuming writing, and they also have beliefs about these practices.[23] Reading, in this view, is always reading something for some purpose; writing is always writing something for someone for some purpose.[24] Beliefs about reading and writing and their value for society and for the individual always influence the ways literacy is taught, learned, and practiced.[25]

The concept of multiliteracies has gained currency, particularly in English Language Arts curricula, on the grounds that reading "is interactive and informative, and occurs in ever-increasingly technological settings where information is part of spatial, audio, and visual patterns (Rhodes & Robnolt, 2009)".[26][27][verification needed] Objections have been raised that this concept downplays the importance of reading instruction that focuses on "alphabetic representations".[28] However, these are not mutually exclusive, as children can become proficient in word-reading while engaging with multiliteracies.[29]

Word reading is fundamental for multiple forms of communication.[29] Beginning in the 1940s, the term literacy has often been used to mean having knowledge or skill in a particular field, such as:

Classicist Eric Havelock developed a continuum for a culture's literacy, from pre-literate, through craft-literate, recitation-literate and script-literate to type-literate.[44]

Functional illiteracy

[edit]

Functional illiteracy[a] relates to adults and has been defined in different ways:

  • Inability to use reading, writing, and calculation skills for their own and their community's development.[46]
  • Inability to read well enough to manage daily living and employment tasks that require reading skills beyond a basic level.[47]
  • Inability to understand complex texts despite adequate schooling, language skills, elementary reading skills, age, and IQ.[48]

Functional illiteracy is distinguished from primary illiteracy (i.e., the inability to read and write a short, simple statement concerning one's own everyday life) and learning difficulties (e.g., dyslexia).[49] These categories have been contested—as has the concept of "illiteracy" itself—for being predicated on narrow assumptions, primarily derived from school-based contexts, about what counts as reading and writing (e.g., comprehending and following instructions).[50]

Historical overview

[edit]

Origins

[edit]

Script is thought to have developed independently at least five times in human history: in Mesopotamia, Egypt, the Indus civilization, lowland Mesoamerica, and China.[51][52]

Bill of sale of a male slave and a building in Shuruppak, Sumerian tablet, c. 2600 BCE

Between 3500 BCE and 3000 BCE, in southern Mesopotamia, the ancient Sumerians invented writing.[53] During this era, literacy was "a largely functional matter, propelled by the need to manage the new quantities of information and the new type of governance created by trade and large scale production".[54] Early writing systems first emerged as a recording system in which people used tokens with impressed markings to manage trade and agricultural production.[55] The token system served as a precursor to early cuneiform writing once people began recording information on clay tablets. Proto-Cuneiform texts exhibit not only numerical signs but also ideograms depicting objects being counted.[51] Though the traditional view had been that cuneiform literacy was restricted to a class of scribes, assyriologists including Claus Wilcke and Dominique Charpin have argued that functional literacy was somewhat widespread by the Old Babylonian period.[56][57] Nonetheless, professional scribes became central to law, finances, accounting, government, administration, medicine, magic, divination, literature, and prayers.[58]

Egyptian hieroglyphs emerged between 3300 BCE and 3100 BCE; the iconography emphasized power among royals and other elites. The Egyptian hieroglyphic writing system was the first notation system to have phonetic values; these symbols are called phonograms.[59]

Writing in lowland Mesoamerica was first used by the Olmec and Zapotec civilizations in 900–400 BCE. These civilizations used glyphic writing and bar-and-dot numerical notation systems for purposes related to royal iconography and calendar systems.[60]

The earliest written notations in China date back to the Shang dynasty in 1200 BCE. These systematic notations, inscribed on bones, recorded sacrifices made, tributes received, and animals hunted, which were activities of the elite. These oracle-bone inscriptions were the early ancestors of modern Chinese script and contained logosyllabic script and numerals. By the time of the consolidation of the Chinese Empire during the Qin and Han dynasties (c. 200 BCE), written documents were central to the formation and policing of a hierarchical bureaucratic governance structure reinforced through law. Within this legal order, written records kept track of and controlled citizen movements, created records of misdeeds, and documented the actions and judgments of government officials.[61]

Indus script is largely pictorial and has not yet been deciphered; as such, it is unknown whether it includes abstract signs. It is thought that they wrote from right to left and that the script is logographic. Because it has not been deciphered, linguists disagree on whether it is a complete and independent writing system; however, it is generally thought to be an independent writing system that emerged in the Harappa culture.[62]

Existing evidence suggests that most early acts of literacy were, in some areas (such as Egypt), closely tied to power and chiefly used for management practices, and probably less than 1% of the population was literate, as it was confined to a very small group.[citation needed] Scholarship by others, such as Dominique Charpin and a project from the European Union, however, suggest that this was not the case in all ancient societies: both Charpin and the EU's emerging scholarship suggest that writing and literacy were far more widespread in Mesopotamia than scholars previously thought.[63][64][65]

Alphabetic writing

[edit]

According to social anthropologist Jack Goody, there are two interpretations regarding the origin of the alphabet. Many classical scholars, such as historian Ignace Gelb, credit the Ancient Greeks for creating the first alphabetic system (c. 750 BCE) that used distinctive signs for consonants and vowels. Goody contests:

The importance of Greek culture of the subsequent history of Western Europe has led to an over-emphasis, by classicists and others, on the addition of specific vowel signs to the set of consonantal ones that had been developed earlier in Western Asia.[66]

Many scholars argue that the ancient Semitic-speaking peoples of northern Canaan invented the consonantal alphabet as early as 1500 BCE. Much of this theory's development is credited to English archeologist Flinders Petrie, who, in 1905, came across a series of Canaanite inscriptions in the turquoise mines of Serabit el-Khadem. Ten years later, English Egyptologist Alan Gardiner reasoned that these letters contain an alphabet as well as references to the Canaanite goddess Asherah. In 1948, William F. Albright deciphered the text using new evidence, including a series of inscriptions from Ugarit. Discovered in 1929 by French archaeologist Claude F. A. Schaeffer, some of these inscriptions were mythological texts (written in an early Canaanite dialect) that consisted of a 30-letter cuneiform consonantal alphabet.[67]

Another significant discovery was made in 1953 when three arrowheads were uncovered, each containing identical Canaanite inscriptions from 12th century BCE. According to Frank Moore Cross, these inscriptions consisted of alphabetic signs that originated during the transitional development from pictographic script to a linear alphabet. Moreover, he asserts, "These inscriptions also provided clues to extend the decipherment of earlier and later alphabetic texts".[68]

The Canaanite script's consonantal system inspired alphabetical developments in later systems. During the Late Bronze Age, successor alphabets appeared throughout the Mediterranean region and were used in Phoenician, Hebrew, and Aramaic.[59]

According to Goody, these cuneiform scripts may have influenced the development of the Greek alphabet several centuries later. Historically, the Greeks contended that their writing system was modeled after the Phoenicians. However, many Semitic scholars now believe that Ancient Greek is more consistent with an early form of Canaanite that was used c. 1100 BCE. While the earliest Greek inscriptions are dated circa 8th century BCE, epigraphical comparisons to Proto-Canaanite suggest that the Greeks may have adopted the consonantal alphabet as early as 1100 BCE and later "added in five characters to represent vowels".[66]

Phoenician, which is considered to contain the first linear alphabet, rapidly spread to Mediterranean port cities in northern Canaan.[68] Some archeologists believe that Phoenician influenced the Hebrew and Aramaic alphabets, as these languages evolved during the same time period, share similar features, and are commonly categorized into the same language group.[69]

When the Israelites migrated to Canaan between 1200 and 1000 BCE, they adopted a variation of the Canaanite alphabet. Baruch ben Neriah, Jeremiah's scribe, used this alphabet to create the later scripts of the Old Testament. The early Hebrew alphabet was prominent in the Mediterranean region until Neo-Babylonian rulers exiled the Jews to Babylon in the 6th century BCE. It was then that the new script (Square Hebrew) emerged, and the older one rapidly died out.[66]

The Aramaic alphabet also emerged sometime between 1200 and 1000 BCE. Although early examples are scarce, archeologists have uncovered a wide range of later Aramaic texts, written as early as the seventh century BCE. In the Near East, it was common to record events on clay using the cuneiform script; however, writing Aramaic on leather parchments became common during the Neo-Assyrian empire. With the rise of the Persians in the 5th century BCE, Achaemenid rulers adopted Aramaic as the "diplomatic language".[66]

Darius the Great standardized Aramaic, which became the Imperial Aramaic script. This Imperial Aramaic alphabet rapidly spread: west, to the Kingdom of Nabataea, then to the Sinai and Arabian peninsulas, eventually making its way to Africa; and east, where it later influenced the development of the Brahmi script in India. Over the next few centuries, Imperial Aramaic script in Persia evolved into Pahlavi, "as well as for a range of alphabets used by early Turkish and Mongol tribes in Siberia, Mongolia and Turkestan".[66] During this period, literacy spread among the merchant classes, and 15-20% of the total population may have been literate.[citation needed]

The Aramaic language declined with the spread of Islam, which was accompanied by the spread of Arabic.[70]

Antiquity

[edit]

Until recently, it was thought that the majority of people were illiterate in the classical world,[b] though recent work challenges this perception.

[72][73] Anthony DiRenzo asserts that Roman society was "a civilization based on the book and the register" and that "no one, either free or slave, could afford to be illiterate".[74] Similarly, Dupont points out, "The written word was all around them, in both public and private life: laws, calendars, regulations at shrines, and funeral epitaphs were engraved in stone or bronze. The Republic amassed huge archives of reports on every aspect of public life."[75] The imperial civilian administration produced masses of documentation used in judicial, fiscal, and administrative matters, as did the municipalities. The army kept extensive records relating to supply and duty rosters and submitted reports. Merchants, shippers, and landowners (and their personal staffs), especially of the larger enterprises, must have been literate.[citation needed]

In the late fourth century, the Desert Father Pachomius would expect the literacy of a candidate for admission to his monasteries:[c]

They shall give him twenty Psalms or two of the Apostles' epistles or some other part of Scripture. And if he is illiterate he shall go at the first, third and sixth hours to someone who can teach and has been appointed for him. He shall stand before him and learn very studiously and with all gratitude. The fundamentals of a syllable, the verbs and nouns shall all be written for him and even if he does not want to he shall be compelled to read.

During the 4th and 5th centuries, the Church made efforts to ensure a better clergy, especially the bishops, who were expected to have a classical education—the hallmark of a socially acceptable person in higher society.[citation needed] Even after the remnants of the Western Roman Empire fell in the 470s, literacy continued to be a distinguishing mark of the elite, as communication skills were still important in political and church life (bishops were largely drawn from the senatorial class) in a new cultural synthesis that made "Christianity the Roman religion".[76] However, these skills were less needed in the absence of a large imperial administrative apparatus whose middle and top echelons were dominated by the elite.[d] Even so, in pre-modern times, it is unlikely that literacy was found in more than about 30–40% of the population. During the Dark Ages, the highest percentage of literacy was found among the clergy and monks, as they made up much of the staff needed to administer the states of western Europe.[citation needed]

An abundance of graffiti written in the Nabataean script dating back to the beginning of the first millennium CE has been taken to imply a relatively high degree of literacy among the general population in the ancient Arabic-speaking world.[77]

Medieval and early modern eras

[edit]

The rates and forms of literacy in the European Medieval period vary and are controversial: historian Elaine Treharne writes of "a complex era of strategic literacy, generic fluidity, and linguistic competencies beyond our own experiences."[78] Historian Malcolm Parkes contrasts the different expertise of the professionally literate class, cultivated readers, and pragmatic readers.[79] Historian Mark Hailwood suggests another two type of near-literacy in Early Modern England, of "abcederian literates" who could spell out words to read, and of people who knew the letters though not words, were particularly common in Southern English rural areas: 50% of husbandmen could either sign their name or provide an initial.[80]

Post-Antiquity illiteracy was made worse by the lack of a suitable writing medium, as when the Western Roman Empire collapsed, the import of papyrus to Europe ceased. Since papyrus perishes easily and does not last well in the wetter European climate, parchment was used, which was expensive and accessible only by the church and the wealthy. Paper was introduced into Europe via Spain in the 11th century and spread north slowly over the next four centuries. Literacy saw a resurgence as a result, and by the 15th century, paper was widespread.[81]

Estimates of literacy rates vary by time, class, location, sex and reliability: "Unfortunately, there is no statistical information that allows generalizations to be made in terms of numerical proportions or percentages, either for rates of literacy among the medieval population or for annual book production."[82]

However, here are some indicative estimates. Rates are often extrapolated from the number of people who can sign their name on official documents. First, rough estimates by economic historian Robert Allen, based on the urban/rural split of the population:[83]

European adult literacy
Nation 1500 (%) 1800 (%)
England 6 53
Netherlands 10 68
Belgium 10 49
Germany 6 35
France 7 37
Austria/Hungary 6 21
Poland 6 21
Italy 9 22
Spain 9 20

However:

  • In the late 1200s, there were 1,500 notaries in Milan, over 1% of the population, for drawing up contracts.[84]: 421 
  • "By 1300, 'everyone knew someone who could read', and there were books in every church and every village."[82]
  • By 1500, in England, "probably more than half the population could read, though not necessarily also write."[82] Thomas More in 1533 claimed that up to 60% of the population could read English, a figure supported by some studies of London but not by others. One study estimates that in the city of York in 1500, about 25% of upper and middle class people were literate.[85] This contrasts with Stevens' estimates of male literacy of 10% by the start of the century (with almost no female literacy)), 20% by the end, and 45% by the end of the 1600s.[86]
  • In Venice in 1587, 33% of men were estimated as literate.[83]

Inspired by the Enlightenment, Sweden implemented programs in 1723 aimed at making the population fully literate.[87] Other countries implemented similar measures at this time. These included Denmark in 1739, Poland in 1783, and France in 1794/5.[87]

Literacy was well established in early 18th century England, when books geared towards children became far more common. Near the end of the century, as many as 50 were printed every year in major cities around England.[88]

In Edo-period Japan, literacy in the three major cities has been estimated at 70% for men, 40% for females, but 1% in the country areas.[89]

Industrialization

[edit]

In the 19th century, reading would become even more common in the United Kingdom. Public notes, broadsides, handbills, catchpennies and printed songs would have been usual street literature before newspapers became common. Other forms of popular reading material included advertising for events, theaters, and goods for sale.[90] In the late 19th century, gas and electric lighting were becoming more common in private homes, replacing candlelight and oil lamps, enabling reading after dark and increasing the appeal of literacy.[91]

In his 1836/1837 Pickwick Papers Charles Dickens's said that:

even the common people, both in town and country, are equally intense in their admiration. Frequently, have we seen the butcher-boy, with his tray on his shoulder, reading with the greatest avidity the last "Pickwick"; the footman (whose fopperies are so inimitably laid bare), the maidservant, the chimney sweep, all classes, in fact, read "Boz".[91]

From the mid-19th century onward, the Second Industrial Revolution saw technological improvements in paper production. The new distribution networks, enabled by improved roads and rail, resulted in an increased capacity to supply printed material. Social and educational changes increased the demand for reading matter, as rising literacy rates, particularly among the middle and working classes, created a new mass market for printed material.[92] Wider schooling helped increase literacy rates, which in turn helped lower the cost of publication.[91]

Unskilled labor forces were common in Western Europe, and, as British industry improved, more engineers and skilled workers who could handle technical instructions and complex situations were needed. Literacy was essential to be hired.[93] A senior government official told Parliament in 1870:

Upon the speedy provision of elementary education depends our industrial prosperity. It is of no use trying to give technical teaching to our citizens without elementary education; uneducated labourers—and many of our labourers are utterly uneducated—are, for the most part, unskilled labourers, and if we leave our work–folk any longer unskilled, notwithstanding their strong sinews and determined energy, they will become overmatched in the competition of the world.[93]: 159 

The skills of reading and writing are not the same. In Spain, the total rate of literacy between 1841 and 1860 was constant at almost 25%: in 1841 most of the literate could read but not write, but by 1860 most could read and write.[94]

Modern proliferation (1950 – present)

[edit]
Adult literacy rates have increased at a constant pace since 1950.

Data published by UNESCO shows that the worldwide literacy rate among adults has increased, on average, by 5 percentage points every decade since 1950, from 55.7% in 1950 to 86.2% in 2015. Due to rapid population growth, while the percentage of adults who were illiterate decreased, the actual number of illiterate adults increased from 700 million in 1950 to 878 million in 1990, before starting to decrease and falling to 745 million by 2015. The number of illiterate adults remains higher than in 1950, "despite decades of universal education policies, literacy interventions and the spread of print material and information and communications technology (ICT)".[95]

Regional disparities

[edit]

Available global data indicates significant variations in literacy rates between world regions. North America, Europe, West Asia, and Central Asia have almost achieved full literacy for men and women aged 15 or older. Most countries in East Asia and the Pacific, as well as Latin America and the Caribbean, have adult literacy rates over 90%.[96] In other regions, illiteracy persists at higher rates; as of 2013, the adult literacy rate in South Asia and North Africa was 67.55% and 59.76% in Sub-Saharan Africa.[97][failed verification]

Literacy has rapidly spread in several regions over the last twenty-five years.

In much of the world, high youth literacy rates suggest that illiteracy will become less common as more educated younger generations replace less educated older ones.[98] However, in sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia, where the vast majority of the world's illiterate youth live, lower school enrollment implies that illiteracy will persist to a greater degree.[98] According to 2013 data, the youth literacy rate (ages 15 to 24) is 84% in South Asia and North Africa and 70% in sub-Saharan Africa.[97]

However, the distinction between literacy and illiteracy is not clear-cut. Given that having a literate person in the household confers many of the benefits of literacy, some recent literature in economics, starting with the work of Kaushik Basu and James Foster, distinguishes between a "proximate illiterate" and an "isolated illiterate". A "proximate illiterate" lives in a household with literate members, while an "isolated illiterate" lives in a household where everyone is illiterate. Isolated illiteracy is more common among older populations in wealthier nations, where people are less likely to live in multigenerational households with potentially literate relatives. A 2018/2019 UNESCO report noted that "conversely, in low and lower middle income countries, isolated illiteracy is concentrated among younger people," along with increased rates among rural populations and women. This evidence indicates that illiteracy is a complex phenomenon with multiple factors impacting rates of illiteracy and the type of illiteracy one may experience.[99]

Literacy has rapidly spread in several regions in the last twenty-five years,[95] and the United Nations's global initiative with Sustainable Development Goal 4 is also gaining momentum.[100]

Social impact and demographics

[edit]

The traditional concept of literacy widened as a consensus emerged among researchers in composition studies, education research, and anthropological linguistics that it makes little sense to speak of reading or writing outside of a specific context, with linguist James Paul Gee describing it as "simply incoherent."[101] For example, even the extremely early stages of acquiring mastery over symbol shapes take place in a particular social context (even if that context is "school"), and, after print acquisition, every instance of reading or writing will be for a specific purpose and occasion with particular readers and writers in mind. Reading and writing, therefore, are never separable from social and cultural elements.[102][103][104][105] A corollary point made by David Barton and Rosalind Ivanić, among others, is that the cognitive and societal effects of acquiring literacy are not easily predictable, since, as Brian Street has argued, "the ways in which people address reading and writing are themselves rooted in conceptions of knowledge, identity, and being."[106][107] Consequently, as Jack Goody has documented, historically, literacy has included the transformation of social systems that rely on literacy and the changing uses of literacy within those evolving systems.[108]

Gender

[edit]
Adult literacy rate, male (%), 2015[109]
Adult literacy rate, female (%), 2015[110]
Gender parity indices in youth literacy rates by region, 1990–2015. Progress towards gender parity in literacy started after 1990.

According to 2015 data collected by the UNESCO Institute for Statistics, about two-thirds (63%) of the world's illiterate adults are women. This disparity was even starker in previous decades, and from 1970 to 2000, the global gender gap in literacy decreased significantly.[111] Around the year 2013, however, this progress stagnated, with the gender gap holding almost constant over the last two decades.[96] In general, the gender gap in literacy was not as pronounced as the regional gap; that is, differences between countries were often larger than gender differences within countries.[112]

Sub-Saharan Africa has the lowest overall literacy rate and the widest gender gap: 52% of adult women and 68% of adult men are literate. A similar gender disparity exists in North Africa, where 70% of adult women are literate versus 86% of adult men. In South Asia, 58% of adult women and 77% of adult men are literate.[96]

The 1990 World Conference on Education for All, held in Jomtien, Thailand, brought attention to the literacy gender gap and prompted many developing countries to prioritize women's literacy.[113]

In many contexts, female illiteracy coexists with other aspects of gender inequality. Martha Nussbaum says illiterate women are more vulnerable to becoming trapped in an abusive marriage, given that illiteracy limits their employment opportunities and worsens their position when negotiating within the household. Moreover, Nussbaum links literacy to the ability for women to effectively communicate and collaborate with one another "to participate in a larger movement for political change."[114]

Challenges of increasing female literacy

[edit]

Social barriers can limit opportunities to increase literacy skills among women and girls; making literacy classes available can be ineffective when it conflicts with the use of the valuable limited time of women and girls.[115] School-age girls may face more expectations than their male counterparts to perform household work and care for younger siblings.[116] Generational dynamics can also perpetuate these disparities; illiterate parents may not readily appreciate the value of literacy for their daughters, particularly in traditional, rural societies with expectations that girls will remain at home.[117]

A World Bank and International Center for Research on Women review of academic literature concluded that child marriage, which predominantly impacts girls, tends to reduce literacy levels.[118] A 2008 analysis of the issue in Bangladesh found that for every additional year a girl's marriage is delayed, her likelihood of literacy increases by 5.6%.[119] Similarly, a 2014 study found a correlation that in sub-Saharan Africa, marrying early significantly decreases a girl's probability of literacy, even after accounting for other variables.[120][121]

Gender gap for boys in developed countries

[edit]

While women and girls comprise the majority of the global illiterate population, in many developed countries, a literacy-gender gap exists in the opposite direction. Data from the Programme for International Student Assessment has consistently shown the literacy underachievement of boys within member countries of the OECD (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development).[122] In view of such findings, many education specialists have recommended changing classroom practices to better accommodate boys' learning styles and removing any gender stereotypes that may create the perception that reading and writing are feminine activities.[123][124]

Socioeconomic impact

[edit]

Many policy analysts consider literacy rates to be a crucial measure of the value of a region's human capital. For example, literate people can be more easily trained than illiterate people and generally have a higher socioeconomic status;[125] thus, they enjoy better health and employment prospects. The international community has come to consider literacy as a key facilitator and goal of development.[126] In regard to the Sustainable Development Goals adopted by the UN in 2015, the UNESCO Institute for Lifelong Learning has declared the "central role of literacy in responding to sustainable development challenges such as health, social equality, economic empowerment and environmental sustainability."[127]

A majority of prisoners have been found to be illiterate, and in Edinburgh prison, winner of the 2010 Libraries Change Lives Award, "the library has become the cornerstone of the prison's literacy strategy", reducing recidivism and reoffending and allowing incarcerated people to work toward attaining higher socioeconomic status once released.[128]

Effects on literacy learning

[edit]

As socioeconomics affects brain development and brain functions are heavily involved in processing both input and output, a learner's environment can affect the cognitive process of learning how to read and write.[129] Before a child enters a school setting, their executive function is influenced by their home environment.[130] Research demonstrates that for children who grow up in poverty, their socioeconomic circumstances severely strain their "neuro-endocrine and brain function".[130] This affects a child's ability to regulate environmental stimuli, process and structure information, and plan and effectively execute tasks that involve their working memory[129]—all of these are necessary cognitive facilities to successfully learn how to read and write. Living in poverty is stressful for all involved but is cognitively damaging for young children.[131]

A study done by NICHD indicates that socioeconomics plays a role for children who are young when the family experiences poverty, but shows no indication of adverse effects on reading achievement or behavior for adolescents entering poverty.[132] The data extensively shows that children from low socioeconomic backgrounds had poorer literacy performance, especially in reading. A study done by the OECD, which included over 25 countries in Europe, found that in all studied countries, students who lived in low-income households scored lower in reading than students who lived in high-income households.[133]

Parenting also affects a child's literacy. Field research was done by collecting data from families that were upper, middle, or lower class, or on welfare. The results found that, in a 100-hour week, children in upper-class households experienced an average of over 200,000 words, those in middle- and lower-class households heard about 125,000 words, and children from households on welfare were exposed to the fewest words—62,000 words. This indicates that a child from an upper-class family would be exposed to 8 million more words than a child from a family on welfare.[134] Outside of word exposure, which is essential for word acquisition, the National Center for Educational Statistics found that 41.9% of children from low-income families scored substantially lower on most reading achievements for grades 4, 8, and 12 in 2013.[135]

According to a study performed by ANOVA, multiple socioeconomic variables influence children, such as parental education level, parental occupation, health history, and even usage of technology within the home. With these factors in mind, their study showed that young children are especially susceptible to environmental factors, meaning socioeconomics affects them cognitively and can have adverse effects as their brains continue to develop.[citation needed] However, another study done by the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (NLSY) around 2012 suggesteda slightly different conclusion.[136] While the study agrees that poverty negatively affects childhood literacy, some nuances are added. In both studies, children who experienced poverty scored lower in reading assessments, but the NLSY's study noted that the duration of poverty altered the literacy outcome.[137] It found that children ages 5–11 who experienced "persistent poverty" were more adversely affected than their peers who never experienced poverty. The study acknowledged that other factors affected these children's reading scores, particularly maternal influence. The mothers of these households were scaled based on a "home environment" score, which measured their emotional and verbal responsiveness, acceptance, and involvement with the child and organization. Households experiencing poverty tended to have lower scores, and lower scores correlated with lower reading levels. The study also showed that the effects of poverty on child literacy differed by ethnicity, culture, and gender.[137]

Health impacts

[edit]

Print illiteracy generally corresponds with less knowledge about modern health, hygiene, and nutritional practices, and a lack of knowledge can exacerbate a range of health issues.[138] Within developing countries in particular, literacy rates also have implications for child mortality; in these contexts, children of literate mothers are 50% more likely to live past age 5 than children of illiterate mothers.[116] Therefore, public health research has increasingly focused on the potential for literacy skills to allow women to more successfully access healthcare and thereby facilitate gains in child health.[139]

A 2014 descriptive research survey project correlates literacy levels with the socioeconomic status of women in Oyo State, Nigeria. The study shows that developing literacy in the region will bring "economic empowerment and will encourage rural women to practice hygiene, which will in turn lead to the reduction of birth and death rates."[140]

Economic impacts

[edit]

Literacy can increase job opportunities and access to higher education. In 2009, the National Adult Literacy Agency in Ireland commissioned a cost–benefit analysis of adult literacy training, which concluded that there were economic gains for the individuals, the companies they worked for, and the Exchequer, as well as the economy and the country as a whole (e.g., increased GDP).[141]

Korotayev and coauthors found a rather significant correlation between the level of literacy in the early 19th century and successful modernization and economic breakthroughs in the late 20th century, as "literate people could be characterized by a greater innovative-activity level, which provides opportunities for modernization, development, and economic growth."[142]

Lifespan development and promotion efforts

[edit]

While informal learning within the home can play an important role in literacy development, gains in childhood literacy often occur in primary school settings. Continuing the global expansion of public education is thus a frequent focus of literacy advocates.[98]: 103–104  These kinds of broad improvements in education often require centralized efforts by national governments; however, local literacy projects implemented by NGOs can play an important role, particularly in rural contexts.[143]

Funding for both youth and adult literacy programs often comes from large international development organizations. USAID, for example, steered donors like the Gates Foundation and the Global Partnership for Education toward the issue of childhood literacy by developing the Early Grade Reading Assessment.[144] Advocacy groups like the National Institute of Adult Continuing Education have frequently called upon international organizations such as UNESCO, the International Labour Organization, the World Health Organization, and the World Bank to prioritize support for adult women's literacy.[145] Efforts to increase adult literacy often encompass other development priorities as well; for example, initiatives in Ethiopia, Morocco, and India have combined adult literacy programs with vocational skills trainings in order to encourage program enrollment and address the complex needs of women (and other marginalized groups) who lack economic opportunities.[146]

In 2013, the UNESCO Institute for Lifelong Learning published a set of case studies[146] on programs that successfully improved female literacy rates. The report features countries from a variety of regions and differing income levels, reflecting the general global consensus on "the need to empower women through the acquisition of literacy skills."[146]: 7  Part of the impetus for UNESCO's focus on literacy is a broader effort to respond to globalization and "the shift towards knowledge-based societies" that it has produced.[147] While globalization presents emerging challenges, it also provides new opportunities. Many education and development specialists are hopeful that new ICTs will expand literacy learning opportunities for children and adults, even in countries that have historically struggled to improve literacy rates through more conventional means.[98]: 112 

Although most people acquire literacy during childhood, it continues to develop throughout life;[148] literacy is not a skill that is fixed once a person leaves school but remains malleable across the entire lifespan. Among adults, both gains and losses in literacy occur in roughly equal measure, sometimes over relatively short periods of a few years.[148] Even adults with very low literacy levels can acquire literacy over time.[149][150] Whether a person experiences gains or losses depends on a range of factors, and one of the key factors are the demands and opportunities to engage in literary practices in the workplace, home, or other contexts.[151][152]

Literacy as a development indicator

[edit]
Youth and adult literacy rate, 2000–2016 and projections to 2030

The Human Development Index, produced by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), uses education as one of its three indicators. Originally, adult literacy represented two-thirds of this education index weight. In 2010, however, the UNDP replaced the adult literacy measure with mean years of schooling. A 2011 UNDP research paper frames this change as a way to "ensure current relevance", arguing that gains in global literacy already achieved between 1970 and 2010 mean that literacy will be "unlikely to be as informative of the future."[153] Other scholars, however, have since warned against overlooking the importance of literacy as an indicator and goal for development, particularly for marginalized groups such as women and rural populations.[154]

The World Bank, along with the UNESCO Institute for Statistics, has developed the Learning Poverty concept and an associated measure that measures the proportion of students who are unable to read and understand a simple story by age 10. In low- and middle-income countries, 53% of children are "learning-poor", as are up to 80% of children in poor countries.[155] In fact, these new measures indicate that these high rates of illiteracy are an "early warning sign that SDG 4 for education and all related global goals are in jeopardy."[155] Current progress in improving literacy rates is seen as much too slow to meet the SDG goals, as at the current rate, approximately 43% of children will still be learning poorly by 2030.[155]

The Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) assesses children on reading and math skills at age 15. PISA-D encourages and facilitates PISA testing in low- and middle-income countries.[156] In 2019, "PISA-D results reveal exceptionally low scores for participating countries. Only 23 percent of students tested achieved the minimum level of proficiency in reading, compared with 80 percent of OECD."[157] Minimum proficiency requires students to "read 'simple and familiar texts and understand them literally', as well as demonstrating some ability to connect pieces of information and draw inferences."[157]

The Programme for the International Assessment of Adult Competencies (PIAAC) assesses literacy, numeracy and problem solving for working age population ages 16 to 65.[11]

Measuring literacy

[edit]

In 2020, the UNESCO Institute for Statistics estimated the global literacy rate at 86.68%.[158] It is important to understand how literacy rates have been measured in the past as well as how they are currently being measured. Starting in 1975, the head of a household answered a simple yes-or-no question asking whether household members could read and write; in 1988, some countries started using self-reporting as well.[159]

Self-reported data is subjective and has several limitations. First, a simple yes-or-no question does not capture the continuum of literacy. Second, self-reports are dependent on what each individual interprets "reading" and "writing" to mean. In some cultures, drawing a picture may be understood as writing one's name. Lastly, many of the surveys asked one individual to report literacy on behalf of others, which "introduces further noise, in particular when it comes to estimating literacy among women and children, since these groups are less often considered 'head of household'".[159]

In 2007, several countries began introducing literacy tests as a more accurate measurement of literacy rates, including Liberia, South Korea, Guyana, Kenya, and Bangladesh.[159] However, in 2016, the majority of counties still reported literacy through either self-reported measures or other indirect estimates.[159]

Students in grade 2 who can't read a single word

These indirect measurements are potentially problematic, as many countries measure literacy based on years of schooling. In Greece, an individual is considered literate if they have finished six years of primary education, while in Paraguay, individuals are considered literate if they have completed just two years of primary school.[159]

However, emerging research reveals that educational attainment (e.g., years of schooling) does not perfectly correlate with literacy. Literacy tests show that in many low-income countries, a large proportion of students who have attended two years of primary school cannot read a single word. These rates are as high as 90% of second-grade students in Malawi, 85.4% in rural India, 83% in Ghana, and 64% in Uganda.[160] In India, over 50% of Grade 5 students have not mastered Grade 2 literacy. In Nigeria, only about 1 in 10 women who completed Grade 6 can read a single sentence in their native language.[161] This data reveals that literacy rates measured by using years of schooling as a proxy are potentially unreliable and do not reflect the true literacy rates of populations.

Literacy as a human right

[edit]

Unlike medieval times, when reading and writing skills were restricted to a few elites and the clergy, literacy skills are now expected from every member of society.[162] Literacy is therefore considered a human right, essential for lifelong learning and social change, as supported by the 1996 Report of the International Commission on Education for the Twenty-First Century and the 1997 Hamburg Declaration:

Literacy, broadly conceived as the basic knowledge and skills needed by all in a rapidly changing world, is a fundamental human right. (...) There are millions, the majority of whom are women, who lack opportunities to learn or who have insufficient skills to be able to assert this right. The challenge is to enable them to do so. This will often imply the creation of preconditions for learning through awareness raising and empowerment. Literacy is also a catalyst for participation in social, cultural, political and economic activities, and for learning throughout life.[163][164][165]

In 2016, the European Literacy Policy Network (an association of European literacy professionals) published a document entitled the European Declaration of the Right to Literacy.[166] It states that:

Everyone in Europe has the right to acquire literacy. EU Member States should ensure that people of all ages, regardless of social class, religion, ethnicity, origin and gender, are provided with the necessary resources and opportunities to develop sufficient and sustainable literacy skills in order to effectively understand and use written communication be in handwritten, in print or digital form.[167]

Teaching literacy

[edit]
Brain areas involved in literacy acquisition

In school, reading and writing are often taught as separate skills. However, children show curiosity about the written word and begin to experiment with both in a process of emergent literacy and making sense of (and using) the writing system they see used around them. Every new piece of writing draws on previous reading through a process of intertextuality, sometimes explicitly through citation, as in academic writing, and writing about reading is one of the major approaches for teaching writing in higher education.[168] Intertextuality, however, can also be implicit through well-known, recognizable phrases from specific works or genres or through the development of a distinct writing style. Evidence has supported the integration of reading and writing at all levels of schooling, as improvement in one area supports the other.[169][170] A series of metastudies have examined the effectiveness of various methods of teaching writing, revealing that attention to context, cognitive/motivational factors, and the instruction strategy, among other things, are important.[171][172]

Critiques of autonomous models of literacy notwithstanding, the belief that reading development is key to literacy remains dominant, at least in the United States, where it is understood as the progression of skills that begins with the ability to understand spoken words and decode written words and culminates in the deep understanding of the text. Reading development involves a range of complex language underpinnings, including awareness of speech sounds (phonology), spelling patterns (orthography), word meaning (semantics), syntax, and patterns of word formation (morphology), all of which provide a necessary platform for reading fluency and comprehension. Once these skills are acquired, it is believed a reader can attain full language literacy, which includes the abilities to apply to printed material critical analysis, inference, and synthesis; to write with accuracy and coherence; and to use information and insights from text as the basis for informed decisions and creative thought.[citation needed]

For this reason, teaching English reading literacy in the United States is dominated by a focus on a set of discrete decoding skills. From this perspective, literacy—or rather, reading—comprises a number of sub-skills that can be taught to students. These sub-skills include phonological awareness, phonics decoding, fluency, comprehension, and vocabulary. Mastering each of these sub-skills is necessary for students to become proficient readers.[173]

From this same perspective, readers of alphabetic languages must understand the alphabetic principle to master basic reading skills. For this purpose, a writing system is "alphabetic" if it uses symbols to represent phonemes (individual language sounds),[174] though the degree of correspondence between letters and sounds varies between alphabetic languages. Syllabic writing systems (such as Japanese kana) use a symbol to represent a single syllable, and logographic writing systems (such as Chinese) use a symbol to represent a morpheme.[175]

There are a number of approaches to teaching reading.[176] Each is shaped by its assumptions about what literacy is and how it is best learned by students. Phonics instruction, for example, focuses on reading at the level of letters or symbols and their sounds (i.e., sublexical).[177] It teaches readers to decode the letters, or groups of letters, that make up a word. A common method of teaching phonics is synthetic phonics, in which a novice reader pronounces each individual sound and blends them to pronounce the whole word. Another approach is embedded phonics instruction, used more often in whole language reading instruction, in which novice readers learn about the individual letters in words on a just-in-time, just-in-place basis that is tailored to meet each student's reading and writing learning needs.[174] That is, teachers provide phonics instruction opportunistically, within the context of stories or student writing that feature repeat instances of a particular letter or group of letters. Embedded instruction combines letter-sound knowledge with the use of meaningful context to read new and difficult words.[178] Techniques such as directed listening and thinking activities can be used to aid children in learning how to read and in reading comprehension. For students at both primary and secondary levels, writing about what they read as they are learning to write has been found to also be effective in improving their reading skills.[179]

The two most commonly used approaches to reading instruction are structured literacy instruction and balanced literacy instruction. The structured literacy approach explicitly and systematically focuses on phonological awareness, word recognition, phonics, decoding, spelling, and syntax at both the sentence and paragraph levels.[180] The balanced literacy approach, as the name suggests, balances emphasis on phonics and decoding; shared, guided, and independent reading; and grapheme representations with context and imagery.[180] Both approaches have their critics—those who oppose structured literacy claim that by restricting students to phonemes, their fluency development is limited; critics of balanced literacy claim that if phonics and decoding instruction are neglected, students will have to rely on compensatory strategies when confronted with unfamiliar text.[180][e]

These strategies are taught to students as part of the balanced literacy approach based on a theory about reading development called the three-cueing system. As the name suggests, the three-cueing system uses three cues to determine the meaning of words: grapho-phonetic cues (letter-sound relationships); syntactic cues (grammatical structure); and semantic cues (a word making sense in context).[citation needed] However, cognitive neuroscientist Mark Seidenberg and professor Timothy Shanahan do not support the theory. They say the three-cueing system's value in reading instruction "is a magnificent work of the imagination", and it developed not because teachers lack integrity, commitment, motivation, sincerity, or intelligence, but because they "were poorly trained and advised" about the science of reading. In England, the simple view of reading and synthetic phonics are intended to replace "the searchlights multi-cueing model".[182][183][184][specify]

In his 2009 book Reading in the Brain, cognitive neuroscientist Stanislas Dehaene said "cognitive psychology directly refutes any notion of teaching via a 'global' or 'whole language' method." He goes on to talk about "the myth of whole-word reading", saying it has been refuted by recent[when?] experiments. "We do not recognize a printed word through a holistic grasping of its contours, because our brain breaks it down into letters and graphemes."[185]

However, a 2012 hypothesis proposed that reading might be acquired naturally, in the same manner as spoken language, if print is constantly available at an early age.[186] According to this theory, if an appropriate form of written text is made available before formal schooling begins, reading should be learned inductively, emerge naturally, and have no significant negative consequences. This proposal challenges the commonly held belief that written language requires formal instruction and schooling; thus, its success would change current views of literacy and schooling. Using developments in behavioral science and technology, Technology-Assisted Reading Acquisition (TARA), an interactive system, would enable young pre-literate children to accurately perceive and learn the properties of written language through simple exposure to the written form.[citation needed]

In Australia, a number of state governments have introduced Reading Challenges to improve literacy. The Premier's Reading Challenge in South Australia, launched by Premier Mike Rann, has one of the highest participation rates in the world for reading challenges. It has been embraced by more than 95% of public, private, and religious schools.[187][full citation needed]

Post-conflict settings

[edit]

Programs have been implemented in regions that have an ongoing conflict or are in a post-conflict stage. The Norwegian Refugee Council Pack program has been used in 13 post-conflict countries since 2003. The program organizers believe that daily routines and otherwise predictable activities help ease the transition from war to peace. Learners can select one area of vocational training for a year-long period; they also complete required courses in agriculture, life skills, literacy, and numeracy. Results have shown that active participation and management of the members of the program are important to the success of the program. These programs share the use of integrated basic education, e.g., literacy, numeracy, scientific knowledge, local history and culture, native and mainstream language skills, and apprenticeships.[188]

Teaching migrant, immigrant, and non-native users

[edit]

Although there is considerable awareness that language deficiencies, including a lack of proficiency, are disadvantageous to immigrants settling into a new country, there is a lack of pedagogical approaches to teaching literacy to migrant English-language learners (ELLs). Harvard scholar Catherine Snow called for the gap to be addressed: "The TESOL field needs a concerted research effort to inform literacy instruction for such children—to determine when to start literacy instruction and how to adapt it to the LS reader's needs."[189] Recent developments to address the gap in teaching literacy to foreign language learners[f] have been ongoing, with promising results seen with a curricular framework from the Harvard Graduate School of Education, which integrates Teaching for Understanding.[190]

A series of pilot projects have been carried out in the Middle East and Africa,[191] and significant interest from the learners has been seen in the use of visual arts as springboards for literacy-oriented instruction. In one project, migrant women were provided with cameras and took the instructor on a walking tour of their village. There, they photographed places and activities that would later be used for writings about their daily lives—in essence, a narrative of life. Other primers for writing activities include painting, sketching, and other craft projects.

Sample milestone sketch

In another series of pilot studies, alternatives to instructing literacy to migrant English-language learners were investigated,[192] starting with simple trials aiming to test the effects of teaching photography to participants with no prior photography background and then painting and sketching activities that could later be integrated into a larger pedagogical initiative. In efforts to develop alternative approaches for literacy instruction utilizing visual arts, work was carried out with Afghan laborers, Bangladeshi tailors, Emirati media students, internal Ethiopian migrants (both laborers and university students), and a street child.[191][192][193]

Reviewing photos after a photowalk

It should be pointed out that in these challenging contexts, sometimes the teaching of literacy may have unforeseen barriers. The EL Gazette reported that in the trials carried out in Ethiopia, for example, it was found that all ten of the participants had problems with vision.[193] In order to overcome this or avoid such challenges, preliminary health checks can help inform pre-teaching in order to better assist in the teaching and learning of literacy.[citation needed]

Using a visual arts approach to literacy instruction can provide benefits by incorporating a traditional literacy approach (reading and writing) while also addressing 21st-century digital literacy through the use of digital cameras and posting images onto the web. Many scholars, such as Hutchison and Woodward, feel that it is necessary to include digital literacy under the traditional umbrella of literacy instruction, specifically when engaging second language learners.[194]

A visual arts approach to literary instruction for migrant populations can also be blended with core curricular goals.

Integrating Common Core content into language training with MELL

A pressing challenge in education is the instruction of literacy to migrant English-language learners (MELLs), a term coined by Pellerine and not limited to English. "Due to the growing share of immigrants in many Western societies, there has been increasing concern for the degree to which immigrants acquire language that is spoken in the destination country".[195]

While learning literacy in one's first language can be challenging, the challenge becomes even more cognitively demanding when learning a second language. The task can become considerably more difficult when confronted by a migrant who has made a sudden change by immigrating and requires the second language immediately upon arrival. In most instances, a migrant will not have the opportunity to start school again in grade one and acquire the language naturally; instead, alternative interventions need to take place. In these cases, a visual arts approach can be helpful—taking a photo, sketching an event, or painting an image have been seen as effective ways to understand the intention of the learner as they can incorporate orality.[196][197]

Including orality

In the above image, from left to right:[198]

  • An image taken during a phototour of the participant's village. This image is of the individual at her shop with one of the products she sells: dung for cooking fuel. The image helps the instructor understand the realities of the participant's daily life, and most importantly, it gives the participant the opportunity to determine what is important to them.
  • An image of a student explaining to a group and elaborating on a drawn series of milestones in her life. This student had a very basic ability and, with some help, was able to write brief captions under the images. While she speaks, her story is recorded to help her understand and develop it in the new language.
  • A painting created by composite in a graphics editing program. With further training, participants can learn how to blend images, thereby introducing elements of digital literacy that are beneficial in many spheres of life in the 21st century.

In a study based in Ethiopia, participants were asked to rate their preference for activity on a scale of 1–10. The survey prompt was: "On a scale of 1 to 10, how would you rate photography as an activity that helped you get inspiration for your writing activities (think of enjoyment and usefulness)?" The activities used as primers for writing were rated, in order of preference:[citation needed]

  • Photography: 97%
  • Oral presentations/sharing your art: 92%
  • Process painting: 84%
  • Painting: 82%
  • Sketching: 78%
  • Gluing activities: 72%
  • Stencil/tracing activities: 60%

More research would need to be conducted to confirm such trends.

Authorship programs have been successful in bringing student work together in book format as part of the program's culmination. These books can be used to document learning, and more importantly, to reinforce language and content goals.[citation needed]

Sample covers of completed authorship-created books

The collection of such writings into books can trigger both intrinsic and extrinsic motivation. Feedback by students involved in such initiatives indicates that the healthy pressures of collective and collaborative work were beneficial.[199]

By continent

[edit]
Most illiterate people now live in southern Asia or sub-Saharan Africa.

Europe

[edit]

United Kingdom

[edit]

On average, girls do better than boys at English, yet nearly one in ten young adult women have poor reading and writing skills in the UK in the 21st century, which seriously damages their employment prospects. Many are trapped in poverty but hide their lack of reading skills due to social stigma.[200]

England
[edit]

Literacy is first documented to have occurred in the area of modern England on 24 September 54 BCE, when Julius Caesar and Quintus Cicero wrote to Marcus Cicero "from the nearest shores of Britain".[201] Literacy was widespread under Roman rule but became very rare, limited almost entirely to churchmen, after the fall of the Western Roman Empire. In 12th and 13th century England, the ability to recite a particular passage from the Bible (Psalm 51) in Latin entitled a common law defendant to the benefit of clergy and trial before an ecclesiastical court, where sentences were more lenient, instead of a secular one, where hanging was a likely sentence. Thus, literate defendants often claimed the benefit of clergy, while an illiterate person who had memorized the psalm used in the literacy test could also claim the benefit of clergy.[202]

Despite lacking a system of free and compulsory primary schooling, England reached near universal literacy in the 19th century as a result of shared, informal learning provided by family members, fellow workers, or benevolent employers. Even with near-universal literacy, the gap between male and female rates persisted until the early 20th century. Many women in the West during the 19th century were able to read but unable to write.[203]

Wales
[edit]

Formal higher education in the arts and sciences in Wales, from the Middle Ages to the 18th century, was limited to the wealthy and the clergy. Following the Roman occupation and the conquest by the English, education in Wales was at a low point during the early modern period; in particular, formal education was only available in English while the majority of the population spoke only Welsh. The first modern grammar schools were established in Welsh towns such as Ruthin, Brecon, and Cowbridge. One of the first modern national education methods to use the native Welsh language was started by Griffith Jones in 1731. Jones became rector of Llanddowror in 1716 and remained there for the rest of his life. He organized and introduced a Welsh language-circulating school system, which was attractive and effective for Welsh speakers, while also teaching them English, which gave them access to broader educational sources. The circulating schools may have taught half the country's population to read. Literacy rates in Wales by the mid-18th century were one of the highest.

Continental Europe

[edit]
Dutch schoolmaster and children, 1662
Until the beginning of 20th century, most of the population in the Russian Empire was illiterate (map of 1897 census literacy data).

The ability to read did not necessarily mean the ability to write. The 1686 church law (kyrkolagen) of the Kingdom of Sweden (modern Sweden, Finland, Latvia, and Estonia) made literacy compulsory, and by 1800, the percent of people able to read was close to 100%.[204] This was directly dependent on the need to read religious texts in the Lutheran faith in Sweden and Finland; as a result, literacy in these countries was specifically focused on reading.[205] However, as late as the 19th century, many Swedes, especially women, could not write. Iceland was an exception, as it achieved widespread literacy without formal schooling, libraries, or printed books via informal tuition by religious leaders and peasant teachers.[205]

Historian Ernest Gellner argues that Continental European countries were far more successful in implementing educational reform because their governments were more willing to invest in the population as a whole.[206] Government oversight allowed countries to standardize curriculum and secure funding through legislation, thus enabling educational programs to have a broader reach.[207]

Although present-day concepts of literacy have much to do with the 15th-century invention of the movable type printing press, it was not until the Industrial Revolution of the mid-19th century that paper and books became affordable to all classes of industrialized society. Until then, only a small percent of the population was literate, as only wealthy individuals and institutions could afford the materials. Even today, the cost of paper and books is a barrier to universal literacy in some developing nations.[208]

On the other hand, historian Harvey Graff argues that the introduction of compulsory education was, in part, an effort to control the type of literacy the working class had access to. According to Graff, learning was increasing outside of formal settings (e.g., schools), and this uncontrolled reading could lead to increased radicalization of the populace. In his view, mass schooling was meant to temper and control literacy, not spread it.[209] Graff also says, using the example of Sweden, that mass literacy can be achieved without formal schooling or instruction in writing.

North America

[edit]

Canada

[edit]

Mexico

[edit]

In the last 40 years, the rate of illiteracy in Mexico has been steadily decreasing. In the 1960s, because the majority of the residents of the federal capital were illiterate, the planners of the Mexico City Metro designed a series of unique icons to identify each station in the system in addition to its formal name. The INEGI's census data in 1970 showed a national average illiteracy rate of 25.8%, which had decreased to under 7% by the 2010 census. Mexico still has a gender educational bias—the illiteracy rate for women was 8.1% compared with 5.6% for men.[210]

Rates differ across regions and states. The states with the highest poverty rate had greater than 15% illiteracy in 2010: 17.8% in Chiapas, 16.7% in Guerrero, and 16.3% in Oaxaca. In contrast, the illiteracy rates in the Federal District (now part of Mexico City) and in some northern states like Nuevo León, Baja California, and Coahuila were below 3% in the 2010 census (2.1%, 2.2%, 2.6%, and 2.6%, respectively).[210]

United States

[edit]

South America

[edit]

Brazil

[edit]

In 1964, Paulo Freire was arrested and exiled for teaching peasants to read.[211] However, since democracy returned to Brazil, there has been a steady increase in the percentage of literate people.[212] Educators with the Axé project in the city of Salvador, Bahía, attempt to improve literacy rates among urban youth, especially youth living on the streets, through the use of cultural music and dances. Then, "they are encouraged to go on learning and become professional artists."[188]: 284 

Africa

[edit]

The literacy rates in Africa vary significantly between countries. The registered literacy rate in Libya was 86.1% in 2004,[213] and UNESCO says that the literacy rate in the region of Equatorial Guinea is approximately 95%,[214][215] while the literacy rate in South Sudan is approximately 27%.[216]

In sub-Saharan Africa, youth from wealthier families often have more educational opportunities to become literate than poorer youth, who may need to leave school because they are needed at home to farm or care for siblings.[188] Additionally, the rate of literacy has not improved enough to compensate for the effects of demographic growth. As a result, the number of illiterate adults has risen by 27% over the last 20 years, reaching 169 million in 2010.[217] Thus, out of the 775 million illiterate adults in the world in 2010, more than one fifth (20%) were in sub-Saharan Africa. The countries with the lowest levels of literacy in the world are also concentrated in this region, where adult literacy rates can be well below 50%.[218]

Country Literacy rate
Algeria 81.4% (2025)[citation needed]
Botswana 88.5% (2025)[citation needed]
Burkina Faso 28.7%[219]
Chad 35.4%[218]
Djibouti 70% (est.)[220]
Egypt 72%[221]
Equatorial Guinea 94%[218]
Eritrea 80% (est.)[222]
Ethiopia 37% (unofficial); 63% (official) (1984)[223]
Guinea 41%[219]
Kenya 83% (2025)[citation needed]
Mali 33.4%[218]
Mauritius 89.8% (2011)[224]
Niger 28.7%[218]
Senegal 49.7%[219]
Somalia Unknown[225]
Sierra Leone 43.3%[226]
Uganda 72.2%[219]
Zimbabwe 86.5% (2016 est.)[219]

Algeria

[edit]

The literacy rate in Algeria is 81.4%, attributable to the fact that education is compulsory and free up to age 17.[227]

Burkina Faso

[edit]

Burkina Faso has a very low literacy rate of 28.7%, defined as anyone at least 15 years of age who can read and write.[219] To improve the literacy rate, the government has received at least 80 volunteer teachers. A severe lack of primary school teachers causes problems for any attempt to improve the literacy rate and school enrollment.[228]

Egypt

[edit]

Egypt has a relatively high literacy rate. The adult literacy rate in 2010 was estimated at 72%.[221]

Ethiopia

[edit]

The Ethiopians are among the first literate people in sub-saharan Africa, having written, read, and created manuscripts in the ancient Ge'ez language (an Amharic language) since the 2nd century CE.[223] All boys learned to read the Psalms around the age of 7. The national literacy campaign introduced in 1978 increased literacy rates to between 37% (unofficial) and 63% (official) by 1984.[229]

Guinea

[edit]

Guinea has a literacy rate of 41%, defined as anyone at least 15 years old who can read or write.[219] Guinea was the first to use the Literacy, Conflict Resolution, and Peacebuilding (LCRP) project. This project was developed to increase agriculture production, develop key skills, resolve conflict, and improve literacy and numeracy skills. The LCRP worked within refugee camps near the border of Sierra Leone; however, this project only lasted from 1999 to 2001. There are several other international projects working within the country that have similar goals.[230]

Kenya

[edit]

The literacy rate in Kenya among people below 20 years of age is over 70%, as the first 8 years of primary school are provided tuition-free by the government. In January 2008, the government began offering a limited program of free secondary education. Literacy is much higher among the young than among the older population, with the total being about 81.54% for the country. Most of this literacy, however, is at an elementary level—not secondary or advanced.[citation needed]

Mali

[edit]

In Mali in 2015, the adult literacy rate was 33%, one of the lowest in the world, with males having a 43.1% literacy rate and females having a 24.6% rate.[231] The government defines literacy as anyone at least 15 who can read or write.[219] In recent years, the government of Mali and international organizations have taken steps to improve the literacy rate. The government recognized the slow progress and began creating ministries for basic education and literacy in their national languages in 2007; they also increased the education budget by 3%, when it was at 35% in 2007. The lack of literate adults causes the programs to be slowed—they need qualified female instructors, which is problematic as many men refuse to send female family members to be trained by male teachers.[232]

Mauritius

[edit]

The adult literacy rate in Mauritius was estimated at 89.8% in 2011.[224] Male literacy was 92.3%, and female literacy was 87.3%.[224]

Niger

[edit]

Niger has an extremely low literacy rate of 28.7%, in part due to the gender gap—men have a literacy rate of 42.9%, while for women it is only 15.1%. The Nigerien government defines literacy as anyone who can read or write over the age of 15.[219] The Niass Tijāniyyah, a Sufi order, has started anti-poverty, empowerment, and literacy campaigns. The women in Kiota had not attempted to improve their education or economic standing until Saida Oumul Khadiri Niass, known as Maman and married to a leader of the Niass Tijaniyya, talked to men and women throughout the community, changing the community's beliefs on appropriate behavior for women. Maman's efforts have allowed women in Kiota to own small businesses, sell in the market, attend literacy classes, and organize small associations that can give microloans. Maman personally teaches children in and around Kiota, with special attention to girls. Maman has her students require instructor permission to allow the girls' parents to marry their daughters early, increasing the amount of education these girls receive as well as delaying marriage, pregnancy, and having children.[233]

Senegal

[edit]

Senegal has a literacy rate of 49.7%, defined as anyone who is at least 15 and can read and write.[219] However, many students do not attend school long enough to be considered literate. The government did not begin actively attempting to improve the literacy rate until 1971, when it gave the responsibility to the Department for Vocational Training at the Secretariat for Youth and Sports. This department, and those that followed, had no clear policy on literacy until the Department of Literacy and Basic Education was formed in 1986. The government of Senegal relies heavily on funding from the World Bank to fund its school system.[234]

Somalia

[edit]

There is no reliable data on the nationwide literacy rate in Somalia. A 2013 FSNAU survey indicates considerable differences per region, with the autonomous northeastern Puntland region having the highest registered literacy rate at 72%.[225][failed verification]

Sierra Leone

[edit]

The Sierra Leone government defines literacy as anyone over the age of 15 who can read and write in English, Mende, Temne, or Arabic. Official statistics put the literacy rate at 43.3%.[226] Sierra Leone was the second country to use the Literacy, Conflict Resolution and Peacebuilding project. However, fighting near the city where the project was centered caused a delay until an arms amnesty was in place.[230]

Asia

[edit]
Country Adult literacy rate Youth literacy rate
(15–24)
Afghanistan 43% (2020)[235] 65% (2020)[235]
Bangladesh 72.76% (2016)[236] 92.24% (2016)[236]
China 96.7% (2015)[237]
India 74.04% (2011)[238] 89.6% (2015)[239]
Iran Unclear
Laos Unclear
Nepal 67.5% (2007) 89.9% (2015)[240]
Pakistan 58% (2017)[241] 75.6% (2015)[242]
Philippines 91.6% (2019)[243]
Sri Lanka 92.63% (2015)[244] 98% (2015)[245]

Afghanistan

[edit]
Young school girls in Paktia Province of Afghanistan

According to UNESCO, Afghanistan has one of the lowest literacy rates in the world. As of 2020, over 10 million youth and adults are illiterate. However, since 2016, the country has made significant progress. While in 2016–2017 the literacy rate was 34.8%, the UNESCO Institute for Statistics recently confirmed that it has increased to 43%. "That is a remarkable 8 percent increase." In addition, the literacy rate for youths aged 15–24 has substantially increased and now stands at 65%.[235]

However, there are still a large number of people who lack literacy and opportunities to access continuing education. There is also a substantial gender gap: the literacy rate for men stands at 55%, while for women it is only 29.8%. The UNESCO Institute for Lifelong Learning has provided technical support to the government of Afghanistan since 2012, with the aim of improving the literacy skills of an estimated 1.2 million people.[246]

To improve the literacy rate, the US military taught Afghan Army recruits how to read before teaching them how to fire a weapon. In 2009, US commanders estimated that as many as 65% of recruits may be illiterate.[247]

China

[edit]

The Chinese government conducts standardized testing to assess proficiency in Standard Chinese, known as Putonghua, but this is primarily for foreigners or those needing to demonstrate professional proficiency in the Beijing dialect. While literacy in Chinese can be assessed by reading comprehension tests, just as in other languages, historically, literacy has often been judged by the number of Chinese characters introduced during the speaker's schooling, with a few thousand considered the minimum for practical literacy.[citation needed]

The CIA World Factbook says 96.7% of Chinese people are literate;[237] however, social science surveys in China have repeatedly found that just over half the population of China is conversant in spoken Putonghua.[248][249] In classical Chinese civilization, access to literacy for all classes originated with Confucianism, where previously literacy was generally limited to the aristocracy, merchants, and priests.[citation needed]

India

[edit]

Literacy is defined by the Registrar General and Census Commissioner of India as the ability of "a person aged 7 years and above to both write and read with understanding in any language." According to the 2011 census, the literacy rate stood at 74%.[250]

Iran

[edit]

In 2023, the Iranian government stopped a literacy campaign that had begun in 1930, despite 9 million people still being reported as illiterate.[251] The government reported that elementary school education cost 5–40 million toman (approximately US$12–95 or €11–89) per child per year,[252] and 27% of children did not sign up for first grade because of the cost.[253]

Laos

[edit]
Three Laotian girls sit outside their school reading.

Laos has the lowest level of adult literacy in all of Southeast Asia, other than East Timor.[254]

Obstacles to literacy vary by country and culture, as writing systems, quality of education, availability of written material, competition from other sources (television, video games, cell phones, and family obligations), and culture all influence literacy levels. In Laos, which has a phonetic alphabet, reading is relatively easy to learn—especially compared to English, where spelling and pronunciation rules are filled with exceptions, and Chinese, with thousands of symbols to be memorized. However, a lack of books and other written materials has hindered functional literacy in Laos.[255] Many children and adults read so haltingly that the skill is hardly beneficial.[citation needed]

A literacy project in Laos addresses this by using what it calls "books that make literacy fun!" The project, Big Brother Mouse, publishes colorful, easy-to-read books, then delivers them during book parties at rural schools. Some of the books are modeled on successful western books by authors such as Dr. Seuss; the most popular, however, are traditional Laotian fairy tales. Two popular collections of folktales were written by Siphone Vouthisakdee, who comes from a village where only five children finished primary school.[256]

Big Brother Mouse has also created village reading rooms and published books for adult readers about subjects such as Buddhism, health, and baby care.[257]

Pakistan

[edit]

In Pakistan, the National Commission for Human Development aims to bring literacy to adults, especially women. While speaking at a function held in connection with International Literacy Day, Islamabad Director Kozue Kay Nagata said:

Illiteracy in Pakistan has fallen over two decades, thanks to the government and people of Pakistan for their efforts working toward meeting the Millennium Development Goals. Today, 70 percent of Pakistani youths can read and write. In 20 years, illiterate population has been reduced significantly.

She also emphasized the need to do more to improve literacy in the country, saying:

The proportion of population in Pakistan lacking basic reading and writing is too high. This is a serious obstacle for individual fulfillment, to the development of societies, and to mutual understanding between peoples.

Referring to the recent national survey carried out by the Ministry of Education, Trainings and Standards in Higher Education with the support of UNESCO, UNICEF, and provincial and area departments of education, Nagata pointed out that in Pakistan, although 70% of children finish primary school, a gender gap still exists as 68% of girls finish compared to 71% of boys.

Referring specifically to Punjab, she said that while the primary school completion rate is higher at 76%, there is a gender gap of 8 percentage points: 72% of girls compared to 80% for boys. She also noted that the average cost per primary school student (ages five–nine) was higher in Punjab at Rs 6,998 (approximately US$24 or €22.5).

In Balochistan, although almost the same amount (Rs 6,985) is spent per child as in Punjab, the primary school completion rate is only 53%: 54% for girls and 52% for boys.

The Literate Pakistan Foundation, a non-profit organization established in 2003, is a case study bringing to light solutions for improving literacy rates in Pakistan. Their data shows that in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, the primary school completion rate is 67%, which is lower than the national average of 70%. Furthermore, a gender gap exists, with only 65% of girls completing primary school compared to 68% of boys. In Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, the education expenditure per student at the primary school level (age five–nine) is Rs 8,638 ($30, €28).

In Sindh, the primary school completion rate is 63%, with a gender gap of 67% of girls completing primary school compared to 60% of boys.[clarification needed] In Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, the education expenditure per student at the primary school level (age five–nine) is Rs 5,019 ($17.50, €16.50).

Nagata, referencing the report, said that the most common reason for children ages 10–18 (both boys and girls) leaving school is "the child [is] not willing to go to school", which may be related to quality and learning outcome. She added that the second-highest reason for girls living in rural communities dropping out is that their "parents did not allow" them to continue school, which might be related to prejudice and cultural norms surrounding girls.

Philippines

[edit]

About 91.6% of Filipinos ages 10–64 were functionally literate in 2019, according to the results of the 2019 Functional Literacy, Education and Mass Media Survey; this translates to around 73.0 million out of the population of 79.7 million.[243] Starting in 300 BCE, early Filipinos devised and used their own writing system derived from the Brahmic family of scripts of ancient India. Baybayin became the most widespread of these derived scripts by the 11th century. Early chroniclers, who came during the first Spanish expeditions to the islands, noted the proficiency of some of the natives, especially the chieftain and local kings, in Sanskrit, Old Javanese, Old Malay, and several other languages.[258][259]

During the Spanish colonization of the islands, reading materials were destroyed far less than during the Spanish colonization of the Americas. Education and literacy were introduced solely to the Peninsulares and remained a privilege until the arrival of Americans, who introduced a public school system to the country, and English became the lingua franca in the Philippines. During the brief Japanese occupation of the Philippines, the Japanese were able to teach their language and teach the children their written language.[citation needed]

Sri Lanka

[edit]
The University of Peradeniya's Sarachchandra open-air theatre, named in memory of Ediriweera Sarachchandra, Sri Lanka's premier playwright

With a literacy rate of 92.5%,[244] Sri Lanka has one of the most literate populations among developing nations.[260] Its youth literacy rate stands at 98%,[245] its computer literacy rate at 35%,[261] and its primary school enrollment rate at over 99%.[262] An education system that dictates nine years of compulsory schooling for every child is in place. The free education system, established in 1945,[263] is a result of the initiative of C. W. W. Kannangara and A. Ratnayake.[264][265] Sri Lanka is one of the few countries in the world that provides universal free education from the primary to the tertiary stage.[266]

Oceania

[edit]

Australia

[edit]

A 2016–2017 survey of adult skills conducted by the Australian Bureau of Statistics on behalf of the OECD found that one in five adults of working age has low literacy skills, numeracy skills, or both.[267] The Australian Early Development Census National Report for 2021 reported that 82.6% of five-year-olds are on track to develop good language and cognitive skills.[268] In 2012–2013, Australia had 1515 public library service points, lending almost 174 million items to 10 million members at an average per capita cost of just under AU$45.[269] By 2020–2021, this had increased to a total of 1690 library outlets with just over 9 million registered or active members.[269]

See also

[edit]

Notes

[edit]

Citations

[edit]
  1. ^ "Adult literacy rate". Our World in Data. Retrieved 5 September 2025.
  2. ^ Gee, James (1991). "Socio-Cultural Approaches to Literacy (Literacies)". Annual Review of Applied Linguistics. 12: 31–48. doi:10.1017/S0267190500002130. S2CID 146415110.
  3. ^ Dijanošić, B. (2009). "Prilozi definiranju pojma funkcionalne pismenosti" [Contributions to the definition of functional literacy] (PDF). Journal of the Croatian Andragogy Society (in Croatian): 25–35.
  4. ^ Réka, Vágvölgyi; Bergström, Aleksandar; Bulajić, Maria Klatte; Falk, Huettig (May 2019). "Understanding functional illiteracy from a policy, adult education, and cognition point of view: Towards a joint referent framework". Zeitschrift für Neuropsychologie. 30 (2): 111. doi:10.1024/1016-264X/a000255. S2CID 191662777.
  5. ^ "National Assessment of Adult Literacy (NAAL)". nces.ed.gov.
  6. ^ "Measuring Literacy: Performance Levels for Adults (2005), National Academy of Sciences". 2005.
  7. ^ a b "A Brief History of the Quantitative Literacy Movement, The Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching". 2021.
  8. ^ "Millennium Goals Indicator 2015". Archived from the original on 16 August 2021. Retrieved 2 March 2021.
  9. ^ "EUROPEAN DECLARATION OF THE RIGHT TO LITERACY, European Literacy Policy Network" (PDF). 2016. Archived from the original (PDF) on 15 August 2021. Retrieved 19 February 2021.
  10. ^ "Defining literacy, UNESCO" (PDF). 18 October 2018.
  11. ^ a b "Skills matter, PIAAC, OECD" (PDF). 2019.
  12. ^ Skills Matter: Additional Results from the Survey of Adult Skills, OECD Skills Studies, OECD. OECD. 2019. ISBN 978-9-264-79900-4.
  13. ^ "About The Programme for the International Assessment of Adult Competencies".
  14. ^ "Literacy and English" (PDF). Scottish Government. p. 4.
  15. ^ "What is literacy". National literacy trust. 2021. p. 1.
  16. ^ "Why literacy, International literacy association". 8 February 2021. Archived from the original on 4 February 2021. Retrieved 19 February 2021.
  17. ^ "International literacy association". 2021. Archived from the original on 4 February 2021. Retrieved 19 February 2021.
  18. ^ "TIMSS and PIRLS International Study Center". timssandpirls.bc.edu.
  19. ^ "Literacy and numeracy". Alberta Education. 2021.
  20. ^ Kress, Gunther R. (2003). Literacy in the new media age. New York: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-25356-7.
  21. ^ Street, Brian (2001). "Introduction". Literacy and Development: Ethnographic Perspectives. London: Routledge. p. 11.
  22. ^ Rowsell, Jennifer; Pahl, Kate (2020). The Routledge Handbook of Literacy Studies. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-367-50172-3.
  23. ^ Calvet, Louis-Jean (1999). Towards an Ecology of World Languages. Polity. ISBN 978-0-745-62956-8.
  24. ^ Lankshear, Colin; Knobel, Michelle (2007). "Sampling the 'New' in New Literacies". A New Literacies Sampler. New York: Peter Lang. p. 2. ISBN 978-0-820-49523-1.
  25. ^ Lindquist, Julie (2015). "Literacy". Keywords in Writing Studies. Logan: Utah State UP. pp. 99–102.
  26. ^ Cole, David R. (2009). Multiple Literacies Theory: A Deleuzian Perspective. Sense. ISBN 978-9-087-90909-3.
  27. ^ Boche, Benjamin (2014). "Multiliteracies in the Classroom: Emerging Conceptions of First-Year Teachers". Journal of Language and Literacy Education. 10 (1): 114–135.
  28. ^ Seidenberg, Mark (2017). Language at the speed of sight. New York: Basic. p. 279. ISBN 978-1-541-61715-5.
  29. ^ a b Right to Read inquiry report. Ontario Human Rights Commission. 2022. ISBN 978-1-486-85827-9.
  30. ^ "Definition of computer literacy". PCMAG.
  31. ^ "COMPUTER-LITERACY".
  32. ^ "ISLP". www.stat.auckland.ac.nz. Archived from the original on 27 December 2008. Retrieved 19 December 2008.
  33. ^ Selber, Stuart (2004). Multiliteracies for a Digital Age. Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press. ISBN 978-0-809-32551-1.
  34. ^ Brown, Lisa M.; Haun, Jolie N.; Peterson, Lindsay (2014). "A Proposed Disaster Literacy Model". Disaster Medicine and Public Health Preparedness. 8 (3): 267–275. doi:10.1017/dmp.2014.43. ISSN 1935-7893. PMID 24992944. S2CID 24971741.
  35. ^ Brown, L. M.; Haun, J. N.; Peterson, L. (8 June 2014). "A proposed disaster literacy model". Disaster Medicine and Public Health Preparedness. 8 (3): 267–275. doi:10.1017/dmp.2014.43. PMID 24992944.
  36. ^ Ecological Literacy: Education and the Transition to a Postmodern World. State University of New York Press. 1991. ISBN 978-0-791-40874-2.
  37. ^ "What Is Health Literacy, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention". Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. 28 January 2021.
  38. ^ a b Zarcadoolas, C.; Pleasant, A.; Greer, D. (2006). Advancing health literacy: A framework for understanding and action. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass.
  39. ^ Reid, Gavin; Soler, Janet; Wearmouth, Janice, eds. (2002). Addressing Difficulties in Literacy Development: Responses at Family School Pupil and Teacher Levels. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-315-01571-2.
  40. ^ Ravid, Dorit; Tolchinsky, Liliana (2002). "Developing Linguistic Literacy: a Comprehensive Model". Journal of Child Language. 29 (2): 417–447. doi:10.1017/S0305000902005111. PMID 12109379. S2CID 9831188.
  41. ^ "National Association for Media Literacy Education". namle.net.
  42. ^ "9 Ways to Teach Social Skills in Your Classroom, Reading Rockets". December 2019.
  43. ^ p. 3. Csíkos, Csaba, and Gabriella Dohány. "Connections between music literacy and music-related background variables: An empirical investigation." Visions of Research in Music Education 28, no. 1 (2016): 2.
  44. ^ Harvey, John (2002). "Orality and Its Implications for Biblical Studies: Recapturing an Ancient Paradigm" (PDF). Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society. Retrieved 9 March 2025.
  45. ^ "Cambridge Dictionary". 10 March 2021.
  46. ^ Vágvölgyi, Réka; Coldea, Andra; Dresler, Thomas; Schrader, Josef; Nuerk, Hans-Christoph (10 November 2016). "A Review about Functional Illiteracy: Definition, Cognitive, Linguistic, and Numerical Aspects". Frontiers in Psychology. 7: 111–119. doi:10.3389/fpsyg.2016.01617. PMC 5102880. PMID 27891100.
  47. ^ Schlechty, Phillip C. (27 April 2004). "Introduction". Shaking Up the Schoolhouse: How to Support and Sustain Educational Innovation (PDF). Catdir.loc.gov. ISBN 978-0-787-97213-4. Archived from the original (PDF) on 21 July 2011. Retrieved 19 May 2021.
  48. ^ Bulajić, Aleksandar; Despotović, Miomir; Lachmann, Thomas (May 2019). "Understanding functional illiteracy from a policy, adult education, and cognition point of view: Towards a joint referent framework". Zeitschrift für Neuropsychologie. 30 (2): 117. doi:10.1024/1016-264X/a000255. S2CID 191662777.
  49. ^ Réka, Vágvölgyi; Bergström, Aleksandar; Bulajić, Maria Klatte; Falk, Huettig (May 2019). "Understanding functional illiteracy from a policy, adult education, and cognition point of view: Towards a joint referent framework". Zeitschrift für Neuropsychologie. 30 (2): 109–122. doi:10.1024/1016-264X/a000255. S2CID 191662777.
  50. ^ Brodkey, Linda (1996). "Literacy as a Discursive Practice". Writing Permitted in Designated Areas Only. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. pp. 3–7. ISBN 978-0-816-62806-3.
  51. ^ a b Chrisomalis, Stephen (2009). "The Origins and Coevolution of Literacy and Numeracy". In Olsen, D.; Torrance, N. (eds.). The Cambridge Handbook of Literacy. Cambridge University Press. pp. 59–74.
  52. ^ "Writing Systems" (PDF). Retrieved 5 August 2018.
  53. ^ Harari, Yuval Noah (2014). Sapiens. Penguin Random House. p. 137. ISBN 978-0-771-03851-8.
  54. ^ Easton, P. "History and spread of literacy". Sustaining Literacy in Africa: Developing a Literate Environment. Paris: UNESCO Press. pp. 46–56.
  55. ^ Schmandt-Besserat, D. (1978). "The earliest precursor of writing". Scientific American. 238 (6): 38–47. Bibcode:1978SciAm.238f..50S. doi:10.1038/scientificamerican0678-50. S2CID 121339828.
  56. ^ Charpin, Dominique (15 November 2010). Writing, Law, and Kingship in Old Babylonian Mesopotamia. University of Chicago Press. pp. 7–24. ISBN 978-0-226-10159-0.
  57. ^ Veldhuis, Niek (2011). "Levels of Literacy". The Oxford Handbook of Cuneiform Culture (PDF). Oxford University Press. pp. 68–73. ISBN 978-0-191-74359-7. Archived from the original (PDF) on 17 December 2021. Retrieved 17 December 2021.
  58. ^ Radner, K.; Robson, E., eds. (2011). The Oxford Handbook of Cuneiform Culture. Oxford University Press.
  59. ^ a b Schmandt-Besserat, Denise. "The Evolution of Writing". Retrieved 21 December 2023.
  60. ^ Pohl, Mary E. D.; Pope, Kevin O.; von Nagy, Christopher (6 December 2002). "Olmec Origins of Mesoamerican Writing". Science. 298 (5600): 1984–1987. Bibcode:2002Sci...298.1984P. doi:10.1126/science.1078474. ISSN 0036-8075. PMID 12471256. S2CID 19494498.
  61. ^ Barbieri-Low, A.; Yates, R. (2015). Law, state, and society in early Imperial China: Study and translation of the legal texts from Zhangjiashan Tomb no. 247. Leiden: Brill.
  62. ^ Farmer, Steve; Sproat, Richard; Witzel, Michael (2004). "The Collapse of the Indus-Script Thesis: The Myth of a Literate Harappan Civilization". Electronic Journal of Vedic Studies. 11 (2): 19–57. doi:10.11588/ejvs.2004.2.620. ISSN 1084-7561. S2CID 16097805.
  63. ^ "Reading and Writing in Mesopotamia", Writing, Law, and Kingship in Old Babylonian Mesopotamia, University of Chicago Press, pp. 7–24, 2010, doi:10.7208/chicago/9780226101590.003.0002, ISBN 978-0-226-10158-3, retrieved 21 December 2023
  64. ^ "Literacy in the Old Babylonian City of Nippur". CORDIS. European Commission. doi:10.3030/841928. Retrieved 21 December 2023.
  65. ^ "Review of: Writing, Law, and Kingship in Old Babylonian Mesopotamia (translated by Jane Marie Todd)". Bryn Mawr Classical Review. ISSN 1055-7660.
  66. ^ a b c d e Goody, Jack (1999). The interface between the written and the oral (Repr. ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 40–51. ISBN 978-0-521-33268-2.
  67. ^ "Ras Shamra Tablet Inventory". voices.uchicago.edu. Retrieved 22 December 2023.
  68. ^ a b Cross, Frank Moore (1980). "Newly Found Inscriptions in Old Canaanite and Early Phoenician Scripts". Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research. 238 (Spring, 1980): 1–20. doi:10.2307/1356511. JSTOR 1356511. S2CID 222343641.
  69. ^ McCarter, P. Kyle (September 1974). "The Early Diffusion of the Alphabet". The Biblical Archaeologist. 37 (3): 54–68. doi:10.2307/3210965. ISSN 0006-0895. JSTOR 3210965. S2CID 126182369.
  70. ^ "The growth and decline of the Aramaic language". AP News. 6 September 2013. Retrieved 22 December 2023.
  71. ^ Harris, William V. (1991). Ancient literacy. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-03381-8.
  72. ^ Wright, Brian J. (2015). "Ancient Literacy in New Testament Research: Incorporating a Few More Lines of Enquiry". Trinity Journal. 36: 161–189.
  73. ^ Kolb, Anne, ed. (2018). Literacy in Ancient Everyday Life. Boston: De Gruyter. ISBN 978-3-110-59188-0.
  74. ^ Di Renzo, Anthony (2000). "His master's voice: Tiro and the rise of the roman secretarial class" (PDF). Journal of Technical Writing and Communication. 30 (2): 155–168. doi:10.2190/b4yd-5fp7-1w8d-v3uc. S2CID 153369618.
  75. ^ Dupont, Florence; Dupont, Florence (1997). Daily life in ancient Rome (Repr. ed.). Oxford: Blackwell. p. 223. ISBN 978-0-631-19395-1.
  76. ^ Elsner, Jaś (1998). Imperial Rome and Christian triumph: the art of the Roman Empire AD 100-450. Oxford University Press. p. 141. ISBN 978-0-192-84201-5.
  77. ^ Macdonald, M. C. A. (2010). "Ancient Arabia and the written word". Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies. 40: 8–9. JSTOR 41224041.
  78. ^ "However, the medieval period in its entirety yields far more when seen holistically, like the manuscripts and texts themselves, without our false categorizations of secular versus religious, French versus English, educated versus uneducated, written versus oral, central versus marginal. Our own hierarchies are in urgent need of reassessment if we are to understand a complex era of strategic literacy, generic fluidity, and linguistic competencies beyond our own experiences." Treharne, Elaine (24 March 2011). "The vernaculars of medieval England, 1170-1350". The Cambridge Companion to Medieval English Culture. pp. 217–236. doi:10.1017/CCOL9780521856898.011. ISBN 978-0-521-85689-8.
  79. ^ "At least by the twelfth century, a more complex hierarchy of literacies arose. Thus, the literacy of the professionally literate class sits at the pinnacle of a triangle, under which are the literacy of the "cultivated reader" or aristocratic non-professional and the still more limited literacy of the "pragmatic reader" who reads and writes in the course of conducting his trade." The Encyclopedia of Medieval Literature in Britain. 17 July 2017. doi:10.1002/9781118396957.wbemlb561.
  80. ^ Hailwood, Mark (24 July 2023). "Rethinking Literacy in Rural England, 1550–1700". Past & Present (260): 38–70. doi:10.1093/pastj/gtac019.
  81. ^ "History of publishing → Medieval, Manuscripts, Scriptoria". Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved 22 December 2023.
  82. ^ a b c Clanchy, Michael (16 September 2019). "Parchment and Paper: Manuscript Culture 1100–1500". A Companion to the History of the Book. pp. 219–233. doi:10.1002/9781119018193.ch15.
  83. ^ a b Allen, Robert C. (2003). "Progress and Poverty in Early Modern Europe". The Economic History Review. 56 (3): 403–443. doi:10.1111/j.1468-0289.2003.00257.x. ISSN 0013-0117. JSTOR 3698570.
  84. ^ Britnell, Richard (26 March 2009). "Bureaucracy and Literacy". A Companion to the Medieval World. pp. 413–434. doi:10.1002/9781444324198.ch20. ISBN 978-1-4051-0922-2.
  85. ^ Moran, J. Hoeppner (June 1981). "Literacy and Education In Northern England, 1350-1550: A Methodological Inquiry". Northern History. 17 (1): 1–23. doi:10.1179/nhi.1981.17.1.1.
  86. ^ Stephens, W. B. (1990). "Literacy in England, Scotland, and Wales, 1500-1900". History of Education Quarterly. 30 (4): 545–571. doi:10.2307/368946. ISSN 0018-2680. JSTOR 368946.
  87. ^ a b Vincent, David (2019). "The Modern History of Literacy" (PDF). In Rury, John L.; Tamura, Eileen H. (eds.). The Oxford Handbook of the History of Education. 7. doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199340033.013.30. ISBN 978-0-199-34003-3. Retrieved 21 December 2023.
  88. ^ "The origins of children's literature". British Library. Archived from the original on 1 March 2020. Retrieved 22 April 2022.
  89. ^ Tsujimoto, Masashi (2000). "Maturing of a Literate Society--Literacy and Education in the Edo Peried (17th-19th century)". Journal of Japanese Trade & Industry.
  90. ^ "Street literature". British Library. Retrieved 22 April 2022.
  91. ^ a b c "Victorian readers". British Library. Archived from the original on 19 February 2022. Retrieved 22 April 2022.
  92. ^ "Print culture". British Library. Retrieved 22 April 2022.
  93. ^ a b Hamerow, Theodore S. (1998). The birth of a new Europe: state and society in the 19. century. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Pr. pp. 148–174. ISBN 978-0-807-84239-3.
  94. ^ Frago, Antonio Viñao (1990). "The History of Literacy in Spain: Evolution, Traits, and Questions". History of Education Quarterly. 30 (4): 573–599. doi:10.2307/368947. ISSN 0018-2680. JSTOR 368947.
  95. ^ a b UNESCO (2017). Reading the past, writing the future: Fifty years of promoting literacy (PDF). UNESCO. pp. 21–23, 26. ISBN 978-9-231-00214-4.
  96. ^ a b c UNESCO Institute for Statistics (September 2015). "Adult and Youth Literacy" (PDF). UIS Fact Sheet. 32. Archived from the original (PDF) on 15 March 2016. Retrieved 2 May 2016.
  97. ^ a b UIS. "Education: Literacy rate". data.uis.unesco.org. Retrieved 22 May 2016.
  98. ^ a b c d Wagner, Daniel A.; Tuz Zahra, Fatima; Lee, Jinsol (2016). "Literacy Development: Global Research and Policy Perspectives". In Gielen, Uwe P.; Roopnarine, Jaipaul L. (eds.). Childhood and adolescence: cross-cultural perspectives and applications (2nd ed.). Praeger. pp. 105–106. ISBN 978-1-440-83223-9.
  99. ^ "Global education monitoring report 2019: Migration, displacement and education: building bridges, not walls". UNESCO. 2018. pp. 194–196. Retrieved 22 December 2023.
  100. ^ "THE 17 GOALS". sdgs.un.org. Department of Economic and Social Affairs. Retrieved 22 September 2020.
  101. ^ Gee, James Paul (1989). "Literacy, Discourse, and Linguistics: Introduction". Journal of Education. 171 (1): 5–17. doi:10.1177/002205748917100101. S2CID 58334868.
  102. ^ Beach, Richard; Green, Judith; Kamil, Michael; Shanahan, Timothy, eds. (2005). Multidisciplinary perspectives on literacy research (2nd ed.). Cresskill, NJ: Hampton. ISBN 978-1-572-73626-9.
  103. ^ Mkandwire, S. B. (2018). "Literacy versus Language: Exploring their Similarities and Differences". Journal of Lexicography and Terminology. 2 (1): 37–55.
  104. ^ Lindquist, Julie (2015), Heilker, Paul; Vandenberg, Peter (eds.), "Literacy", Keywords in Writing Studies, Utah State University Press, pp. 99–102, doi:10.7330/9780874219746.c020, ISBN 978-0-874-21974-6, retrieved 19 September 2023
  105. ^ Knobel, Michele (1999). Everyday Literacies: Students, Discourse, and Social Practice. New York: Peter Lang.
  106. ^ Street, Brian V., ed. (2001). "Introduction". Literacy and development: ethnographic perspectives. London: Routledge. pp. 7–8. ISBN 978-0-415-23451-1.
  107. ^ Street, Brian V.; Street, Brain V. (1999). Literacy in theory and practice. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-28961-0.
  108. ^ Goody, Jack (1986). The Logic of Writing and the Organization of Society. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-33962-9.
  109. ^ "Adult literacy rate, population 15+ years, male (%)". Our World in Data. Retrieved 15 February 2020.
  110. ^ "Adult literacy rate, population 15+ years, female (%)". Our World in Data. Retrieved 15 February 2020.
  111. ^ Dorius, Shawn F.; Firebaugh, Glenn (1 July 2010). "Trends in Global Gender Inequality". Social Forces. 88 (5): 1941–1968. doi:10.1353/sof.2010.0040. ISSN 0037-7732. PMC 3107548. PMID 21643494.
  112. ^ "Education and Health: Where do Gender Differences Really Matter?". Gender Equality and Development: World Development Report (PDF) (Report). Washington, D. C.: The World Bank. 2012. Archived from the original (PDF) on 12 April 2019.[moved resource?]
  113. ^ Agnaou, Fatima (2004). Gender, Literacy, and Empowerment in Morocco. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-94765-7.
  114. ^ Nussbaum, Martha C. (1 January 2004). "Women's Education: A Global Challenge". Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society. 29 (2): 332–333. doi:10.1086/378571. ISSN 0097-9740. S2CID 144593937.
  115. ^ Hill, M. Anne; King, Elizabeth (1 July 1995). "Women's education and economic well-being". Feminist Economics. 1 (2): 21–46. doi:10.1080/714042230. ISSN 1354-5701.
  116. ^ a b "The Economic and Social Cost of Illiteracy: A Snapshot of Illiteracy in a Global Context" (PDF). World Literacy Foundation. 24 August 2015. Archived from the original (PDF) on 21 April 2016. Retrieved 2 May 2016.
  117. ^ Al-Mekhlafy, Tawfiq A. (2008). "Strategies for Gender Equality in Basic and Secondary Education: A Comprehensive and Integrated Approach in the Republic of Yemen". In Tembon, Mercy; Fort, Lucia (eds.). Girls' Education in the 21st Century: Gender Equality, Empowerment, and Economic Growth (PDF). Washington D. C.: The World Bank. Archived from the original (PDF) on 24 August 2019.[moved resource?]
  118. ^ Wodon, Quentin; et al. (September 2015). "Child Marriage and the 2030 Agenda: Selected Findings from Early Research". The Economic Impacts of Child Marriage. Archived from the original on 4 April 2023.
  119. ^ Field, Erica; Ambrus, Attila (1 October 2008). "Early Marriage, Age of Menarche, and Female Schooling Attainment in Bangladesh". Journal of Political Economy. 116 (5): 881–930. CiteSeerX 10.1.1.662.7231. doi:10.1086/593333. ISSN 0022-3808. S2CID 215805592.
  120. ^ Nguyen, Minh Cong; Wodon, Quentin (September 2014), "Impact of Child Marriage on Literacy and Education Attainment in Africa", in Wodon, Quentin (ed.), Child Marriage and Education in Sub-Saharan Africa (PDF), Washington D. C.: World Bank, archived from the original (PDF) on 29 June 2016
  121. ^ Parsons, Jennifer; Edmeades, Jeffrey; Kes, Aslihan; Petroni, Suzanne; Sexton, Maggie; Wodon, Quentin (3 July 2015). "Economic Impacts of Child Marriage: A Review of the Literature". The Review of Faith & International Affairs. 13 (3): 12–22. doi:10.1080/15570274.2015.1075757. hdl:10986/23530. ISSN 1557-0274. S2CID 146194521.
  122. ^ Watson, Anne; Kehler, Michael; Martino, Wayne (1 February 2010). "The Problem of Boys' Literacy Underachievement: Raising Some Questions". Journal of Adolescent & Adult Literacy. 53 (5): 356–361. doi:10.1598/JAAL.53.5.1. ISSN 1936-2706. S2CID 35301500.
  123. ^ Senn, Nicole (1 November 2012). "Effective Approaches to Motivate and Engage Reluctant Boys in Literacy". The Reading Teacher. 66 (3): 211–220. doi:10.1002/TRTR.01107. ISSN 1936-2714.
  124. ^ Manitoba Education (January 2006). Me Read? No Way!: A Practical Guide to Improving Boys' Literacy Skills. Government of Manitoba. ISBN 978-0-771-13506-4.
  125. ^ "Phonics. It's Profitable". The Phonics Page. Archived from the original on 21 December 2007. Retrieved 11 December 2007.
  126. ^ Rao, Vasudeva; S, B.; Gupta, P. Viswanadha (31 March 2006). "Low Female Literacy: Factors and Strategies". Australian Journal of Adult Learning. 46 (1): 84–95. ISSN 1443-1394.
  127. ^ Hanemann, Ulrike (30 November 2014). Transforming Our World: Literacy for Sustainable Development. UNESCO Institute for Lifelong Learning. p. 7. ISBN 978-9-282-01200-0.
  128. ^ Scott, Kirsty (7 July 2010). "Prison library helps to transform lives". The Guardian.
  129. ^ a b Hackman, D; Gallop, R; Farah, M. J. (2015). "Socioeconomics status and executive function: Developmental trajectories and mediation". Developmental Science. 18 (5): 686–702. doi:10.1111/desc.12246. PMID 25659838.
  130. ^ a b Haft, S.; Hoeft, F. (2017). "Poverty's impact on children's executive function: Global considerations". New Directions for Child and Adolescent Development. 158: 71.
  131. ^ Wadsworth, M. E.; Rienks, S. L. (1 July 2012), "Stress as a mechanism of poverty's ill effects on children", CYF News (Newsletter), archived from the original on 17 July 2019
  132. ^ Anderson, Sara; Leventhal, Tama (2014). "Exposure to Neighborhood Affluence and Poverty in Childhood and Adolescence and Academic Achievement and Behavior". Applied Developmental Science. 18 (3): 125. doi:10.1080/10888691.2014.924355. S2CID 144971888. (conditions in early childhood based on 1990 U.S. Census and in middle childhood and adolescence on 2000 U.S. Census)
  133. ^ Sulkunen, Sari (2013). "Adolescent Literacy in Europe-An Urgent Call for Action". European Journal of Education. 48 (4): 530. doi:10.1111/ejed.12052 – via ERIC.
  134. ^ Hart, B.; Risley, Todd. "The Family Catastrophe: The 30 Million Word Gap by Age 3" (PDF). American Educator. 27 (1): 4–9.
  135. ^ Knapp, Nancy (2016). The Psychology of Reading: Theory and Applications. New York: Guildford. p. 20. ISBN 978-1-462-52350-4.
  136. ^ Lipina, Sebastian; Segretin, Soledad; Hermida, Julia; Prats, Lucia; Fracchia, Carolina; Camelo, Jorge; Colombo, Jorge (2013). "Linking childhood poverty and cognition: environmental mediators of non-verbal executive control in an Argentine sample". Developmental Science. 16 (5): 697–707. doi:10.1111/desc.12080. hdl:11336/23971. PMID 24033575.
  137. ^ a b Lee, Kyunghee (2009). "The Bidirectional Effects of Early Poverty on Children's Reading and Home Environment Scores: Associations and Ethnic Differences". Social Work Research. 33 (2): 79–94. doi:10.1093/swr/33.2.79.
  138. ^ Puchner, Laurel D. (1 July 1995). "Literacy links: Issues in the relationship between early childhood development, health, women, families, and literacy". International Journal of Educational Development. 15 (3): 307–319. doi:10.1016/0738-0593(94)00041-M.
  139. ^ LeVine, Robert A.; Rowe, Meredith L. (2009). "Maternal Literacy and Child Health in Less-Developed Countries: Evidence, Processes, and Limitations". Journal of Developmental & Behavioral Pediatrics. 30 (4): 340–349. doi:10.1097/dbp.0b013e3181b0eeff. PMID 19672161. S2CID 21609263.
  140. ^ Okoji, O. F.; Ladeji, O. O. (2014). "Influence of Adult Literacy Education on Socio-Economic Empowerment of Rural Women in Oyo State, Nigeria". Gender & Behaviour. 12 (3): 6016–6026.
  141. ^ "Policy Brief on Adult Literacy Strategy" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 23 July 2011. Retrieved 23 November 2011.
  142. ^ Korotayev, Andrey; Zinkina, Julia; Bogevolnov, Justislav; Malkov, Artemy (2011). "Global Unconditional Convergence among Larger Economies after 1998?". Journal of Globalization Studies. 2 (2).
  143. ^ Beckman, Paula J.; Gallo, Jessica (October 2015). "Rural Education in a Global Context". Global Education Review. 2 (4): 7. ISSN 2325-663X. Archived from the original on 25 June 2016. Retrieved 23 May 2016.
  144. ^ Bartlett, Lesley; Frazier, Julia (2017). "Literacy and Development". In McGrath, Simon; Gu, Qing (eds.). Routledge handbook of international education and development. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-138-07076-9.
  145. ^ Eldred, Janine; Robinson-Pant, Anna; Nabi, Rafat; Chopra, Priti; Nussey, Charlotte; Bown, Lalage (4 July 2014). "Women's right to learning and literacy: Women learning literacy and empowerment" (PDF). Compare: A Journal of Comparative and International Education. 44 (4): 655–675. doi:10.1080/03057925.2014.911999. ISSN 0305-7925. S2CID 143260440. Archived from the original on 1 July 2016.[moved resource?]
  146. ^ a b c Kairies, Jan, ed. (2013). Literacy programmes with a focus on women to reduce gender disparities: case studies from UNESCO Effective Literacy and Numeracy Practices Database (PDF). Hamburg: UNESCO Institute for Lifelong Learning. ISBN 978-9-282-01182-9. Archived (PDF) from the original on 12 July 2018. Retrieved 21 September 2023.
  147. ^ UNESCO (2006). "Mapping the Global Literacy Challenge". Education for All Global Monitoring Report (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 7 June 2019.[moved resource?]
  148. ^ a b Lechner, Clemens M.; Gauly, Britta; Miyamoto, Ai; Wicht, Alexandra (1 October 2021). "Stability and change in adults' literacy and numeracy skills: Evidence from two large-scale panel studies". Personality and Individual Differences. 180 110990. doi:10.1016/j.paid.2021.110990. ISSN 0191-8869.
  149. ^ Wicht, Alexandra; Durda, Tabea; Krejcik, Luise; Artelt, Cordula; Grotlüschen, Anke; Rammstedt, Beatrice; Lechner, Clemens M. (12 March 2021). "Low Literacy is not Set in Stone". Zeitschrift für Pädagogik (in German). 67 (1): 109–132. doi:10.3262/ZPB2101109. ISSN 0514-2717.
  150. ^ Brandt, Deborah (2001). Literacy in American Lives. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-78315-6.
  151. ^ Wicht, Alexandra; Rammstedt, Beatrice; Lechner, Clemens M. (2 January 2021). "Predictors of Literacy Development in Adulthood: Insights from a Large-scale, Two-wave Study". Scientific Studies of Reading. 25 (1): 84–92. doi:10.1080/10888438.2020.1751635. ISSN 1088-8438. S2CID 219100241.
  152. ^ Reder, Stephen; Gauly, Britta; Lechner, Clemens (1 June 2020). "Practice makes perfect: Practice engagement theory and the development of adult literacy and numeracy proficiency". International Review of Education. 66 (2): 267–288. Bibcode:2020IREdu..66..267R. doi:10.1007/s11159-020-09830-5. ISSN 1573-0638. S2CID 219050030.
  153. ^ Jeni Klugman; Francisco Rodriguez; Hyung-Jin Choi (April 2011). "The HDI 2010: New Controversies, Old Critiques" (PDF). United Nations Development Programme. p. 19. Archived from the original (PDF) on 7 February 2016.
  154. ^ Stromquist, Nelly (17 March 2016). "Adult Literacy and Women: A Present Account". Dialogues in Social Justice. 1 (1). doi:10.55370/dsj.v1i1.506.
  155. ^ a b c "Learning Poverty is a combined measure of schooling and learning". World Bank. Retrieved 1 July 2021.
  156. ^ "PISA for Development". www.oecd.org. Retrieved 1 July 2021.
  157. ^ a b "PISA-D Reveals Exceptionally Low Learning". RISE Programme. 30 January 2019. Retrieved 1 July 2021.
  158. ^ "Literacy rate, adult total (% of people ages 15 and above)". ourworldindata.org. Retrieved 5 February 2023.
  159. ^ a b c d e Ortiz-Ospina, Esteban; Beltekian, Diana (8 June 2018). "How is literacy measured?". Our World in Data. Retrieved 1 July 2021.
  160. ^ "Students in grade 2 who can't read a single word, ca 2015". Our World in Data. Retrieved 1 July 2021.
  161. ^ Pritchett, Lant; Sandefur, Justin (2020). "Girls' schooling and women's literacy: schooling targets alone won't reach learning goals". International Journal of Educational Development. 78 102242. doi:10.1016/j.ijedudev.2020.102242.
  162. ^ Benson Mkandwire, Sitwe (2018). "Literacy versus Language: Exploring their Similarities and Differences". Journal of Lexicography and Terminology. 2 (1): 37–55.
  163. ^ Adult education: the Hamburg Declaration; the Agenda for the Future. International Conference on Adult Education, 5th, Hamburg, Germany, 1997. UNESCO Institute for Education. 1997. p. 6. Retrieved 21 September 2023.
  164. ^ "Fifth International Conference on Adult Education". 15 February 2018. Archived from the original on 24 December 2021. Retrieved 29 May 2019.
  165. ^ Belalcázar, Carolina (2015). Mobile phones and literacy: Empowerment in Women's Hands; A Cross-Case Analysis of Nine Experiences (PDF). UNESCO. ISBN 978-9-231-00123-9.
  166. ^ "European literacy policy network (ELINET)". Archived from the original on 30 December 2020. Retrieved 22 March 2021.
  167. ^ "European Declaration of the Right to Literacy". 2016.
  168. ^ Spivey, N. N.; King, J. R. (1994). "Readers as writers compose from sources". In Ruddell, Robert B.; Unrau, Norman (eds.). Theoretical models and processes of reading. Newark, DE: International Reading Association. pp. 668–694. ISBN 978-0-872-07502-3.
  169. ^ Graham, Steve (September 2020). "The Sciences of Reading and Writing Must Become More Fully Integrated". Reading Research Quarterly. 55 (S1): S35 – S44. doi:10.1002/rrq.332. ISSN 0034-0553. S2CID 225214359.
  170. ^ Graham, Steve; Liu, Xinghua; Aitken, Angelique; Ng, Clarence; Bartlett, Brendan; Harris, Karen R.; Holzapfel, Jennifer (2018). "Effectiveness of Literacy Programs Balancing Reading and Writing Instruction: A Meta-Analysis". Reading Research Quarterly. 53 (3): 279–304. doi:10.1002/rrq.194.
  171. ^ Graham, S.; Harris, K.; Santangelo, T. (2015). "Research-based writing practices and the common core". The Elementary School Journal. 115 (4): 498–522. doi:10.1086/681964. S2CID 147028533.
  172. ^ Graham, S.; Perin, D. (2007). Writing Next: Effective strategies to improve writing of adolescent middle and high school. Washington, D. C.: Alliance for Excellence in Education.
  173. ^ National Reading Panel (U.S.); National Institute of Child Health and Human Development (U.S.) (2000). Report of the National Reading Panel: Teaching Children to Read: An Evidence-Based Assessment of the Scientific Research Literature on Reading and Its Implications for Reading Instruction: Reports of the Subgroups. Washington, D. C.: National Institute of Child Health and Human Development National Institutes of Health. OCLC 47848860.
  174. ^ a b "Glossary of Reading Terms - The Cognitive Foundations of Learning to Read: A Framework". Sedl.org. 23 April 2008. Retrieved 23 November 2011.
  175. ^ Paul Halsall. "Chinese Cultural Studies: Chinese Logographic Writing". Acc6.its.brooklyn.cuny.edu. Archived from the original on 27 September 2011. Retrieved 23 November 2011.
  176. ^ Carter, V. Elaine (November 2000). New approaches to literacy learning: A guide for teacher educators (PDF) (Report). UNESCO.
  177. ^ Ktori, M.; Mousikou, P.; Rastle, K. (2018). "Sublexical: the parts of a word (i.e. letters, phonemes & graphemes), Cues to Stress Assignment in Reading Aloud, Journal of Experimental Psychology, 2018". Journal of Experimental Psychology. General. 147 (1): 36–61. doi:10.1037/xge0000380. PMC 5765884. PMID 29309196.
  178. ^ "Glossary". LD OnLine. Retrieved 23 November 2011.
  179. ^ Graham, S.; Hebert, M. A. (2010). Writing to read: Evidence for how writing can improve reading. A Carnegie Corporation Time to Act Report. Washington, D. C.: Alliance for Excellent Education.
  180. ^ a b c "An Explanation of Structured Literacy, and a Comparison to Balanced Literacy". iowareadingresearch.org. Iowa Reading Research Center. Retrieved 9 May 2021.
  181. ^ Hanford, Emily. "How a flawed idea is teaching millions of kids to be poor readers". www.apmreports.org. Retrieved 9 May 2021.
  182. ^ Shanahan, Timothy (1 April 2019). "Is It a Good Idea to Teach the Three Cueing Systems in Reading".
  183. ^ Seidenberg, Mark (2017). Language at the speed of light. Basic. pp. 300–304. ISBN 978-0-465-08065-6.
  184. ^ Hempenstall, Kerry (29 October 2017). "The three-cueing system in reading: Will it ever go away". National Institute for Direct Instruction. Retrieved 5 February 2023.
  185. ^ Dehaene, Stanislas (26 October 2010). Reading in the Brain. Penguin. pp. 222–228. ISBN 978-0-143-11805-3.
  186. ^ Massaro, D. W. (2012). "Acquiring Literacy Naturally: Behavioral science and technology could empower preschool children to learn to read naturally without instruction". American Scientist. 100 (4): 324–333. doi:10.1511/2012.97.324.
  187. ^ Center for National Policy, Washington DC, What States Can Do, 2 May 2012
  188. ^ a b c Bernhardt, Anna Caroline; Yorozu, Rika; Medel-Añonuevo, Carolyn (2014). "Literacy and life skills education for vulnerable youth: What policy makers can do". International Review of Education. 60 (2): 279–299. Bibcode:2014IREdu..60..279B. doi:10.1007/s11159-014-9419-z. S2CID 143930297.
  189. ^ Snow, Catherine (Winter 2001). "Learning to Read in an L2". TESOL Quarterly. 35 (4): 599–601. doi:10.2307/3588432. JSTOR 3588432.
  190. ^ Pearson; Pellerine (2010). "Teaching for Understanding in Higher Education: A Framework for Developing Literacy within a TESOL Context". Archived from the original on 22 October 2017.
  191. ^ a b Patl, Anjuli (15 June 2016). "How an educator from Nova Scotia uses cameras to teach English in Ethiopia".
  192. ^ a b Pellerine, Stephen. "Alternative Literacy".
  193. ^ a b Perez, Andrea. "Why every picture tells a story". Archived from the original on 13 September 2017. Retrieved 7 May 2017.
  194. ^ Hutchison; Woodward (March 2014). "A Planning Cycle for Integrating Digital Technology Into Literacy Instruction". TOC. 67 (6): 455–464.
  195. ^ Tubergen, F. (2006), Immigrant Integration: A Cross National Study, Scholarly Publishing
  196. ^ Carre, Ingrid W. "Visual Art and the Teaching of English as a Second Language." Order No. 1383180 University of Puerto Rico, Mayaguez (Puerto Rico), 1996. United States -- Puerto Rico: ProQuest. Web. 25 Jan. 2024
  197. ^ Wirag, Andreas; Alfes, Luisa (2021). "Using Visual Arts as a Tool to Foster the Four Language Skills". Retrieved 25 January 2024.
  198. ^ Warschauer, Mark; Matuchniak, Tina (March 2010). "New Technology and Digital Worlds: Analyzing Evidence of Equity in Access, Use, and Outcomes". Review of Research in Education. 34 (1): 179–225. doi:10.3102/0091732X09349791. hdl:11059/15126. ISSN 0091-732X. S2CID 145400905.
  199. ^ Donaldson, J. P.; Bucy, M. (2016). "Motivation and Engagement in Authorship Learning". College Teaching. 64 (3): 130–138. doi:10.1080/87567555.2015.1125842.
  200. ^ Coughlan, Sean (7 September 2018). "Kate Winslet warns of 'shame' of illiteracy". BBC.
  201. ^ Tomlin, R. S. O. (2011). "Writing and Communication". In Allason-Jones, Lindsay (ed.). Artefacts in Roman Britain: their purpose and use. Cambridge University Press. p. 133. ISBN 978-0-521-86012-3.
  202. ^ Baker, John R. (2002). An Introduction to English Legal History. London: Butterworths. ISBN 978-0-406-93053-8.
  203. ^ Lyons, Martyn (2011). Books: A Living History (2nd ed.). Los Angeles: Getty. p. 98. ISBN 978-1-606-06083-4.
  204. ^ Bornstein, Mark H. (2018). The SAGE Encyclopedia of Lifespan Human Development. Bethesda, MD: National Institute of Child Health & Human Development. ISBN 978-1-506-30765-7.
  205. ^ a b Lyons, Martyn (2011). Books: A Living History (2nd ed.). Los Angeles: Getty. p. 97. ISBN 978-1-606-06083-4.
  206. ^ Gellner, Ernest (1983). Nations and Nationalism. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. ISBN 978-0-801-49263-1.
  207. ^ Houston, Rab (2014). Literacy in early modern Europe: culture and education, 1500-1800 (2nd ed.). Routledge. ISBN 978-0-582-36810-1.
  208. ^ "Economic Issues No. 33 - Educating Children in Poor Countries". www.imf.org. Retrieved 10 April 2024.
  209. ^ Graff, Harvey J. (1991). The literacy myth: cultural integration and social structure in the nineteenth century. Transaction Publishers. p. xxvi. ISBN 978-0-887-38884-2.
  210. ^ a b "Analfabetismo. Cuéntame de México". cuentame.inegi.org.mx. Archived from the original on 21 October 2014. Retrieved 8 September 2014.
  211. ^ Lownd, Peter. "Freire's Life and Work". Paulo Freire Institute at UCLA. Archived from the original on 10 December 2006.
  212. ^ Baer, Werner (2007). The Brazilian economy: growth and development (6th ed.). Boulder, CO: L. Rienner. p. 7. ISBN 978-1-588-26475-6.
  213. ^ "Libya Adult literacy rate, 1960-2019". Knoema. Retrieved 1 June 2020.
  214. ^ "Equatorial Guinea". uis.unesco.org. 27 November 2016. Retrieved 1 June 2020.
  215. ^ "Equatorial Guinea Adult literacy rate, 1960-2019". knoema.com. Retrieved 1 June 2020.
  216. ^ "South Sudan". uis.unesco.org. 27 November 2016. Retrieved 1 June 2020.
  217. ^ "Information bulletin: School and teaching resources in sub-Saharan Africa" (PDF). UNESCO. 2012.
  218. ^ a b c d e "Digital Services for Education in Africa" (PDF). UNESCO. 2015. p. 17.
  219. ^ a b c d e f g h i j "National Population and Housing Census 2014" (PDF). Retrieved 18 September 2023.
  220. ^ DK (2012). Compact Atlas of the World. Penguin. p. 138. ISBN 978-0-756-69859-1.
  221. ^ a b "National adult literacy rates (15+), youth literacy rates (15-24) and elderly literacy rates (65+)". UNESCO Institute for Statistics. Archived from the original on 29 October 2013. Retrieved 6 July 2013.
  222. ^ Ministry of Information of Eritrea. "Adult Education Program gaining momentum: Ministry". Shabait. Archived from the original on 20 January 2013. Retrieved 9 October 2013.
  223. ^ a b Weninger, Stefan (2011). Semitic Languages: An International Handbook. Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton.
  224. ^ a b c "2011 POPULATION CENSUS MAIN RESULTS" (PDF). Economic and Social Indicators. Statistics Mauritius. 2011. Archived from the original (PDF) on 23 December 2014. Retrieved 22 January 2015.
  225. ^ a b "Family Ties: Remittances and Livelihoods Support in Puntland and Somaliland" (PDF). FSNAU. Retrieved 8 September 2014.
  226. ^ a b "The World Factbook". CIA. Archived from the original on 24 November 2016. Retrieved 3 October 2014.
  227. ^ Singh, Kishore (29 June 2015). "Report of the Special Rapporteur on the right to education". ohchr.org. Retrieved 5 April 2025.
  228. ^ "Volunteer teachers combat illiteracy in Burkina Faso". United Nations Development Programme. Archived from the original on 10 May 2021. Retrieved 3 October 2014.
  229. ^ Ofcansky, Thomas P.; Berry, LaVerle, eds. (1991). "Literacy". Ethiopia: A Country Study. Washington, D. C.: Library of Congress. ISBN 978-0-844-40739-5.
  230. ^ a b McCaffery, Juliet (December 2005). "Using transformative models of adult literacy in conflict resolution and peacebuilding processes at community level: examples from Guinea, Sierra Leone and Sudan". Compare: A Journal of Comparative Education. 35 (4): 443–462. doi:10.1080/03057920500368548. S2CID 144494846.
  231. ^ "Education Statistics". datatopics.worldbank.org. Retrieved 19 November 2019.
  232. ^ "Mali: Still a long way to go to meet adult literacy targets". IRIN. 17 April 2008. Retrieved 3 October 2014.
  233. ^ Barnes, Shailly (2009). "RELIGION SOCIAL CAPITAL AND DEVELOPMENT IN THE SAHEL: THE NIASS TIJANIYYA IN NIGER". Journal of International Affairs. 62 (2): 209–221. Retrieved 8 November 2014.
  234. ^ Nordtveit, Bjorn (May 2008). "Producing Literacy and Civil Society: The Case of Senegal". Comparative Education Review. 52 (2): 175–198. doi:10.1086/528761. hdl:10722/57348. S2CID 54071719.
  235. ^ a b c "Interview: "Literacy rate in Afghanistan increased to 43 per cent", UNESCO". 17 March 2020. Archived from the original on 5 December 2021. Retrieved 11 March 2021.
  236. ^ a b "Unesco: Bangladesh literacy rate reaches all-time high of 72.76% in 2016". dhakatribune.com. 21 March 2018.
  237. ^ a b "The World Factbook". Archived from the original on 20 December 2021. Retrieved 28 September 2009.
  238. ^ "Census of India". Archived from the original on 23 April 2022.
  239. ^ "UNESCO Institute for Statistics". Stats.uis.unesco.org. Archived from the original on 18 October 2015. Retrieved 17 September 2015.
  240. ^ "UNESCO Institute for Statistics". Stats.uis.unesco.org. Archived from the original on 17 January 2016. Retrieved 17 September 2015.
  241. ^ Reporter, A (27 April 2018). "No improvement in literacy rate". dawn.com.
  242. ^ "UNESCO Institute for Statistics". Stats.uis.unesco.org. Archived from the original on 25 December 2018. Retrieved 17 September 2015.
  243. ^ a b "Functional Literacy Rate is Estimated at 91.6 Percent in 2019". Philippine Statistics Authority. Archived from the original on 14 December 2020.
  244. ^ a b "Annual Report 2010" (PDF). Ministry of Finance – Sri Lanka. 2011. Archived from the original (PDF) on 1 December 2011. Retrieved 15 July 2014.
  245. ^ a b "Sri Lanka literacy rate". indexmundi.com.
  246. ^ "Interview: "Literacy rate in Afghanistan increased to 43 per cent"". uil.unesco.org. 17 March 2020. Archived from the original on 5 December 2021. Retrieved 24 October 2023.
  247. ^ Baron, Kevin (10 December 2009). "United States Training Plan for Afghanistan: Read First, Shoot Later". STARS AND STRIPES.
  248. ^ "More than half of Chinese can speak mandarin". China View. 7 March 2007. Archived from the original on 15 March 2007.
  249. ^ "Beijing says 400 million Chinese cannot speak Mandarin". BBC News. 6 September 2013.
  250. ^ "State of Literacy of Rural Urban Population". 2011 Census of India. Government of India. 2011.
  251. ^ "The literacy movement is facing a shortage of human resources" نهضت سوادآموزی با کمبود نیروی انسانی مواجه است.
  252. ^ "The condition of receiving more than the approved tuition fees in non-government schools was announced" شرط دریافت مبالغی بیش از شهریه مصوب در مدارس غیردولتی اعلام شد. Archived from the original on 29 August 2023. Retrieved 19 September 2023.
  253. ^ "27% of first graders have not registered" ۲۷ درصد کلاس اولی‌ها ثبت نام نکرده‌اند. Archived from the original on 19 September 2023. Retrieved 19 September 2023.
  254. ^ "Adult literacy rate (both sexes) (% aged 15 and above)". International human development indicators. Archived from the original on 13 May 2011. Retrieved 24 September 2023.
  255. ^ Daniel G. Dorner, G. E. Gorman. "Contextual factors affecting learning in Laos and the implications for information literacy education". informationr.net. Retrieved 7 June 2024.
  256. ^ Krausz, Tibor (21 February 2011). "Publishing Children's Books and Delivering Them by Elephant". Christian Science Monitor. Retrieved 25 December 2013.
  257. ^ Wells, Bonnie (27 August 2010), Picturing Laos, Amherst Bulletin
  258. ^ "Viasat vs HughesNet Satellite Internet".
  259. ^ "Over the edge of the world: Magellan's terrifying circumnavigation of the globe". 2003.
  260. ^ Gunawardena, Chandra (1997). "Problems of Illiteracy in a Literate Developing Society: Sri Lanka". International Review of Education. 43 (5/6): 595–609. Bibcode:1997IREdu..43..595G. doi:10.1023/A:1003010726149. JSTOR 3445068. S2CID 142788627.
  261. ^ "Govt targets 75% computer literacy rate by 2016". The Daily News.
  262. ^ "Sri Lanka – Statistics". UNICEF. Archived from the original on 30 August 2018. Retrieved 2 August 2017.
  263. ^ De Silva, K. M. (1981). A Short History of Sri Lanka. Los Angeles: University of California Press. p. 472. ISBN 978-0-520-04320-6.
  264. ^ "Honouring the Father of Free Education". The Daily News.
  265. ^ "Who was "Father" of free education in Sri Lanka?: C.W.W. Kannangara or A. Ratnayake?". Trans Currents. Archived from the original on 4 March 2016. Retrieved 21 November 2012.
  266. ^ "Education: Traditional and Colonial Systems". Library of Congress Country Studies.
  267. ^ Building skills for all in Australia: policy insights from the Survey of Adult Skills. Paris: OECD. 2017. ISBN 978-9-264-28111-0.
  268. ^ "2021 AEDC National Report". www.aedc.gov.au. Retrieved 4 April 2023.
  269. ^ a b Said, Aimee (17 March 2023). "Annual Australian public libraries statistics". National and State Libraries Australasia. Retrieved 4 April 2023.

References

[edit]

Further reading

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Literacy is the ability to read and write with understanding a simple statement about one's everyday life, as defined by operational measures used in global assessments. This foundational skill originated with the invention of writing systems around 3200 BCE in ancient , where emerged for record-keeping and administration, marking the transition from to . Over millennia, literacy rates remained low, confined largely to elites, until the when mass education and presses catalyzed widespread diffusion, elevating global adult literacy from below 20% around 1800 to approximately 87% by the early . Empirical data link higher literacy causally to , with literate populations exhibiting greater productivity, innovation, and GDP per capita through enhanced formation and knowledge transmission. Despite these advances, persistent regional gaps—concentrated in and —affect over 750 million adults, disproportionately women, hindering development and perpetuating cycles of via limited access to and opportunities. Controversies surround reliability, as self-reported or minimal-threshold tests may inflate rates relative to functional literacy required for complex tasks, underscoring the need for rigorous, skills-based evaluations over nominal benchmarks.

Definition and Core Concepts

Fundamental Definition

Literacy fundamentally denotes the ability to read and write, encompassing the decoding of written symbols to comprehend language and the encoding of thoughts into written form. This core capacity traces its conceptual roots to the Latin literatus, signifying familiarity with written letters or script, and has historically been operationalized as the proficiency to read aloud and compose a simple statement on everyday matters in one's native language. At its most elemental level, literacy requires mastery of a writing system's graphemes—the visual units representing phonemes or morphemes—and the cognitive processes to map these to , enabling independent navigation of basic textual information without reliance on oral mediation. Empirical assessments, such as those distinguishing rudimentary from functional application, underscore that true literacy emerges when an individual can extract meaning from print to inform decisions or actions, rather than mere mechanical recitation. This foundational definition contrasts with broader interpretations that incorporate , digital competencies, or sociocultural contexts, which, while valuable for contemporary analysis, risk diluting the causal primacy of script-based language manipulation as literacy's irreducible essence. Scholarly consensus holds that without proficiency in reading and writing, higher-order extensions falter, as evidenced by persistent correlations between basic literacy deficits and socioeconomic constraints in global datasets.

Types and Dimensions of Literacy

Basic literacy refers to the foundational ability to read and write simple statements on everyday life. This level emphasizes decoding and encoding basic text, typically assessed by recognizing words and forming short sentences, as delineated in early frameworks. Functional literacy extends beyond basics to the practical application of reading, writing, and for independent functioning in community and work settings. Defined by as proficiency enabling individuals to engage effectively with printed materials in varying contexts, it includes tasks like interpreting instructions or managing forms. For instance, adults achieving functional literacy can handle daily demands such as reading newspapers or completing job applications without assistance. In contemporary scholarship, literacy encompasses domain-specific types tailored to modern societal needs. Digital literacy involves navigating online information, evaluating sources, and using technology ethically. Financial literacy equips individuals to comprehend economic concepts, budgets, and investment risks, with studies linking it to reduced accumulation. Health literacy focuses on interpreting medical information for informed decisions, correlating with better health outcomes in peer-reviewed analyses. Media literacy entails critically analyzing news and advertisements for bias and accuracy, countering proliferation observed since the 2010s. Other variants include for interpreting images and for contextualizing historical narratives, though empirical evidence underscores that proficiency in core reading remains prerequisite for these extensions. Literacy operates across four primary dimensions: linguistic, cognitive, sociocultural, and developmental. The linguistic dimension concerns processing sign systems, including and , essential for text comprehension. Cognitively, it involves mental processes like and activation to construct meaning from text. Socioculturally, literacy embeds in social practices, where context and power dynamics influence interpretation, as evidenced in ethnographic studies of community reading groups. The developmental dimension tracks progression from emergent skills in childhood to advanced , with longitudinal data showing staged milestones tied to exposure and instruction. These dimensions interact causally, where deficiencies in one—such as cognitive processing—can impair overall efficacy, per integrated models in education research.

Functional Illiteracy and Thresholds

Functional illiteracy describes the condition in which individuals possess reading and writing abilities inadequate for performing routine tasks required in daily life, , or civic participation within contemporary societies, such as comprehending simple instructions, completing forms, or interpreting basic informational texts. This differs from absolute illiteracy, which involves no reading or writing capability, by encompassing those who may recognize words or read short passages but cannot apply literacy effectively to practical demands. Thresholds for functional illiteracy are typically established through standardized assessments that evaluate proficiency against task-based benchmarks, rather than mere recognition of letters or words. International frameworks like the Programme for the International Assessment of Adult Competencies (PIAAC), administered by the , define literacy proficiency on a five-level scale (plus below Level 1), where Levels 0 and 1 signify . At these levels, adults can locate single pieces of information in short texts or complete basic matching tasks but struggle with denser prose, , or integration of multiple ideas—skills essential for navigating job applications, medical labels, or news summaries. For instance, Level 1 proficiency equates to handling texts of 50-100 words with familiar vocabulary, while below Level 1 limits individuals to isolated words or symbols. In the United States, PIAAC data from 2017 indicated that 19% of adults aged 16-65 scored at Level 1 or below in literacy, equating to approximately 43 million individuals unable to perform functional reading tasks reliably. Similar thresholds apply in national assessments like the earlier National Assessment of Adult Literacy (NAAL), which categorized "below basic" prose literacy—analogous to —as inability to search dense texts or make low-level inferences, affecting 14% of U.S. adults in 2003. Across , impacts an estimated 80 million adults, with rates varying from 8% in to higher proportions in southern and eastern countries, based on comparable task-oriented evaluations. These thresholds underscore causal links between low proficiency and outcomes like or reliance on assistance, as empirical studies correlate Level 1 skills with reduced economic productivity and higher social dependency. Recent analyses from 2023-2024 reveal stagnating or declining average literacy scores in many countries, with the lowest-performing deciles showing pronounced drops, amplifying risks amid technological shifts demanding higher comprehension. Assessments emphasize that thresholds are not arbitrary but derived from validation against real-world tasks, though critiques note potential underestimation due to or cultural biases in item design.

Historical Development

Origins in Early Writing Systems

The concept of literacy originated with the emergence of systematic writing, which transitioned from —simple symbolic notations for accounting and mnemonic purposes—to full scripts capable of recording . In , clay dating to approximately 8000 BCE represented commodities like grain or livestock, evolving by around 3500 BCE into impressed signs on clay envelopes and then into pictographs for economic records. These early marks, used primarily for administrative tallies in temple and palace economies, lacked phonetic elements and thus conveyed limited, context-dependent information rather than arbitrary linguistic sequences. By circa 3200 BCE, Sumerians in southern developed , the world's oldest known full , initially as wedge-shaped impressions on clay tablets using a reed stylus to denote quantities and goods in a logo-syllabic script. This innovation arose from the causal pressures of urban complexity in city-states like , where expanding trade and bureaucracy necessitated durable, verifiable records beyond memory or oral transmission. quickly expanded beyond accounting to legal, literary, and religious texts, such as the by the third millennium BCE, but its mastery required years of specialized training in scribal schools (edubba), restricting literacy to a professional elite of male scribes who served administrative and priestly roles. Independently, appeared around 3200 BCE along the , evolving from pictographic labels on ivory tags and to a mixed system of logograms, phonograms, and determinatives inscribed on stone, , or ostraca. Driven by similar needs for state administration, ritual permanence, and tomb inscriptions amid pharaonic centralization, hieroglyphs encoded the Egyptian language for monumental and practical uses, with cursive hieratic scripts developing for faster scribal work by (circa 2686–2181 BCE). Literacy here too was confined to trained scribes (sesh), often from hereditary families, who underwent rigorous education in per-ankh houses of life, emphasizing hieroglyphic precision for sacred texts while functional variants sufficed for ; estimates suggest fewer than 1% of the population achieved proficiency, underscoring writing's role as a tool of elite control rather than widespread communication. These systems marked literacy's inception as a deliberate cognitive skill, decoupling information from direct sensory presence and enabling abstract reasoning, historical accumulation, and institutional scalability—though initial adoption was pragmatic, tied to economic surplus and hierarchical governance rather than democratic dissemination. Proto-cuneiform and early hieroglyphs demonstrate that writing's causal pathway from tokens to phonetics prioritized efficiency in surplus societies, with literacy thresholds defined by scribal competence in decoding context-specific signs, a far cry from modern alphabetic universality.

Ancient Civilizations and Script Evolution

The earliest known writing systems emerged independently in ancient and around 3200–3000 BCE, marking the transition from prehistoric token-based accounting to true scripts capable of recording language. In Sumerian , originated in the city of as an adaptation of clay tokens used for economic tracking, evolving from pictographic impressions into wedge-shaped signs pressed into clay tablets with a stylus. By the mid-third millennium BCE, encompassed over 600 signs representing syllables and concepts, facilitating administrative, legal, and literary records, though literacy remained confined to professional scribes trained in temple and palace schools. Concurrently in , hieroglyphic writing developed from proto-hieroglyphic labels on artifacts, initially serving ceremonial and administrative functions on stone monuments and . This logographic system, comprising pictorial signs for words, sounds, and determinatives, evolved into cursive script by around 2700 BCE for everyday use on , and later demotic by the 7th century BCE, reflecting adaptations for efficiency in and . Egyptian literacy, like Sumerian, was elite and scribal, with training emphasizing rote memorization of thousands of signs, limiting widespread access. Other ancient civilizations developed scripts later and variably. In China's , oracle bone script appeared around 1200 BCE on turtle shells and bones for divination, forming an independent logographic system that persists in modern . The Indus Valley script, used from circa 2600–1900 BCE on seals, remains undeciphered and likely logographic or semi-syllabic, tied to trade rather than full narrative expression. In the , Indo-European groups like the adapted Mesopotamian for their languages by 1600 BCE, introducing phonetic flexibility. Script evolution accelerated with phonetic innovations, shifting from purely logographic systems to ones incorporating sound values, which laid groundwork for alphabetic writing. Around 2000–1500 BCE, Proto-Sinaitic inscriptions in the Sinai Peninsula adapted Egyptian hieroglyphs acrophonically—using initial sounds of signs—yielding a consonantal proto-alphabet of 22–30 symbols, simplifying learning for Semitic speakers. This evolved into the Phoenician alphabet by circa 1050 BCE, a fully consonantal system of 22 letters that prioritized portability on papyrus and stone, enabling broader dissemination through trade. The Phoenician script influenced Greek adaptations around 800 BCE, adding vowels for phonetic completeness, and subsequently Latin and other alphabets, democratizing literacy potential by reducing the signs to memorize from hundreds to dozens, though ancient literacy rates hovered below 5–10% even in advanced poleis. These developments underscore writing's causal role in administrative complexity and cultural transmission, driven by urban economic demands rather than abstract linguistic theory.

Medieval and Renaissance Advances

During the of the late 8th and early 9th centuries, mandated the establishment of schools in monasteries, cathedrals, and episcopal residences to train clergy in reading Latin scriptures, grammar, and computation, aiming to standardize religious practice across the Frankish Empire. , as head of 's palace school at , reformed curricula to emphasize classical texts and introduced the script, which improved legibility and facilitated manuscript copying, thereby preserving and disseminating knowledge amid widespread illiteracy among . These efforts primarily elevated clerical literacy, with overall rates in remaining below 20 percent, as education focused on ecclesiastical needs rather than broad societal access. In the (c. 1000–1300), the founding of universities such as in 1088 and around 1150 expanded structured learning in , , and , but enrollment was limited to males proficient in Latin, contributing minimally to general literacy. of lay literacy emerges from signatures on charters and wills, indicating that urban merchants and some nobles could read documents for or legal purposes, though writing ability was rare—estimated at under 10 percent for men and negligible for women by 1300. Monastic scriptoria and growing administrative demands for records spurred incremental advances, yet persisted among peasants, who relied on oral traditions and "reading by ear" through communal recitation. The (c. 14th–16th centuries) marked a shift through , which revived classical Greek and Roman texts and promoted ("to the sources") study, encouraging broader intellectual engagement beyond . Johannes Gutenberg's invention of movable-type printing around 1440 dramatically increased book production—from dozens to thousands annually—lowering costs and enabling wider dissemination of works, which fostered individual reading and literacy over Latin exclusivity. This technological leap accelerated knowledge sharing, with printed Bibles and humanist tracts appearing in multiple languages, laying groundwork for literacy rises to over 50 percent in regions like and the by the mid-17th century, though immediate gains were concentrated among urban elites and scholars. Printing's causal role in literacy expansion is evidenced by its role in standardizing texts and enabling self-education, countering prior scarcity that confined reading to cloistered or wealthy settings.

Industrial Revolution and Mass Education

The , beginning in Britain circa 1760, generated economic pressures for expanded literacy as factories required workers capable of reading operational instructions, safety protocols, and contracts, while demanded skills for navigating markets, signage, and administrative documents. In pre-industrial around 1800, male literacy hovered at approximately 60%, with female rates at about 40%, reflecting limited access primarily through private tutoring or religious instruction for elites and select artisans. These baseline levels proved insufficient for scaling complex manufacturing, prompting innovations in scalable to meet labor demands without prohibitive costs. Educational reformers introduced the monitorial system in the early 1800s, pioneered independently by Joseph Lancaster (non-denominational) and Andrew Bell (Anglican), which leveraged older pupils as "monitors" to instruct groups of younger students in basics like reading and ciphering under one teacher's oversight, enabling one educator to handle hundreds at low expense. This method proliferated in Britain and exported to industrializing regions, including the United States, correlating with initial literacy gains amid factory child labor; by 1840, English male literacy reached two-thirds and female about half. Complementing this, voluntary Sunday schools, often run by nonconformist groups, taught reading via Bible excerpts to working children outside factory hours, further embedding functional literacy tied to moral and vocational utility. State interventions accelerated mass provision: mandated primary schooling for children aged 5-13-14 via decrees from 1763, with post-Napoleonic reforms yielding 58% enrollment among 6-14-year-olds by 1816, facilitating disciplined labor for early industrialization. In Britain, the created elected school boards to fund and build non-sectarian elementary schools in underserved districts, addressing gaps in voluntary provision and boosting attendance; literacy rates climbed from 76% overall in 1870 to 97.2% for men and comparably for women by 1900. These reforms, driven by industrial imperatives rather than pure altruism, intertwined causal chains where denser urban populations lowered per-capita schooling costs, reinforcing literacy's role in sustaining technological and administrative advances.

20th Century Expansion and Post-WWII Proliferation

In the early , literacy rates in industrialized nations expanded significantly due to laws, increased public school funding, and the economic demands of industrialization for a skilled . In the , adult illiteracy declined from 20% of the population in 1870 to approximately 11% by 1900, with further reductions to around 4% by the amid rising school enrollment and targeted programs for marginalized groups. Western European countries, such as the and , achieved rates exceeding 90% by the 1920s through state-mandated schooling and , which necessitated basic reading and writing for factory work and administration. Globally, however, literacy remained below 25% in 1900, with slower progress in agrarian and colonial regions limited by resource constraints and uneven policy implementation. The interwar period saw continued gains in developed economies, but World War II disrupted education systems, temporarily stalling advancements in Europe and Asia while highlighting literacy's role in military effectiveness—U.S. Army data revealed functional illiteracy among 10-15% of inductees, prompting postwar reforms. Post-1945, proliferation accelerated through international cooperation and decolonization, as newly independent nations prioritized education to foster national unity and development. UNESCO, founded in 1945, launched the Fundamental Education Programme (1946-1958), establishing pilot literacy projects in over a dozen countries including , , and , which integrated reading instruction with practical skills like and to achieve functional literacy. These efforts, combined with bilateral aid and domestic campaigns, drove global adult literacy from roughly 42% in 1950 to 70% by 1980, with the sharpest increases in (e.g., India's rates rising from 18% to 40%) and amid population booms and policy shifts toward . Empirical evidence links this expansion to human capital investments, where literate populations correlated with higher GDP growth rates, though challenges persisted in rural areas due to inadequate and teacher shortages. By the late 20th century, over 80% of the world's adults were literate, marking a shift from elite privilege to mass capability, though disparities by and region endured. Global adult literacy rates, defined as the percentage of individuals aged 15 and above able to read and write a short simple statement, rose from approximately 70% in 1983 to 87% by 2020, reflecting widespread educational expansions in developing regions. This progress reduced the absolute number of illiterate adults from over 1 billion in the late , though 763 million adults remained illiterate as of 2020, with two-thirds being women concentrated in and . Youth literacy rates advanced even more rapidly, approaching 92% globally by 2020, driven by compulsory schooling and targeted interventions. However, recent gains have slowed, with only a 1 percentage point increase in youth and adult literacy from 2016 to 2023, indicating diminishing returns amid persistent barriers like poverty and conflict. Gender disparities in literacy narrowed substantially over this period, with the global female adult literacy rate climbing from about 59% in 1980 to 83% in 2022, compared to males at 90%, achieving near parity in many middle-income countries. Despite this, gaps endure in low-income regions, where cultural norms and resource allocation favor boys' , contributing to slower female progress. In parallel, functional literacy assessments revealed stagnation or declines in developed nations; the OECD's PIAAC surveys from –2017 and updated cycles showed average literacy proficiency holding steady or falling slightly in most countries, particularly among lower performers, with the bottom 10% declining amid rising inequality. In the United States, (NAEP) long-term trend data indicated reading scores for 9-year-olds improved modestly from 1971 to 2020 but dropped 5 points by 2022 compared to 2020, marking the largest short-term decline recorded, with similar patterns for 13-year-olds. These trends, echoed in broader findings, correlate with reduced reading for pleasure—declining 3% annually in prevalence since the early —potentially exacerbated by digital distractions and curricular shifts. Concurrently, emerged as a critical dimension post-1980s, evolving from basic computer skills to encompass information evaluation and online navigation, with workplace demand surging due to technological integration, though uneven adoption widened divides between demographics. Projections suggest global literacy will reach 90% by 2030 only if accelerations occur, underscoring needs for and foundational skill reinforcement in vulnerable populations.

Measurement and Empirical Assessment

Standardized Metrics and Challenges

The Programme for the International Assessment of Adult Competencies (PIAAC), administered by the OECD since 2011, represents a primary standardized metric for evaluating adult literacy proficiency across participating countries. PIAAC assesses literacy as the ability to access, understand, evaluate, and integrate written texts to participate effectively in society, using direct testing of adults aged 16-65 on a scale from below Level 1 (very low proficiency) to Level 5 (advanced). This approach yields granular data, such as the finding that 19% of U.S. adults scored at or below Level 1 in literacy in the 2012-2017 cycle, indicating struggles with basic comprehension of short texts. PIAAC builds on earlier surveys like the International Adult Literacy Survey (IALS) from the 1990s, emphasizing comparable, performance-based evaluation over subjective reports. UNESCO's conventional metric, adopted since 1958, defines literacy more minimally as the ability "to read and write with understanding a short simple statement on his ," often derived from household surveys or censuses. This yields global adult literacy rates around 87% as of 2020, but relies heavily on self-reporting or proxy indicators like school attendance, inflating estimates in low-education contexts. For instance, direct testing in PIAAC-equivalent frameworks reveals proficiency gaps far wider than self-reported figures suggest; in developing nations, self-assessments can overestimate literacy by 20-30 percentage points due to or misunderstanding of criteria. Challenges in persist due to definitional variability and methodological inconsistencies. Functional literacy assessments, which test real-world application like interpreting forms or instructions, face interpretation issues because performance can vary by cultural , test familiarity, and task , complicating cross-national comparisons. Self-reported dominates global reporting for cost reasons but correlates poorly with tested outcomes, as evidenced by discrepancies in where test-based illiteracy exceeded self-reports by over 25% in a 2005 national survey. Logistical barriers, including high costs and low response rates in direct assessments, limit coverage to wealthier nations, while proxy metrics undervalue skills like amid technological shifts. Efforts to harmonize, such as integrating PIAAC with frameworks, remain incomplete, perpetuating debates over whether metrics prioritize basic decoding or higher-order comprehension.

Global and National Literacy Rates

The global adult literacy rate, encompassing individuals aged 15 years and older able to read and write a short simple statement with understanding, stood at 88% in 2024 according to World Bank indicators based on data. This aggregate reflects substantial progress from earlier decades, yet approximately 739 million adults remain illiterate worldwide as of 2025 estimates, with two-thirds of them being women. Gender disparities persist globally, with male literacy at around 90% and female at 83%, though the gap has narrowed over time due to targeted educational interventions in developing regions. National literacy rates exhibit wide variation, influenced by , educational infrastructure, and cultural factors. In high-income nations such as those in and , rates consistently surpass 99%, for instance, and reporting near-universal literacy among adults. Conversely, in low-income countries, particularly in and , rates hover below 60%; records the lowest at approximately 35% as of recent censuses, while countries like and report figures around 40-50%. These disparities are corroborated by 's analysis of the 15 lowest-performing countries, where rates range from 29% to 60% based on 2015-2024 data.
Country/RegionAdult Literacy Rate (%)YearNotes
1002023Near-universal in high-income
992023High proficiency in developed nations
972023Rapid gains in
782023Improving but gender gaps remain
352023Lowest globally, sub-Saharan
Sub-Saharan Africa (aggregate)~652023Regional low due to access barriers
Such national differences highlight the role of sustained public investment in schooling; countries with laws and high enrollment achieve higher rates, while conflict zones and poverty-stricken areas lag despite international aid efforts. Projections indicate slower progress in low-literacy nations without policy reforms, potentially leaving over 700 million illiterate by 2030. Global literacy rates, defined as the percentage of individuals aged 15 and older who can read and write a short simple statement about their everyday life, have risen steadily from approximately 77% for men in 1970 to around 87% overall by 2020, with rates (ages 15-24) showing even faster gains from 81% to over 90% in the same period. This progress reflects expanded access to in developing regions, though gains have decelerated since 2015, with only a 1 increase in combined and rates between 2016 and 2023. Projections indicate limited further improvement without accelerated interventions; at current trajectories, global adult literacy may reach only 90-92% by 2030, leaving over 700 million adults illiterate, predominantly in low-income countries. The World Bank's "learning poverty" metric, combining school attendance and basic reading proficiency, stands at 53% for children in low- and middle-income countries unable to read age-appropriate text by age 10 as of 2021, with forecasts suggesting persistence at around 43% by 2030 absent policy shifts like scaled phonics-based instruction and reduced out-of-school populations. Disparities remain stark by , region, and . Globally, male adult literacy exceeds female by 7.3 percentage points (90% versus 82.7%), with gaps widest in and , where cultural norms prioritizing boys' contribute causally, though parity has improved in youth cohorts due to targeted female enrollment drives. Regional variation shows developed nations at 96-100% (e.g., , ), while averages below 70%, with countries like and under 40%, driven by , conflict, and inadequate schooling .
RegionAdult Literacy Rate (Latest Available, %)Key Disparity Factor
~65 (2020)High , low attendance
~75 (2020)Gender gaps from early marriage, limited female access
& Pacific~95 (2020)Urban-rural divides in quality of instruction
Developed Countries~99 (2020)Minimal, but SES-linked persists
Socioeconomic status correlates inversely with literacy, as lower-income households face barriers like child labor and underfunded schools, exacerbating cycles where parental illiteracy hinders child outcomes; in the U.S., for instance, 21% of adults score below basic proficiency, disproportionately from low-SES backgrounds, underscoring environmental causation over innate factors. These gaps highlight that while aggregate trends show advancement, causal drivers like economic investment and instructional efficacy determine convergence rates, with data indicating slower closure in illiterate-heavy regions due to institutional inertia.

Determinants of Literacy

Biological and Innate Factors

Literacy acquisition depends on innate biological factors, including genetic predispositions that shape core like phonological processing and , which underpin decoding and comprehension. Twin studies consistently demonstrate moderate to high for reading-related traits, with estimates ranging from 40% to 80% depending on the specific skill; for instance, shows heritability up to 83%, while word reading varies more widely but often exceeds 50%. , a impairing reading fluency despite normal , exhibits heritability of 40-60%, with familial recurrence rates indicating polygenic influences rather than single-gene causation. Specific genetic variants contribute to these deficits; for example, polymorphisms in genes such as DCDC2 and KIAA0319 disrupt neuronal migration and connectivity in brain regions critical for phonological processing, mediating links between genetics, phonological awareness, and reading outcomes. These loci influence white matter integrity in left-hemisphere pathways, including the arcuate fasciculus, which supports mapping sounds to symbols—a process absent in pre-literate evolution but reliant on repurposed neural circuits for speech perception. Neuroimaging reveals that efficient readers activate ventral occipito-temporal regions (e.g., visual word form area) more robustly, while innate variations in these networks predict acquisition speed and dyslexia risk, independent of instruction quality. Innate sex differences also manifest biologically; males show higher prevalence (rates 1.5-2 times female), linked to greater variability in X-chromosome genes affecting neural development, though this interacts with environmental triggers. Overall, these factors establish a heritable baseline for literacy potential, constraining outcomes even in enriched settings, as evidenced by genome-wide association studies identifying shared polygenic scores across reading, , and comprehension skills. Such evidence underscores that biological constraints, rather than solely experiential deficits, limit universal proficiency, with phonological deficits persisting across languages and orthographies.

Familial and Cultural Influences

Parental education level exerts a significant influence on children's literacy development, with higher maternal literacy mediating the association between parental and parenting practices that foster early reading skills. Longitudinal studies indicate that children of parents with advanced experience greater exposure to literacy-related activities, such as shared reading, which correlates with improved and comprehension by school entry. This effect persists into , as evidenced by tracking data showing that parental predicts 15-20% of variance in adolescent reading proficiency, independent of quality. The home literacy environment (HLE), encompassing factors like the availability of , frequency of parent-child reading interactions, and parental modeling of reading behaviors, positively predicts early emergent literacy skills in preschoolers. Meta-analyses of literacy interventions confirm that active HLE components, such as daily reading sessions, yield moderate effect sizes (d ≈ 0.3-0.5) on children's and decoding abilities, particularly in low-SES households. However, associations between HLE and outcomes are partially confounded by parental reading proficiency, which shares genetic underpinnings with offspring abilities, reducing the unique environmental contribution to approximately 10-15% after controls. Cultural norms shape familial literacy practices by influencing parental beliefs and priorities regarding reading. For instance, parents holding strong convictions in the value of literacy for socioeconomic mobility engage in more frequent home reading activities, leading to enhanced child comprehension scores in cross-sectional surveys. In collectivist cultures emphasizing academic diligence, such as those in , familial routines prioritize literacy drills over play, correlating with higher reading scores (e.g., 500+ vs. global average of 487 in 2018 data), though this may reflect selection effects alongside cultural transmission. Conversely, communities with dominant oral traditions exhibit delayed written literacy acquisition due to lower familial emphasis on print exposure, as observed in ethnographic studies of indigenous groups where verbal supplants book-based interactions until formal schooling intervenes. These patterns underscore causal pathways where cultural valuation of literacy reinforces intergenerational transmission within families, amplifying disparities absent targeted interventions.

Socioeconomic and Environmental Variables

Childhood (SES), defined by metrics such as parental , , and occupation, ranks among the strongest predictors of reading proficiency, with low-SES children demonstrating deficits that endure from early grades through . Empirical analyses, including longitudinal cohorts, reveal a positive between higher family and literacy skills, where elevated SES facilitates investments in home learning environments, including , , and extracurriculars that bolster and vocabulary. exacerbates these gaps by constraining access to quality and , correlating with 20-30% lower reading scores in standardized assessments like NAEP for affected U.S. children as of 2022 data. Causal pathways include from financial instability impairing executive function and reduced parental literacy engagement, though randomized interventions like cash transfers have narrowed gaps by 0.1-0.2 standard deviations in reading gains. In developing regions, SES disparities manifest starkly, with low-income households showing 15-25% lower literacy rates tied to inadequate infrastructure and quality, per UNESCO-aligned studies from 2015-2020. These effects compound across generations, as low-SES parents transmit fewer literacy-promoting practices, perpetuating cycles evident in data where bottom-quartile SES students lag by over one year in reading equivalence. Environmental variables intersect with SES, notably through home literacy environments (HLE) where frequent storybook sharing and parental reading predict 10-15% variance in early decoding skills, independent of income in controlled models. Toxin exposure, such as lead from polluted urban settings, induces neurotoxic effects on reading; children with lead levels above 5 μg/dL exhibit 2-5 point IQ drops and persistent third-grade reading deficits of 0.2-0.4 standard deviations, based on cohort studies tracking exposures from the 1990s-2010s. Even sub-clinical airborne lead correlates with reduced cognitive speed, disproportionately impacting low-SES areas with legacy , as quantified in 2023 analyses showing male children more vulnerable. Classroom physical conditions, including and , further modulate and comprehension, with suboptimal setups linked to 5-10% slower literacy progress in randomized environmental manipulations. Neighborhood amplifies these via limited green spaces and safety, hindering outdoor play that supports exposure.

Gender Disparities Across Contexts

Globally, adult male literacy rates stand at 90% compared to 84% for females as of 2022, with women comprising nearly two-thirds of the 739 million illiterate adults worldwide. This disparity is most pronounced in low-income countries, where female rates reach 54% versus 70% for males, driven by barriers to education access in regions like and . In contrast, high-income countries exhibit near-universal literacy above 99% for both sexes, though functional reading proficiency reveals persistent gaps. In nations, assessments such as 2022 demonstrate females outperforming males in reading by an average of 27 score points across participating countries, a pattern consistent since 2000. This reversal from basic rate disparities highlights contextual shifts: in developed settings, girls exhibit stronger literacy skills from adolescence, with the gap peaking at age 15 before narrowing in adulthood. Developing contexts, however, maintain male advantages in aggregate rates, exacerbated by cultural norms and socioeconomic factors limiting female enrollment, as evidenced in lower-middle-income countries where female learning poverty affects 57.9% versus 61.3% for males in some metrics. Historical trends show the global in youth literacy improving from 0.85 in 1970 to near 1.0 by 2020, reflecting expanded female schooling post-1970s, though adult gaps lag due to cohort effects from earlier eras. In , a modern extension, females trail males by 21% globally and 52% in least-developed countries, intersecting with traditional disparities. Regional variations persist, with reporting female adult rates below 65% in many nations versus over 80% for males, while achieves parity above 95%. These patterns underscore that while absolute female literacy has risen— from 61% in 1970 to 84% in 2022—relative gaps endure variably by development level and metric.

Pedagogical Approaches and Teaching Literacy

Evidence-Based Methods: Phonics and Systematic Instruction

Phonics instruction explicitly teaches the relationships between letters (graphemes) and sounds (phonemes), enabling learners to decode words by blending sounds systematically rather than relying on or contextual . Systematic programs structure this in a planned sequence, progressing from simple sound-letter mappings (e.g., single consonants) to complex ones (e.g., digraphs and multisyllabic words), with repeated practice and cumulative review to build . This approach contrasts with incidental or embedded , where emerge unstructured during reading activities, and prioritizes decoding proficiency as a foundational for comprehension. The National Reading Panel's 2000 report, commissioned by the U.S. Congress, reviewed 38 methodologically rigorous experimental studies and concluded that systematic instruction produces superior reading outcomes compared to non-phonics or unsystematic approaches, with an average of d = 0.41 standard deviations across , decoding, and measures. This moderate effect was consistent for students in through grade 6, but larger (d = 0.55) when implemented early in and for at-risk readers, including those with reading difficulties (d ≈ 0.58). The panel emphasized that benefits extended to reading connected text, countering claims that isolates skills without transfer, and recommended its routine use in classroom instruction for all beginning readers. Subsequent meta-analyses have corroborated these findings, affirming practical significance. A 2006 reanalysis of the National Reading Panel data by Camilli, Vargas, and Yurecko reported that systematic yielded gains equivalent to 5-6 months of additional progress over control conditions, including programs, with effects persisting on comprehension for younger learners. Torgesen et al. (2001) in a large-scale study of intensive interventions for struggling first-graders found end-of-year reading accuracy rates of 80-90% versus 20-30% in non-phonics groups, attributing success to explicit code-emphasis . For English learners and students with , systematic has shown effect sizes up to d = 0.67, as decoding deficits are ameliorated through structured grapheme-phoneme mapping, per reviews in Educational Psychology Review. Longitudinal evidence underscores durability: A 2019 meta-analysis by Suggate et al. of 15 studies tracked phonics-trained cohorts and found sustained decoding advantages (d = 0.30) into later grades, linked causally to reduced reliance on inefficient strategies like sight-word guessing. Programs adhering to principles—multisensory, sequential —demonstrate even higher efficacy for dyslexic populations, with randomized trials reporting 1.5-year grade-level gains after 2 years of intervention. Critics noting smaller effects in some contexts (e.g., d = 0.19 in isolated skill tests) often overlook that real-world implementation integrates with and , amplifying overall reading proficiency as per causal models in . Thus, empirical consensus positions systematic as a core component of effective literacy , grounded in mastery.

Discredited Approaches: Whole Language and Balanced Literacy

, a pedagogical approach popularized in the 1980s, posits that reading acquisition occurs naturally through immersion in meaningful texts, with learners deducing words from context, syntax, and semantics rather than explicit decoding instruction. Proponents, including Kenneth Goodman, argued it fostered comprehension and motivation by treating reading as a "psycholinguistic guessing game," minimizing systematic to avoid . This method gained traction in curricula, such as California's 1987 English-Language Arts Framework, which emphasized literature exposure over skill drills. Empirical evidence, however, demonstrates Whole Language's ineffectiveness, particularly for foundational decoding skills essential to reading . The 2000 National Reading Panel (NRP) report, synthesizing over 100,000 studies, found no robust support for whole-word or context-based methods producing superior outcomes compared to systematic ; instead, instruction yielded significant gains in and comprehension, especially for . California's adoption correlated with a sharp decline in reading proficiency: fourth-grade NAEP scores fell from 213 in 1992 to 202 in 1994, prompting a 1995 policy reversal toward explicit , after which scores rebounded to 206 by 1998. Meta-analyses confirm ' edge, with effect sizes of 0.41-0.67 for decoding versus negligible benefits from unsystematic alternatives. Balanced Literacy, emerging in the as a purported hybrid, retained Whole Language's emphasis on leveled reading, guided groups, and three-cueing strategies—relying on pictures, sentence , and prior over grapheme-phoneme mapping—while incorporating incidental . Despite claims of balance, it often delivered opportunistically rather than systematically, leading to inconsistent skill mastery. Research discredits for failing to address cognitive realities of reading, where mastery precedes comprehension. The NRP identified systematic instruction in phonemic awareness and as critical, absent in cueing-heavy models that confuse guessing with decoding. Longitudinal data from districts clinging to these methods show persistent gaps: U.S. NAEP fourth-grade reading proficiency stagnated at 34% in 2019 and dropped to 33% in 2022, disproportionately affecting low-income and minority students reliant on explicit teaching. Interventions replacing with structured , as in Mississippi's post-2013 reforms, boosted third-grade proficiency from 63% to 78% by 2019. Critics from academia, often aligned with constructivist paradigms, downplay these failures by attributing them to implementation flaws, but randomized trials consistently favor explicit methods for causal efficacy in skill acquisition.

Science of Reading and Recent Reforms

The Science of Reading refers to the extensive body of on reading acquisition, encompassing cognitive, linguistic, and neurological processes that underpin proficient reading and writing. This research, accumulated over decades through controlled experiments and longitudinal studies, identifies five core components essential for reading development: phonemic awareness (recognizing and manipulating sounds in spoken words), (systematic mapping of sounds to letters and letter patterns), (accurate and rapid word recognition), (understanding word meanings), and comprehension (extracting meaning from text). Systematic instruction in these elements, particularly explicit teaching, has been shown to accelerate early reading gains across diverse student populations, including those at risk for reading difficulties. The 2000 National Reading Panel report, commissioned by the U.S. Congress, analyzed over 100,000 studies and concluded that systematic instruction produces superior outcomes in word reading and compared to non-systematic or incidental approaches, with benefits persisting into later grades. Neurological evidence supports these findings, revealing that skilled reading activates specific pathways for phonological processing and orthographic mapping, which strengthen through deliberate practice rather than implicit exposure alone. This contrasts with earlier instructional paradigms that de-emphasized decoding skills, leading to stagnant or declining proficiency rates; for instance, U.S. fourth-grade reading scores on the (NAEP) remained flat or declined from the through the despite increased education spending. The Science of Reading framework prioritizes causal mechanisms—such as the linking speech sounds to print—over holistic strategies, with meta-analyses confirming effect sizes of 0.4 to 0.6 standard deviations for structured programs in improving decoding accuracy. Recent reforms in reading instruction, spurred by this , have manifested as statewide shifts , with 40 states and the District of Columbia enacting laws or policies since 2013 to mandate evidence-based practices aligned with the Science of Reading. These include requirements for teacher training in systematic , curriculum overhauls replacing cueing-based methods (e.g., three-cueing systems that encourage guessing from context over decoding), and third-grade retention policies for non-proficient readers. In 2024 alone, 15 states strengthened such measures, often incorporating literacy screenings like or Acadience to monitor progress and intervene early. A pivotal catalyst was the 2022 "Sold a Story" series, which exposed flaws in dominant approaches and prompted over half of U.S. states to pass related legislation by October 2025. Mississippi exemplifies successful implementation: In 2013, the state passed the Literacy-Based Promotion Act, mandating science of reading training for all K-3 educators—a 55-hour course emphasizing and structured literacy—and aligning curricula with explicit instruction models. By 2019, 's fourth-grade NAEP reading scores rose from 49th to 29th nationally, with proficiency rates increasing 30 percentage points in some districts, a dubbed the "Mississippi Miracle." Similar gains occurred in states like and , where mandates correlated with 5-10 point NAEP improvements from 2013 to 2022, though challenges persist in scaling teacher retraining and addressing implementation variances across districts. These reforms underscore that policy-driven alignment with can yield causal improvements in literacy outcomes, independent of socioeconomic confounders when instruction is fidelity-checked.

Interventions for At-Risk and Diverse Groups

Interventions for at-risk groups, such as children from low socioeconomic backgrounds or those with , emphasize early, systematic phonics-based instruction delivered through high-dosage or structured literacy programs. Randomized controlled trials demonstrate that one-on-one , particularly when provided by trained professionals for 3-4 sessions per week, yields effect sizes of 0.3 to 0.5 standard deviations in and decoding for low-SES students in grades K-3, closing gaps equivalent to several months of learning. For students with , meta-analyses of approaches, which involve explicit teaching of phoneme-grapheme correspondences and multisensory techniques, show moderate positive effects on word-level reading outcomes (Hedges' g ≈ 0.4), outperforming less structured methods. Diverse groups, including English language learners (ELLs) from immigrant families, benefit from adaptations of evidence-based reading interventions that integrate oral language support with systematic in the target language. A of 28 studies found that explicit instruction combined with vocabulary-building activities improves reading and comprehension in ELLs by 0.2-0.4 effect sizes, particularly when implemented in primary grades before proficiency gaps widen. Programs avoiding reliance on whole-language methods, instead prioritizing decodable texts and progress monitoring, have proven effective across linguistic backgrounds, as evidenced by practice guides recommending Tier 2 interventions like small-group for identified at-risk ELLs. Early screening and multi-tiered systems of support (MTSS) are critical for both at-risk and diverse populations, enabling targeted interventions before when reading difficulties become resistant to remediation. Longitudinal data from U.S. states implementing universal screening show that intensive interventions for the bottom 20% of readers reduce identification rates by up to 50% when paired with family engagement components. However, scalability challenges persist, with cost-effectiveness analyses indicating that while closes gaps for individuals, broad adoption requires policy shifts toward evidence-based curricula over approaches.

Societal and Individual Impacts

Economic Outcomes and Productivity

Higher literacy proficiency correlates with substantial individual economic advantages, including elevated and reduced risk. Analysis of Programme for the International Assessment of Adult Competencies (PIAAC) data across countries indicates that a one standard deviation increase in literacy skills is associated with an approximately 18% wage premium. In the United States, adults at the highest literacy proficiency levels (4-5) experience unemployment rates below 6%, compared to 12-20% for those at the lowest levels (1-2), and their earnings exceed those at median levels (3) by up to 71%. These patterns persist internationally, with even modest improvements in basic literacy yielding wage gains, as low-skilled workers face barriers to higher-paying roles requiring information processing and comprehension. At the aggregate level, literacy skills drive productivity enhancements and . Increases in , encompassing literacy gains, accounted for 11-20% of U.S. worker growth over recent decades, amid annual productivity rises of 1-3% from 1947-1994. PIAAC-based empirical models estimate a long-run elasticity of around 3 between literacy proficiency and GDP , implying that a 1% rise in average literacy skills could elevate GDP by 3% in , with similar effects on labor . Such associations hold after controls for factors like initial GDP and fertility rates, though endogeneity concerns—such as reverse from wealth to skills—temper strict causal interpretations; nonetheless, literacy's role in enabling task efficiency, innovation adoption, and accumulation supports its directional influence on output. Low literacy imposes measurable costs on economies, manifesting in lost productivity and fiscal burdens. In the U.S., limited literacy skills contribute to annual losses of $20 billion in wages, profits, and productivity, alongside higher chronic rates exceeding 50% among the least proficient. Cross-nationally, regions with entrenched low literacy, such as parts of and , exhibit subdued growth trajectories, underscoring literacy's outsized impact relative to earlier assessments like the International Adult Literacy Survey. These outcomes highlight literacy not merely as a correlate but as a foundational input for labor market participation and technological advancement, with deficiencies amplifying inequality in earnings and national competitiveness.

Health, Longevity, and Behavioral Effects

Low literacy levels are associated with poorer outcomes, including increased hospitalization rates, greater care utilization, and reduced adherence to preventive measures such as vaccinations and screenings. These associations persist even after adjusting for socioeconomic factors, as individuals with limited literacy struggle to interpret medical instructions, labels, and materials, leading to errors and delayed care-seeking. Peer-reviewed syntheses indicate that low —a domain closely tied to general literacy—correlates with a 1.5- to 2-fold higher of adverse events like hospital readmissions in chronic populations. Higher literacy, particularly through education, confers a survival advantage, with each additional year of schooling linked to a 1.9% reduction in all-cause adult mortality risk across global datasets encompassing over 900,000 participants.00306-7/fulltext) Meta-analyses of health literacy specifically show inadequate levels associated with elevated mortality, including a hazard ratio of up to 1.68 for all-cause death in general populations and higher risks (e.g., RR=2.47) in heart failure patients. Longitudinal evidence from older adults further demonstrates that regular book reading—30 minutes daily—yields a 20% lower mortality hazard (HR=0.80) compared to non-readers, outperforming other media like periodicals, potentially due to enhanced cognitive reserve and stress reduction. These patterns hold after controlling for confounders like age, income, and baseline health, though reverse causation (e.g., poor health limiting literacy acquisition) cannot be fully ruled out without randomized trials. Behaviorally, low literacy predicts engagement in suboptimal health practices, such as reduced , poorer dietary choices, and lower screening participation, with systematic reviews confirming moderate positive correlations (r≈0.20-0.30) between literacy and adherence to recommended behaviors. In non-health domains, limited literacy correlates with elevated involvement, as 70-85% of U.S. inmates score at the lowest literacy proficiency levels, facilitating cycles of through barriers to and impulse control. Observational data link early reading deficiencies to persistent antisocial behaviors, with third-grade non-readers facing up to four times higher odds of juvenile system entry by . While these links suggest literacy fosters better via improved information processing, confounding by family environment and tempers causal inferences, as interventions boosting literacy have shown modest reductions in risk behaviors only in targeted trials.

Civic Participation and Social Stability

Higher literacy levels correlate with increased , including voting and community involvement, as individuals with stronger reading and comprehension skills are better equipped to process political information and understand civic processes. A 2024 survey by the U.S. Chamber of Commerce Foundation revealed that over 70% of Americans failed a basic civic literacy covering fundamentals like the branches of and justices, with low functional literacy identified as a key barrier to acquiring such knowledge. Empirical analysis from the Program for the International Assessment of Adult Competencies (PIAAC) links higher literacy proficiency to greater and participation rates, with adults scoring at lower literacy levels reporting reduced confidence in engaging with democratic institutions. Functional illiteracy impedes , particularly in systems requiring navigation of complex ballots or identification requirements, where low-literacy individuals face disproportionate barriers to registration and casting votes. Research on U.S. elections indicates that —a proxy for literacy—positively influences , with each additional year of schooling associated with a 0.5-1% increase in participation probability, effects that have strengthened since the due to rising information demands. In contexts like restrictive voting laws, low-literacy voters, comprising an estimated 21% of U.S. adults reading below a sixth-grade level, struggle more with absentee ballots and polling instructions, exacerbating disenfranchisement. Illiterate populations in developing regions show similarly depressed , with studies in finding politically knowledgeable (literate) citizens 2-3 times more likely to vote or join civic groups than their illiterate counterparts. Literacy contributes to social stability by fostering informed and reducing pathways to unrest, as literate citizens can evaluate policies and hold leaders accountable, mitigating risks of manipulation or extremism. Cross-national data from correlates national literacy rates above 90% with lower incidences of , attributing this to enhanced democratic participation that diffuses grievances through electoral channels rather than . In the U.S., low literacy aligns with diminished trust in institutions, correlating with higher or polarization that undermines cohesive social order. Low literacy is empirically associated with elevated rates, destabilizing communities through and economic strain, as individuals lacking basic reading skills face barriers to employment and lawful integration. U.S. data from 2019 shows that 70% of state inmates perform at the lowest literacy levels (below ), with longitudinal studies indicating that improving literacy reduces reoffending by 10-20% via better job prospects and cognitive self-regulation. International evidence from the ifo confirms that one additional year of schooling lowers propensity by 10-15%, with effects strongest for and violent offenses linked to socioeconomic exclusion. These patterns hold across cohorts, as adolescent low-literacy trajectories predict criminal involvement, perpetuating cycles that erode neighborhood stability.

Critiques of Overstated Causal Claims

Critiques of claims attributing causal primacy to literacy in highlight the prevalence of reverse causation and factors. Historical analyses indicate that literacy rates in remained below 60% for much of the , rising sharply only after the onset of industrialization around 1760, suggesting economic transformations—such as and work—drove demand for reading skills rather than literacy sparking growth. Similarly, in , early high literacy facilitated industrial catch-up, but broader institutional reforms, including state centralization, were pivotal, with education serving as an amplifier rather than initiator of productivity gains. Cross-country regressions often conflate correlation with causation; for instance, while (including literacy proxies) predict GDP growth, instrumental variable approaches accounting for reverse —such as institutional variations in schooling—reveal that omitted variables like property rights and market institutions explain more variance than literacy alone. Projections of trillions in GDP uplift from universal literacy, derived from wage premium correlations, overstate impacts by neglecting endogenous skill formation and selection biases, where higher-ability individuals self-select into literate occupations. In health outcomes, associations between literacy and metrics like longevity or disease management are frequently overstated due to unadjusted confounders such as socioeconomic status and general education. Systematic reviews of interventions find that while health literacy training yields modest behavioral changes, effects on hard outcomes like mortality dissipate after controlling for baseline health and demographics, indicating reverse causation—healthier individuals attain and retain literacy more readily. Observational studies linking low literacy to higher hospitalization rates fail to isolate causality, as bidirectional influences (e.g., chronic illness impairing cognitive maintenance of skills) and omitted mediators like access to care inflate apparent effects; multivariate adjustments often reduce literacy's independent coefficient to statistical insignificance. For general literacy, distinct from domain-specific health literacy, evidence is weaker still, with SES fully mediating observed links in stratified analyses across social strata. Claims of literacy causally boosting civic participation similarly rely on correlational prone to endogeneity. Surveys show literate individuals report higher voting and rates, but longitudinal reveal self-selection: those predisposed to pursue civic , with no randomized that literacy instruction alone sustains participation absent motivational factors. Media literacy programs correlate with , yet quasi-experimental designs indicate short-term spikes that fade, confounded by peer networks and rather than skill acquisition per se. Overall, these patterns underscore that while literacy enables outcomes, overstating its exogenous causal role ignores systemic determinants like cultural norms and institutional trust, leading to prescriptions that underperform relative to promises.

Controversies and Policy Debates

Literacy as a Purported Human Right

The notion of literacy as a human right derives primarily from interpretations of the right to education enshrined in Article 26 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), adopted by the United Nations General Assembly on December 10, 1948, which states that "everyone has the right to education" and that elementary education shall be compulsory and free where possible, though it does not explicitly mention literacy. Organizations such as UNESCO have extended this to assert literacy explicitly as a "fundamental human right and the foundation for lifelong learning," emphasizing its role in enabling other rights like participation in society and economic opportunity, as articulated in UNESCO's statements since at least 2015. Similarly, the European Declaration of the Right to Literacy, issued in 2017, claims that "everyone in Europe has the right to acquire literacy," positioning it as essential regardless of age, class, or background. Proponents argue that literacy underpins and access to other entitlements, with bodies like the International Literacy Association declaring in 2019 that high-quality literacy instruction constitutes a right, supported by tenets including qualified educators and systemic integration. Empirical correlations link low literacy to adverse outcomes, such as higher incarceration rates and , suggesting causal pathways from illiteracy to diminished flourishing, though directionality remains debated given confounding factors like . However, these claims often originate from international bureaucracies and advocacy groups with incentives to expand mandates, potentially overlooking implementation variances; for instance, 's advocacy, while data-informed, reflects an institutional bias toward state-centric solutions amid documented global literacy shortfalls, with over 750 million adults illiterate as of recent estimates. Critics contend that literacy qualifies as a positive right—requiring active provision of resources, teachers, and curricula—rather than a negative right against interference, rendering it philosophically distinct from core entitlements like or speech, which impose minimal burdens on others. In the U.S., the in San Antonio Independent School District v. Rodriguez (1973) ruled 5-4 that is not a fundamental right under the , rejecting for funding disparities and emphasizing that such claims exceed judicially enforceable limits, a upheld despite later challenges like the 2020 Detroit schools case where an appeals court briefly recognized literacy instruction as foundational but did not override Rodriguez. Practically, designating literacy a right has not guaranteed outcomes; systemic failures, such as Detroit's proficiency rates below 10% in reading for grades 4 and 8 as of 2019, illustrate enforcement challenges, attributing shortfalls to monopolistic public systems rather than inherent rights violations. From first-principles reasoning, literacy emerged as a cultural tool post-invention of writing around 3200 BCE, enabling complex societies but not essential for human dignity in pre-literate eras, where oral traditions sustained and transmission; thus, it functions more as a societal good pursued through markets or families than an absolute entitlement.

Nature vs. Nurture in Literacy Gaps

Twin studies consistently demonstrate that genetic factors account for a substantial portion of individual differences in reading , with meta-analyses estimating at approximately 66% for general reading skills across developmental stages. This figure arises from comparisons of monozygotic and dizygotic twins, where additive genetic variance predominates over shared environmental influences, particularly for components like ( 0.19–0.83) and rapid naming (0.60–0.77). In children, of literacy reaches about 68%, exceeding that of general cognitive (around 40%), indicating that genetic influences on decoding and comprehension are pronounced even early in . These estimates hold across diverse samples, underscoring a robust genetic architecture for literacy that persists despite varying instructional environments. Literacy gaps, such as those between (SES) groups or racial/ethnic categories, reflect this alongside environmental modulators. Within low-SES families, of high reading performance increases (up to 0.72), suggesting genetic resilience enables overcoming adverse conditions, while shared environment explains less variance. Parental SES predicts child reading outcomes primarily through heritable cognitive abilities rather than socioeconomic resources alone, as controls for parental diminish SES effects. For racial gaps, heritabilities of —a strong correlate of reading—are comparable across White, Black, and Hispanic groups (moderate to high, 0.5–0.8), yet mean differences in cognitive and literacy scores persist after environmental controls, pointing to potential genetic contributions. Behavioral genetic models attribute roughly 50% of Black-White IQ disparities (which mirror literacy gaps) to genetic factors, challenging purely environmental explanations. Environmental factors, including home literacy exposure and school quality, independently influence outcomes but explain a minority of variance once genetics are accounted for. Adoption and intervention studies show gains from enriched nurture, yet gaps often reemerge, as genetic propensities interact with opportunities—stronger expression in supportive settings but latent potential in deprived ones. Mainstream academic sources frequently underemphasize genetics due to ideological preferences for environmental determinism, but twin designs and polygenic scores provide causal evidence favoring a balanced, hereditarian view. Polygenic analyses further link reading performance to genome-wide scores, reinforcing that nurture optimizes but does not override innate differences in literacy aptitude.

Failures of State Education Systems

Despite substantial investments, state-run education systems have consistently underperformed in delivering functional literacy, as demonstrated by stagnant or declining proficiency rates in standardized assessments. In the United States, the (NAEP) for 2024 showed average reading scores for public school students declining by 2 points in both 4th and 8th grades compared to , with no states recording gains and 30 states lower than in 2019. Only 33% of 8th graders achieved proficiency or above in reading, a figure that has remained largely unchanged for decades amid rising per-pupil expenditures that surpassed $16,000 annually by . This disconnect is evident in long-term trends: inflation-adjusted spending per student has more than doubled since the 1970s, yet age-9 reading scores fell 5 points from 2020 to , the largest recorded drop. Functional illiteracy persists at alarming levels among adults emerging from these systems, with 54% of U.S. adults reading below a sixth-grade equivalent and 28% scoring at or below the lowest literacy proficiency level in 2023 assessments. The estimates this affects 43 million adults, including 21% with skills insufficient for basic tasks like understanding simple instructions. Similar patterns appear internationally in state-dominated systems; (PISA) reading scores for 15-year-olds in countries like the U.S. hover below OECD averages, with public schools often trailing private counterparts before socioeconomic adjustments. Comparisons with alternatives underscore systemic shortcomings. Homeschooled students outperform public school peers by 15-30 percentile points on standardized reading tests, with boys showing up to 44% higher reading scores. Private schools, facing market pressures, frequently yield higher literacy outcomes, as selective analyses indicate better raw performance prior to controls that may obscure selection effects. These failures stem from institutional rigidities inherent to monopolies, including limited , resistance to evidence-based reforms like systematic instruction, and misaligned incentives from teacher unions and bureaucracies that prioritize inputs over outputs. Empirical reviews identify eight root causes, such as centralized control stifling innovation and failure to dismiss underperforming educators, leading to entrenched low performance despite ample resources.

Alternative Models: Market-Driven and Parental Roles

Market-driven approaches to literacy education emphasize competition among providers, such as through school , , and private services, which incentivize and over centralized state control. A of empirical studies on competitive effects from expansion and programs found positive impacts on achievement, including reading scores, as schools respond to enrollment pressures by improving instruction. For instance, increased market has been associated with gains in reading test scores for students remaining in traditional schools, with effect sizes equivalent to 0.02 to 0.05 standard deviations per 10 increase in penetration. These outcomes stem from causal mechanisms like heightened and resource reallocation, rather than mere selection of high-achievers, as evidenced by quasi-experimental designs controlling for demographics. Private , a hallmark of market , delivers targeted literacy interventions that often outperform standard classroom methods. High-impact tutoring models, typically one-on-one or small-group sessions focused on and comprehension, have demonstrated effect sizes up to 0.40 standard deviations in reading proficiency, making them 15 times more effective than conventional remediation for foundational skills. In contexts like post-pandemic recovery, private providers have scaled rapidly, with U.S. market growth from 1.4 million to over 3 million K-12 students between 1997 and 2022, correlating with accelerated literacy gains in participating low-income cohorts. However, effectiveness varies by tutor quality and dosage; unregulated markets risk inconsistent results, though via reviews and pricing signals quality over time. Parental roles in literacy acquisition prioritize family-directed instruction, including and home reading practices, which leverage personalized pacing and intrinsic motivation absent in mass schooling. Homeschooled students, numbering about 3.7 million in the U.S. by 2023, score 15 to 25 percentile points higher on standardized reading tests than public school peers, with 78% of peer-reviewed comparisons showing statistically significant advantages. This holds across demographics, including homeschoolers outperforming public counterparts by 23 to 42 percentiles, attributable to customized curricula emphasizing over progressive methods. Family literacy activities, such as daily shared reading, causally boost children's skills through modeling and ; children read to by parents three or more times weekly are two to more likely to achieve grade-level proficiency. Interventions parents explicit techniques, like drills, yield effect sizes twice as large as passive listening sessions, enhancing both child decoding and home environments. These models succeed by aligning incentives—parents invest directly in outcomes—contrasting state systems where accountability diffuses, though they demand parental time and may exacerbate gaps if low-literacy households underparticipate. Empirical caveats include self-selection in homeschool data, yet longitudinal controls affirm causal benefits from involvement intensity.

References

Add your contribution
Related Hubs
User Avatar
No comments yet.