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Middle French
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 | This article is missing information about the phonology of Middle French. (April 2020) |
| Middle French | |
|---|---|
| françois, franceis | |
| Region | France |
| Era | Evolved into Modern French by the early 17th century |
Early forms | |
| Language codes | |
| ISO 639-2 | frm |
| ISO 639-3 | frm |
| Glottolog | midd1316 |
Middle French (French: moyen français) is a historical division of the French language that covers the period from the mid-14th to the early 17th centuries.[3][4] It is a period of transition during which:
- the French language became clearly distinguished from the other competing Oïl languages, which are sometimes subsumed within the concept of Old French (l'ancien français)
- the French language was imposed as the official language of the Kingdom of France in place of Latin and other Oïl and Occitan languages
- the literary development of French prepared the vocabulary and grammar for the Classical French (le français classique) spoken in the 17th and 18th centuries.
It is the first version of French that is largely intelligible to Modern French, contrary to Old French.[citation needed]
History
[edit]
The most important change found in Middle French is the complete disappearance of the noun declension system, which had been underway for centuries. There was no longer a distinction between nominative and oblique forms of nouns, and plurals became indicated by simply an s. The transformations necessitated an increased reliance on word order in the sentence, which becomes more or less the syntax of Modern but with a continued reliance on the verb in the second position of a sentence, or "verb-second structure", until the 16th century.[5]
Among the elites, Latin was still the language of education, administration, and bureaucracy. That changed in 1539, with the Ordinance of Villers-Cotterêts, in which Francis I made French the sole language for legal acts. Regional differences were still extreme throughout the Kingdom of France: in the south of France, Occitan languages dominated; in east-central France, Franco-Provençal languages were predominant; and in the north of France, Oïl languages other than Francien continued to be spoken.
The fascination with classical texts led to numerous borrowings from Latin and Greek. Numerous neologisms based on Latin roots were introduced, and some scholars modified the spelling of French words to bring them into conformity with their Latin roots, sometimes erroneously. That often produced a radical difference between a word's spelling and pronunciation.[6] Nevertheless, Middle French spelling was overall fairly close to the pronunciation; unlike Modern French, word-final consonants were still pronounced though they were optionally lost when they preceded another consonant that started the next word.
Between the 1490s and the 1550s, the French wars in Italy and the presence of Italians in the French court brought the French into contact with Italian humanism. Many words dealing with the military (alarme, cavalier, espion, infanterie, camp, canon, soldat) and artistic (especially architectural: arcade, architrave, balcon, corridor; also literary: sonnet) practices were borrowed from Italian.[7] Those tendencies would continue through Classical French.
There were also some borrowings from Spanish (casque) and German (reître) and from the Americas (cacao, hamac, maïs).[8]
The influence of the Anglo-Norman language on English had left words of French and Norman origin in England. Some words of Romance origin now found their way back into French as doublets through war and trade.
Also, the meaning and usage of many words from Old French transformed.
Spelling and punctuation were extremely variable. The introduction of printing in 1470 highlighted the need for reform in spelling. One proposed reform came from Jacques Peletier du Mans, who developed a phonetic spelling system and introduced new typographic signs (1550), but his attempt at spelling reform was not followed.
The period saw the publication of the first French grammars and of the French-Latin dictionary of Robert Estienne (1539).
At the beginning of the 17th century, French would see the continued unification of French, the suppression of certain forms, and the prescription of rules, leading to Classical French.
Phonological history
[edit]| Latin | Proto-Romance | Old French | Middle French |
Modern French | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 9th century | 12th century | 15th century | 18th century | 21st century | ||
| PEDEM 'foot' |
*/ˈpɛde/ | /pjeð/ | /pjeθ/ pied |
/pje/ | /pje/ | /pje/ pied |
| MĀTŪRUM 'mature' |
*/maˈturu/ | /maˈðyr/ | /məˈyr/ meür |
/my(r)/ | /myr/ | /myʁ/ mûr |
| SCŪTUM 'shield' |
*/(ɪ)sˈkutu/ | /esˈkyð/ | /esˈky/ escu |
/eˈky/ | /eˈky/ | /eˈky/ écu |
| SAETAM 'silk' |
*/ˈseta/ | /ˈsejðə/ | /ˈsej.ə/ seie |
/ˈsoj.ə/ | /ˈswɛ.ə/ | /swa/ soie |
| FĒMINAM 'woman' |
*/ˈfemɪna/ | /ˈfemnə/ | /ˈfemːə/ femme |
/ˈfãmə/ | /ˈfam(ə)/ | /fam/ femme |
| HOMINEM 'man' |
*/ˈɔmɪne/ | /ˈɔmnə/ | /ˈɔmːə/ homme |
/ˈɔ̃mə/ | /ˈɔm(ə)/ | /ɔm/ homme |
| BELLUS 'beautiful' |
*/ˈbɛlːʊs/ | /bɛɫs/ | /be̯aws/ beaus |
/be̯o/ | /bjo/ | /bo/ beau |
| HABĒRE 'to have' |
*/aˈβere/ | /aˈvejr/ | /aˈvɔjr/ avoir |
/aˈvwɛ(r)/ | /aˈvwɛr/ | /aˈvwaʁ/ avoir |
| IŪDICĀTUM 'judged' |
*/judiˈkatu/ | /dʒyˈdʒjeð/ | /ʒyˈʒje/ jugié |
/ʒyˈʒe/ | /ʒyˈʒe/ | /ʒyˈʒe/ jugé |
| COLLŌCĀRE 'to place' |
*/kolːoˈkare/ | /koɫˈtʃjer/ | /kuˈtʃjer/ couchier |
/kuˈʃje(r)/ | /kuˈʃe/ | /kuˈʃe/ coucher |
Literature
[edit]Middle French is the language found in the writings of Charles, Duke of Orléans, François Villon, Clément Marot, François Rabelais, Michel de Montaigne, Pierre de Ronsard, and the poets of La Pléiade.
The affirmation and glorification of French finds its greatest manifestation in La Défense et illustration de la langue française (The Defense and Illustration of the French Language) (1549) by the poet Joachim du Bellay, which maintained that French, like the Tuscan of Petrarch and Dante Alighieri, was a worthy language for literary expression and promulgated a program of linguistic production and purification, including the imitation of Latin genres.
Notes
[edit]- ^ Hammarström, Harald; Forkel, Robert; Haspelmath, Martin; Bank, Sebastian (2022-05-24). "Glottolog 4.8 - Shifted Western Romance". Glottolog. Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology. Archived from the original on 2023-11-27. Retrieved 2023-11-11.
- ^ Hammarström, Harald; Forkel, Robert; Haspelmath, Martin; Bank, Sebastian (2024-11-16). "Glottolog 5.1 - Gallo-Rhaetian". Glottolog. Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology. Retrieved 2024-11-16.
- ^ Ducos, Joëlle; Soutet, Olivier (2012). L'ancien et le moyen français. PUF. p. 4. ISBN 978-2-13-061687-0.
- ^ "Dictionnaire du Moyen Français (1330–1500)". ATILF – CNRS & Université de Lorraine. 2015.
- ^ Larousse, xxvi.
- ^ Larousse, vi, xiii–xiv, xvii; Bonnard, pp. 113–114.
- ^ Wartburg, p. 160; Bonnard, p. 114.
- ^ Bonnard, p. 114.
References
[edit]- Larousse dictionnaire du moyen français. Paris: Larousse, 1992.
- H. Bonnard. Notions de style, de versificiation et d'histoire de la langue française. Paris: SUDEL, 1953.
- W. von Wartburg. Évolution et structure de la langue française. Berne (Switzerland): Francke A.G., 1946.
External links
[edit]
Middle French
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Definition and Periodization
Chronological Boundaries
The Middle French period is conventionally delimited from the mid-14th century to the early 17th century, marking a transitional phase between the synthetic structures of Old French and the analytic features of Modern French. This timeframe aligns with significant phonological consolidations, such as the generalization of the tonic accent and the reduction of nasal vowels, which distinguished it from earlier varieties, alongside orthographic and lexical developments influenced by Renaissance humanism. A precise scholarly dating often places its onset around 1340, coinciding with the stabilization of Francien dialectal dominance in Île-de-France administrative texts post-Black Death demographic shifts, and its terminus in 1611, linked to François de Malherbe's poetic reforms that imposed stricter syntactic norms and presaged Classical French standardization.[4][5] Scholarly consensus on these boundaries remains approximate due to the gradual nature of linguistic evolution, with no single event serving as an absolute divider; instead, periodization relies on clusters of internal changes like the obsolescence of the dual-number verb forms and external factors such as the 1539 Ordinance of Villers-Cotterêts, which mandated French for legal documents, accelerating its supplanting of Latin. Earlier proposals sometimes confine Middle French to the 14th–16th centuries, emphasizing Renaissance literary output from authors like François Rabelais (c. 1494–1553), whose works exemplify orthographic variability and lexical enrichment from Italian and classical borrowings. Later extensions to the early 1600s account for persistent morphological fluidity in prose until prescriptive grammars, such as those by Vaugelas in 1647, enforced modern conventions.[5][6] This periodization prioritizes Francien-based texts from central France, as peripheral dialects like Picard or Provençal exhibited divergent timelines, with some regional varieties retaining Old French traits into the 15th century. Empirical evidence from manuscript corpora, including royal ordinances and chronicles, supports 1340 as a functional start, when case endings largely vanished in vernacular usage, while 1611 reflects the cultural pivot toward absolutist linguistic policies under Louis XIII. Debates persist, as quantitative analyses of syntactic shifts indicate overlapping transitions rather than abrupt breaks, underscoring that chronological labels serve heuristic rather than causal purposes in historical linguistics.[5]Distinction from Old French and Early Modern French
Middle French, spanning roughly from the mid-14th century to the early 17th century (c. 1340–1611), represents a bridge between the synthetic morphology of Old French (c. 9th–13th centuries) and the analytic structures of later stages. A primary linguistic distinction from Old French lies in the near-total erosion of the nominal case system. Old French retained vestigial two-case declensions (nominative for subjects and oblique for other functions), inherited partially from Vulgar Latin, though already irregular and fading by the 13th century; in Middle French, these endings vanished, with roles like subject and object conveyed via prepositions (e.g., de for genitive) and emerging rigid subject-verb-object order.[7][8] Phonologically, Middle French accelerated changes incipient in late Old French, including diphthong simplification (from 14+ in Old French to fewer monophthongs) and widespread loss of unstressed final consonants (e.g., -e mute), fostering nasal vowel mergers like /ã/ and /õ/ that define modern French pronunciation. Orthography remained conservative, reflecting Old French spellings despite phonetic shifts, but exhibited greater variability due to regional dialects and pre-printing scribal practices. Syntactically, Old French's flexible word order and optional subject pronouns (tied to verb-second tendencies) yielded to more obligatory subjects and SVO dominance in Middle French, reducing ambiguity but retaining some archaic inversions in poetry and questions.[9][10] In contrast to Early Modern French (c. 1611 onward, often termed Classical French post-1635), Middle French displays less uniformity, with orthographic inconsistency (e.g., multiple spellings for the same word across authors like Rabelais and Montaigne) preceding 17th-century reforms by the Académie Française and poets like Malherbe, who purged "impure" forms and fixed lexicon and prosody. The 1539 Ordonnance de Villers-Cotterêts mandated French for legal documents, elevating Francien over Latin and dialects, yet Middle French texts show persistent regional influences and transitional syntax (e.g., lingering clitic placements) absent in the polished, centralized Classical idiom shaped by absolutist court culture. Phonetic evolution continued, but Early Modern French stabilized distinctions like /y/ vs. /i/ amid printing's homogenizing effect post-1450.[11][12]Historical Context
Socio-Political Influences
The consolidation of monarchical authority under the Valois dynasty during the 14th and 15th centuries fostered the ascendancy of the Francien dialect spoken in the Île-de-France region, as centralized governance necessitated a unified administrative vernacular to facilitate communication across increasingly integrated territories.[13] This process was accelerated by the monarchy's efforts to diminish feudal fragmentation, with royal courts and chancelleries in Paris serving as models for linguistic norms that gradually supplanted regional langues d'oïl variants.[13] Prolonged conflicts, including the Hundred Years' War (1337–1453), indirectly reinforced French linguistic cohesion by bolstering national sentiment and royal legitimacy, though direct lexical borrowings from English remained negligible compared to later periods. The subsequent Italian Wars (1494–1559) under kings such as Charles VIII and Francis I introduced substantial Italianate vocabulary into French, particularly in military, artistic, and culinary domains, reflecting the political and cultural exchanges of Renaissance-era diplomacy and conquest.[14] A pivotal socio-political intervention occurred with the Ordinance of Villers-Cotterêts in 1539, promulgated by Francis I, which mandated that all judicial acts, registries, and official proclamations be recorded in the French language rather than Latin or regional dialects, thereby institutionalizing Francien as the administrative standard and curtailing Latin's dominance in public life.[15] This edict, comprising 192 articles on legal procedure, marked a causal shift toward vernacular primacy, enabling broader literacy and textual production in French while aligning language policy with absolutist state-building.[15] The Renaissance humanism patronized by Francis I and his successors further propelled lexical innovation, as political alliances with Italian city-states and the importation of classical scholarship spurred adaptations from Latin and Greek, enriching Middle French with terms for philosophy, science, and governance amid relative monarchical stability.[16] Conversely, the Wars of Religion (1562–1598) introduced ideological fractures that manifested in polemical writings, yet these conflicts underscored French's role as a medium for confessional debate, sustaining its evolution despite regional disruptions.[16]Key Events and Language Evolution
The onset of the Middle French period around 1340 coincided with the Black Death's devastation in 1347–1351, which reduced Europe's population by 30–60% and induced profound social upheavals, including labor shortages and shifts in feudal structures that favored vernacular communication over Latin in everyday administration and literature.[10] These disruptions accelerated the decline of Latin's dominance, propelling regional French dialects toward greater vernacular usage and simplification.[11] The Hundred Years' War (1337–1453) further catalyzed linguistic consolidation by fostering a sense of national identity amid English incursions, with French serving as a unifying medium in royal proclamations and military correspondence; victories like Joan of Arc's campaigns (1429–1431) elevated the prestige of the Francien dialect spoken in Île-de-France, gradually marginalizing peripheral varieties.[17] Post-war centralization under the Valois monarchy reinforced this trend, as administrative centralization in Paris promoted Francien as the basis for emerging standard forms, coinciding with grammatical simplifications such as the obsolescence of noun declensions by the early 15th century.[18] The introduction of the printing press to France in the 1470s, following Gutenberg's innovations, enabled the mass reproduction of texts in French, with the first printed books appearing around 1476; this technological advance disseminated literary works by authors like François Villon (1431–after 1463) and facilitated orthographic experimentation, though spelling remained inconsistent until later standardization efforts.[19] Printing also amplified Renaissance influences from the late 15th century, incorporating loanwords from Italian, Latin, and Greek—estimated at thousands—enriching vocabulary in domains like arts, science, and governance, while phonological shifts, such as the nasalization of vowels before nasal consonants, progressed amid these cultural exchanges.[20] The Ordinance of Villers-Cotterêts in 1539, promulgated by King Francis I, mandated the use of French in all legal, administrative, and ecclesiastical records, supplanting Latin and regional langues d'oc or d'oïl; this decree, comprising 192 articles, directly advanced linguistic unification by enforcing the vernacular in official contexts, thereby curbing dialectal fragmentation and laying foundations for Modern French syntax, including increased reliance on prepositions over case endings.[21] [11] Subsequent events like the Wars of Religion (1562–1598) spurred polemical writings in French, further embedding analytic structures—such as periphrastic past tenses (e.g., avoir + past participle)—and lexical expansions, marking the transition toward early modern forms by 1611.[22]Core Linguistic Features
Phonological Changes
During the Middle French period (approximately 1340–1611), the phonological system largely stabilized from late Old French developments, with primarily minor adjustments rather than radical shifts, as the core inventory of vowels and consonants was established by the 13th century.[23] Key changes included the progressive loss or silencing of many final consonants, particularly obstruents like /t/, /d/, and /s/, which became inaudible in isolation but could reappear in liaison with a following vowel-initial word; for example, forms like mari (from Latin maritus) evolved to [mari] with the final /s/ muted.[24] This followed the earlier elision of word-final schwa (/ə/), which exposed these consonants to deletion, contributing to the modern pattern of silent endings.[23] Consonant reductions extended to intervocalic positions and clusters, where stops like /t/ and /d/ were often suppressed, as in vita > vie [vi] "life," and coda consonants before initial consonants simplified, e.g., factu > fait [fɛ].[24] The development of liaison emerged as a new phenomenon, where latent final consonants resurfaced before vowel-initial words, reflecting a tendency toward sandhi effects rather than wholesale loss.[25] Fricatives (/f/, /v/, /s/, /z/, /ʃ/, /ʒ/) and remaining stops (/p/, /b/, /t/, /d/, /k/, /g/) persisted without major voicing or manner shifts, though pre-consonantal liquids and nasals underwent occasional vocalization or deletion in dialects.[23] Vowel changes focused on simplification and quality distinctions: diphthongs monophthongized fully by the early 14th century, e.g., rei > roi [rwa] "king," yielding a system with oral vowels /i, e, ɛ, a, ɔ, o, u/ and emerging rounded front vowels like /y/ and /ø/.[24] Nasal vowels stabilized through the loss of final nasals (/m/, /n/), creating oppositions like fame > faim [fɛ̃] "hunger," distinct from oral counterparts.[24] The mute e (schwa) frequently dropped in unstressed positions during speech, e.g., bonne [bɔnə] > [bɔn] "good," reducing syllable count and promoting rhythmic evenness over the Old French stress accent.[24] Prosodically, a residual double accent (word-initial and penult) lingered from earlier influences, but phrasing shifted toward syllable-timed rhythm with weakening of fixed stress.[24] These alterations, driven by ease of articulation and dialect leveling around the Île-de-France standard, set the stage for Modern French without introducing new phonemes, though regional variations persisted in peripheral dialects.[23]Morphological Developments
During the Middle French period (approximately 1340–1611), nominal morphology underwent significant simplification, with the two-case system (nominative and oblique) inherited from Old French largely disappearing by the early 14th century. Masculine nouns, which in Old French distinguished nominative singular forms (often ending in -s, e.g., li rois) from oblique forms (e.g., le roi), generalized the oblique form as the invariant base, eliminating case-specific inflections and relying increasingly on prepositions and word order for grammatical relations.[9] This shift marked a transition to a more analytic structure, as the phonetic erosion of final consonants reduced paradigmatic contrasts.[26] Feminine nouns retained greater stability, maintaining singular invariance and plural marking via -s (e.g., from Old French la fame to Middle French la femme, les femmes), though some dialectal variations persisted before standardization. Adjectives followed suit, losing case agreement with nouns; Old French distinctions like bon/bone (nominative) versus bon/bone (oblique, adjusted for gender) simplified to uniform gender-number endings, with masculine singular forms dominating as defaults in compounds and fixed expressions. The juxtaposition genitive construction (e.g., Old French filz Henri 'son of Henry'), lacking prepositions, vanished by the late 14th century, supplanted by de-phrases (e.g., filz de Henri), reflecting a broader morphological retreat from synthetic possession.[26][27] Verbal morphology saw leveling and regularization, particularly in -er verbs, where stem-vowel alternations (apophony) from Latin paradigms were eliminated through analogy, yielding more uniform conjugations (e.g., present tense stems stabilized without ablaut shifts seen in Old French).[27] Irregular verbs increasingly adopted regular patterns, reducing the multiplicity of classes from over 80 in Old French to fewer by the 15th century, while periphrastic constructions (e.g., future with infinitive + present of avoir, evolving into fused forms like parlerai by ca. 1500) blended morphological fusion with analytic auxiliaries. Pronominal clitics (e.g., me, te, le/la) grammaticalized further, attaching more rigidly to verbs and influencing negation and interrogation, though personal pronouns retained core forms with minor phonetic adjustments (e.g., jo to je). These changes prioritized transparency over inflectional complexity, aligning morphology with emerging syntactic fixedness.[27][9]Syntactic Shifts
During the Middle French period (approximately 1340–1611), the language underwent significant syntactic restructuring, transitioning from the relatively flexible structures of Old French toward the more rigid configurations characteristic of Modern French. A primary shift involved the erosion of the verb-second (V2) constraint that dominated Old French main clauses, where the finite verb typically occupied the second position regardless of whether the subject preceded or followed it. In Middle French texts, preverbal subjects became increasingly obligatory in declarative clauses without fronted constituents, leading to a predominant subject-verb (SV) order and reducing instances of verb-subject (VS) inversion to contexts like questions or relative clauses.[28][29] This realignment correlated with the progressive loss of null subjects, a feature inherited from Latin and prevalent in early Old French, where pronominal subjects could be omitted when recoverable from context. By the 15th century, overt subjects—often clitic pronouns—were required in most finite clauses, reflecting a parametric shift toward an analytic syntax that relied less on morphological agreement and more on explicit positional marking. Quantitative analyses of prose texts, such as Antoine de la Sale's Jehan de Saintré (1456), demonstrate this trend, with null subjects dropping to under 10% in main clauses compared to over 30% in 12th-century Old French.[30][8] Word order further stabilized around subject-verb-object (SVO), supplanting the variable object-verb (OV) patterns of Old French, though residual OV orders persisted in embedded clauses until the late 16th century. The decline of morphological case distinctions—particularly the nominative-oblique system, which had marked nominal functions—necessitated this reliance on prepositional phrases and fixed positions to disambiguate roles, as case syncretism affected nouns and adjectives by the 14th century. For instance, prepositions like de and à expanded in use to encode possession and indirect objects, compensating for ambiguous endings.[31][32] Clausal embedding and subordination also evolved, with increased frequency of complementizers like que introducing finite clauses and a reduction in paratactic structures. Negation shifted toward the bipartite ne...pas construction as the default, though simple ne lingered in formal registers; this reinforced analytic tendencies by separating negation from the verb. These changes, evident in administrative and literary texts from the Valois era, laid the groundwork for Classical French syntax, driven by analogical leveling and contact with regional dialects rather than abrupt rupture.[33][34]Lexical Expansion and Borrowings
During the Middle French period (c. 1340–1611), lexical expansion was markedly influenced by the Renaissance's humanistic revival of classical learning, leading to a surge in borrowings from Latin and, to a lesser extent, Greek, often adapted as neologisms to denote abstract concepts, scientific terms, and administrative notions absent in earlier vernacular usage.[35] These inclusions enriched the lexicon with erudite vocabulary, such as abdiquer (to abdicate), accommoder (to accommodate), and république (republic), derived directly from Latin roots and infinitives, reflecting a deliberate scholarly effort to align French with Ciceronian and other antique models.[35] Greek-mediated terms, typically filtered through Latin intermediaries, were less prolific but included words like anatomie (anatomy), climat (climate), and comédie (comedy), introduced to support emerging fields in philosophy, medicine, and theater.[36] Italian exerted substantial influence on Middle French vocabulary from the late 15th century onward, fueled by commercial ties, artistic exchanges, and the Italian Wars (1494–1559), which facilitated the adoption of terms related to finance, military technology, and culture.[37] Notable examples encompass banque (bank), canon (cannon), bataillon (battalion), and carrosse (carriage), which entered the lexicon to describe innovations in banking practices originating in Italian city-states and advancements in artillery and transportation.[36] This influx distinguished post-medieval borrowings from the inherited Latin substrate, as Italian loans often retained phonetic traits like initial stress or vowel qualities divergent from native French evolution.[37] Borrowings from other languages were more sporadic, with minor contributions from neighboring tongues such as Provençal or Germanic dialects via trade, yielding terms like colporteur (peddler) or regional variants for artisanal goods, though these paled in volume compared to classical and Italian sources.[35] Overall, these expansions not only augmented the lexicon's expressive capacity—estimated to have grown by thousands of entries accommodating Renaissance intellectual demands—but also spurred morphological innovations, such as suffixation with -isme or -ique to form abstract nouns from Latin and Greek bases.[35]Orthographic Practices
Middle French orthography, spanning roughly 1340 to 1610, lacked a fixed standard, resulting in extensive variability driven by phonetic rendering, regional dialects, scribal idiosyncrasies, and transitional influences from Old French conventions. Words were often spelled to approximate contemporary pronunciation, but inconsistencies abounded; for example, "to know" appeared as savoir, sçavoir, or scauuoir, reflecting interchangeable use of s- and sc- digraphs or added etymological markers.[38] Similarly, "substance" varied as soustance, sustance, or substance, illustrating fluidity in vowel and consonant representation before Latin-inspired restorations became common.[38] Linguistic analyses identify three guiding principles in evolving practices, as outlined by Peter Rickard drawing on earlier scholarship: rapprochement, which aligned spellings of semantically or morphologically related words via etymological cues (e.g., grand over grant to evoke Latin grandis); differentiation, distinguishing homophones or near-homophones (e.g., mes 'but', mets 'dish', mais 'but' or 'corn'); and phonetic approximation, adapting to sound shifts (e.g., sept replacing set for the number seven).[38] These tendencies coexisted uneasily, with rapprochement gaining traction in the 16th century amid Renaissance humanism's emphasis on classical roots, introducing silent letters like the medial m in femme (from fame) or restored l in words like faulx to signal Latin affiliations.[39][40] The advent of printing in France circa 1470, following Gutenberg's innovations, promoted relative consistency in published works by favoring Francien dialect forms, yet manuscripts retained diverse habits, such as u/v and i/j interchangeability or optional accents.[41] Legal mandates like the 1539 Ordonnance de Villers-Cotterêts, requiring French over Latin in official documents, indirectly spurred orthographic awareness but did not impose uniformity, allowing continued flux (e.g., il perd for "he loses," adapting to shifted pronunciation from pert).[38] This era's practices thus bridged phonetic fidelity with emerging archaisms, laying groundwork for 17th-century codification while preserving echoes of spoken diversity.Dialectal and Regional Variations
Major Dialect Groups
The major dialect groups of Middle French derived from the regional varieties of the langues d'oïl spoken across northern and central France, reflecting a dialect continuum with gradual phonetic, morphological, and lexical differences. These groups included Francien in the Île-de-France, Picard in Picardy, Norman in Normandy, Champenois in Champagne, and Lorrain in Lorraine, among others.[9] By the 14th century, these dialects had evolved from earlier Old French forms but retained mutual intelligibility, with variations most evident in vowel shifts, consonant reductions, and regional lexicon. Francien, originating from the Paris basin, emerged as the prestige variety due to the Île-de-France's role as the political heart of the kingdom under the Capetian dynasty, influencing administrative and literary texts from the late 13th century onward.[42] Its relative uniformity in phonology—such as the standardization of nasal vowels—and syntax positioned it as the precursor to Modern Standard French, overshadowing other dialects in chancellery documents by the 15th century.[43] Northern groups like Picard and Norman exhibited more conservative features alongside innovations from substrate influences; Picard, spoken from Amiens to Lille, preserved intervocalic /d/ as longer than Francien and incorporated Germanic loanwords via trade routes.[9] Norman dialects, extending to insular varieties, retained Norse-derived terms from the 10th-century settlements (e.g., vague for "wave") and showed distinct diphthongizations, persisting in regional literature despite Anglo-Norman decline post-1204.[9] Eastern and central-eastern dialects, such as Champenois and Lorrain, displayed transitional traits bridging oïl and oc varieties, with Lorrain featuring palatalizations akin to Franco-Provençal and use in border administrative records until the 16th century.[9] These groups contributed to lexical diversity in Middle French, but Francien's ascendancy—accelerated by royal centralization after the Hundred Years' War (1337–1453)—led to their marginalization in printed works by 1600, though spoken forms endured in rural areas.[42]Interactions with Neighboring Languages
During the Middle French period, particularly from the late 15th to the early 17th century, extensive cultural and military contacts with Italy—facilitated by the Italian Wars (1494–1559) and the influx of Italian artists, scholars, and merchants—led to significant lexical borrowings into French, especially in domains such as art, architecture, fashion, and cuisine. Words like balcon (from Italian balcone), façade (from facciata), sonnet (from sonetto), and stuc (from stucco) entered the lexicon, reflecting the prestige of Italian Renaissance innovations and the asymmetric yet bidirectional linguistic exchanges between the two Romance languages.[35] These adoptions were not merely passive; French humanists and writers actively adapted Italian terms to enrich vernacular expression, though purist movements in the 16th century occasionally resisted "foreign" influxes.[35] Interactions with southern neighboring languages, notably Occitan (langue d'oc), involved more limited lexical influence on central Middle French, which was anchored in the northern Francien dialect. As French administrative and literary use expanded southward after the Albigensian Crusade (1209–1229) and the annexation of Occitan-speaking territories, some Occitan terms—particularly in agriculture, topography, and daily life—filtered into regional French variants, such as alouette (lark, from Occitan alauzeta) and obsolete forms like those documented in historical loanword studies.[44] However, the dynamic was predominantly unidirectional, with Middle French exerting stronger pressure on Occitan, leading to code-mixing in border texts and gradual lexical displacement rather than profound mutual reshaping. Phonetic and syntactic divergences persisted, underscoring Occitan's retention of more conservative Romance features compared to the Frankish-influenced north.[35] Eastern and western border contacts yielded sporadic borrowings from Germanic languages, including Middle High German and Dutch, via trade routes and conflicts like the Burgundian Wars (1430s–1470s). Terms related to craftsmanship and warfare, such as bahut (chest, from Middle High German bahute) and beffroi (belfry, adapted through regional intermediaries), entered Middle French, building on earlier Frankish substrates but adapted to northern dialects.[45] English influence remained negligible, with few reverse borrowings despite the Hundred Years' War (1337–1453), as prestige flowed toward French; isolated cases, like nautical or military jargon, were rare and often mediated through Norman channels. These interactions highlight Middle French's role as a consolidating prestige variety, selectively incorporating peripheral elements while prioritizing internal standardization.[35]Literary and Textual Tradition
Prominent Authors and Works
Christine de Pizan (1364–c. 1430), an Italian-born writer active in France, produced key works in Middle French, including Le Livre de la cité des dames (1405), a defense of women's intellectual capacities structured as an allegorical city built from historical exempla.[46] Her prose and verse, such as the Cent ballades, employed the evolving vernacular syntax and vocabulary of the period, marking a shift from courtly [Old French](/page/Old French) traditions toward more personal and argumentative styles.[47] François Villon (1431–after 1463), the preeminent lyric poet of late medieval France, composed in vivid Middle French, as seen in Le Lais (1456) and Le Grand Testament (1461), which blend satire, autobiography, and ballads reflecting urban life and mortality.[48] His innovative use of rhyme schemes and colloquialisms, including the famous Ballade des pendus, anticipated Renaissance expressiveness while rooted in 15th-century phonetic and morphological shifts.[48] In the early 16th century, Clément Marot (1496–1544) bridged medieval and Renaissance forms with epigrams, elegies, and psalm translations in Middle French, emphasizing clarity and irony over ornate rhetoric.[49] His L'Adolescence clémentine (1532) showcased lexical borrowings from Latin and Italian, contributing to the period's orthographic stabilization.[49] François Rabelais (c. 1494–1553) exemplified Middle French's exuberant potential in Pantagruel (1532) and Gargantua (1534), novels featuring grotesque satire, neologisms, and polyglot puns drawn from Greek, Latin, and dialects.[50] These works, with their syntactic complexity and invented compounds, reflected the era's linguistic flux post-Ordonnance de Villers-Cotterêts (1539).[50] The Pléiade group, led by Pierre de Ronsard (1524–1585) and Joachim du Bellay (1522–1560), advocated enriching Middle French through classical imitation in du Bellay's Défense et illustration de la langue française (1549), which promoted native coinages over Latinisms.[22] Ronsard's odes and sonnets, such as those in Les Amours (1552–1556), integrated Italian forms with French metrics, fostering lexical expansion.[22] Michel de Montaigne (1533–1592) advanced introspective prose in Middle French with Essais (1580, expanded 1588), comprising 107 chapters on topics from education to cannibalism, characterized by fluid syntax, personal anecdotes, and skeptical reasoning.[51] The Bordeaux manuscript (c. 1588) preserves its original orthography and revisions, illustrating late-period transitions toward modern standardization.[51]Genres and Rhetorical Styles
Middle French literature encompassed a range of genres that evolved from medieval verse traditions toward greater prose dominance, reflecting shifts in literacy and cultural influences from the 14th to 16th centuries. Lyric poetry persisted in fixed forms such as ballades and rondeaux, often addressing themes of love and religion, as seen in the works of 15th-century poets like François Villon.[52] Dramatic genres proliferated, including serious religious and moral plays (miracles, mystères, moralités) alongside satirical farces and soties that critiqued social and ecclesiastical institutions, performed in public spectacles from the 14th to 15th centuries.[52] Historical prose chronicles, such as Jean Froissart's Chroniques (completed around 1400) and Philippe de Commynes' Mémoires (late 15th century), adopted narrative styles blending eyewitness accounts with interpretive commentary.[52] Prose fiction gained prominence with shorter nouvelles and extended romances, supplanting earlier verse forms like chansons de geste, as authors experimented with layered syntax and argumentative structures suited to non-fictional and reflective texts.[52] This period also saw the introduction of didactic and allegorical works, including prose debates and treatises by figures like Alain Chartier and Christine de Pizan in the early 15th century, which emphasized moral instruction over pure narrative.[52] Rhetorical styles in Middle French texts marked a departure from oral-formulaic simplicity toward greater complexity, influenced by manuscript mouvance—variations arising from copying and performance—and the rise of silent reading by the 14th century.[52] The Grands Rhétoriqueurs, active roughly from 1460 to 1530, advanced "second rhetoric" through elaborate poetic techniques, including intricate rhyme patterns, acrostics, and anagrammatic wordplay, often in Latinate, elegant verse and prose aimed at moral edification.[53] Their didactic long poems and epistles prioritized verbal artistry and classical imitation, fostering a transition to Renaissance humanism while retaining medieval allegorical elements. Prose styles, meanwhile, incorporated tense-switching and accumulative clauses for vividness, particularly in chronicles and fictions, adapting classical rhetorical models to vernacular expression.[52]Administrative and Legal Usage
The transition from Latin to Middle French in administrative and legal documentation accelerated during the 14th and 15th centuries, as customary laws (coutumes)—regional compilations of unwritten traditions—were progressively recorded in the vernacular to reflect local practices and accessibility needs, supplanting Latin's dominance in secular records.[54] [55] This shift aligned with broader legal pluralism in late medieval France, where written vernacular texts supplemented oral customs, though Latin persisted in ecclesiastical and international diplomacy.[55] A landmark formalization occurred with the Ordinance of Villers-Cotterêts, issued by King Francis I on August 1, 1539, which required all bailiffs, clerks, procurators, and notaries to compose judicial acts, inquests, contracts, wills, and other public instruments exclusively in the "maternal French language" of the kingdom, explicitly barring Latin and regional dialects.[21] Articles 110 and 111 emphasized comprehension for practitioners and subjects, addressing Latin's obsolescence among non-clerics and enabling centralized royal control over legal uniformity. [56] Post-1539 enforcement promoted Francien dialect features in official prose, standardizing terminology and syntax for administrative efficiency, though regional variations lingered in peripheral areas until the 17th century.[57] This usage influenced enduring legal phraseology, with Middle French terms embedding in modern codes, while underscoring the monarchy's role in linguistic policy over ecclesiastical Latin traditions.[58]Transition and Legacy
Pathways to Modern French Standardization
The standardization of French during the transition from Middle French (approximately 1340–1611) relied heavily on the ascendancy of the Francien dialect spoken in the Île-de-France region, centered around Paris, which gained prestige through the city's role as the political, administrative, and cultural hub of the kingdom. This dialect's phonological features, such as the reduction of diphthongs and vowel shifts, progressively supplanted regional variants of the langues d'oïl due to centralized royal authority and migration patterns toward the capital.[59][60] A pivotal legal milestone was the Ordinance of Villers-Cotterêts, promulgated on August 10, 1539, by King Francis I, which mandated the exclusive use of the "maternal tongue of the French" in all judicial, administrative, and public records, effectively replacing Latin and implicitly favoring the Francien vernacular over other dialects or occitan variants. This decree, comprising 192 articles on judicial reform, accelerated the diffusion of a unified written French by requiring scribes and officials to employ the national language in officialdom, thereby embedding it in bureaucratic practice across provinces. While it did not eradicate regional languages outright, the ordinance's enforcement through royal courts fostered a de facto standard, as compliance necessitated alignment with Parisian norms.[21][61][62] The advent of the printing press in France, beginning with early adopters like the Sorbonne's 1470 installations and widespread use by the 1480s, further propelled orthographic consistency by enabling mass reproduction of texts in a relatively uniform script, countering the variability of manuscript copying. Printers, often based in Paris and Lyon, adopted conventions influenced by humanist scholarship, such as etymological spelling reforms proposed by scholars like Robert Estienne, which preserved Latin-derived forms and reduced dialectal spelling divergences evident in Middle French manuscripts. By the mid-16th century, printed legal codes, literary works, and grammars disseminated these norms, with over 1,500 printers operating by 1550, amplifying the reach of standardized Francien orthography.[63][64] These developments culminated in institutional codification just beyond the Middle French period, with the Académie Française's founding on January 29, 1635, under Cardinal Richelieu's patronage, tasked with compiling a dictionary, grammar, and rhetoric guide to "fix" and purify the language against foreign borrowings and irregularities. Comprising 40 members selected for scholarly merit, the Académie prioritized Parisian usage as the model, publishing its first dictionary in 1694, which enshrined orthographic and lexical standards derived from Middle French evolutions. This body institutionalized the prestige of central dialects, suppressing archaisms and regionalisms through prescriptive authority, thereby bridging to the more rigidly standardized Classical French of the 17th century.[62][65]Enduring Influences on French and Beyond
The linguistic features of Middle French profoundly shaped the grammar and syntax of modern French, particularly through the consolidation of an analytical structure that emphasized fixed word order and prepositions over synthetic inflections inherited from Latin.[56] This period saw the stabilization of verbal morphology, including the simplification of tenses and the emergence of periphrastic constructions like aller + infinitive for the future, which endure in contemporary usage. Phonological shifts, such as the nasalization of vowels before nasal consonants—a process advancing from Old French but entrenched by the 16th century—remain a core trait of French pronunciation today.[7] Vocabulary expansion during Middle French, driven by Renaissance humanism and contact with Italian culture amid the Italian Wars (1494–1559), introduced enduring terms like balcon, façade, and sonnet, integrating them into the standard lexicon.[56] The Ordinance of Villers-Cotterêts, enacted on August 1539 by King Francis I, required French for all legal and administrative documents, accelerating the shift from Latin and regional dialects toward a centralized Île-de-France norm that forms the basis of standardized modern French.[56] The advent of printing in the 15th century further homogenized orthography and syntax, reducing dialectal variation and laying groundwork for 17th-century codification by institutions like the Académie Française.[66] In literature, Middle French authors such as François Rabelais (c. 1494–1553) and Michel de Montaigne (1533–1592) pioneered vernacular prose styles—Rabelais with his exuberant, neologism-rich narratives in Gargantua and Pantagruel (1532–1564), and Montaigne with introspective essays that prioritized clarity and personal reasoning—which influenced the rhetorical precision and essayistic tradition of later French writers.[20] These works elevated French as a vehicle for philosophy and satire, supplanting Latin in intellectual discourse and contributing to its prestige as a language of reason.[14] Beyond France, Middle French facilitated the language's projection as a diplomatic and cultural medium, with terms from its lexicon entering English via translations of Renaissance texts and courtly exchanges, such as administrative and artistic vocabulary reflecting shared European humanism.[67] This period's standardization efforts also modeled vernacular elevation for other Romance languages, influencing their literary and administrative development during the early modern era, while French's global dissemination through 17th-century colonialism traces its administrative robustness to Middle French precedents.[14]Scholarly Debates and Evidence
Disputes on Period Delimitation
The delimitation of the Middle French period lacks consensus among linguists, with proposed chronologies varying based on criteria such as phonological shifts, morphological simplifications, and historical events. A conventional framework situates its beginning around 1340, aligned with the completion of the second nasal vowel merger (distinguishing /ɛ̃/ from /ã/) and the widespread diphthongization of tonic mid vowels, which distinguish it from the more inflected Old French.[68] The end is frequently placed at 1611, preceding the prescriptive reforms associated with François de Malherbe that ushered in Classical French standardization.[69] Scholarly disputes center on the absence of abrupt linguistic ruptures, prompting arguments that rigid temporal boundaries impose artificial divisions on a continuum of gradual change. Peter Rickard highlights that datings fluctuate due to differing emphases on internal developments—like the erosion of the two-case nominal system by the 15th century and syntactic innovations such as increased periphrastic verb forms—and external milestones, including the Hundred Years' War's regional disruptions from 1337 or the introduction of printing in France around 1470, which accelerated orthographic variability.[5] Some scholars advocate narrower limits, starting as late as circa 1400 to capture post-plague linguistic stabilization after 1348, while others extend the period typologically to emphasize shared structural traits, such as prosodic shifts toward stress-timed rhythm, rather than precise dates.[5] Alternative views, influenced by comparative Romance philology, question the utility of "Middle" as a chronological label altogether. Roger Lass posits that intermediate stages in language evolution, including Middle French, function more as typological prototypes—exemplifying transitional Romance features like analytic drift—than eras bounded by events, critiquing periodization models derived from Germanic linguistics that prioritize external historiography over endogenous evidence.[5] The 1539 Ordinance of Villers-Cotterêts, mandating French over Latin in official acts, is occasionally invoked to mark a later onset around the mid-16th century, yet this privileges administrative standardization over phonological and lexical continuity from the 14th century.[70] These debates underscore that while 14th- to early 17th-century delimitations facilitate pedagogical and editorial organization, they risk oversimplifying the era's heterogeneous dialectal landscape and uneven innovations across registers.Methodological Approaches in Reconstruction
Philological methods form the cornerstone of reconstructing Middle French, involving the critical editing of manuscripts and early printed texts to discern authentic linguistic features amid scribal variations and copyist errors. Textual criticism techniques, such as stemmatic analysis, collate multiple witnesses to hypothesize original readings, essential for languages with fluid orthography like Middle French.[71] Paleography deciphers cursive Gothic scripts dominant from the 14th to 16th centuries, accounting for abbreviations and ligatures that obscure phonological and morphological data.[72] Phonological reconstruction primarily employs internal evidence from orthographic inconsistencies across dialects, poetic rhymes, and metrical structures in works like François Villon's ballads, which reveal vowel nasalization, diphthong monophthongization, and consonant lenition patterns. For example, rhymes pairing words with historically distinct mid vowels (e.g., /ɛ/ and /e/) indicate mergers by the late 15th century.[73] Supplementary data from rare 16th-century pronunciation guides, such as those by Louis Meigret, refine inferences about fricative shifts and schwa realizations, though these postdate core Middle French.[74] Comparative scrutiny with Franco-Provençal or Picard dialects corroborates central French innovations, mitigating reliance on Parisian-centric texts.[75] Grammatical and syntactic reconstruction draws on corpus-based parsing of administrative, literary, and legal documents to quantify shifts, such as the erosion of dual-number verbs and adverbial clitic positioning. Parsed diachronic corpora, tracking over 10,000 clauses from 1340–1600, highlight probabilistic changes like null subject increase from 5% in early texts to 20% by 1500, using statistical models to distinguish innovation from genre effects.[76] Internal reconstruction from paradigmatic alternations, e.g., irregular past participles, traces analogical leveling absent in uniform modern forms.[77] Lexical reconstruction leverages historical dictionaries like the Dictionnaire du Moyen Français (1330–1500), built from a computerized corpus of 120 texts yielding 65,000 entries with dated attestations and semantic evolutions. This methodology integrates etymological tracing via Latin and Old French antecedents, cross-referenced with usage contexts to reconstruct semantic fields, such as administrative neologisms post-1450.[78] [79] Quantitative frequency analysis in such corpora identifies borrowing waves, e.g., Italian loanwords surging in 16th-century prose, verified against multilingual treaties.[80] While comparative methods with sister Romance languages inform peripheral features like Gallo-Romance substrate effects, the abundance of direct attestation prioritizes empirical textual analysis over proto-language inference, ensuring reconstructions remain grounded in verifiable data rather than speculative analogies.[81]References
- https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/Category:French_terms_derived_from_Middle_High_German