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History of French
History of French
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French is a Romance language (meaning that it is descended primarily from Vulgar Latin) that specifically is classified under the Gallo-Romance languages.

The discussion of the history of a language is typically divided into "external history", describing the ethnic, political, social, technological, and other changes that affected the languages, and "internal history", describing the phonological and grammatical changes undergone by the language itself.

External social and political history

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Roman Gaul (Gallia)

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Before the Roman conquest of what is now France by Julius Caesar (58–52 BC), much of present France was inhabited by Celtic-speaking people referred to by the Romans as Gauls and Belgae. Southern France was also home to a number of other remnant linguistic and ethnic groups including Iberians along the eastern part of the Pyrenees and western Mediterranean coast, the remnant Ligures on the eastern Mediterranean coast and in the alpine areas, Greek colonials in places such as Marseille and Antibes,[1] and Vascones and Aquitani (Proto-Basques) in much of the southwest.[2][3] The Gaulish-speaking population is held to have continued speaking Gaulish even as considerable Romanisation of the local material culture occurred, with Gaulish and Latin coexisting for centuries under Roman rule and the last attestation of Gaulish to be deemed credible[4] having been written in the second half of the 6th century about the destruction of a pagan shrine in Auvergne.[5]

The Celtic population of Gaul had spoken Gaulish, which is moderately well attested and appears to have wide dialectal variation including one distinctive variety, Lepontic. The French language evolved from Vulgar Latin (a Latinised popular Italic dialect called sermo vulgaris), but it was strongly influenced by Gaulish in its grammar.[6][7] Examples include sandhi phenomena (liaison, resyllabification, lenition), the loss of unstressed syllables and the vowel system (such as raising /u/, /o//y/, /u/, fronting stressed /a//e/, /ɔ//ø/ or /œ/).[8][9] Syntactic oddities attributable to Gaulish include the intensive prefix ro- ~ re- (cited in the Vienna glossary, 5th century)[10] (cf. luire "to glimmer" vs. reluire "to shine"; related to Irish ro- and Welsh rhy- "very"), emphatic structures, prepositional periphrastic phrases to render verbal aspect and the semantic development of oui "yes", aveugle "blind".

Some sound changes are attested: /ps//xs/ and /pt//xt/ appears in a pottery inscription from la Graufesenque (1st century) in which the word paraxsidi is written for paropsides.[11] Similarly, the development -cs- → /xs//is/ and -ct- → /xt//it/, the latter being common to much of Western Romance languages, also appears in inscriptions: Divicta ~ Divixta, Rectugenus ~ Rextugenus ~ Reitugenus, and is present in Welsh, e.g. *seχtansaith "seven", *eχtamoseithaf "extreme". For Romance, compare:

Both changes sometimes had a cumulative effect in French: Latin capsa → *kaχsacaisse (vs. Italian cassa, Spanish caja) or captīvus → *kaχtivus → Occitan caitiu, OFr chaitif[12] (mod. chétif "wretched, feeble", cf. Welsh caeth "bondman, slave", vs. Italian cattivo, Spanish cautivo).

In French and the adjoining folk dialects and closely related languages, some 200 words of Gaulish origin have been retained, most of which pertaining to folk life. They include:

  • land features (bief "reach, mill race", combe "hollow", grève "sandy shore", lande "heath");
  • plant names (berle "water parsnip", bouleau "birch", bourdaine "black alder", chêne "oak", corme "service berry", gerzeau "corncockle", if "yew", vélar/vellar "hedge mustard");
  • wildlife (alouette "lark", barge "godwit", loche "loach", pinson "finch", vandoise "dace", vanneau "lapwing");
  • rural and farm life, most notably: boue "mud", cervoise "ale", charrue "plow", glaise "loam", gord "kiddle, stake net", jachère "fallow field", javelle "sheaf, bundle, fagot", marne "marl", mouton "sheep", raie "lynchet", sillon "furrow", souche "tree stump, tree base", tarière "auger, gimlet", tonne "barrel";
  • some common verbs (braire "to bray", changer "to change", craindre "to fear", jaillir "to surge, gush").;[13] and
  • loan translations: aveugle "blind", from Latin ab oculis "eyeless", calque of Gaulish exsops "blind", literally "eyeless"[14][15] (vs. Latin caecus → OFr cieu, It. cieco, Sp. ciego, or orbus → Occ. òrb, Venetian orbo, Romanian orb).

Other Celtic words were not borrowed directly but brought in through Latin, some of which had become common in Latin, braies "knee-length pants", chainse "tunic", char "dray, wagon", daim "roe deer", étain "tin", glaive "broad sword", manteau "coat", vassal "serf, knave". Latin quickly took hold among the urban aristocracy for mercantile, official and educational reasons but did not prevail in the countryside until some four or five centuries later since Latin was of little or no social value to the landed gentry and peasantry. This eventual spread of Latin can be attributed to social factors in the Late Empire such as the movement from urban-focused power to village-centred economies and legal serfdom.

Franks

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In the 3rd century, Western Europe started to be invaded by Germanic tribes from the north and the east, and some of the groups settled in Gaul. In the history of the French language, the most important groups are the Franks in much of northern France, the Alemanni in the modern German/French border area (Alsace), the Burgundians in the Rhône (and the Saone) Valley, the Suebi in the Spanish autonomous community of Galicia and Northern Portugal, the Vandals in Southern Andalusia, and the Visigoths in much of southern France as well as Spain. The Frankish language had a profound influence on the Latin spoken in their respective regions by altering both the pronunciation (especially the vowel system phonemes: e, eu, u, short o) and the syntax. It also introduced a number of new words (see List of French words of Germanic origin). Sources disagree on how much of the vocabulary of modern French (excluding French dialects) comes from Germanic words and range from just 500 words (≈1%)[16] (representing loans from ancient Germanic languages: Gothic and Frankish)[17] to 15% of the modern vocabulary (representing all Germanic loans up to modern times: Gothic, Frankish, Old Norse/Scandinavian, Dutch, German and English)[18] to even higher if Germanic words coming from Latin and other Romance languages are taken into account. (Note that according to the Académie française, only 5% of French words come from English.)

Changes in lexicon/morphology/syntax:

  • The name of the language itself, français, comes from Old French franceis/francesc (compare Medieval Latin franciscus) from the Germanic frankisc "french, frankish" from Frank ('freeman'). The Franks referred to their land as Franko(n), which became Francia in Latin in the 3rd century (then an area in Gallia Belgica, somewhere in modern-day Belgium or the Netherlands). The name Gaule ("Gaul") was also taken from the Frankish *Walholant ("Land of the Romans/Gauls").
  • Several terms and expressions associated with their social structure (baron/baronne, bâtard, bru, chambellan, échevin, félon, féodal, forban, gars/garçon, leude, lige, maçon, maréchal, marquis, meurtrier, sénéchal).
  • Military terms (agrès/gréer, attaquer, bière ["stretcher"], dard, étendard, fief, flanc, flèche, gonfalon, guerre, garder, garnison, hangar, heaume, loge, marcher, patrouille, rang, rattraper, targe, trêve, troupe).
  • Colours derived from Frankish and other Germanic languages (blanc/blanche, bleu, blond/blonde, brun, fauve, gris, guède).
  • Other examples among common words are abandonner, arranger, attacher, auberge, bande, banquet, bâtir, besogne, bille, blesser, bois, bonnet, bord, bouquet, bouter, braise, broderie, brosse, chagrin, choix, chic, cliché, clinquant, coiffe, corroyer, crèche, danser, échaffaud, engage, effroi, épargner, épeler, étal, étayer, étiquette, fauteuil, flan, flatter, flotter, fourbir, frais, frapper, gai, galant, galoper, gant, gâteau, glisser, grappe, gratter, gredin, gripper, guère, guise, hache, haïr, halle, hanche, harasser, héron, heurter, jardin, jauger, joli, laid, lambeau, layette, lécher, lippe, liste, maint, maquignon, masque, massacrer, mauvais, mousse, mousseron, orgueil, parc, patois, pincer, pleige, rat, rater, regarder, remarquer, riche/richesse, rime, robe, rober, saisir, salon, savon, soupe, tampon, tomber, touaille, trépigner, trop, tuyau and many words starting with a hard g (like gagner, garantie, gauche, guérir) or with an aspired h (haine, hargneux, hâte, haut)[19]
  • Endings in -ard (from Frankish hard: canard, pochard, richard), -aud (from Frankish wald: crapaud, maraud, nigaud), -an/-and (from old suffix -anc, -enc: paysan, cormoran, Flamand, tisserand, chambellan) all very common family name affixes for French names.
  • Endings in -ange (Eng. -ing, Grm. -ung; boulange/boulanger, mélange/mélanger, vidange/vidanger), diminutive -on (oisillon)
  • Many verbs ending in -ir (2nd group, see French conjugation) such as affranchir, ahurir, choisir, guérir, haïr, honnir, jaillir, lotir, nantir, rafraîchir, ragaillardir, tarir, etc.
  • The prefix mé(s)- (from Frankish "missa-", as in mésentente, mégarde, méfait, mésaventure, mécréant, mépris, méconnaissance, méfiance, médisance)
  • The prefix for-, four- as in forbannir, forcené, forlonger, (se) fourvoyer, etc. from Frankish fir-, fur- (cf German ver-; English for-) merged with Old French fuers "outside, beyond" from Latin foris. Latin foris was not used as a prefix in Classical Latin, but appears as a prefix in Medieval Latin following the Germanic invasions.
  • The prefix en-, em- (which reinforced and merged with Latin in- "in, on, into") was extended to fit new formations not previously found in Latin. Influenced or calqued from Frankish *in- and *an-, usually with an intensive or perfective sense: emballer, emblaver, endosser, enhardir, enjoliver, enrichir, envelopper:
  • The syntax shows the systematic presence of a subject pronoun in front of the verb, as in the Germanic languages: je vois, tu vois, il voit. The subject pronoun is optional, function of the parameter pro-drop, in most other Romance languages (as in Spanish veo, ves, ve).
  • The inversion of subject-verb to verb-subject to form the interrogative is characteristic of the Germanic languages but is not found in any major Romance language, except Venetian and French (Vous avez un crayon. vs. Avez-vous un crayon?: "Do you have a pencil?").
  • The adjective placed in front of the noun is typical of Germanic languages. The word order is more frequent in French than in the other major Romance languages and is occasionally compulsory (belle femme, vieil homme, grande table, petite table). When it is optional, it can change the meaning: grand homme ("great man") and le plus grand homme ("the greatest man") vs. homme grand ("tall man") and l'homme le plus grand ("the tallest man"), certaine chose vs. chose certaine. In Walloon, the order "adjective + noun" is the general rule, as in Old French and North Cotentin Norman.
  • Several words are calqued or modelled on corresponding terms from Germanic languages (bienvenue, cauchemar, chagriner, compagnon, entreprendre, manoeuvre, manuscrit, on, pardonner, plupart, sainfoin, tocsin, toujours).

Frankish had a determining influence on the birth of Old French, which partly explains that Old French is the earliest-attested Romance language, such as in the Oaths of Strasbourg and Sequence of Saint Eulalia.[20] The new speech diverged so markedly from the Latin that it was no longer mutually intelligible. The Old Low Frankish influence is also primarily responsible for the differences between the langue d'oïl and langue d'oc (Occitan) since different parts of Northern France remained bilingual in Latin and Germanic for several centuries, which[21] correspond exactly to the places in which the first documents in Old French were written. Frankish shaped the popular Latin spoken there and gave it a very distinctive character compared to the other future Romance languages. The very first noticeable influence is the substitution of a Germanic stress accent for the Latin melodic accent,[22] which resulted in diphthongisation, distinction between long and short vowels and the loss of the unaccentuated syllable and of final vowels: Latin decima > F dîme (> E dime. Italian decima; Spanish diezmo); Vulgar Latin dignitate > OF deintié (> E dainty. Occitan dinhitat; Italian dignità; Spanish dignidad); VL catena > OF chaiene (> E chain. Occitan cadena; Italian catena; Spanish cadena). On the other hand, a common word like Latin aqua > Occitan aigue became Old French ewe > F eau 'water' (and évier sink) and was likely influenced by the OS or OHG word pronunciation aha (PG *ahwo).

In addition, two new phonemes that no longer existed in Vulgar Latin returned: [h] and [w] (> OF g(u)-, ONF w- cf. Picard w-), e.g. VL altu > OF halt 'high' (influenced by OLF *hauh; ≠ Italian, Spanish alto; Occitan naut); VL vespa > F guêpe (ONF wespe; Picard wespe) 'wasp' (influenced by OLF *waspa; ≠ Occitan vèspa; Italian vespa; Spanish avispa); L viscus > F gui 'mistletoe' (influenced by OLF *wihsila 'morello', together with analogous fruits, when they are not ripe; ≠ Occitan vesc; Italian vischio); LL vulpiculu 'little fox' (from L vulpes 'fox') > OF g[o]upil (influenced by OLF *wulf 'wolf'; ≠ Italian volpe). Italian and Spanish words of Germanic origin borrowed from French or directly from Germanic also retained [gw] and [g]: It, Sp. guerra 'war'. These examples show a clear result of bilingualism, which frequently altered the initial syllable of the Latin.

There is also the converse example in which the Latin word influenced the Germanic word: framboise 'raspberry' from OLF *brambasi (cf. OHG brāmberi > Brombeere 'mulberry'; E brambleberry; *basi 'berry' cf. Got. -basi, Dutch bes 'berry') conflated with LL fraga or OF fraie 'strawberry', which explains the shift to [f] from [b], and in turn the final -se of framboise turned fraie into fraise (≠ Occitan fragosta 'raspberry', Italian fragola 'strawberry'. Portuguese framboesa 'raspberry' and Spanish frambuesa are from French).[23]

Philologists such as Pope (1934) estimate that perhaps 15% of the vocabulary of Modern French still derives from Germanic sources, but the proportion was larger in Old French, as the language was re-Latinised and partly Italianised by clerics and grammarians in the Middle Ages and later[citation needed]. Nevertheless, many such words like haïr "to hate" (≠ Latin odiare > Italian odiare, Spanish odiar, Occitan asirar) and honte "shame" (≠ Latin vĕrēcundia > Occitan vergonha, Italian vergogna, Spanish vergüenza) remain common.

Urban T. Holmes Jr. estimated that German was spoken as a second language by public officials in western Austrasia and Neustria as late as the 850s and that it had completely disappeared as a spoken language from those regions only in the 10th century,[24] but some traces of Germanic elements still survive, especially in dialectal French (Poitevin, Norman, Burgundian, Walloon, Picard etc.).

Normans and terms from the Low Countries

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In 1204 AD, the Duchy of Normandy was integrated into the Crown lands of France, and many words were introduced into French from Norman of which about 150 words of Scandinavian origin[25] are still in use. Most of the words are about the sea and seafaring: abraquer, alque, bagage, bitte, cingler, équiper (to equip), flotte, fringale, girouette, guichet, hauban, houle, hune, mare, marsouin, mouette, quille, raz, siller, touer, traquer, turbot, vague, varangue, varech. Others pertain to farming and daily life: accroupir, amadouer, bidon, bigot, brayer, brette, cottage, coterie, crochet, duvet, embraser, fi, flâner, guichet, haras, harfang, harnais, houspiller, marmonner, mièvre, nabot, nique, quenotte, raccrocher, ricaner, rincer, rogue.

Likewise, most words borrowed from Dutch deal with trade or are nautical in nature: affaler, amarrer, anspect, bar (sea-bass), bastringuer, bière (beer), blouse (bump), botte, bouée, bouffer, boulevard, bouquin, cague, cahute, cambuse, caqueter, choquer, diguer, drôle, dune, équiper (to set sail), frelater, fret, grouiller, hareng, hère, lamaneur, lège, manne, mannequin, maquiller, matelot, méringue, moquer, plaque, sénau, tribord, vacarme, as are words from Low German: bivouac, bouder, homard, vogue, yole, and English of this period: arlequin (from Italian arlecchino < Norman hellequin < OE *Herla cyning), bateau, bébé, bol ("bowl"), bouline, bousin, cliver, chiffe/chiffon, drague, drain, est, groom, héler, lac (replacing Old French lai), merlin, mouette, nord, ouest, potasse, rade, rhum, sonde, sud, turf, yacht.

Langue d'oïl

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The area of langues d'oïl

The medieval Italian poet Dante, in his Latin De vulgari eloquentia, classified the Romance languages into three groups by their respective words for "yes": Nam alii oc, alii si, alii vero dicunt oil, "For some say oc, others say si, others say oïl". The oïl languages – from Latin hoc ille, "that is it" – occupied northern France, the oc languages – from Latin hoc, "that" – southern France, and the si languages – from Latin sic, "thus" – the Italian and Iberian Peninsulas. Modern linguists typically add a third group within France around Lyon, the "Arpitan" or "Franco-Provençal language", whose modern word for "yes" is ouè.

The Gallo-Romance group in the north of France, the langue d'oïl like Picard, Walloon and Francien, were influenced by the Germanic languages spoken by the Frankish invaders. From the time period of Clovis I, the Franks extended their rule over northern Gaul. Over time, the French language developed from either the Oïl language found around Paris and Île-de-France (the Francien theory) or from a standard administrative language based on common characteristics found in all Oïl languages (the lingua franca theory).

Langue d'oc used oc or òc for "yes" and is the language group in the south of France and northernmost Spain. The languages, such as Gascon and Provençal, have relatively little Frankish influence.

The Middle Ages also saw the influence of other linguistic groups on the dialects of France.

Modern French, which was derived mainly from the langue d'oïl, acquired the word si to contradict negative statements or respond to negative questions, from cognate forms of "yes" in Spanish and Catalan (), Portuguese (sim), and Italian ().

From the 4th to the 7th centuries, Brythonic-speaking peoples from Cornwall, Devon and Wales travelled across the English Channel for reasons of trade and of flight from the Anglo-Saxon invasions of England. They established themselves in Armorica, and their language became Breton in more recent centuries, which gave French bijou "jewel" (< Breton bizou from biz "finger") and menhir (< Breton maen "stone" and hir "long").

Attested since the time of Julius Caesar, a non-Celtic people who spoke a Basque-related language inhabited the Novempopulania (Aquitania Tertia) in southwestern France, but the language gradually lost ground to the expanding Romance during a period spanning most of the Early Middle Ages. Proto-Basque influenced the emerging Latin-based language spoken in the area between the Garonne and the Pyrenees, which eventually resulted in the dialect of Occitan called Gascon. Its influence is seen in words like boulbène and cargaison.

Vikings from Scandinavia invaded France from the 9th century onwards and established themselves mostly in what would be called Normandy. The Normans took up the langue d'oïl spoken there, but Norman French remained heavily influenced by Old Norse and its dialects. They also contributed many words to French related to sailing (mouette, crique, hauban, hune etc.) and farming.

After the 1066 Norman Conquest of England, the Normans' language developed into Anglo-Norman, which served as the language of the ruling classes and commerce in England until the Hundred Years' War,[26] when the use of French-influenced English had spread throughout English society.

Around then, many words from Arabic (or from Persian via Arabic) entered French, mainly indirectly through Medieval Latin, Italian and Spanish. There are words for luxury goods (élixir, orange), spices (camphre, safran), trade goods (alcool, bougie, coton), sciences (alchimie, hasard), and mathematics (algèbre, algorithme). It was only after the 19th-century development of French colonies in North Africa that French borrowed words directly from Arabic (toubib, chouia, mechoui).

Modern French

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For the period until around 1300, some linguists refer to the oïl languages collectively as Old French (ancien français). The earliest extant text in French is the Oaths of Strasbourg from 842; Old French became a literary language with the chansons de geste that told tales of the paladins of Charlemagne and the heroes of the Crusades.

The first notarized document in Modern French was redacted in Aosta in 1532, when in Paris Latin was still in use.[27] The first government authority to adopt Modern French as official was the Aosta Valley in 1536, three years before France itself.[28] By the Ordinance of Villers-Cotterêts in 1539 King Francis I made French the official language of administration and court proceedings in France, which ousted Latin, which had been used earlier. With the imposition of a standardised chancery dialect and the loss of the declension system, the dialect is referred to as Middle French (moyen français). The first grammatical description of French, the Tretté de la Grammaire française by Louis Maigret, was published in 1550. Many of the 700 words[29] of Modern French that originate from Italian were introduced in this period, including several denoting artistic concepts (scenario, piano), luxury items and food. The earliest history of the French language and its literature was also written in this period: the Recueil de l'origine de la langue et poesie françoise, by Claude Fauchet, published in 1581.

The French language of the 17th and 18th centuries, sometimes referred to as Classical French (français classique),[30] followed a period of unification, regulation and purification. Many linguists simply refer to the French language from the 17th century to today as Modern French (français moderne).

The Académie française ('French Academy'), founded in 1634 by Cardinal Richelieu, has been an official body whose goal has been to purify and preserve the French language. The group of 40 members is known as the Immortals, not, as some erroneously believe, because they are chosen to serve for the extent of their lives (which they are), but because of the inscription engraved on the official seal given to them by their founder Richelieu: À l'immortalité ('to [the] Immortality [of the French language]'). The foundation still exists and contributes to the policing of the language and to the adaptation of foreign words and expressions. Some recent modifications include the change from software to logiciel, packet-boat to paquebot, and riding-coat to redingote. The word ordinateur for computer, however, was created not by the Académie but by a linguist appointed by IBM (see ordinateur on the French-language Wikipedia).

From the 17th to the 19th centuries, France was the leading land power in Europe; together with the influence of the Enlightenment, French was therefore the lingua franca of educated Europe, especially with regards to the arts, literature and diplomacy. Monarchs like Frederick II of Prussia and Catherine the Great of Russia spoke and wrote in excellent French. The Russian, German and Scandinavian courts spoke French as their main or official language and regarded their national languages as the language of the peasants. The spread of French to other European countries was also aided by the emigration of persecuted Huguenots.[31]

In the 17th and the 18th centuries, French established itself permanently in the Americas. There is an academic debate about how fluent in French the colonists of New France were. Less than 15% of colonists (25% of the women – chiefly filles du roi – and 5% of the men) were from the Paris region and presumably spoke French, but most of the rest came from north-western and western regions of France in which French was not the usual first language. It is not clearly known how many among those colonists understood French as a second language, and how many among them, nearly all of whom natively spoke an oïl language, could understand and be understood by those who spoke French because of interlinguistic similarity. In any case, such a linguistic unification of all the groups coming from France happened (either in France, on the ships, or in Canada) that many sources noted that all "Canadiens" spoke French (King's French) natively by the end of the 17th century, well before the unification was complete in France. Today, French is the language of about 10 million people (not counting French-based creoles, which are also spoken by about 10 million people) in the Americas.

Through the Académie, public education, centuries of official control and the media, a unified official French language has been forged, but there remains a great deal of diversity today in terms of regional accents and words. For some critics, the "best" pronunciation of the French language is considered to be the one used in Touraine (around Tours and the Loire Valley), but such value judgments are fraught with problems, and with the ever-increasing loss of lifelong attachments to a specific region and the growing importance of the national media, the future of specific "regional" accents is often difficult to predict. The French nation-state, which appeared after the 1789 French Revolution and Napoleon I's empire, unified the French people in particular through the consolidation of the use of the French language. Hence, according to the historian Eric Hobsbawm, "the French language has been essential to the concept of 'France', although in 1789 50% of the French people did not speak it at all, and only 12 to 13% spoke it 'fairly' – in fact, even in oïl language zones, out of a central region, it was not usually spoken except in cities, and, even there, not always in the faubourgs [approximatively translatable to "suburbs"]. In the North as in the South of France, almost nobody spoke French."[32] Hobsbawm highlighted the role of conscription, invented by Napoleon, and of the 1880s public instruction laws, which allowed to mix the various groups of France into a nationalist mold, which created the French citizen and his consciousness of membership to a common nation, and the various patois were progressively eradicated.

Issues

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There is some debate in today's France about the preservation of the French language and the influence of English (see Franglais), especially with regard to international business, the sciences and popular culture. There have been laws (see Toubon law) enacted to require all print ads and billboards with foreign expressions to include a French translation and to require quotas of French-language songs (at least 40%) on the radio. There is also pressure, in differing degrees, from some regions as well as minority political or cultural groups for a measure of recognition and support for their regional languages.

Once the key international language in Europe, being the language of diplomacy from the 17th to the mid-20th centuries, French lost most of its international significance to English in the 20th century, especially after World War II, with the rise of the United States as a dominant global superpower. A watershed was the Treaty of Versailles, which ended World War I and was written in both French and English. A small but increasing number of large multinational firms headquartered in France use English as their working language even in their French operations. Also, to gain international recognition, French scientists often publish their work in English.

Those trends have met some resistance. In March 2006, President Jacques Chirac briefly walked out of an EU summit after Ernest-Antoine Seilliere began addressing the summit in English.[33] In February 2007, Forum Francophone International began organising protests against the "linguistic hegemony" of English in France and in support of the right of French workers to use French as their working language.[34]

French remains the second most-studied foreign language in the world, after English,[35] and is a lingua franca in some regions, notably in Africa. The legacy of French as a living language outside Europe is mixed: it is nearly extinct in some former French colonies (Southeast Asia), but the language has changed to creoles, dialects or pidgins in the French departments in the West Indies even though its people are educated in Standard French.[36] On the other hand, many former French colonies have adopted French as an official language, and the total number of French speakers has increased, especially in Africa.

In the Canadian province of Quebec, different laws have promoted the use of French in administration, business and education since the 1970s. Bill 101, for example, obliges most children whose parents did not attend an English-speaking school to be educated in French. Efforts are also made such as by the Office québécois de la langue française to reduce the variation of French spoken in Quebec and to preserve the distinctiveness of Quebec French.

There has been French emigration to the United States, Australia and South America, but the descendants of those immigrants have been so assimilated that few of them still speak French. In the United States, efforts are ongoing in Louisiana (see CODOFIL) and parts of New England (particularly Maine) to preserve French there.[37]

Internal phonological history

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French has radically transformative sound changes, especially compared to other Romance languages such as Spanish, Portuguese, Italian and Romanian:

Latin Written French Spoken French Italian Catalan Spanish Portuguese Romanian
CANIS "dog" chien /ʃjɛ̃/ cane ca can cão câine
OCTŌ "eight" huit /ɥit/ otto vuit ocho oito opt
PIRUM "pear" poire /pwaʁ/ pera pera pera pera pară
ADIŪTĀRE "to help" aider /ɛde/ aiutare ajudar ayudar ajudar ajuta
IACET "it lies (e.g. on the ground)" gît /ʒi/ giace jeu yace jaz zace
Extensive reduction in French: sapv̄tvm > su /sy/ "known"
Language Change Form Pronun.
Classical Latin sapv̄tvm /saˈpuːtũː/
Vulgar Latin[38] Vowel length is replaced
by vowel quality
sapv̄tvm /saˈputũ/
Western Romance[39][40] vowel changes,
first lenition
sabudo /saˈbudo/
Gallo-Romance[41][42][43] loss of final vowels sabud /saˈbud/
second lenition savuḍ /saˈvuð/
final devoicing savuṭ /saˈvuθ/
loss of /v/ near
rounded vowel
seüṭ /səˈuθ/
Old French fronting of /u/ seüṭ /səˈyθ/
loss of dental fricatives seü /səˈy/
French collapse of hiatus su /sy/
Extensive reduction in French: vītam > vie /vi/ "life"
Language Change Form Pronun.
Classical Latin vītam /ˈwiːtãː/
Vulgar Latin Vowel length is replaced
by vowel quality
vītam /ˈβitã/
Western Romance vowel changes,
first lenition
vida /ˈvida/
Old French second lenition,
final /a/ lenition to /ə/
viḍe /ˈviðə/
loss of dental fricatives vie /ˈviə/
French loss of final schwa vie /vi/

Vowels

[edit]

The Vulgar Latin[a] underlying French and most other Romance languages had seven vowels in stressed syllables (/a ɛ e i ɔ o u/, which are similar to the vowels of American English pat/pot pet pate peat caught coat coot respectively), and five in unstressed syllables (/a e i o u/). Portuguese and Italian largely preserve that system, and Spanish has innovated only in converting /ɛ/ to /je/ and /ɔ/ to /we/, which resulted in a simple five-vowel system /a e i o u/. In French, however, numerous sound changes resulted in a system with 12–14 oral vowels and 3–4 nasal vowels (see French phonology).

Perhaps the most salient characteristic of French vowel history is the development of a strong stress accent, which is usually ascribed to the influence of the Germanic languages. It has led to the disappearance of most unstressed vowels and to pervasive differences in the pronunciation of stressed vowels in syllables that were open or closed syllables (a closed syllable is here a syllable that was followed by two or more consonants in Vulgar Latin, and an open syllable was followed by at most one consonant). It is commonly thought that stressed vowels in open syllables were lengthened, and most of the long vowels were then turned into diphthongs. The loss of unstressed vowels, particularly those after the stressed syllable, ultimately produced the situation in Modern French in which the accent is uniformly found on the last syllable of a word. (Conversely, Modern French has a stress accent that is quite weak, with little difference between the pronunciation of stressed and unstressed vowels.)

Unstressed vowels

[edit]

Vulgar Latin had five vowels in unstressed syllables: /a e i o u/. When they occurred word-finally, all were lost in Old French except for /a/, which turned into a schwa (written e):

Latin Vulgar Latin French
FACTAM "done (fem.)" /fákta/ faite
NOCTEM "night" /nɔ́kte/ nuit
DĪXĪ "I said" /díksi/ dis
OCTŌ "eight" /ɔ́kto/ huit
FACTVM "done (masc.)" /fáktu/ fait

A final schwa also developed when the loss of a final vowel produced a consonant cluster that was then unpronounceable word-finally, usually consisting of a consonant followed by l, r, m or n (VL = Vulgar Latin, OF = Old French):

  • POPVLVM "people" > peuple
  • INTER "between" > VL */entre/ > entre
  • PATREM "father" > père[b]
  • ASINVM "donkey" > OF asne > âne
  • INSVLAM "island" > OF isle > île

The final schwa was eventually lost as well but has left its mark in the spelling and in the pronunciation of final consonants, which normally remain pronounced if a schwa followed but are often lost otherwise: fait "done (masc.)" /fɛ/ vs. faite "done (fem.)" /fɛt/.

Intertonic vowels (unstressed vowels in interior syllables) were lost entirely except for a in a syllable preceding the stress, which (originally) became a schwa. The stressed syllable is underlined in the Latin examples:

  • POPVLVM "people" > peuple
  • ASINVM "donkey, ass" > OF asne > âne
  • ANGELVM "angel" > ange
  • PRESBYTER "priest" > VL */prɛ́sbetre/ > OF prestre > prêtre
  • QVATTVORDECIM "fourteen" > VL */kwattɔ́rdetsi/ > quatorze
  • STEPHANVM "Stephen" > VL */estɛ́fanu/ > OF Estievne > Étienne
  • SEPTINAM "week" > VL */settemána/ > semaine
  • *PARABORE "to speak" > VL */parauláre/ > parler
  • SACRAMENTVM "sacrament" > OF sairement > serment "oath"[c]
  • ADIV̄RE "to help" > aider
  • DISIĒIV̄RE "to break one's fast" > OF disner > dîner "to dine"

Stressed vowels

[edit]

As noted above, stressed vowels developed quite differently depending on whether they occurred in an open syllable (followed by at most one consonant) or a closed syllable (followed by two or more consonants). In open syllables, the Vulgar Latin mid vowels e ɔ o/ all diphthongized, becoming Old French ie oi ue eu respectively (ue and eu later merged), while Vulgar Latin /a/ was raised to Old French e. In closed syllables, all Vulgar Latin vowels originally remained unchanged, but eventually, /e/ merged into /ɛ/, /u/ became the front rounded vowel /y/ and /o/ was raised to /u/. (The last two changes occurred unconditionally, in both open and closed and in both stressed and unstressed syllables.)

This table shows the outcome of stressed vowels in open syllables:

Vulgar Latin Old French Modern French spelling Modern French pronunciation Examples
/a/ e e, è /e/, /ɛ/ MARE "sea" > mer, TALEM "such" > tel, NĀSVM "nose" > nez, NATVM "born" >
/ɛ/ ie ie /je/, /jɛ/ HERI "yesterday" > hier, *MELEM "honey" > miel, PEDEM "foot" > pied
/e/ oi oi /wa/ PĒRA pear > poire, PILVM "hair" > poil, VIAM "way" > voie
/i/ i i /i/ FĪLVM "wire" > fil, VĪTA "life" > vie
/ɔ/ ue eu, œu /ø/, /œ/ *COREM "heart" > OF cuer > cœur, NOVVM "new" > OF nuef > neuf
/o/ eu eu, œu /ø/, /œ/ HŌRA "hour" > heure, GVLA "throat" > gueule
/u/ u u /y/ DV̄RVM "hard" > dur

This table shows the outcome of stressed vowels in closed syllables:

Vulgar Latin Old French Modern French spelling Modern French pronunciation Examples
/a/ a a /a/ PARTEM "part" > part, CARRVM "carriage" > char, VACCAM "cow" > vache
/ɛ/ e e /ɛ/ TERRAM "land" > terre, SEPTEM "seven" > VL /sɛtte/ > OF set > sept /sɛt/[d]
/e/ e e /ɛ/ SICCVM dry > sec
/i/ i i /i/ VĪLLAM "estate" > ville "town"
/ɔ/ o o /ɔ/, /o/ PORTUM "port" > port, SOTTVM "foolish" > sot
/o/ o ou /u/ CVRTVM "short" > court, GVTTAM "drop (of liquid)" > OF gote > goutte[44]
/u/ u u /y/ NV̄LLVM "none" > nul

Nasal vowels

[edit]

Latin N that ended up not followed by a vowel after the loss of vowels in unstressed syllables was ultimately absorbed into the preceding vowel, which produced a series of nasal vowels. The developments are somewhat complex (even more so when a palatal element is also present in the same cluster, as in PUNCTUM "point, dot" > point /pwɛ̃/). There are two separate cases, depending on whether the N originally stood between vowels or next to a consonant (whether a preceding stressed vowel developed in an open syllable or closed syllable context, respectively). See the article on the phonological history of French for full details.

Long vowels

[edit]

Latin S before a consonant ultimately was absorbed into the preceding vowel, which produced a long vowel (indicated in Modern French spelling with a circumflex accent). For the most part, the long vowels are no longer pronounced distinctively long in Modern French (although long ê is still distinguished in Quebec French). In most cases, the formerly-long vowel is pronounced identically to the formerly short vowel (mur "wall" and mûr "mature" are pronounced the same), but some pairs are distinguished by their quality (o /ɔ/ vs. ô /o/).

A separate later vowel lengthening operates allophonically in Modern French and lengthens vowels before the final voiced fricatives /v z ʒ ʁ vʁ/ (e.g. paix /pɛ/ "peace" vs. pair [pɛːʁ] "even").

Effect of palatalised consonants

[edit]

Late Vulgar Latin of the French area had a full complement of palatalised consonants, and more developed over time. Most of them, if preceded by a vowel, caused a /j/ sound (a palatal approximant, as in the English words you or yard) to appear before them, which combined with the vowel to produce a diphthong and eventually developed in various complex ways. A /j/ also appeared after them if they were originally followed by certain stressed vowels in open syllables (specifically, /a/ or /e/). If the appearance of the /j/ sound produced a triphthong, the middle vowel was dropped.

Examples show the various sources of palatalized consonants:

  1. From Latin E or I in hiatus:
    • BASSIĀRE "to lower" > VL */bassʲare/ > OF baissier > baisser[e]
    • PALĀTIUM "palace" > VL */palatsʲu/ > palais
  2. From Latin C or G followed by a front vowel (i.e. E or I):
    • PĀCEM "peace" > VL */patsʲe/ > paix
    • CĒRA "wax" > VL */tsʲera/ > */tsjejra/ > cire[f]
  3. From Latin sequences such as CT, X, GR:
    • FACTVM "done" > Western Vulgar Latin */fajtʲu/ > fait
    • LAXĀRE "to release" > Western Vulgar Latin */lajsʲare/ > OF laissier > laisser "to let"[g]
    • NIGRVM "black" > Western Vulgar Latin */nejrʲu/ > Early Old French neir > noir[h]
    • NOCTEM "night" > Western Vulgar Latin */nɔjtʲe/ > */nwɔjtʲe/ > */nujtʲe/ nuit[i]
  4. From Latin C or G followed by /a/ except after a vowel:
    • CANEM "dog" > pre-French */tʃʲane/ > chien
    • CARRICĀRE "to load" > Western Vulgar Latin */karregare/ > */kargare/ > pre-French */tʃʲardʒʲare/ > OF chargier
  5. From Latin consonantal I:
    • PĒIOR /pejjor/ "worse" > Western Vulgar Latin */pɛjrʲe/ > pre-French */pjɛjrʲe > pire[j]
    • IACET "he lies (on the ground)" > pre-French */dʒʲatsʲet/ > */dʒjajtst/ > OF gist > gît[k]

Effect of l

[edit]

In Old French, l before a consonant became u and produced new diphthongs, which eventually resolved into monophthongs: FALSAM "false" > fausse /fos/. See the article on the phonological history of French for details.

Consonants

[edit]

The sound changes involving consonants are less striking than those involving vowels. In some ways, French is actually relatively conservative. For example, it preserves initial pl-, fl-, cl-, unlike Spanish, Portuguese and Italian: PLOVĒRE "to rain" > pleuvoir (Spanish llover, Portuguese chover, Italian piovere).

Lenition

[edit]

Consonants between vowels were subject to a process called lenition, a type of weakening. That was more extensive in French than in Spanish, Portuguese or Italian. For example, /t/ between vowels went through the following stages in French: /t/ > /d/ > /ð/ > no sound. However, in Spanish only the first two changes happened; in Brazilian Portuguese, only the first change happened, and in Italian, no change happened. Compare VĪTAM "life" > vie with Italian vita, Portuguese vida, Spanish vida [biða]. This table shows the outcomes:

Vulgar Latin French Examples
/t/, /d/ no sound VĪTAM "life" > vie; CADĒRE "to fall" > OF cheoir > choir
/k/, /g/ /j/ or no sound PACĀRE "to pay" > payer; LOCĀRE "to put, to lease" > louer "to rent"
/p/, /b/, /f/, /v/ /v/ or no sound *SAPĒRE "to be wise" > savoir "to know"; DĒBĒRE "to have to" > devoir; *SAPV̄TVM "known" > OF seü > su
/s/ /z/ CAVSAM "cause" > chose "thing"
/tsʲ/ /z/ POTIŌNEM "drink" > VL */potsʲone/ > poison "poison"

Palatalization

[edit]

As described above, Late Vulgar Latin of the French area had an extensive series of palatalized consonants that developed from numerous sources. The resulting sounds tended to drop a /j/ before and/or after them, which formed diphthongs that later developed in complex ways.

Latin E and I in hiatus position (directly followed by another vowel) developed into /j/ in Vulgar Latin and then combined with the preceding consonant to form a palatalized consonant. All consonants could be palatalized in that fashion. The resulting consonants developed as follows (some developed differently when they became final as a result of the early loss of the following vowel):

Vulgar Latin French, non-final French, final Examples
*/tj/ > */tsʲ/ (i)s POTIŌNEM "drink" > poison "poison"; PALĀTIVM "palace" > palais
*/kj/, */ttj/, */kkj/, */ktj/ > */ttsʲ/ c, ss OF z > s *FACIAM "face" > face; BRACCHIVM "arm" > OF braz > bras, *PETTIAM "piece" > pièce, *DĪRECTIĀRE "to set, to erect" > OF drecier > dresser[l]
*/dj/, */gj/ > */jj/ i *GAVDIAM "joy" > joie; MEDIVM "middle" > mi; EXAGIUM "balance" > essai
*/sʲ/ (i)s BASIĀRE "to kiss" > baiser
*/ssʲ/ (i)ss (i)s BASSIĀRE "to lower" > baisser
*/lʲ/ ill il PALEAM "straw" > paille; *TRIPĀLIVM "instrument of torture" > travail "work"[m]
*/nʲ/ gn (i)n *MONTĀNEAM "mountainous" > montagne "mountain"; BALNEVM "bath" > VL */banju/ > bain[n]
*/rʲ/ (i)r or (ie)r[o] ĀREAM "threshing floor, open space" > aire; OPERĀRIVM "worker" > ouvrier
*/mʲ/, */mnʲ/[p] ng /◌̃ʒ/ ? VĪNDĒMIA "vintage" > OF vendenge > vendange; SOMNIĀRE "to dream" > OF songier > songer
*/pʲ/ ch /ʃ/ ? SAPIAM "I may be wise" > (je) sache "I may know"
*/bʲ/, */vʲ/, */fʲ/ g /ʒ/ *RABIAM "rage" > rage; RVBEVM "red" > rouge

C followed by E or I developed into Vulgar Latin */tsʲ/, which was lenited to */dzʲ/ between vowels (later -is-). The pronunciation /ts/ was still present in Old French but was later simplified to /s/:

  • CENTVM "hundred" > cent
  • PLACĒRE "to please" > plaisir "pleasure"
  • PĀCEM "peace" > OF pais > paix

G before E or I developed originally into Vulgar Latin */j/, which subsequently became /dʒʲ/ when it was not between vowels. The pronunciation /dʒ/ was still present in Old French but was later simplified to /ʒ/. Between vowels, /j/ often disappeared:

  • GENTĒS "people" > gents > gents
  • RĒGĪNA "queen" > OF reïne > reine
  • QUADRĀGINTĀ "forty" > quarante
  • LEGERE "to read" > pre-French */ljɛjrʲe/ > lire[q]

C and G before A except after a vowel developed into /tʃʲ/ and /dʒʲ/, respectively. Both /tʃ/ and /dʒ/ persisted the Old French but were later subsequently simplified to /ʃ/ and /ʒ/:

  • CARRVM "chariot" > char
  • GAMBAM "leg" > jambe
  • MANICAM "sleeve" > */manka/ > manche
  • SICCAM "dry (fem.)" > sèche

In various consonant combinations involving C or G + another consonant, the C or G developed into /j/, which proceeded to palatalize the following consonant:

  • FACTVM "done" > fait
  • LAXĀRE "to release" > OF laissier "to let" > laisser
  • VETVLAM "old" > VECLAM > OF vieille
  • ARTICVLVM "joint" > VL */arteklu/ > orteil "toe"
  • VIGILĀRE "to keep watch" > OF veillier > veiller

In some cases, the loss of an intertonic vowel led to a similar sequence of /j/ or palatalized consonant + another consonant, which was palatalized in turn:

  • MEDIETĀTEM "half" > */mejjetate/ > */mejtʲat/ > moitié
  • CŌGITĀRE "to think" >> *CV̄GITĀRE > */kujetare/ > Western Vulgar Latin */kujedare/ > pre-French */kujdʲare/ > OF cuidier > cuider
  • *MĀNSIŌNĀTAM "household" > OF maisniée
  • *IMPĒIORĀRE "to worsen" > OF empoirier

Changes to final consonants

[edit]

As a result of the pre-French loss of most final vowels, all consonants could appear word-finally except /tʃ/ and /dʒ/, which were always followed by at least a schwa, stemming from either a final /a/ or a prop vowel. In Old French, however, all underlying voiced stops and fricatives were pronounced voiceless word-finally. That was clearly reflected in Old French spelling: the adjectives froit "cold" (feminine froide), vif "lively" (feminine vive), larc "large" (feminine large) and the verbs, je doif "I must" vs. ils doivent "they must", je lef "I may wash" vs. ils levent "they (may) wash". Most of the alternations have since disappeared (partly because of morphological reshaping and partly because of respelling once most final consonants had been lost, as described below), but the adjectival alternation vif vs. vive (and similarly for other adjectives in -f) has remained.

In the Middle French, most final consonants became gradually lost. That proceeded in stages:

  1. The loss of final consonants when appearing before another word beginning with a consonant. This stage is preserved in the words six and dix, which are pronounced /sis/ /dis/ standing alone but /si/ /di/ before a word beginning with a consonant and /siz/ /diz/ before a word beginning with a vowel. If the word ended in a stressed vowel followed by /s/ (as, for example, in plurals), the same process apparently operated as elsewhere when an /s/ preceded a consonant, with a long vowel resulting. (This situation is still found, for example, in Jèrriais, a dialect of the Norman language, which preserves long vowels and has words ending in a vowel lengthening that vowel in the plural.)
  2. Loss of final consonants before a pause. That left a two-way pronunciation for most words, with final consonants pronounced before a following vowel-initial word but not elsewhere, and is the origin of the modern phenomenon of liaison.
  3. Loss of final consonants in all circumstances. The process is still ongoing, which causes a gradual loss of liaison, especially in informal speech, except in certain limited contexts and fixed expressions.

The final consonants that are normally subject to loss are /t/, /s/, /p/, sometimes /k/ and /r/, rarely /f/ (in clé < the earlier and still occasional clef). The consonants /l/ and /ʎ/ were normally preserved, but /m/, /n/, /ɲ/ and /ʃ/ did not occur (the voiced obstruents /d z b g v ʒ/ also did not occur). A more recent countervailing tendency, however, is the restoration of some formerly-lost final consonants, as in sens, now pronounced /sɑ̃s/ but formerly /sɑ̃/, as still found in the expressions sens dessus dessous "upside down" and sens devant derrière "back to front". The restored consonant may stem from the liaison pronunciation or the spelling, and it serves to reduce ambiguity. For example, /sɑ̃/ is also the pronunciation of cent "hundred", sang "blood" and sans "without" (among others).

Effect of substrate and superstrate languages

[edit]

French is noticeably different from most other Romance languages. Some of the changes have been attributed to substrate influence, which is from Gaulish (Celtic), or superstrate influence, which is from Frankish (Germanic). In practice, it is difficult to say with confidence which sound and grammar changes were caused by substrate and superstrate influences, since many of the changes in French have parallels in other Romance languages or are changes that are undergone by many languages in their process of development. However, the following are likely candidates.

In phonology:

  • The reintroduction of the consonant /h/ at the beginning of a word is caused by Frankish influence and occurs mostly in words borrowed from Germanic. The sound no longer exists in Standard Modern French (it survives dialectally, particularly in the regions of Normandy, Picardy, Wallonia and Louisiana), but a Germanic h usually disallows liaison: les halles /le.al/, les haies /le.ɛ/, les haltes /le.alt/, but a Latin h allows liaison: les herbes /lezɛrb/, les hôtels /lezotɛl/.
  • The reintroduction of /w/ in Northern Norman, Picard, Walloon, Champenois, Bourguignon and Bas-Lorrain[45] is caused by Germanic influence. All Romance languages have borrowed Germanic words containing /w/, but all languages south of the isogloss, including the ancestor of Modern French ("Central French"), converted it to /ɡw/, which usually developed subsequently into /ɡ/. English has borrowed words from Norman French (1066 – c. 1200 AD) and Standard French (c. 1200–1400 AD), which sometimes results in doublets like warranty and guarantee or warden and guardian.
  • The occurrence of an extremely-strong stress accent led to the loss of unstressed vowels and the extensive modification of stressed vowels (diphthongization), which is likely caused by Frankish influence and possibly Celtic influence since both languages had a strong initial stress (tela -> TEla -> toile)[46] This feature also no longer exists in Modern French, but its influence remains in the uniform final word stress in Modern French since the strong stress caused all vowels after it to be ultimately lost.
  • Nasalization resulting from compensatory vowel lengthening in stressed syllables was caused by Germanic and/or Celtic stress accent. Among Romance languages, it occurs primarily in French, Occitan, Arpitan and Portuguese, all of which have possible Celtic substratums. However, scattered dialects of Romance languages, including Sardinian, Spanish and Lombard, also have the phenomenon as an allophonic (though not phonemic) property. Among the four Romance languages in which it is prominent beyond divergent dialects, the only one for which it is undebatably phonemic is French[47]
  • The development of front-rounded vowels /y/, /ø/, and /œ/ may be caused by Germanic influence, as few Romance languages other than French have such vowels, but Gallo-Romance languages have them and share a Germanic influence. At least one sound, /y/, still exists in Celtic languages. A number of other scholars, most famously including Romance linguist Ascoli, have attributed the French sound to the Celtic substratum.[48] The attribution of the sounds to Celtic influence actually predates the emergence of academic linguistics as early as the 1500s, when it was attested as being called "Gaulish u". Among Romance languages, its distribution strongly correspondent with areas of suspected Celtic substratum: French, Arpitan, Occitan, Romansch and Gallo-Italic dialects, along with some dialects of Portuguese. The change may have occurred around the same time as a similar fronting of long [u] to [y] in the British Celtic languages. On the other hand, scholars such as Posner and Meyer-Lübke acknowledge the possibility of Celtic influence but see the development as internally motivated.[49][50]
  • The lenition of intervocalic consonants (see above) may be caused by Celtic influence. A similar change happened in Celtic languages about the same time, and the demarcation between Romance dialects with and without this change (the La Spezia–Rimini Line) corresponds closely to the limit of Celtic settlement in ancient Rome. The lenition also affected words that were borrowed from Germanic (haïr < hadir < *hatjan; flan < *fladon; (cor)royer < *(ga)rēdan; etc.), which suggests that the tendency persisted for some time after it had been introduced.
  • The devoicing of word-final voiced consonants in Old French was caused by Germanic influence (e.g. grant/grande, blont/blonde, bastart/bastarde).

In other areas:

  • Various words may have shifted gender under the influence from words of the same meaning or with a similar sound in Gaulish, as a result of the Celtic substrate. A connectionist model predicting shifts in gender assignment for common nouns more accurately predicted historical developments when the Gaulish genders of the same words were considered in the model. The loss of the neuter may have been accelerated in French also because Gaulish neuters were very hard to distinguish and were possibly lost earlier than Latin neuters.[51] In comparison, Romanian retains the neuter gender and Italian retains it for a couple of words. Portuguese, Sardinian, Catalan and Spanish also retain remnants of the neuter outside nouns in demonstrative pronouns and the like, but they have lost the neuter for nouns.
  • The development of verb-second syntax in Old French in which the verb must come in the second position in a sentence, regardless of whether the subject precedes or follows the verb, was probably caused by Germanic influence.
  • The first-person plural ending -ons (Old French -omes, -umes) is likely derived from the Frankish termination -ōmês, -umês (vs. Latin -āmus, -ēmus, -imus, and -īmus; cf. OHG -ōmēs, -umēs).[52]
  • The use of the letter k in Old French, which was replaced by c and qu during the Renaissance, was caused by Germanic influence. Typically, k was not used in Latin and other Romance languages. Similarly, the use of w and y also diminished.
  • The impersonal pronoun on "one, you, they" but more commonly replacing nous "we" (or "us") in colloquial French (first-person plural pronoun, see Ingvaeonic nasal spirant law), from Old French (h)om, a reduced form of homme "man", was a calque of the Germanic impersonal pronoun man "one, you, they" reduced form of mann "man" (cf Old English man "one, you, they", from mann "man"; German man "one, you, they" vs. Mann "man").
  • The expanded use of avoir "to have" over the more customary use of tenir "to have, hold" in other Romance languages was likely the influence from the Germanic word for "have", which has a similar form (cf. Frankish *habēn, Gothic haban, Old Norse hafa, English have).
  • The increased use of auxiliary verbal tenses, especially the passé composé, is probably caused by Germanic influence. Unknown in Classical Latin, the passé composé begins to appear in Old French in the early 13th century, after the Germanic and the Viking invasions. Its construction is identical to the one seen in all other Germanic languages at the time and earlier: "verb "be" (être) + past participle" when there is movement, indication of state or change of condition but ""have" (avoir) + past participle" for all other verbs. The passé composé is not universal to the Romance language family since only languages known to have Germanic superstrata display that type of construction, and they do so in varying degrees. The languages nearest to Germanic areas show constructions most similar to those seen in Germanic. Italian, Spanish and Catalan are other Romance languages with this type of compound verbal tense.
  • The heightened frequency of si ("so") in Old French correlates to Old High German so and thanne; and the construction of French aussi (Old French ausi, alsi "in like manner") is likely a calque or borrowing of the Frankish *allswā (whence German also and English also).
  • The tendency in Old French to use adverbs to complete the meaning of a verb, as in lever sur ("raise up"), monter en amont ("mount up"), aller avec ("go along/go with"), traire avant ("draw forward"), etc., is likely to be of Germanic origin.
  • The lack of a future tense in conditional clauses is likely caused by Germanic influence.
  • The reintroduction of a vigesimal system of counting by increments of 20 (soixante-dix "70" lit. "sixty-ten"; quatre-vingts "80" lit. "four-twenties"; quatre-vingt-dix "90" lit. "four-twenty-ten") is caused by North Germanic influence and first appeared in Normandy, in northern France. From there, it spread south after the formation of the French Republic and replaced the typical Romance forms, which are still used today in Belgian and Swiss French. The current vigesimal system was introduced by the Vikings and adopted by the Normans, who popularised its use (compare Danish tresindstyve, literally 3 times 20, or 60; English four score and seven for 87).[citation needed] Pre-Roman Celtic languages in Gaul also made use of a vigesimal system, but it largely vanished early in French linguistic history or became severely marginalised in its range. The Nordic vigesimal system may possibly derive ultimately from the Celtic. Old French also had treis vingts, cinq vingts (compare Welsh ugain "20", deugain "40", pedwar ugain "80", lit. "four-twenties").

See also

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Explanatory notes

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References

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The history of the French language encompasses its gradual transformation from Vulgar Latin, the colloquial form spoken in Roman Gaul after the 5th-century Germanic invasions displaced classical Latin usage, into a distinct Romance language through phonetic shifts, lexical borrowings, and grammatical simplifications driven by substrate influences from Celtic Gaulish and superstrate Germanic elements from Frankish settlers. Old French, attested from the 9th century in texts like the Strasbourg Oaths of 842—the earliest known document in a Romance vernacular north of the Loire—featured a two-case nominal system, variable word order, and heavy integration of Frankish vocabulary, reflecting the fusion of Romano-Gallic and Germanic speech communities in the Île-de-France region. The Middle French era (roughly 1340–1611) witnessed accelerated morphological erosion, such as the loss of noun cases and the fixing of subject-verb-object order, alongside phonetic innovations like the nasalization of vowels, propelled by the centralizing policies of the Valois monarchy and the printing press's role in disseminating the Francien dialect as a prestige variety. Modern French emerged in the 17th century, codified by institutions like the Académie Française founded in 1635 to regulate orthography and usage, which stabilized its structure amid the language's expansion through colonial empires, Enlightenment philosophy, and diplomatic dominance, incorporating loanwords from Italian, English, and Arabic while preserving core Latin-derived lexicon comprising over 80% of its vocabulary. This evolutionary trajectory, marked by causal pressures from political unification, migration, and technological dissemination rather than deliberate design, positioned French as one of the world's major languages, spoken natively by approximately 80 million people and as a second language by over 200 million as of recent estimates.

Origins in Gaul and Roman Latin

Celtic Substrates and Pre-Roman Linguistic Landscape

Prior to the Roman conquest culminating in 52 BCE, the linguistic landscape of Gaul—encompassing modern France and adjacent regions—was dominated by Gaulish, a Continental Celtic language within the Indo-European family. This language was spoken by Celtic tribes such as the Arverni, Aedui, and Helvetii, with evidence of its use traceable to at least the 6th century BCE through place names, personal names, and material culture associated with the Hallstatt and La Tène archaeological horizons (circa 800–450 BCE and 450–50 BCE, respectively). Gaulish exhibited dialectal diversity, reflecting tribal divisions noted by classical authors like Julius Caesar, who described Gaul as partitioned among the Belgae, Celtae, and Aquitani, though linguistic boundaries did not strictly align with these ethnonyms. Epigraphic evidence for primarily survives from the 2nd century BCE onward, including over 800 inscriptions in Greek script from southern (e.g., the Lepontic and Celtiberian parallels) and later adaptations, such as the (circa 2nd century CE, but reflecting earlier traditions). Phonological features like initial stress and , alongside vocabulary preserved in toponyms (e.g., Lugdunon for , meaning "fort of the lake"), attest to its vitality. Phylogenetic analyses date the divergence of from other Celtic branches to around 3200 BCE ±1500 years, aligning with expansions, though direct attestation in begins later. Non-Celtic elements existed, notably in Aquitania, where the spoke an isolate language related to proto-Basque, a non-Indo-European tongue predating Celtic arrivals. Caesar explicitly distinguished the by language, customs, and physique from Celtic , with Aquitanian evidenced by circa 90 personal names and inscriptions from the BCE, featuring agglutinative traits absent in Celtic. Marginal non-Celtic pockets, such as Ligurian in the southeast, may have persisted, but empirical data from inscriptions and hydronyms indicate Celtic dominance across central, northern, and eastern , with substrates limited primarily to the southwest. These formed the primary substrate influencing subsequent Gallo-Romance evolution, contributing loanwords (e.g., French chemin from semīna "path"), phonological shifts like patterns, and syntactic preferences for verb-initial structures in early adaptations. However, substrate effects were modest compared to Latin superstrate, as lacked widespread literacy and yielded to by the 1st century CE, with survival into the in rural areas per curse tablets and glosses. Source analyses, often from classical texts with Roman biases, underscore the need for caution in interpreting tribal linguistic uniformity, prioritizing epigraphic over .

Vulgar Latin Introduction and Gallo-Romance Formation

The Roman conquest of , beginning with Julius Caesar's campaigns from 58 to 50 BC, marked the initial influx of Latin into the region through military garrisons, administrative officials, and civilian colonists. Unlike the formalized employed in and inscriptions, the predominant form disseminated among the populace was , the informal spoken variety used by legionaries, merchants, and lower-class , which featured phonetic , simplified morphology, and a shift toward analytic over synthetic case endings. This vernacular facilitated practical communication in diverse settings, from marketplaces to rural estates, gradually eroding the dominance of indigenous dialects amid and . Romanization progressed unevenly, accelerating in the 1st to 3rd centuries AD under imperial stability, with Latin adoption first among elites for and later permeating lower strata via intermarriage, trade, and in colonies like (modern ). in exhibited substrate influences from , including potential reinforcements of nasal vowels and lexical borrowings for local , , and concepts absent in standard Latin, though the core remained Italic. By the AD, epigraphic evidence shows widespread bilingualism yielding to monolingual usage, even as inscriptions persisted sporadically until the 5th century. Gallo-Romance crystallized as the distinct evolutionary branch of Proto-Romance—reconstructed from late spoken forms—in northern and central during , roughly 4th to 7th centuries AD, amid administrative and barbarian migrations. Key phonological innovations included early palatalization of /k/ and /g/ before front vowels (e.g., *cantu > /tʃãtu/ yielding French *chant), systematic lenition of intervocalic stops (e.g., *vita > /viða/ > vie), and reduction of the vowel system toward seven qualities with diphthongization patterns differing from Italic or Iberian varieties. These changes, evidenced in Merovingian-era texts and toponyms, reflected regional substrate pressures and internal drift, setting Gallo-Romance apart from southern Occitano-Romance while foreshadowing the langue d'oïl dialects ancestral to French. Morphosyntactically, it accelerated loss of the neuter gender and dative case, favoring prepositional phrases, as reconstructed in .

Early Medieval Transformations

Frankish Invasions and Germanic Superstrate Integration

The Frankish invasions of intensified in the late 5th century, with , king of the , defeating the Roman ruler at the Battle of on September 1, 486 CE, thereby dismantling the last vestiges of Roman administrative control in northern . This conquest unified disparate Frankish groups under Merovingian rule, extending from the to the by Clovis's death in 511 CE, and positioned the as the dominant power in a region where the majority spoke Gallo-Romance varieties derived from . The ' native tongue, Old Frankish—a West Germanic language akin to Old Saxon and Old High German—functioned as a superstrate, overlaying the substrate Gallo-Romance spoken by the numerically superior Gallo-Roman inhabitants. Given the Franks' status as a conquering elite comprising perhaps 5-10% of the population, linguistic assimilation proceeded rapidly, with Frankish speakers shifting to Gallo-Romance while imprinting their language through lexical superstrate integration rather than structural overhaul. Borrowings concentrated in semantic fields tied to Frankish societal strengths, such as military affairs (guerre < werra "war," rançon < ransōn "ransom"), governance and nobility (maréchal < marhskalk "horse servant," seigneur < siniōr "senior"), and basic descriptors (blanc < blank "shining," bleu < blāo "blue"). Estimates place the direct Frankish-derived vocabulary at 150-300 core terms, representing roughly 1% of modern French's fundamental lexicon, with heavier incidence in northern dialects ancestral to the langues d'oïl. These loans underwent phonetic adaptation to Gallo-Romance norms, including vowel shifts and consonant palatalization, preserving Germanic roots while embedding them in a Romance phonological framework. Beyond lexicon, Frankish influence extended subtly to phonology and prosody, potentially accelerating the loss of final unstressed vowels and promoting initial stress patterns characteristic of early Old French, diverging from southern Gallo-Romance retention of Latin-like endings. Grammatical impact remained negligible, as Old French retained Latin-derived morphology, syntax, and inflectional systems, underscoring the superstrate's limited role amid substrate dominance and rapid language shift. This integration laid groundwork for the distinct northern Romance varieties, where Frankish elements enriched administrative and martial registers, fostering the eventual crystallization of Old French by the 9th century.

Emergence of Old French from Langue d'oïl Dialects

The langues d'oïl constituted a dialect continuum spoken in the northern half of medieval France, evolving from Vulgar Latin substrates in Roman Gaul augmented by Frankish Germanic superstrata following the 5th-century invasions. These dialects, characterized by the reflex oïl for Latin hoc ille ("yes"), diverged phonologically and lexically from southern Gallo-Romance varieties by the 8th century, reflecting regional substrate retention and superstrate integration. Approximately 87% of the core lexicon inherited from popular Latin, with Frankish contributions evident in terms like guerre from Proto-Germanic werra and place names such as Neuville. The earliest attestation of a northern Romance vernacular appears in the Strasbourg Oaths of 842 CE, a military alliance document where Charles the Bald's followers swore in lingua romana rustica, marking a transitional Gallo-Romance form distinct from Latin but not yet fully . This text demonstrates early vernacular divergence, with phonetic shifts like palatalization (c > tʃ in riche from rīcī) and Frankish-induced reintroduction of initial h- (later lost). The period of is conventionally dated from the late 9th to the 13th century, commencing with continuous texts such as the Séquence de Sainte Eulalie (c. 880–882 CE), a hagiographic poem inserted into liturgical manuscripts, evidencing case system retention and diphthongal vowels. Old French encompassed diverse langues d'oïl varieties, including Picard, Norman, Champenois, and Francien spoken in the Île-de-France around Paris, with mutual intelligibility but regional phonological differences such as nasal vowel developments and final consonant lenition. Francien gained ascendancy from the 10th century onward, propelled by the Capetian dynasty's consolidation of power under (r. 987–996 CE), whose Île-de-France base centralized administration and culture, elevating its dialect for royal and ecclesiastical use. This political causality, rather than inherent linguistic superiority, fostered Francien's role as the prestige variety underlying literary Old French, as seen in 11th-century epics like the Chanson de Roland. Standardization remained partial, driven by scribal practices in northern scriptoria, with 12th-century increased mobility and royal patronage further promoting Francien over peripheral dialects.

Medieval Expansion and Influences

Norman Conquest and Anglo-Norman Hybridization

The Norman Conquest of England in 1066, led by William, Duke of Normandy, introduced the Norman dialect—a variety of Old French from the langue d'oïl group—to the British Isles as the language of the conquering elite. This dialect, spoken by the Normans who had settled in Normandy since the 10th century, featured Romance vocabulary overlaid on a substrate of Gallo-Romance with residual Norse influences from Viking origins, though by the 11th century it was predominantly a northern French vernacular. Following the Battle of Hastings on October 14, 1066, Anglo-Norman emerged as the administrative, legal, and literary medium among the nobility, clergy, and courts, persisting as the prestige language for approximately three centuries until the rise of Middle English in the 14th century. Anglo-Norman hybridized through sustained contact with in a bilingual society, developing insular traits distinct from continental dialects. Phonologically, it retained conservative features such as the preservation of /w/ (spelled w) where continental varieties shifted to /g/ or /gw/, as in wage contrasting with gage, and maintained /k/ before front vowels in some cases versus /tʃ/ in central French forms. Orthographic conventions also diverged, incorporating English-inspired spellings and retaining Norman-specific digraphs like ch for /ʃ/ or /tʃ/, while vocabulary saw limited incorporation of English terms, primarily toponyms and administrative lexicon, though grammatical structures remained fundamentally French without or deep hybridization. This contact-induced evolution produced a professional variety used in texts like the 12th-century Oxford Psalter and legal documents, contributing to the diversity of manuscript traditions. The loss of continental Normandy to France in 1204 under King Philip II accelerated Anglo-Norman's isolation, prompting greater influence from Francien (Île-de-France dialect) via literary exchanges and migration, yet it preserved regional Norman archaisms longer than mainland counterparts. By the 13th century, Anglo-Norman texts numbered over 400 extant works, including verse romances and chronicles, enriching the broader literary corpus and aiding the diffusion of langue d'oïl prestige across Europe. However, direct feedback to continental French was negligible, with evolving primarily from central dialects rather than insular variants; Anglo-Norman's legacy in French history lies in exemplifying dialectal expansion and adaptation under conquest-driven multilingualism, foreshadowing later global varieties. , a degenerate form, endured in English courts until the 17th century, but ceased contributing to French linguistic core developments after the 14th century.

Literary Codification in Epic and Courtly Traditions

The epic tradition of chansons de geste marked the initial literary codification of in the late 11th and early 12th centuries, transitioning from oral recitation to written vernacular forms. La Chanson de Roland, composed circa 1100–1120, exemplifies this shift as the oldest surviving major epic, comprising approximately 4,002 decasyllabic lines organized in laisses similaires with rather than rhyme. It dramatizes the historical ambush at on August 15, 778, portraying Charlemagne's nephew as a paragon of vassalic duty and Christian valor against foes, thus embedding feudal and religious ideologies in the langue d'oïl dialect of the region. The poem's primary , the Digby 23 (dated to around 1170), preserves this text in a form that reflects scribal efforts to fix phonetic and morphological features, such as the representation of nasal vowels and consonant clusters typical of early . This epic archetype influenced a burgeoning corpus of chansons de geste, grouped into cycles like the Charlemagne cycle (including sequels such as Pèlerinage de Charlemagne, circa 1130–1160) and the Guillaume cycle, which collectively numbered over 100 works by the 13th century. Performed initially by jongleurs in public spaces and later disseminated via monastic and courtly scriptoria, these narratives standardized epic formulae—stock phrases (épithètes épiques), formulaic battles, and oaths—while propagating a shared of , , and biblical terms across northern French dialects. Linguistic of manuscripts reveals gradual orthographic convergence, such as consistent spelling of proper names and verb conjugations, aiding the vernacular's elevation from ephemeral speech to durable literary medium despite dialectal variations between Picard, Norman, and Francien forms. Parallel to epic codification, the courtly romance (roman courtois) tradition in the mid-to-late 12th century refined for aristocratic expression, emphasizing psychological depth and amour courtois. , active from roughly 1160 to 1191 under patrons like Marie de Champagne, authored pioneering Arthurian romances such as Erec et Enide (circa 1170), Cligés (circa 1176), and Lancelot ou le Chevalier de la Charrette (circa 1177–1181), totaling around 60,000 lines in octosyllabic rhyming couplets. These works adapted Celtic motifs and Latin models (e.g., Ovid's ) into narratives of knightly quests tempered by refined love, where erotic devotion elevates moral character, as in Lancelot's adulterous service to . 's innovated terms for emotional states (cuer, amer) and , with his manuscripts—copied in Champagne and Parisian ateliers—exhibiting stabilized , such as hypotactic clauses and periphrastic tenses, that distanced literary French from epic . The synthesis of epic and courtly modes by the 13th century, evident in hybrid texts like the Vulgate Cycle (circa 1215–1235), further entrenched literary norms through prolific manuscript production exceeding 1,000 surviving exemplars from this era. Courtly romances outnumbered epics in elite circulation, fostering a prestige closer to Francien that influenced subsequent prose adaptations and lyric integration, though phonological inconsistencies (e.g., variable diphthongization) persisted until printing's advent. This dual tradition not only preserved but actively shaped the language's grammatical and stylistic repertoire, prioritizing clarity and rhetorical flourish over regional idiosyncrasies.

Renaissance to Early Modern Standardization

Renaissance Humanism and Lexical Borrowings from Italian and Antiquity

During the Italian Wars (1494–1559), French monarchs such as Charles VIII and Francis I encountered Italian Renaissance culture, fostering humanism's spread to France through scholarly exchanges and the importation of artists and texts. This period marked a deliberate revival of classical Latin and Greek studies, as French intellectuals sought to emulate antiquity's rhetorical and philosophical depth, viewing the vernacular as insufficient for elevated discourse. Joachim du Bellay's Défense et illustration de la langue française (1549), a foundational of the Pléiade group, urged the enrichment of French through of Greek and Latin models, including the creation of neologisms from classical and the of ancient works to foreign . This approach yielded numerous learned borrowings, such as théâtre and tragédie from Greek via Latin intermediaries, and latinisms like bibliothèque (from bibliotheca), which entered literary and scholarly usage to denote absent or underdeveloped in medieval French. By the mid-16th century, poets like incorporated over 500 such neologisms in their verse, prioritizing etymological purity over popular speech to elevate French as a vehicle for humanism. Italian exerted direct lexical influence amid military and commercial ties, introducing terms in , , and daily life; for instance, banque derived from Italian banca by the early , reflecting Tuscan banking practices adopted in Lyon and Paris. Architectural and cultural loans included balcon (from balcone), (from facciata), and (from sonetto), proliferating in courtly and treatises from the 1520s onward. Debates arose, as in Henri Estienne's critiques around 1560, warning against over-Italianization while acknowledging its role in lexical expansion, yet humanism's classical focus ultimately channeled borrowings toward antiquity to assert French from Italian dominance. This synthesis added approximately 10–15% to the French by 1600, primarily in abstract, technical, and artistic domains, laying groundwork for later .

Royal Centralization and the Role of the Académie Française

The centralization of royal authority under marked a pivotal phase in linguistic unification, as , the king's chief minister, sought to consolidate state power by standardizing administrative and cultural practices, including the promotion of a unified French over regional dialects and Latin remnants. This effort built on earlier reforms but intensified in the 1630s, with Richelieu establishing the on January 29, 1635, to regulate and purify the as a tool of national cohesion. The academy's founding charter emphasized fixing the language's volatility, combating neologisms, and producing authoritative works on , , and to establish precise rules, thereby aligning linguistic norms with the monarchy's absolutist ambitions. The Académie's early works advanced : Claude Favre de Vaugelas published Remarques sur la langue françoise in 1647, drawing on court usage to codify Parisian speech as the model, while the first appeared in 1669 under academy auspices, prioritizing clarity and uniformity. Its Dictionnaire de l'Académie Française, completed in 1694 after decades of labor, defined over 18,000 terms based on contemporary usage, excluding provincialisms and favoring the Île-de-France dialect, thus institutionalizing Francien as the prestige variety. These outputs reflected Richelieu's intent to suppress dialectal diversity, which fragmented loyalty to the crown, by enforcing a "pure" French that mirrored centralized . Under Louis XIV, who ascended in 1643 and ruled effectively from 1661, this linguistic project intertwined with Versailles' courtly absolutism, where the king's patronage elevated standardized French as the medium of power and diplomacy. The academy received royal letters patent in 1672, solidifying its role, while the court's 2,000-3,000 residents, including nobles compelled to reside there from 1682, disseminated Parisian norms, eroding regional variants through emulation. Policies like the 1667 academy regulations against "barbarisms" reinforced this, with the dictionary's 1694 edition serving as a prescriptive benchmark for administration, education, and literature, contributing to French's emergence as Europe's diplomatic lingua franca by the late 17th century. This royal-academic synergy prioritized empirical observation of courtly speech over abstract ideals, yielding a causal link between political unification and linguistic hegemony, though it marginalized occitan and other langues d'oc, fostering long-term cultural tensions.

Modern Evolution and Global Spread

Enlightenment Reforms and Metric Standardization

During the Enlightenment, French intellectuals emphasized rational clarity in language, viewing it as a tool for precise thought and universal communication. Antoine de Rivarol's 1784 essay De l'universalité de la langue française, which won a prize from the Berlin Academy, argued that French's fixed subject-verb-object mirrored logical progression, making it superior for expressing ideas unambiguously. He famously asserted that "what is not clear is not French," encapsulating the era's for linguistic precision over ornamental style. This perspective aligned with broader rationalist efforts to reform grammar, as seen in Nicolas Beauzée's contributions to Diderot's (1751–1772) and his Grammaire générale (1767), which applied universal principles of reason to phonetics and , treating language as a system analyzable through empirical observation rather than arbitrary convention. These reforms sought to purge inconsistencies inherited from earlier dialects, promoting a standardized French suited to philosophical and scientific . Beauzée's work, for instance, introduced early phonetic descriptions to rationalize and , influencing subsequent pedagogical texts. However, spelling reforms remained limited, as conservative members resisted radical changes, prioritizing stability over phonetic alignment. The net effect was a reinforcement of French as the era's for Enlightenment ideas, exported via translations and salons, though critics noted an overemphasis on elegance that sometimes obscured empirical rigor. The extended this rationalist impulse to measurement, culminating in the metric system's creation as a deliberate break from feudal variability. In 1790, the tasked the Academy of Sciences with devising a universal, decimal-based standard derived from , leading to the meter's in 1791 as one ten-millionth of the Earth's quadrant from pole to . Provisional standards emerged by 1793, with legal on April 7, 1795, introducing neologisms like mètre (from Greek metron, measure), litre (from obsolete French litron, a liquid measure), and gramme (from Greek gramma, small weight). These terms, systematically prefixed with Greek roots (e.g., déci-, kilo-), enriched French technical vocabulary, embedding decimal logic into everyday and scientific while supplanting regional units like the pied (foot) and livre (pound). Metric standardization faced resistance due to cultural attachment to traditional measures, with full enforcement delayed until , but it irrevocably shaped French by prioritizing uniformity and rationality over historical idiosyncrasies. This innovation not only facilitated and but also modeled , as new terms avoided Latin corruptions in favor of etymologically transparent forms, influencing global adoption while solidifying French's role in international .

19th-20th Century Phonetic Shifts and Colonial Dissemination

In the , the uvular fricative or approximant realization of /ʁ/ solidified as the prestige norm in standard Parisian French, supplanting the alveolar trill that had persisted into the late ; this shift, originating in northern and the , gained traction through theatrical and educational influences by the early 1800s. Concurrently, word-internal and final schwa (/ə/) deletion accelerated in casual speech, a process rooted in earlier centuries but intensifying with and media , leading to consonant clustering and prosodic streamlining by the . The 20th century witnessed ongoing variability in mid-vowel distinctions, particularly /e/-/ɛ/ and /o/-/ɔ/, with diachronic analyses of speech archives revealing gradual closure of open-mid vowels in open syllables and contextual aperture adjustments influenced by vowel harmony and regional substrates; for instance, formant measurements from recordings spanning 1920–2020 indicate a trend toward raised /ɛ/ toward in penultimate positions, though without full merger. These shifts reflected broader spoken-written divergences, exacerbated by radio and film, while liaison and elision practices stabilized in formal registers but relaxed in colloquial varieties, contributing to perceptions of a "lazy" pronunciation critiqued by purists. Parallel to these internal evolutions, French dissemination accelerated via colonial expansion under the Second (1852–1870) and Third Republic, with conquests including (fully occupied by 1847), (1881), and African territories forming Afrique Occidentale Française (AOF, established 1895) and Afrique Équatoriale Française (AEF, 1910), alongside Indochina (unionized 1887). The mission civilisatrice doctrine, articulated by figures like , mandated French as the administrative and educational medium, with an 1883 decree requiring its instruction in primary schools to assimilate elites; however, penetration remained limited, affecting under 5% of AOF populations by 1940, primarily urban and educated classes. Decolonization post-1945 (e.g., independence waves 1954–1962) did not halt linguistic legacies, as French retained official status in over 20 newly independent states, fostering hybrid varieties like non-native with substrate influences from Bantu or Niger-Congo languages, marked by prosodic and lexical adaptations. By mid-century, colonial-era policies had seeded an estimated 10–15 million L2 speakers across and , setting the stage for the (founded 1970) to promote diffusion amid post-imperial realignments.

Post-1945 Challenges: Anglicization, Immigration, and Regional Revivals

Following World War II, the French language encountered significant pressures from the global dominance of English, particularly through American cultural, economic, and technological influence, which accelerated the influx of anglicismes into everyday vocabulary, media, and commerce. Terms related to computing (week-end, software, marketing), entertainment (show-business, star), and business (cash, meeting) proliferated, especially from the 1950s onward amid the Marshall Plan's economic ties and the rise of U.S. popular culture via films and music. This trend intensified in the late 20th century with globalization and the internet, prompting defensive measures by institutions like the Académie Française, which has consistently advocated for French equivalents to curb linguistic erosion. In response, the 1994 Toubon Law (Loi n° 94-665) mandated the use of French in public advertising, workplace communications, product labeling, and government documents, with penalties for non-compliance, aiming to preserve French as the primary language of expression in France. Despite such efforts, anglicized hybrids like franglais persist in informal speech and youth culture, reflecting the causal pull of English as the language of international trade and science, where French speakers often code-switch in professional contexts. Mass immigration from the mid-1940s reshaped France's by introducing non-Romance languages, primarily from former colonies, while reinforcing French as the assimilation vehicle. The ordinances established a state-managed system to rebuild the , initially from , , and , then surging from after ( ), , and —with over 1 million Maghrebi immigrants by the , many speaking or Berber dialects. French policy emphasized rapid linguistic integration through compulsory schooling and, from the 1960s, assimilationist expectations that immigrants adopt French for , with studies showing high proficiency rates among second-generation children due to immersion in public education. However, persistent home-language use in enclaves like banlieues has led to challenges, including lower French among some first-generation arrivals (e.g., 20-30% rates in certain cohorts per integration reports) and the emergence of hybrid slang like incorporating influences, straining educational resources and contributing to debates on cultural cohesion without fundamentally displacing . Later reforms, such as 2007's compulsory 400-hour language courses for newcomers, underscore the ongoing causal link between French mastery and , with proficient speakers earning 10-20% higher wages. Simultaneously, post-1945 regional language movements challenged French monolingualism by seeking revival of dialects suppressed since the Revolution, amid decentralization and cultural identity assertions. The 1951 Deixonne Law permitted optional instruction in Breton, Basque, Catalan, and Occitan in secondary schools, expanding to primary levels by the 1970s via private diwan schools in Brittany, where Breton enrollment grew from near zero to thousands by the 1980s. These efforts, fueled by post-war autonomist groups and EU minority language charters (ratified indirectly via regional policies), countered the prior Jacobin centralization that had reduced regional speakers—e.g., Breton from 1 million in 1900 to under 200,000 fluent by 1970—through radio, print, and festivals. A 2008 constitutional amendment acknowledged "regional languages" as France's heritage, yet implementation remains limited, with only 1-2% of students receiving significant regional instruction, as French retains dominance in administration and media, reflecting the entrenched causal reality of national unity via a single language despite revival gains in cultural prestige.

Phonological Developments

Vowel System Changes: Diphthongization, Nasalization, and Reduction

In the evolution from to , the vowel system of what would become underwent profound restructuring, driven by the loss of phonemic in and the emergence of a stress-accent system around the 5th-7th centuries, which favored diphthongization of tonic mid vowels, anticipatory before nasal consonants, and centralized reduction of atonic vowels to a schwa-like quality. These processes, unevenly attested in sparse early documentation like the 8th-century Fredegarius Chronicle, reflect causal pressures from articulatory ease and perceptual enhancement in Gallo-Romance varieties spoken north of the , distinguishing them from southern Occitan trajectories where diphthongization was less pervasive. Diphthongization primarily affected stressed closed mid vowels /e/ and /o/ (descended from Latin /eː/ and /oː/), raising and breaking them into /ei/ and /ou/ by the early period, circa 850-900 CE, as evidenced by orthographic shifts in texts such as the Serments de (842 CE) and early glosses. This "French-type" diphthongization, absent in intervocalic or pre-consonantal positions and conditioned by the absence of length contrasts post-5th century, expanded the inventory temporarily, with further rising diphthongs like /iɛ/ and /uɛ/ emerging from hiatus resolution by 1100 CE; however, many later monophthongized in (14th-16th centuries) under prosodic leveling, yielding modern /ɛ/ and /ɔ/. Nasalization arose phonetically from coarticulatory of vowels before tautosyllabic nasal (/m, n, ŋ/) starting around 1000 CE in northern Gallo-Romance, progressing to phonemic contrast by the 12th-13th centuries as nasal vowels /ã, ɛ̃, ɔ̃/ (and initially /ĩ, ũ/) distinguished minimal pairs, with compensatory deletion of the nasal consonant occurring variably from the 14th century onward in preconsonantal and word-final contexts. This , documented in epics like the Chanson de Roland (c. 1100 CE) through patterns, reduced the oral vowel inventory while enriching nasals, though high nasals /ĩ, ũ/ merged or denasalized by the 16th century, stabilizing the modern triad; empirical analysis of variants confirms the process's graduality, tied to velar lowering rather than universal implicational scales alone. Reduction manifested as centralization and shortening of unstressed vowels to [ə] from Latin atonic /a, e, o/ by the 9th century, accelerated by fixed word-final stress in Old French, which promoted syncope (internal deletion, e.g., Latin amīcum > OF ami) and apocope (final truncation), collapsing distinctions in pretonic syllables and yielding a five-vowel tonic system (/a, ɛ, e, ɔ, o/) alongside pervasive schwa. This phonetic weakening, observable in the proliferation of -e spellings in 12th-century charters, continued into Middle French with variable elision under cliticization, though regional dialects retained fuller realizations; acoustic reconstructions from comparative Romance data underscore stress as the causal driver, not mere erosion, preserving qualitative contrasts only in tonic positions per the loi de position.

Consonant Evolution: Lenition, Palatalization, and Final Erosion

Consonant evolution in French primarily occurred during the transition from to (roughly 5th–13th centuries), involving weakening processes that reduced articulatory effort in weak positions such as intervocalic and word-final contexts. These changes, common across Gallo-Romance varieties, included of stops, palatalization triggered by adjacent front vowels or glides, and progressive erosion of final consonants, leading to the highly vowel-heavy syllable structure characteristic of modern French. Unlike more conservative Romance languages like Italian, French exhibited extensive simplification, sparing liquids (/r/, /l/) and nasals in certain positions while eliminating or fricativizing obstruents. Lenition, the weakening of consonants toward vowel-like qualities, began in Vulgar Latin around the 3rd–4th centuries and intensified through the early medieval period, primarily affecting intervocalic stops by voicing them and reducing their closure or releasing them as fricatives. In Gallo-Romance, voiceless stops (/p, t, k/) often voiced to /b, d, g/ before further spirantization, while /b, d, g/ weakened similarly; for instance, Latin ripa evolved to Old French rive with /p/ > /v/, and lupam > louve via /p/ spirantization to /v/. This process was positionally conditioned, occurring between vowels where articulatory force diminishes, but nasals, liquids, and /r/ resisted full deletion, as seen in retained intervocalic /l/ and /r/ in words like rose from rosam. By the Old French period (9th–13th centuries), many lenited consonants had been lost entirely, contributing to phonological simplification without compensatory lengthening. Palatalization involved the frontward shift of coronal or dorsal articulation, driven by proximity to front vowels (/i, e/) or glides (/j/), unfolding in multiple stages from the 3rd century onward. The first wave (ca. 3rd century) affected dorsals (/k, g/) before /i/, yielding affricates that deaffricated: /k/ > [ts] > /s/ (e.g., Latin cera > Old French cire [sirə] "wax"), and /g/ > [dz] > /z/ (e.g., cervum > cerf [sɛrf] "deer"). A second wave (ca. ) extended to dorsals before /a/, producing /tʃ/ > /ʃ/ for /k/ and /dʒ/ > /ʒ/ for /g/ by the 13th century, as in carolus > [tʃarləs] > [ʃarl] "Charles" and castellum > chastel > [ʃato] "". Additional palatalizations impacted labials and coronals before /j/, such as /tj/ > /ts/ > /s/ (e.g., gratiā > grace [grasə]), phonologized by the 12th century through and articulatory assimilation. These shifts enriched (/s, ʃ, z, ʒ/) while eliminating dorsals in palatalizing contexts. Final consonant erosion accelerated from the 7th century, involving suppression of coda consonants in unstressed positions, with /t/ lost by the 11th century in and broader deletions in (14th–16th centuries). This phonological reduction targeted obstruents word-finally, except before vowels (preserving liaison forms), as in Latin marit(u) > mari [mari] "husband" (loss of /t/) and colpu > coup [ku] "blow" (loss of /lp/). Nasals triggered vowel before deletion (e.g., famem > faim [fɛ̃] ""), while /r/ and /l/ persisted longer; by modern French, citation forms reflect short variants, with liaison reintroducing consonants grammatically before vowels (e.g., sans [sɑ̃] alone vs. [sãz] before vowel). This , absent in pre-pausal strengthening in earlier stages, resulted from syllable-final weakening, yielding French's tendency toward open syllables (CV structure predominant).

Grammatical and Lexical History

Morphological Simplification: Loss of Cases and Gender Shifts

In the evolution from to , the inflectional case system underwent drastic simplification due to phonetic erosion of unstressed syllables and external influences. Classical Latin nouns declined in six cases—nominative, genitive, dative, accusative, ablative, and vocative—but in Gallo-Romance, final consonants and vowels weakened, merging accusative and ablative forms early on. By the AD, following Frankish invasions, this progressed to a in proto-Old French: the cas sujet (nominative singular) for subjects and predicates, and the cas régime (oblique) encompassing accusative, dative, genitive, and ablative functions for objects and modifiers. Masculine nouns typically distinguished the two via an -s ending in the oblique singular (e.g., li murs 'the wall' oblique vs. li mur nominative), while feminine nouns often showed no formal contrast, relying on context. This dual-case structure persisted into documented Old French texts from the 9th century but eroded amid fixed subject-verb-object word order and plural -s marking, which assumed disambiguating roles. By the 13th-14th centuries in Middle French, nominative-oblique mergers completed the loss, with prepositions like de (genitive/possession) and à (dative/indirect object) fully replacing inflectional indicators, yielding the analytic morphology of Modern French. Concomitant with case reduction, Latin's tripartite gender system—masculine, feminine, neuter—collapsed into a masculine-feminine binary through reanalysis and analogy. Neuter nouns, lacking dedicated markers in simplified , were largely reassigned to masculine via phonological resemblance to consonant-stem masculines or semantic natural , as in Latin tempus (neuter 'time') yielding French temps (masculine). A minority shifted to feminine if forms aligned with -a endings or / semantics, exemplified by pomum (neuter 'apple') to pomme (feminine). Feminine nouns demonstrated exceptional stability, retaining gender in over 85% of cases from to , anchored by invariant markers like trailing -a (e.g., Latin porta 'door' to French porte feminine). Masculine-to-feminine shifts proved rare, typically involving to proximate forms or substrate effects, such as occasional Gallo-Celtic influences on assignment. This redistribution, modeled via connectionist simulations incorporating ending cues and usage frequency, stabilized by the Old French period, with gender tracked via articles (le/la) and adjectival agreement rather than noun-internal .

Vocabulary Dynamics: Endogenous Growth vs. Purist Policies Against Foreign Loans

The French lexicon has historically expanded endogenously through , prefixation, and suffixation drawing on Latin and Gallo-Romance , enabling the creation of terms like aéroport (from air and port) in the early and télévision (coined in 1900 by Constantin Perskyi, adapted via Greek into French form). This internal growth mechanism, which accounts for the majority of technical and abstract in standard references, contrasts with borrowings that enter via cultural or technological contact, such as post-World War II Anglicisms. Endogenous neologisms proliferated during the , with examples including automobile (1890s, from auto- and mobile) and avion (1906, replacing aeroplane), reflecting a preference for compounds that integrate seamlessly into and . Purist policies emerged systematically with the Académie Française's founding by on March 17, 1635, charging it with standardizing and "purifying" the language against perceived corruptions, including unnecessary foreign terms, as outlined in its statutes emphasizing and propriety. The Académie's first (1694) incorporated guidelines favoring derivations from classical over direct loans, a stance reinforced in subsequent editions that deprecated Italianisms prevalent in 17th-century courtly French. By the , amid Napoleonic efforts to assert French supremacy, purism targeted German scientific terms post-1815 , promoting alternatives like français derivations, though borrowings persisted in specialized fields. In the , resistance intensified against Anglicisms following American cultural dominance after , with the 1975 Bas-Lauriol Law mandating French equivalents in public signage and commerce to curb terms like hot-dog in favor of saucisse-purée. The Toubon Law, formally the Loi n° 94-665 of August 4, , extended this by requiring French terminology in , workplaces, and media, fining non-compliance and empowering the Commission générale de terminologie et de néologie (established 1996) to ratify endogenous creations such as courriel (for email, from courrier électronique) and pourriel (for spam). These measures have limited direct English loans to approximately 1.76% of entries (686 out of 38,897 words) in the latest Académie dictionary, prioritizing neologisms like ordinateur (1955, for computer) over unadapted imports. Despite such interventions, endogenous growth competes with inevitable borrowings in informal and globalized domains, where Anglicisms like week-end (accepted reluctantly by the Académie in ) persist due to phonetic ease and prestige, illustrating a tension between institutional and linguistic evolution driven by speaker usage. The Académie has denounced over 20 specific terms in public discourse as recently as , advocating alternatives to preserve lexical , yet surveys indicate mild purist attitudes among French speakers compared to Quebecois counterparts. This dynamic has fostered a where purist policies slow but do not halt foreign influence, with endogenous innovations comprising the bulk of post-1945 technical vocabulary amid ongoing debates over efficacy.

Dialects, Varieties, and Sociolinguistic Impacts

Internal Dialect Continua and Their Marginalization by Standard French

The internal dialect continua of French encompass the in northern , the langue d'oc in the south, and the varieties in east-central regions, forming gradients of linguistic variation derived from spoken during the Roman period and diverging through medieval times. These continua exhibited phonetic, lexical, and grammatical shifts across regions, with decreasing over rather than discrete boundaries separating distinct languages. In the continuum, which includes the Francien dialect of the region that evolved into , varieties such as Picard, Norman, and Walloon showed increasing divergence from the central norm northward and eastward. The Edict of Villers-Cotterêts in 1539 mandated the use of French—specifically the Francien vernacular—for official documents, parish registers, and legal proceedings, replacing Latin but not immediately suppressing spoken regional dialects, which remained dominant in daily communication across rural and provincial areas. Dialects persisted as primary spoken forms into the , with a 1794 survey by Abbé Henri Grégoire revealing that only about 3 million of France's 28 million inhabitants spoke , while the remainder used regional or dialects within the continua. This linguistic diversity was viewed during the as a barrier to national unity, prompting campaigns to promote French as the of and reason, though enforcement was limited until later centralizing efforts. Under the Third Republic, the Jules Ferry laws of 1881–1882 established compulsory, free, and secular primary education conducted exclusively in standard French, with teachers instructed to penalize dialect use in classrooms—a practice known as the vergonha (shame) for Occitan speakers in the south. Military conscription from 1872 onward exposed rural dialect speakers to standardized French through national service, accelerating linguistic assimilation. By the early 20th century, census data indicated a sharp decline: in 1863, approximately 39% of the population spoke Occitan as a native language, but by 1940, no new monolingual speakers of regional languages emerged, and only one in four individuals used them at all. Urbanization, radio, and television broadcasting in standard French from the mid-20th century further marginalized peripheral dialects, reducing active transmission as younger generations adopted the prestige variety for and administrative purposes. In the langue d'oc continuum, Occitan dialects saw speaker numbers drop from millions in the to an estimated 526,000 adult speakers by 2002, many bilingual and passive. varieties, spanning southeastern , , and , experienced similar , with institutional policies prioritizing contributing to their . Despite limited recognition of regional languages in the 1951 Deixonne Law allowing optional teaching, the continua's vitality waned, leaving as the near-universal medium while dialects survive primarily in cultural preservation initiatives.

Overseas Varieties: Creoles, Acadian French, and African Francophonie Influences

French-based creoles originated in the 17th and 18th centuries within European colonial plantation economies, particularly in the and regions, where French served as the primary lexifier amid contact with West African substrates spoken by enslaved populations. These varieties arose from intermediates that nativized into full languages, featuring a approximately 80-90% derived from 18th-century French but with , syntax, and heavily restructured under substrate influences, such as serial verb constructions and lack of inflectional morphology typical of . , spoken by nearly 12 million as a since its stabilization around the late following the (1791-1804), exemplifies this: it retains French nasal vowels like /ɛ̃/ and /õ/ but eliminates gender agreement, employing invariant articles (yon for indefinite, derived from French un/une) and tense-aspect markers prefixed from African models rather than French auxiliaries. Similar developments occurred in , which incorporated French vocabulary with Native American and African elements post-1791 refugee influxes from , though it remains distinct from Cajun French by virtue of greater . Acadian French traces its roots to French settlers arriving in Acadia (modern Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Prince Edward Island) from 1604 onward, evolving in relative isolation until the British expulsion of Acadians (Grand Dérangement) in 1755-1764, which dispersed survivors to Louisiana, forming the Cajun variety. This variety conserves archaic features of 17th-century metropolitan French lost in later standard forms, such as the merger of /ɛ/ and /œ/ before nasals (e.g., bien pronounced [bjɛ̃n] rather than [bjɛ̃]) and retention of intervocalic /r/ as a trill, while innovating through substrate contact with Mi'kmaq and English loans, alongside phonetic shifts like devoicing of final consonants. In Louisiana, Cajun French further diverged by the 19th century via isolation and bilingualism, incorporating English calques and preserving conservative verb conjugations (e.g., widespread use of avoir as auxiliary for all past tenses, unlike modern Parisian shifts), with approximately 100,000 speakers by the early 20th century before mid-century decline due to Anglicization. These traits reflect causal isolation from Parisian norms, enabling parallel evolution akin to Quebec French but with distinct regional markers like the /ʒ/-to-/ʃ/ shift in some areas. In sub-Saharan African Francophonie, French varieties emerged from 19th-century colonial imposition, accelerating post-independence (1960s onward) as an elite lingua franca taught via centralized education systems, now spoken by over 140 million with projections exceeding 700 million by 2050 due to demographic growth. These "African Frenches" exhibit substrate-driven phonological adaptations from Bantu, Niger-Congo, and Nilotic languages, such as vowel harmony (e.g., raising of mid vowels in Kinshasa French under Lingala influence), lexical tone acquisition in Central African varieties like Congolese French (transferring Sango's tonal system for lexical distinction), and consonant lenition avoiding French's uvular /ʁ/ in favor of uvular fricatives or approximants. Lexically, they incorporate thousands of borrowings for local realities—e.g., toubab (from Wolof for "white person") or pagne (wax-print cloth, from local terms)—while syntax shows simplifications like reduced subjunctives and increased invariant que clauses, reflecting transfer from analytic African structures rather than French's synthetic complexity. Bidirectional influence is evident, as African innovations (e.g., neologisms like taxi-brousse for bush taxis) enter global French via migration and media, though institutional standardization via the Académie Française resists full integration, prioritizing metropolitan norms over regional substrates.

References

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