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Bon
Bon
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The Bon monastery of Nangzhik Gompa in Ngawa, Sichuan, China
A statue of Tonpa Shenrab, the central Buddha in Yungdrung Bon

Bon or Bön (Tibetan: བོན་, Wylie: bon, ZYPY: Pön, Lhasa dialect: [pʰø̃̀]), also known as Yungdrung Bon (Tibetan: གཡུང་དྲུང་བོན་, Wylie: gyung drung bon, ZYPY: Yungchung Pön, lit.'eternal Bon'), is the indigenous Tibetan religion which shares many similarities and influences with Tibetan Buddhism.[1] It initially developed in the tenth and eleventh centuries[2] but retains elements from earlier Tibetan religious traditions.[3][4] Bon is a significant minority religion in Tibet, especially in the east, as well as in the surrounding Himalayan regions.[1][4]

The relationship between Bon and Tibetan Buddhism has been a subject of debate. According to the modern scholar Geoffrey Samuel, while Bon is "essentially a variant of Tibetan Buddhism" with many resemblances to Nyingma, it also preserves some genuinely ancient pre-Buddhist elements.[1] David Snellgrove likewise sees Bon as a form of Buddhism, albeit a heterodox kind.[5] Similarly, John Powers writes that "historical evidence indicates that Bön only developed as a self-conscious religious system under the influence of Buddhism".[6]

Followers of Bon, known as "Bonpos" (Wylie: bon po), believe that the religion originated in a kingdom called Zhangzhung, located around Mount Kailash in the Himalayas.[7] Bonpos hold that Bon was brought first to Zhangzhung, and then to Tibet.[8] Bonpos identify the Buddha Shenrab Miwo (Wylie: gshen rab mi bo) as Bon's founder, although no available sources establish this figure's historicity.[9]

Western scholars have posited several origins for Bon, and have used the term "Bon" in many ways. A distinction is sometimes made between an ancient Bon (Wylie: bon rnying), dating back to the pre-dynastic era before 618 CE; a classical Bon tradition (also called Yungdrung BonWylie: g.yung drung bon) which emerged in the 10th and 11th centuries;[10] and "New Bon" or Bon Sar (Wylie: bon gsar), a late syncretic movement dating back to the 14th century and active in eastern Tibet.[11][12][13]

Tibetan Buddhist scholarship tends to cast Bon in a negative, adversarial light, with derogatory stories about Bon appearing in a number of Buddhist histories.[14] The Rimé movement within Tibetan Buddhism encouraged more ecumenical attitudes between Bonpos and Buddhists. Western scholars began to take Bon seriously as a religious tradition worthy of study in the 1960s, in large part inspired by the work of English scholar David Snellgrove.[15] Following the Chinese invasion of Tibet in 1950, Bonpo scholars began to arrive in Europe and North America, encouraging interest in Bon in the West.[16] Today, a proportion of Tibetans – both in Tibet and in the Tibetan diaspora – practise Bon, and there are Bonpo centers in cities around the world.

Etymology

[edit]

Early Western studies of Bon relied heavily on Buddhist sources, and used the word to refer to the pre-Buddhist religion over which it was thought Buddhism triumphed.[17] Helmut Hoffmann's 1950 study of Bon characterised this religion as "animism" and "shamanism"; these characterisations have been controversial.[18] Hoffmann contrasted this animistic-shamanistic folk religion with the organised priesthood of Bonpos which developed later, Shaivism, Buddhist tantras.[19][clarification needed] Hoffman also argued that Gnosticism from the West influenced the systematised Bön religion.[20]

Hoffmann's study was foundational for Western understandings of Bon, but was challenged by a later generation of scholars influenced by David Snellgrove, who collaborated with Bonpo masters and translated Bonpo canonical texts. These scholars tended to view Bon as a heterodox form of Buddhism, transmitted separately from the two transmissions from India to Tibet that formed the Tibetan Buddhist tradition.[21] With the translation of Bonpo histories into Western languages as well as increased engagement between Bonpos and Western scholars, a shift took place in Bon studies towards engaging more thoroughly Bonpos' own histories and self-identification, recognising Bon as an independent religious tradition worthy of academic study.[22]

The term Bon has been used to refer to several different phenomena. Drawing from Buddhist sources, early Western commentators on Bon used the term for the pre-Buddhist religious practices of Tibet. These include folk religious practices, cults surrounding royalty, and divination practices. However, scholars have debated whether the term Bon should be used for all of these practices, and what their relationship is to the modern Bon religion. In an influential article, R. A. Stein used the term "the nameless religion" to refer to folk religious practices, distinguishing them from Bon.[23]

Per Kvaerne uses Bon solely to refer to a tradition he dates from tenth and eleventh centuries CE, the tradition which developed into the modern Bon religion.[24] Kvaerne identifies this tradition as "an unorthodox form of Buddhism,"[25] but other scholars such as Samten G. Karmay take seriously Bonpo narratives which define Bon as a separate tradition with an origin in the land of 'Olmo Lungring.[26] The term Yungdrung Bon (Wylie: g.yung drung bon) is sometimes used to describe this tradition. Yungdrung Bon is a religion with a universalist framework, although it is mainly limited to Tibetans, with some non-Tibetan converts.

There is also a kind of local village priests which are common throughout the Himalayas that are called "bon", "lhabon" or "aya" (and bombo in Nepal). These are not part of the Bon religion proper, but are lay ritual specialists, often on a part time basis. Samuel states that it is unclear if these "bon" priests go back to the ancient period or if the term developed after Yungdrung Bon.[27]

Furthermore, the Dongba (东巴) practices of the Nakhi people and the Hangui (韩规) religion of the Pumi people are both believed to have originated from Bon.[28]

Types

[edit]

As noted by Dmitry Ermakov, "the word Bön is used to denote many diverse religious and cultural traditions." Bon sources acknowledge this and Bon authors like Shardza Rinpoche (1859–1935), Pelden Tsultrim (1902–1973) and Lopön Tenzin Namdak (1925-2025) use a classification of three types of "Bon". Modern scholars also sometimes rely on this classification, which is as follows:[11][12][13][29]

  • Prehistoric Bon (Gdod ma'i bon) of Zhangzhung and Tibet. This is an ancient system of belief and ritual practice that is mostly extinct today. However, elements of it exist in various religious practices found in the Himalayas – mainly in the calling of fortune rituals (g.yang 'gug), the soul retrieval or re-call rituals (bla 'gugs) and the ransom rituals (mdos). Ermakov sees some similarities between this tradition and the Eurasian cult of the sky deer.[29]
  • Eternal Bon (Yungdrung Bon), also called old Bon (Bon Nyingma), which is traced to the Buddha Tonpa Shenrab and other sages from Zhangzhung. These religions developed from the 8th to the 11th century and are similar to Nyingma Buddhism. It includes ancient elements which are pre-Buddhist (including the fortune, bla and ransom rituals).
  • New Bon (Bon Sarma, Bonsar), a syncretic tradition which includes elements from Eternal Bon and Tibetan Buddhism, including the worship of the Buddhist figure Padmasambhava. This new movement dates from the 14th century and was mainly active in eastern Tibet.

Dmitry Ermakov also adds an extra category which he terms "mixed Bon" and which he defines as:[29]

... a blend of these three types of Bön in different proportions, often with the addition of elements from other religions such as Hinduism, Taoism, Himalayan Tribal religions, Native Siberian belief systems etc. Mixed Bön would include Secular Bön or the civil religion of the Himalayan borderlands studied by Charles Ramble in his The Navel of Demoness, as well as Buryatian Bѳ Murgel, from the shores of Lake Baikal, the religion of the Nakhi in Yunnan, and so on.

Symbols

[edit]

The aforementioned "Yungdrung" refers to the left-facing swastika, a symbol which occupies in Bon a similar place as the vajra (Wylie: rdo rje) in Tibetan Buddhism, symbolising indestructibility and eternity.[24][30]

This symbol takes center stage in the flag used by Bonpos. At each end, ancient symbols of auspicious fortune signify the presence of this potent force, typically reserved for the Buddha Tonpa Shenrab. This revered emblem represents powerful protection and enlightened action. The background stripes depict the five fundamental elements - space, fire, air, earth, and water - representing the totality of creative existence. This flag is a visual representation of all phenomena, presented as a symbol of benefit through the yungdrung's activity.

Traditional history

[edit]
Tonpa Shenrab life story, 19th-century painting, Rubin Museum of Art
Tapihritsa, a Bon siddha from Zhangzhung

Tonpa Shenrab

[edit]

From the traditional point of view of the Bon religion, Bon was the original religion of Tibet and Zhangzhung which was taught there by various Buddhas, including Tonpa Shenrab (whose name means “Supreme Holy Man”).[13][31]

Tonpa Shenrab is believed to have received the teaching from the transcendent deity Shenlha Okar in a pure realm before being reborn in the human realm with the purpose of teaching and liberating beings from the cycle of rebirth.[13] He attained Buddhahood several hundred years before Sakyamuni Buddha, in a country west of Tibet, called Olmo Lungring or Tazig (Tasi), which is difficult to identify and acts as a semi-mythical holy land in Bon (like Shambala).[13][32][33] Various dates are given for his birth date, one of which corresponds to 1917 BCE.[34] Some Bon texts also state that Sakyamuni was a later manifestation of Tonpa Shenrab.[32]

Tonpa Shenrab is said to have been born to the Tazig royal family and to have eventually become the king of the realm. He is said to be the main Buddha of our era.[35] He had numerous wives and children, constructed numerous temples and performed many rituals in order to spread Bon.[35] Like Padmasambhava, he is also held to have defeated and subjugated many demons through his magical feats, and like King Gesar, he is also believed to have led numerous campaigns against evil forces.[35]

Tonpa Shenrab is held to have visited the kingdom of Zhangzhung (an area in western Tibet around Mount Kailash),[36] where he found a people whose practice involved spiritual appeasement with animal sacrifice. He taught them to substitute offerings with symbolic animal forms made from barley flour. He only taught according to the student's capability and thus he taught these people the lower vehicles to prepare them for the study of sutra, tantra and Dzogchen in later lives.[37] It is only later in life that he became a celibate ascetic and it is during this time that he defeated his main enemy, the prince of the demons.[35]

After Tonpa Shenrab's paranirvana, his works were preserved in the language of Zhangzhung by ancient Bon siddhas.[38] Most of these teachings were said to have been lost in Tibet after the persecutions against Bon, such as during the time of Trisong Detsen.[34] Bon histories hold that some of Tonpa Shenrab's teachings were hidden away as termas and later re-discovered by Bon treasure revealers (tertons), the most important of which is Shenchen Luga (c. early 11th century).[34]

In the fourteenth century, Loden Nyingpo revealed a terma known as The Brilliance (Wylie: gzi brjid), which contained the story of Tonpa Shenrab. He was not the first Bonpo tertön, but his terma became one of the definitive scriptures of Bon.[39]

Bon histories also discuss the lives of other important religious figures, such as the Zhangzhung Dzogchen master Tapihritsa.[40]

Origin myths

[edit]

Bon myth also includes other elements which are more obviously pre-Buddhist. According to Samuel, Bonpo texts include a creation narrative (in the Sipe D zop ’ug) in which a creator deity, Trigyel Kugpa, also known as Shenlha Okar, creates two eggs, a dark egg and a light egg.[41]

According to Bon scriptures, in the beginning, these two forces, light and dark, created two persons. The black man, called Nyelwa Nakpo (“Black Suffering”), created the stars and all the demons, and is responsible for evil things like droughts. The white man, Öserden (“Radiant One”), is good and virtuous. He created the sun and moon, and taught humans religion. These two forces remain in the world in an ongoing struggle of good and evil which is also fought in the heart of every person.[42]

Powers also writes that according to Bon scriptures, in the beginning, there was only emptiness, which is not a blank void but a pure potentiality. This produced five elements (earth, air, fire, water, and space) which came together into a vast "cosmic egg", from which a primordial being, Belchen Kékhö, was born.[42]

History

[edit]
A manuscript containing a Buddhist criticism of an ancient Bon funeral ritual

Pre-Buddhist Bon and the arrival of Buddhism

[edit]

Little is known about the pre-Buddhist religion of ancient Tibet and scholars of Bon disagree on its nature.[43][44] Some think that Bon evolved from Zoroastrianism and others say Kashmiri Buddhism.[44]

Bon may have referred to a kind of ritual, a type of priest, or a local religion.[43] In ancient Tibet, there seem to have been a class of priests known as kushen (sku gshen, “Priests of the Body”, i.e., the king's body). This religion was eventually marginalised with the coming of Buddhism and Buddhists wrote critiques and polemics of this religion, some of which survive in manuscripts found in Dunhuang (which refer to these practices as "Bon").[13][43]

Likewise, Powers notes that early historical evidence indicates that the term "bon" originally referred to a type of priest who conducted various ceremonies, including priests of the Yarlung kings. Their rituals included propitiating local spirits and guiding the dead through ceremonies to ensure a good afterlife. Their rituals may have involved animal sacrifice, making offerings with food and drink, and burying the dead with precious jewels. The most elaborate rituals involved the Tibetan kings which had special tombs made for them.[6]

Robert Thurman describes at least one type of Bon as a "court religion" instituted "around 100 BCE" by King Pudegungyal, ninth king of the Yarlung dynasty, "perhaps derived from Iranian models", mixed with existing native traditions. It was focused on "the support of the divine legitimacy of an organized state", still relatively new in Tibet. Prominent features were "great sacrificial rituals", especially around royal coronations and burials, and "oracular rites derived from the folk religion, especially magical possessions and healings that required the priests to exhibit shamanic powers". The king was symbolised by the mountain and the priest/shaman by the sky. The religion was "somewhere between the previous "primitive animism", and the much changed later types of Bon.[45]

According to David Snellgrove, the claim that Bon came from the West into Tibet is possible, since Buddhism had already been introduced to other areas surrounding Tibet (in Central Asia) before its introduction into Tibet. As Powers writes, "since much of Central Asia at one time was Buddhist, it is very plausible that a form of Buddhism could have been transmitted to western Tibet prior to the arrival of Buddhist missionaries in the central provinces. Once established, it might then have absorbed elements of the local folk religion, eventually developing into a distinctive system incorporating features of Central Asian Buddhism and Tibetan folk religion."[36]

According to Powers, ancient Bon was closely associated with the royal cult of the kings during the early Tibetan Empire period and they performed "ceremonies to ensure the well-being of the country, guard against evil, protect the king, and enlist the help of spirits in Tibet's military ventures."[46] As Buddhism began to become a more important part of Tibet's religious life, ancient Bon and Buddhism came into conflict and there is evidence of anti-Bon polemics.[47] Some sources claim that a debate between Bonpos and Buddhists was held, and that a Tibetan king ruled Buddhism the winner, banishing Bon priests to border regions.[46] However, Gorvine also mentions that in some cases, Bon priests and Buddhist monks would perform rituals together, and thus there was also some collaboration during the initial period of Buddhist dissemination in Tibet.[47]

Bon sources place the blame of the decline of Bon on two persecutions by two Tibetan kings, Drigum Tsenpo and the Buddhist King Tri Songdetsen (r. 740–797).[48] They also state that at this time, Bon terma texts were concealed all over Tibet.[48] Bon sources generally see the arrival of Buddhism in Tibet and the subsequent period of Buddhist religious dominance as a catastrophe for the true doctrine of Bon. They see this as having been caused by demonic forces.[49] However, other more conciliatory sources also state that Tonpa Shenrab and Sakyamuni were cousins and that their teachings are essentially the same.[49]

The most influential historical figure of this period is the Bon lama Drenpa Namkha. Buddhist sources mention this figure as well and there is little doubt he was a real historical figure.[50] He is known for having ordained himself into Bon during a time when the religion was in decline and for having hidden away many Bon termas. Bon tradition holds that he was the father of another important figure, Tsewang Rigzin and some sources also claim he was the father of Padmasambhava,[50] which is unlikely as the great majority of sources say Padmasambhava was born in Swat, Pakistan. A great cult developed around Drenpa Namkha and there is a vast literature about this figure.[50]

The development of Yungdrung Bon

[edit]
The Bon terton (treasure discoverer) Shenchen Luga (11th century), a key figure of the renaissance period.[51]

Yungdrung Bon (Eternal Bon) is a living tradition that developed in Tibet in the 10th and 11th centuries during the later dissemination of Buddhism (sometimes called the renaissance period) and contains many similarities to Tibetan Buddhism.[52] According to Samuel, the origins of modern Yungdrung Bon have much in common with that of the Nyingma school. Samuel traces both traditions to groups of "hereditary ritual practitioners" in Tibet which drew on Buddhist Tantra and "elements of earlier court and village-level ritual" during the 10th and 11th centuries.[53]

These figures were threatened by the arrival of new Buddhist traditions from India which had greater prestige, new ritual repertoires and the full backing of Indian Buddhist scholarship. Both Nyingmapas and Bonpos used the concept of the terma to develop and expand their traditions in competition with the Sarma schools and also to defend their school as being grounded in an authentic ancient tradition.[53] Thus, Bonpo tertons (treasure finders) like Shenchen Luga and Meuton Gongdzad Ritrod Chenpo revealed important Bon termas. An interesting figure of this era is the Dzogchen master and translator Vairotsana, who according to some sources also translated Bon texts into Tibetan and also hid some Bon termas before leaving Tibet.[54]

While Yungdrung Bon and Nyingma originated in similar circles of pre-Sarma era ritual tantric practitioners, they adopted different approaches to legitimate their traditions. Nyingma looked back to the Tibetan Empire period, and Indian Buddhist figures like Padmasambhava. Bonpos meanwhile looked further back, to Tibet's pre-Buddhist heritage, to another Buddha who was said to have lived before Sakyamuni, as well as to other masters from the kingdom of Zhangzhung.[53] The main Bonpo figures of the Tibetan renaissance period were tertons (treasure revealers) who are said to have discovered Bon texts that had been hidden away during the era of persecution. These figures include Shenchen Luga (gshen chen klu dga), Khutsa Dawo (khu tsha zla od, b. 1024), Gyermi Nyi O (gyer mi nyi od), and Zhoton Ngodrup (bzhod ston d ngos grub, c. 12th century). Most of these figures were also laymen. It was also during this era of Bonpo renewal that the Bon Kanjur and Tenjur were compiled.[55]

Just like all forms of Tibetan Buddhism, Yungdrung Bon eventually developed a monastic tradition, with celibate monks living in various monasteries. Bon monks are called trangsong, a term that translates the Sanskrit rishi (seer, or sage).[46] A key figure in the establishment of Bon monasticism was Nyamme Sherab Gyaltsen (mNyam med Shes rab rgyal mtshan, c. 1356–1415).[56] According to Jean Luc Achard, "his insistence on Madhyamaka, logic, gradual path (lamrim) and philosophical studies has modeled the now traditional approach of practice in most Bon po monasteries."[56] His tradition emphasises the importance of combining the study of sutra, tantra and Dzogchen.[56] The most important Bon monastery is Menri monastery, which was built in 1405 in Tsang. Bon monks, like their Buddhist counterparts, study scripture, train in philosophical debate and perform rituals. However, Bon also has a strong tradition of lay yogis.[46]

The era of New Bon

[edit]
Sanggye Lingpa (1705–1735), Tibet, 19th century, Rubin Museum of Art

"New Bon" (bonsar, or sarma Bon) is a more recent development in the Bon tradition, which is closely related to both Eternal Bon and the Nyingma school of Tibetan Buddhism.[13][57] It is centered on the figures of Drenpa Namkha, Tsewang Rigdzin and Padmasambhava, which in this school are considered to have transmitted and written commentaries on the works of Tonpa Shenrab in around the 8th century.[13]

According to Jean Luc Achard, the New Bon movement begins in Eastern Tibet with the works of Tulku Loden Nyingpo (1360–1385), a terton who discovered the Zibji (gzi brjid), a famous Tonpa Shenrab biography.[13] His reincarnation, Techen Mishik Dorje is also known for his terma revelations.[13]

The movement continued to develop, with new Bon terma texts being revealed well into the 18th century by influential tertons like Tulku Sangye Lingpa (b. 1705) and the first Kundrol Drakpa (b. 1700).[13] New Bon figures do not consider their revelations to be truly "new", in the sense that they do not see their revelations as being ultimately different from Yungdrung Bon. However, some followers of more orthodox Yundrung Bon lineages, like the Manri tradition, saw these termas as being influenced by Buddhism. Later New Bon figures like Shardza Rinpoche (1859–1934) responded to these critiques (see his Treasury of Good Sayings, legs bshad mdzod).[13] The work of these New Bon figures led to the flourishing of New Bon in Eastern Tibet.[58]

Some Tibetan tertons like Dorje Lingpa were known to have revealed New Bon termas as well as Nyingma termas.[57]

Lobsang Yeshe (1663–1737), recognised as the 5th Panchen Lama by the 5th Dalai Lama (1617–1682), was a member of the Dru family, an important Bon family. Samten Karmay sees this choice as a gesture of reconciliation with Bon by the Fifth Dalai Lama (who had previously converted some Bon monasteries to Gelug ones by force). Under the Fifth Dalai Lama, Bon was also officially recognised as a Tibetan religion.[59] Bon suffered extensively during the Dzungar invasion of Tibet in 1717, when many Nyingmapas and Bonpos were executed.[60]

Modern period

[edit]

In the 19th and 20th centuries, the Bon tradition (both New Bon and Eternal Bon lineages) flourished in Eastern Tibet, led by charismatic Bonpo lamas like bDe ch en gling pa, d Bal gter sTag s lag can (bsTan 'dzin dbang rgyal), gSang sngags gling pa, and Shardza Rinpoche.[61]

Shardza Tashi Gyaltsen (1859–1933) was a particularly important Bon master of this era, whose collected writings comprise up to eighteen volumes (or sometimes twenty).[62] According to William M. Gorvine, this figure is "the Bon religion's most renowned and influential luminary of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries."[63] He was associated with the orthodox Eternal Bon Manri monastery tradition as well as with New Bon figures like the 5th and 6th Kun grol incarnations, gSang sngags gling pa (b. 1864) and bDe chen gling pa (1833–1893) as well as with dBal bon sTag lag ca n, bsTan ' d zin dbang rgyal (b. 1832). These figures maintained the orthodox Manri tradition of Eternal Bon, while also holding New Bon terma lineages.[64]

Shardza Rinpoche is also known to have had connections with the non-sectarian Buddhist lamas of the Rime movement and to have taught both Buddhists and Bonpos.[65][66]

Shardza Rinpoche had many disciples, including his nephew Lodro Gyatso (1915–1954) who led the lineage and Shardza's hermitage and college, after Shardza's passing.[67][68] His disciple Kagya Khyungtrul Jigmey Namkha trained many practitioners to be learned in not only the Bon religion, but in all Tibetan sciences.[69] More than three hundred Bon monasteries had been established in Tibet before Chinese occupation. Of these, Menri Monastery and Shurishing Yungdrung Dungdrakling Monastery were the two principal monastic universities for the study and practice of Bon.

Present situation

[edit]
Menri Monastery, India
Yungdrung Bon lamas
14th Dalai Lama and Tenzin Namdak in 1978

In 2019, scholars estimate that there were 400,000 Bon followers in the Tibetan Plateau.[70] When Tibet was invaded by the People's Republic of China, there were approximately 300 Bon monasteries in Tibet and the rest of western China. Bon suffered the same fate as Tibetan Buddhism did during the Chinese Cultural revolution, though their monasteries were allowed to rebuild after 1980.[71] According to some reports, the government of China has been promoting the Bon religion, linking it with Confucianism.[72][73]

The present spiritual head of the Bon is Menri Trizin Rinpoché, successor of Lungtok Tenpai Nyima (1929–2017), the thirty-fourth Abbot of Menri Monastery (destroyed in the Cultural Revolution, but now rebuilt), who now presides over Pal Shen-ten Menri Ling in Dolanji in Himachal Pradesh, India. The 33rd lineage holder of Menri Monastery, Menri Trizin Lungtok Tenpai Nyima and Lopön Tenzin Namdak are important current lineage holders of Bon.

A number of Bon establishments also exist in Nepal; Triten Norbutse Bonpo Monastery is one on the western outskirts of Kathmandu. Bon's leading monastery in India is the refounded Menri Monastery in Dolanji, Himachal Pradesh.

Official recognition

[edit]

Bonpos remained a stigmatised and marginalised group until 1979, when they sent representatives to Dharamshala and the 14th Dalai Lama, who advised the Parliament of the Central Tibetan Administration to accept Bon members. Before this recognition, during the previous twenty years, the Bon community had received none of the financial support which was channelled through the Dalai Lama's office and were often neglected and treated dismissively in the Tibetan refugee community.[74]

Since 1979, Bon has had official recognition of its status as a religious group, with the same rights as the Buddhist schools. This was re-stated in 1987 by the Dalai Lama, who also forbade discrimination against the Bonpos, stating that it was both undemocratic and self-defeating. He even donned Bon ritual paraphernalia, emphasising "the religious equality of the Bon faith".[75] The Dalai Lama now sees Bon as the fifth Tibetan religion and has given Bonpos representation on the Council of Religious Affairs at Dharamsala.[57]

However, Tibetans still differentiate between Bon and Buddhism, referring to members of the Nyingma, Sakya, Kagyu and Gelug schools as nangpa, meaning "insiders", but to practitioners of Bon as "Bonpo", or even chipa ("outsiders").[76][77]

Teachings

[edit]

According to Samuel, the teachings of Bon closely resemble those of Tibetan Buddhism, especially those of the Nyingma school. Bon monasticism has also developed a philosophical and debate tradition which is modelled on the tradition of the Gelug school.[78] Like Buddhism, Bon teachings see the world as a place of suffering and seek spiritual liberation. They teach karma and rebirth as well as the six realms of existence found in Buddhism.[79]

Bon lamas and monks fill similar roles as those of Tibetan Buddhist lamas and the deities and rituals of Bon often resemble Buddhist ones, even if their names and iconography differ in other respects.[78] For example, the Bon deity Phurba is almost the same deity as Vajrakilaya, while Chamma closely resembles Tara.[78]

Per Kværne writes that, at first glance, Bon "appear to be nearly indistinguishable from Buddhism with respect to its doctrines, monastic life, rituals, and meditational practices."[80] However, both religions agree that they are distinct, and a central distinction is that Bon's source of religious authority is not the Indian Buddhist tradition, but what it considers to be the eternal religion which it received from Zhangzhung (in Western Tibet) and ultimately derives from land called Tazik where Tonpa Shenrab lived, ruled as king and taught Bon.[80] Bon also includes many rituals and concerns that are not as common in Tibetan Buddhism. Many of these are worldly and pragmatic, such as divination rituals, funerary rituals that are meant to guide a deceased person's consciousness to higher realms and appeasing local deities through ransom rituals.[81]

In the Bon worldview, the term "Bon" means “truth,” “reality,” and “the true doctrine.” The Bon religion, which is revealed by enlightened beings, provides ways of dealing with the mundane world as well as a path to spiritual liberation.[5] Bon doctrine is generally classified in various ways, including the "nine ways" and the four portals and the fifth, the treasury.

Worldview

[edit]

According to Bon, all of reality is pervaded by a transcendent principle, which has a male aspect called Kuntuzangpo (All-Good) and a female aspect called Kuntuzangmo. This principle is an empty dynamic potentiality. It is also identified with what is called the "bon body" (bon sku), which is the true nature of all phenomena and is similar to the Buddhist idea of the Dharmakaya, as well as with the "bon nature" (bon nyid), which is similar to "Buddha nature". This ultimate principle is the source of all reality and to achieve spiritual liberation, one must have insight into this ultimate nature.[42]

According to John Myrdhin Reynolds, Bonpo Dzogchen is said to reveal one's Primordial State (ye gzhi) or Natural State (gnas-lugs) which is described in terms of intrinsic primordial purity (ka-dag) and spontaneous perfection in manifestation (lhun-grub).[57]

The Bon Dzogchen understanding of reality is explained by Powers as follows:

In Bön Dzogchen texts, the world is said to be an emanation of luminous mind. All the phenomena of experience are its illusory projections, which have their being in mind itself. Mind in turn is part of the primordial basis of all reality, called “bön nature.” This exists in the form of multicolored light and pervades all of reality, which is merely its manifestation. Thus Shardza Tashi Gyaltsen contends that everything exists in dependence upon mind, which is an expression of the bön nature...mind is a primordially pure entity that is co-extensive with bön nature, an all-pervasive reality that is only perceived by those who have eliminated adventitious mental afflictions and actualized the luminous potentiality of mind. Those who attain awakening transform themselves into variegated light in the form of the rainbow body, after which their physical forms dissolve, leaving nothing behind. Both cyclic existence and nirvana are mind, the only difference being that those who have attained nirvana have eliminated illusory afflictions, and so their cognitive streams are manifested as clear light, while beings caught up in cyclic existence fail to recognize the luminous nature of mind and so are plagued by its illusory creations.[82]

Classification of the teachings

[edit]

According to John Myrdhin Reynolds, the main Bon teachings are classified into three main schemas:[57]

  1. The Nine Successive Vehicles to Enlightenment (theg-pa rim dgu);
  2. Four Portals of Bon and the fifth which is the Treasury (sgo bzhi mdzod lnga);
  3. The Three Cycles of Precepts that are Outer, Inner, and Secret (bka' phyi nang gsang skor gsum).

The Nine Ways or Vehicles

[edit]
Lopön Tenzin Namdak, abbot of a Bon monastery in Nepal and a well known teacher of Bonpo Dzogchen

Samuel notes that Bon tends to be more accepting and explicit in their embrace of the practical side of life (and the importance of life rituals and worldly activities) which falls under the "Bon of cause" division of "the Nine Ways of Bon" (bon theg pa rim dgu). This schema includes all the teachings of Bon and divides them into nine main classes, which are as follows:[83][84]

  • Way of Prediction (phyva gshen theg pa) codifies ritual, divination, medicine, and astrology;
  • Way of the Visual World (snang shen theg pa) teaches rituals for local gods and spirits for good fortune
  • Way of Magic ('phrul gshen theg pa) explains the magical exorcistic rites for the destruction of adverse entities.
  • Way of Life (srid gshen theg pa) details funeral and death rituals as well as ways to protect the life force of the living
  • Way of a Lay Follower (dge bsnyen theg pa) lay morality, contains the ten principles for wholesome activity as well as worldly life rituals
  • Way of an Ascetic (drang srong theg pa) or "Swastika Bon" focuses on ascetic practice, meditation and monastic life;
  • Way of Primordial Sound (a dkar theg pa) or the Way of the White A, this refers to tantric practices and secret mantras (gsang sngags);
  • Way of Primordial Shen, (ye gshen theg pa) refers to certain special yogic methods. This corresponds to the Nyingma school's Anuyoga.
  • The Supreme Way (bla med theg pa), or The Way of Dzogchen (Great Perfection). Like the Nyingmapas, Bonpos consider Dzogchen to be the superior meditative path.

Traditionally, the Nine Ways are taught in three versions: in the Central, Northern and Southern treasures. The Central treasure is closest to Nyingma Nine Yānas teaching and the Northern treasure is lost. Tenzin Wangyal Rinpoche elaborated the Southern treasure with shamanism.[37]

The nine ways are classified into two main divisions in the "Southern Treasure" terma tradition:[83][57]

  • "Bon of Cause" (rgyu), comprises the first four of the above;
  • "Bon of the Effect" ('bras bu) includes the fifth through ninth, the superior path being the Way of Dzogchen (as in the Nyingma school).

The Four Portals and the Fifth, the Treasury

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This classification, called The Four Portals and the Fifth, the Treasury (sgo bzhi mdzod lnga), is a different and independent system of classification.[57] The main sets of teachings here are divided up as follows:[57]

  • The Bon of "the White Waters" containing the Fierce Mantras (chab dkar drag-po sngags kyi bon) deals with tantric or esoteric matters, mainly fierce or wrathful practices and deities.
  • The Bon of "the Black Waters" for the continuity of existence (chab nag srid-pa rgyud kyi bon) concerns divination, magic, funeral rites, purification rituals and ransom rituals.
  • The Bon of the Extensive Prajnaparamita from the country of Phanyul ('phan-yul rgyas-pa 'bum gyi bon) includes teachings on lay and monastic ethics, as well as expositions of Prajnaparamita philosophy.
  • The Bon of the Scriptures and the Secret Oral Instructions of the Masters (dpon-gsas man-ngag lung gi bon) deals mainly with Dzogchen teachings.
  • The Bon of the Treasury which is of the highest purity and is all-inclusive (gtsang mtho-thog spyi-rgyug mdzod kyi bon), this is an anthology of the salient items of the Four Portals.

The Three Cycles

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The Three Cycles of Precepts that are Outer, Inner, and Secret (bka' phyi nang gsang skor gsum) are:[57]

  • The Outer Cycle (phyi skor) deals with sutra teachings on the path of renunciation.
  • The Inner Cycle (nang skor) contains Tantric teachings (rgyud-lugs) and is known as the path of transformation (sgyur lam).
  • The Secret Cycle (gsang skor) contains the Dzogchen intimate instructions (man-ngag) and is known as the Path of Self-Liberation (grol lam).

Traditions of Bon Dzogchen

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A thangka depicting the lineage lamas of the Aural Tradition of Zhangzhung

There are three main Bon Dzogchen traditions:[85][57][86]

  • The Zhang-zhung Aural Lineage (Zhang-zhung nyen-gyu) – This tradition is ultimately traced to the primordial Buddha Kuntu Zangpo, who taught it to nine Sugatas, the last being Sangwa Düpa. These teachings were then passed down by twenty four Dzogchen masters in Tazik and Zhangzhung, all of which are said to have attained rainbow body.[87] The lineage eventually reached the 7th century siddha Tapihritsa, the last of the 24 masters. He later appeared to the 8th century Zhangzhung siddha Gyerpung Nangzher Lödpo, who was in retreat near Darok Lake, and gave him a direct introduction to Dzogchen.[87] Gyerpung Nangzher Lödpo transmitted the teachings to numerous disciples who also wrote the teachings down. This lineage continued until it reached Pön-gyal Tsänpo, who translated these works into Tibetan from the language of Zhangzhung.[87]
  • A-khrid ("The Teaching Leading to the Primordial State i.e. A") – This tradition was founded by Meuton Gongdzad Ritrod Chenpo ('The Great Hermit Meditation-Treasury of the family of rMe'u', c. 11th century). These teachings are divided into three sections dealing with the view (lta-ba), the meditation (sgom-pa), and the conduct (spyod-pa) and is structured into a set of eighty meditation sessions which extend over several weeks. Later figures like Aza Lodo Gyaltsan and Druchen Gyalwa Yungdrung condensed the practices down to a smaller number of sessions. The great Bonpo master Shardza Rinpoche wrote extensive commentaries on the A-khrid system and its associated dark retreat practice.[57]
  • Dzogchen Yangtse Longchen – This system is based on a terma named the rDzogs-chen yang-rtse'i klong-chen ("the Great Vast Expanse of the Highest Peak which is the Great Perfection,") which was discovered by Zhodton Ngodrub Dragpa in 1080 (inside of a statue of Vairocana). The terma is attributed to the eighth century Bonpo master Lishu Tagrin.[57]

Donnatella Rossi also mentions two more important cycles of Bon Dzogchen teachings:[88]

  • Ye khri mtha' sel, also known as the Indian Cycle (rgya gar gyi skor), which is attributed to the eighth century Zhangzhung master Dranpa Namkha and is said to have been transmitted in the 11th century to Lung Bon lHa gnyan by a miraculous apparition of Dranpa Namkha's son.
  • Byang chub sems gab pa dgu skor, which is classified as an important Southern Treasure text and was discovered by Shenchen Luga (996–1035), a major figure of the later diffusion of Bon.

Pantheon

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Enlightened beings

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Kunzang Akor, Central Tibet, 16th century
Trowo Tsochog Khagying

Bon deities share some similarities to Buddhist Mahayana deities and some are also called "Buddhas" (sanggye), but they also have unique names, iconography and mantras.[89] As in Tibetan Buddhism, Bon deities can be "peaceful" or "wrathful".[90]

The most important of the peaceful deities are the "Four Transcendent Lords, Deshek Tsozhi (bDer gshegs gtso bzhi)."[90] Each of these four beings has many different forms and manifestations.[90] These are:[90]

  • "The Mother" Satrig Ersang, a female Buddha whose name means wisdom and who is similar to Prajnaparamita (and is also yellow in colour). Her "five heroic syllables" are: SRUM, GAM, RAM, YAM, OM.[91] One of her most important manifestations is Sherab Chamma (loving lady of wisdom), a female bodhisattva like being.
  • "The God" Shenlha Ökar (wisdom priest of white light) or Shiwa Ökar (peaceful white light), a deity of wisdom light and compassion, whose main color is white. He is associated with the Dharmakaya. Kvaerne sees some similarities with Amitabha.[92] Another important Dharmakaya deity is Kuntuzangpo (Samantabhadra, All Good), the primordial Buddha, which serves a similar function to the figure of the same name in the Nyingma school Both Kuntuzangpo and Shenlha Ökar are seen as personifications of the 'Body of Bon', or Ultimate Reality.[93] In Bon, Kuntunzangpo is often presented in a slightly different form called Kunzang Akor ('the All-Good, Cycle of A'), depicted seated in meditation with a letter A in his breast.[93]
  • "The Procreator" (sipa), Sangpo Bumtri. He is the being who brings forth the beings of this world and plays an important role in Bon cosmogonic myths. He is associated with the sambhogakaya.[94]
  • "The Teacher" Tonpa Shenrab Miwoche (meaning: Supreme Priest, Great Man). He is associated with the nirmanakaya and is the present teacher of Bon in this era.[95]

Bon Yidams (meditation or tutelary deities) are those deities which are often used in meditative tantric practice and are the mainly fierce or wrathful forms. These class of deities resemble Buddhist yidams like Chakrasamvara and Hevajra. It includes figures like Magyu Sangchog Tartug ('Supreme Secret of Mother Tantras, Attaining the Limit'), Trowo Tsochog Khagying ('Wrathful One, Supreme Lord Towering in the Sky'), Welse Ngampa ('Fierce Piercing Deity'), and Meri ('Mountain of Fire').[96] The Bonpos also have a tantric tradition of a deity called Purpa, which is very similar to the Nyingma deity Vajrakilaya.[97]

Like the Buddhists, the Bon pantheon also includes various protector deities, siddhas (perfected ones), lamas (teachers) and dakinis. Some key figures are Drenpa Namkha (a major 8th century Bon lama whose name is also mentioned in Buddhist sources), the sage Takla Mebar (a disciple of Tonpa Shenrab), Sangwa Dupa (a sage from Tazik), Zangsa Ringtsun (Auspicious Lady of Long Life).[98]

Worldly gods and spirits

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The Bon cosmos contains numerous other deities, including Shangpo and Chucham (a goddess of water) who produced nine gods and goddesses. There is also the 360 Kékhö, who live on the mount Tisé (Kailash) and the 360 Werma deities. These are associated with the 360 days of the year.[99]

Another set of deities are the White Old Man, a sky god, and his consort. They are known by a few different names, such as the Gyalpo Pehar called “King Pehar” (Wylie: pe har rgyal po). Pehar is featured as a protecting deity of Zhangzhung, the center of the Bon religion. Reportedly, Pehar is related to celestial heavens and the sky in general. In early Buddhist times, Pehar transmogrified into a shamanic bird to adapt to the bird motifs of shamanism. Pehar's consort is a female deity known by one of her names as Düza Minkar (Wylie: bdud gza smin dkar).[100]

Bonpos cultivate household gods in addition to other deities and the layout of their homes may include various seats for protector deities.[101]

Chinese influence is also seen is some of the deities worshiped in Bon. For example, Confucius is worshipped in Bon as a holy king and master of magic, divination and astrology. He is also seen as being a reincarnation of Tonpa Shenrab Miwoche, the legendary founder of Bon.[102]

In the Balti version of Bon in Baltistan, deities such as lha (gods), klu (serpents or dragons) and lhamo (goddesses) are worshipped, and many legends about these deities still exist among the local population.

Bon literature

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Bon texts can be divided into translations of teachings (the words of Buddha Shenrab, found in the Bon Kanjur) and translations of treatises (philosophical and commentarial texts, the Bon Tenjur).[79] The Bon Kanjur comprises four main categories: the Sutras (mdo), the Perfection of Wisdom Teachings ('bum), the Tantras (rgyud) and Higher Knowledge (mdzod, 'Treasure-house'), which deals with the supreme forms of meditation.[103] The Tenjur material is classified into three main categories according to Kvaerne: "'External', including commentaries on canonical texts dealing with monastic discipline, morality; metaphysics and the biographies of Tonpa Shenrap; 'Internal', comprising the commentaries on the Tantras including rituals focusing on the tantric deities and the cult of dakinis, goddesses whose task it is to protect the Doctrine, and worldly rituals of magic and divination; and finally 'Secret', a section that deals with meditational practices."[103]

Besides these, the Bon canon includes material on rituals, arts and crafts, logic, medicine, poetry and narrative. According to Powers, Bon literature includes numerous ritual and liturgical treatises, which share some similarities to Tibetan Buddhist ritual.[104] According to Per Kvaerne, "while no precise date for the formation of the Bonpo Kanjur can be ascertained at present...it does not seem to contain texts which have come to light later than 1386. A reasonable surmise would be that the Bonpo Kanjur was assembled by 1450."[103]

According to Samuel, Bon texts are similar to Buddhist texts and thus suggest "a considerable amount of borrowing between the two traditions in the tenth and eleventh centuries. While it has generally been assumed that this borrowing proceeds from Buddhist to Bonpo, and this seems to have been the case for the Phurba practice, some of it may well have been in the opposite direction."[97] Powers similarly notes that "many Bön scriptures are nearly identical to texts in the Buddhist canon, but often have different titles and Bön technical terms" and "only a few Bön texts that seem to predate Buddhism."[79] While Western scholars initially assumed that this similarity with Buddhist texts was mere plagiarism, the work of Snellgrove and others have reassessed this view and now most scholars of Bon hold that in many cases, Buddhist texts borrow and reproduce Bon texts. Per Kværne writes that "this does not mean that Bon was not at some stage powerfully influenced by Buddhism; but once the two religions, Bon and Buddhism, were established as rival traditions in Tibet, their relationship was a complicated one of mutual influence.[80]

Regarding the current status of the Bon canon, Powers writes that:

The Bön canon today consists of about three hundred volumes, which were carved onto wood blocks around the middle of the nineteenth century and stored in Trochu in eastern Tibet. Copies of the canon were printed until the 1950s, but the blocks were destroyed during the Cultural Revolution, although it appears that most of the texts were brought to India or hidden in Tibet.[79]

Termas

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The largest part of the Bon canon is made up of numerous termas (treasure texts), which were believed to have been hidden away during the period of persecution and to have begun to be discovered during the 10th century.[103] Bonpos hold that their termas were hidden by masters like Drenpa Namkha during the period of decline and persecution under King Trisong Detsen, and then were rediscovered by later Bon tertons (treasure discoverers).[104]

The three principal terma of Yungdrung Bon are:[105]

  • the "Northern Treasure" (Wylie: byang gter), compiled from texts revealed in Zhangzhung and northern Tibet
  • the "Central Treasure" (Wylie: dbus gter), from Central Tibet
  • the "Southern Treasure" (Wylie: lho gter), revealed in Bhutan and Southern Tibet.

Three Bon scriptures—mdo 'dus, gzer mig, and gzi brjid—relate the mythos of Tonpa Shenrab Miwoche. The Bonpos regard the first two as gter ma rediscovered around the tenth and eleventh centuries and the last as nyan brgyud (oral transmission) dictated by Loden Nyingpo, who lived in the fourteenth century.[106]

A Cavern of Treasures (Tibetan: མཛོད་ཕུག, Wylie: mdzod phug) is a Bon terma uncovered by Shenchen Luga (Tibetan: གཤེན་ཆེན་ཀླུ་དགའ, Wylie: gshen chen klu dga') in the early 11th century which is an important source for the study of the Zhang-Zhung language.[107]

The main Bon great perfection teachings are found in terma texts called The Three Cycles of Revelation. The primary Bon Dzogchen text is The Golden Tortoise, which was revealed by Ngödrup Drakpa (c. 11th century). According to Samten Karmay, these teachings are similar to those of the Semde class in Nyingma.[108] According to Jean Luc Achard, the main Dzogchen cycle studied and practised in contemporary Bon is The Oral Transmission of the Great Perfection in Zhangzhung (rDzogs pa chen po zhang zhung snyan rgyud), a cycle which includes teachings on the Dzogchen practices of trekcho and thogal (though it uses different terms to refer to these practices) and is attributed to the Zhangzhung sage Tapihritsa.[109]

See also

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References

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Bon, also known as Yungdrung Bon, is the indigenous spiritual of Tibet and surrounding Himalayan regions, rooted in pre-Buddhist shamanistic practices involving , ritual , demon appeasement, and of natural forces through priests called bonpo. According to Bonpo , its doctrines originated from the teachings of , a semi-mythical figure said to have lived millennia ago in the land of Olmo Lung Ring, though no empirical historical evidence confirms his existence or the antiquity of these teachings beyond medieval scriptural compilations. Over centuries, Bon evolved through interaction with , adopting monastic structures, tantric elements, and philosophical concepts like while retaining distinct rituals such as counter-clockwise and the yungdrung (eternal ) as its central symbol representing imperishability. Key texts, often revealed as terma (hidden treasures) from the 10th to 14th centuries, outline four principal vehicles of practice—from basic ethical conduct to advanced meditation—paralleling Buddhist paths but emphasizing Bonpo lineage and deities like Shenlha Okar. Despite suppression under Buddhist kings and later Chinese rule, Bon persists as one of Tibet's five major spiritual traditions, with monasteries like Menri in communities, though scholarly analysis highlights its post-7th-century scriptural formation as potentially influenced by Buddhist models rather than a purely independent prehistoric system. Controversies center on its origins, with Bonpo claims of primacy contested by evidence of mutual borrowing, including Bon's incorporation of Buddhist terminology and the reverse accusation from Buddhist sources of Bonpo emulation.

Etymology

Original Meaning and Evolution

In early Tibetan texts, the term bon originally denoted a ritual invocation or practice, with bonpo referring to practitioners who performed specific rites such as funerary ceremonies, divination, and exorcisms. These individuals functioned as ritual specialists akin to shamans, handling interactions with local deities and ancestral spirits, as evidenced by Dunhuang manuscripts from the 8th-9th centuries and a 9th-century wooden artifact from Miran recording a bonpo-led ritual for a territorial deity (yul lha). During the Tibetan imperial period (7th-9th centuries), bon and bonpo appeared in records not as markers of a cohesive doctrinal system but as descriptors for disparate, localized ritual activities integrated into court and community functions, without evidence of an organized religion under that name. Contemporary Chinese translations equated bonpo with terms like "heretical teacher" or "sorcerer" (xieshi), reflecting external perceptions of these practitioners as non-Buddhist ritualists amid the empire's adoption of Buddhism. This usage highlights bon as a functional category for empirical, cause-oriented rites rather than a unified faith, with no imperial-era texts presenting it as a rival doctrine to Buddhism. The term evolved into Yungdrung Bon ("eternal Bon") from the onward, as bonpo communities formalized their tradition during Buddhism's second diffusion in , adopting the yungdrung (left-facing ) symbol to signify perpetuity and distinction from Buddhist rivals. This shift marked Bon's transformation from ad hoc ritualism to a self-identified religious system, incorporating scriptural corpora and lineages to parallel Buddhist structures, though rooted in reinterpreted pre-Buddhist practices.

Modern Interpretations

Contemporary Bonpo interpretations assert that the term "Bon" originates from the language, connoting "truth," "reality," or "the true doctrine" that guides practitioners toward liberation, thereby positioning it as an eternal, structured spiritual path rather than unstructured . This view, promoted by Bon adherents to underscore doctrinal depth, contrasts with philological analyses by scholars like David Snellgrove, who derive "bon" from Tibetan roots implying "invoke," "entreat," "recite," or "chant," associating it with pragmatic ritual labor by pre-Buddhist shamans focused on and . Twentieth-century Bon scholars, including , have reframed "Bon" as rooted in archaic recitation practices akin to invoking primordial awareness, elevating it to an indigenous predating and independent of Buddhist influences, while acknowledging its evolution through textual canonization. Norbu's work highlights Bon's continuity as a recitation-based (bon-pa as "reciter"), distinct from folk animism by integrating cosmological narratives and meditative disciplines, though critics argue this narrative serves to legitimize later monastic reforms over diverse, localized shamanic rites. Scholarly debates question whether "Bon" functioned as a retroactive label unifying heterogeneous pre-Buddhist ritual practices—such as divination, spirit propitiation, and burial rites—into a singular tradition, given the term's historical application to varied non-Buddhist specialists rather than a monolithic system. Empirical support for ancient systemic use remains elusive, with no archaeological artifacts or inscriptions attesting to a cohesive Bon institution before Buddhist encounters, suggesting the term's modern doctrinal emphasis may reflect post-11th-century scriptural harmonization rather than primordial unity.

Foundational Narratives

Tonpa Shenrab Miwoche

is depicted in Yungdrung Bon canonical texts as the primordial teacher and founder of the Bon tradition, who descended from higher realms to impart doctrines of ethics, meditation, and ritual practices across human and divine spheres. Traditional accounts place his birth approximately 18,000 years ago in the realm of Tagzig Olmo Lung Ring, a sacred land described as an inverted swastika-shaped territory northwest of , centered around Mount Meru-like features and featuring nine stacked levels symbolizing cosmological purity. Born as Prince Mura Tahen to King Gyalbon Thugkar and Queen Zangmo Yulo at the palace of Barpo Sogye, he initially lived a royal life, marrying and fathering children before renouncing worldly attachments at age 31 to pursue ascetic practices and enlightenment. Following his awakening, Shenrab propagated the Nine Vehicles (Theg pa rim gu), a graduated path from basic ethical conduct and ritual appeasement to advanced meditative realizations and tantric methods, adapting teachings to varying capacities in regions like Zhang Zhung and even confronting and subduing obstructive demons to establish doctrinal hegemony. His biography outlines twelve great deeds mirroring those attributed to Shakyamuni Buddha, including descent from a celestial abode, miraculous birth, mastery of arts, , temptation overcoming, enlightenment under a , and ultimate after 81 years of teaching, dated traditionally to around 7818 BCE. These narratives emphasize his role in civilizing primal sacrificial practices, such as substituting for animal offerings during visits to areas like Kongpo. No empirical archaeological or contemporaneous textual evidence confirms Shenrab's historical existence, with the earliest preserved biographies—the concise Epitome of Aphorisms, the two-volume Crystal Mirror, and the extensive Ziji—emerging from Bon scriptural compilations between the 14th and 16th centuries, often as revealed terma treasures attributed to figures like Loden Nyingpo. These accounts, while central to Bon self-understanding, reflect later syntheses potentially influenced by interactions with Buddhist hagiographic forms, underscoring the legendary rather than verifiable nature of the figure.

Origin Myths and Legendary History

Bon origin myths posit a divine lineage descending from primordial purity, embodied by transcendent lords including Shenlha Ökar, the white deity of and , who manifests teachings to enlighten beings across cosmic eras. These narratives frame Bon as an eternal tradition (Yungdrung Bon) antedating human societies, with Shenlha Ökar advising primordial figures like Dagpa, Salwa, and Shenrab to propagate doctrines in successive world ages, from past purity to present enlightenment. The yungdrung, a counterclockwise symbolizing indestructibility and the eternal wheel of doctrine, features centrally in these myths as a native of cosmic order, asserted by Bonpo sources to originate in pre-Buddhist Tibetan and contexts rather than Indic importation. Archaeological parallels in Upper Tibetan suggest ancient regional precedents for such motifs, aligning with legendary claims of pre-civilizational sanctity. Legendary accounts describe cycles of Bon's dissemination originating in Zhangzhung, a western Himalayan kingdom, spreading to amid interruptions by wars, royal persecutions, and omens like solar eclipses, which Bon texts interpret as signs of doctrinal decline necessitating concealment of scriptures in hidden realms or among lineages. These concealments, purportedly revealed later by tertöns (treasure discoverers), underscore the tradition's self-narrative of resilience through epochs of obscurity, distinct from empirical historical records that date organized Bon to the first millennium CE.

Historical Development

Pre-Buddhist Practices and Evidence

Archaeological investigations of tombs dating to the 6th and 7th centuries reveal funerary practices centered on and exposure of corpses, with artifacts such as metal and bone implements used in rituals to propitiate local spirits and ensure safe passage for the deceased. These sites, including those in province, contain evidence of shamanistic elements like animal sacrifices and invocations to mountain and sky deities, without indications of a codified doctrinal . Inscriptions on tomb steles from this era reference offerings to ancestral and territorial spirits, reflecting a decentralized polytheistic framework influenced by nomadic pastoralist traditions rather than organized priesthood. The kingdom of , centered in western and contemporaneous with early Tibetan polities, exhibits practices documented through and monumental remains, featuring a pantheon led by a supreme sky god and lesser entities associated with natural forces. Artifacts from Zhangzhung sites, such as fortified settlements and ritual cairns predating the , show continuity in spirit veneration and , but lack textual or iconographic evidence of a unified religious like "Bon." This likely disseminated eastward via cultural exchanges, contributing to indigenous Tibetan rituals focused on averting misfortune through propitiatory rites, as inferred from comparative analysis of Inner Asian funerary customs. Empirical data from early plateau settlements, including varied mortuary assemblages with minimal grave goods and emphasis on open-air exposure, demonstrate heterogeneous practices without the swastika-derived Yungdrung symbol, which appears absent in pre-10th-century artifacts despite later Bon attributions of antiquity to it. Sites like those in Upper Tibet yield no centralized temple structures or scriptural references prior to Buddhist influence, underscoring shamanic individualism over doctrinal uniformity. Such evidence points to causal continuity in ritual forms—such as sky exposure for decomposition—but attributes their systematization to post-7th-century developments rather than a prehistoric "Bon" entity.

Encounters with Buddhism

The arrival of in during the under King (r. 618–649 CE) marked the initial shift in royal patronage toward the foreign faith, facilitated by his marriages to the Nepalese princess and the Chinese princess , who brought Buddhist icons and scriptures. This led to the construction of key temples, including the in , and the establishment of Buddhist rituals at court, yet Bon practices endured in rural folk traditions and certain ceremonial contexts due to their deep roots in Tibetan society. Intensified conflicts arose under King (r. 755–797 CE), who advanced Buddhism through the foundation of Monastery around 779 CE and the invitation of Indian scholars like and , the latter credited in Buddhist accounts with subjugating Bonpo spirits and deities to serve as guardians of the . Edicts during his reign prohibited specific Bon rituals and texts, resulting in the persecution and exile of some Bonpo priests, though early efforts included translating select Bon works from into Tibetan under imperial oversight before broader suppressions. Syncretism emerged as Bon entities were assimilated into Buddhist frameworks, with indigenous deities repurposed as worldly (dharmapālas) to integrate local spiritual forces into the new . Concurrently, polemical exchanges in period texts highlighted mutual hostilities: Buddhist sources often derided Bon as shamanistic and demonic, while Bon narratives framed Buddhism as an alien imposition that eroded Tibet's native and provoked the decline of indigenous traditions.

Emergence of Yungdrung Bon

The resurgence of Bon in the , particularly through the efforts of Shenchen Luga (996–1035 CE), marked the transition to Yungdrung Bon as a structured monastic tradition. In 1017 CE, Shenchen Luga, a member of the Shen clan descended from Kontsha Wangden, uncovered a series of concealed texts (terma) that provided foundational scriptures for systematizing Bon practices. These discoveries enabled the organization of Bon into a cohesive religious system, incorporating scriptural canons, ritual frameworks, and doctrinal expositions that paralleled emerging Buddhist institutions. By the late 11th century, Bonpo communities had begun establishing monasteries modeled on Buddhist lines, complete with communal living, scriptural study, and ritual performance. Shenchen Luga entrusted the propagation of distinct Bon lineages to his disciples, including Druchen Namkhai for doctrinal transmission, fostering institutional growth. Bon adopted a vinaya-like monastic code with 250 precepts for male practitioners and 360 for female ones, distinct yet structurally akin to Buddhist equivalents, emphasizing ethical conduct and communal discipline. Tantric initiations and meditative practices, including those akin to , were integrated, allowing Bon to compete with and other schools by asserting its "eternal" (yungdrung) precedence. To distinguish itself visually and symbolically from , Yungdrung Bon emphasized the yungdrung, a left-facing representing and cosmic order, contrasting with the right-facing Buddhist variant. This period's reforms positioned Bon not as a reaction but as a primordial , compiling texts that retroactively claimed origins predating Buddhist influence in , thereby securing its legitimacy amid rival doctrinal expansions through the 14th century.

New Bon Reforms

The New Bon, also known as Sarma Bon (bon gsar ma), emerged in the mid-14th century as a reformed phase of the Bon tradition, characterized by the systematic integration of Buddhist doctrinal elements, particularly from and , to enhance organizational coherence and legitimacy amid Buddhist political dominance in . This adaptation involved reinterpreting Bon practices through frameworks like (stong pa nyid), karma, and non-dual awareness, while preserving core Bon symbols such as the yungdrung and narratives of . Scholars note that these reforms represented a deliberate rather than wholesale conversion, enabling Bonpo communities to maintain distinct identity while emulating successful Buddhist institutional models for survival. A key feature of Sarma Bon was the proliferation of terma (gter ma) discoveries by tertöns (gter ston), who revealed hidden texts purportedly concealed by earlier masters like Drenpa Namkha (dran pa nam mkha') during periods of persecution. These revelations, beginning prominently in the 14th century with figures such as Tulku Loden Nyingpo, emphasized teachings on primordial awareness (rig pa), aligning Bon esotericism with contemporaneous terma traditions but framed within Bonpo lineages tracing to . Texts uncovered during this era, including cycles on the "Great Perfection," served to revitalize Bonpo practice by providing scriptural authority for meditative and ritual innovations, countering accusations of Bon as mere . Monastic institutions expanded significantly in eastern Tibetan regions like Amdo and Kham from the 15th century onward, with establishments such as Menri Monastery founded in 1405 by Nyame Sherab Gyaltsen serving as centers for scriptural study and debate. Foundational texts like the gZer mig (Piercing Eye), a biographical of Tonpa Shenrab compiled in the 10th-11th centuries but canonized in Sarma Bon compilations, asserted pre-Buddhist lineages to legitimize these expansions against pa marginalization. By the , this growth had solidified hierarchical structures mirroring monastic vows and administrative hierarchies, including vinaya-inspired disciplinary codes, as a pragmatic to secure and monastic exemptions under central Tibetan authorities.

20th-Century Revival and Modern Era

The Bon tradition faced near annihilation during China's (1966–1976), when Red Guard campaigns destroyed or damaged most monasteries, including major Bon centers like Yungdrungling and Menri, and forced practitioners into secular labor or flight. Surviving lamas, texts, and artifacts were smuggled into exile, primarily to and , preserving the lineage amid systematic suppression of indigenous Tibetan religions. In the mid-1960s, Lopön Tenzin Namdak, a senior Bon scholar and , acquired land in Dolanji, , , to re-establish as the tradition's central hub in exile; formal reconstruction began around 1969, serving as a repository for salvaged scriptures and a training ground for monks. Namdak, recognized as the foremost authority on Bon and tantric traditions, directed the transcription and printing of rare texts from memory and fragments, while collaborating with Western scholars on English translations of key works, such as elements of the Zhang Zhung Nyen Gyud, starting in the and continuing through the 2000s to disseminate Bon doctrines globally. These efforts, supported by international patrons, ensured doctrinal continuity despite the loss of original artifacts. China's post-1978 economic reforms and partial religious liberalization from the 1980s enabled limited Bon revival within , with communities rebuilding smaller-scale monasteries like those in the and regions and resuming rituals under state oversight. Lay participation grew modestly, driven by preservation and influxes of highlighting Bon sites, though constrained by official policies favoring and restricting monastic expansion. Scholarly surveys document over a dozen re-established Bon institutions by the late , reflecting resilient community efforts amid ongoing political pressures.

Doctrinal Teachings

Cosmological Worldview

In Yungdrung Bon cosmology, the universe is structured into three primary worlds: an upper divine realm inhabited by enlightened beings and gods, a middle earthly realm encompassing human existence and the material world, and a lower infernal realm associated with obstructive spirits and suffering. This tripartite division reflects a shamanic worldview where the cosmos is accessible to practitioners through ritual and ecstatic states, allowing interaction across realms to maintain harmony. Central to this is the yungdrung, a left-facing symbolizing eternal recurrence and the unending cycles of cosmic manifestation and dissolution, distinct from Buddhist notions of ultimate by positing a perpetual base of existence. Bon emphasizes elemental forces and spirits, such as the lu (naga), serpentine water deities that govern natural elements, treasures, and human prosperity or affliction based on karmic relations. These entities demand practical appeasement through offerings and exorcisms to avert harm, underscoring a causal realism where ritual efficacy directly influences worldly outcomes over abstract philosophical transcendence. This cosmological framework retains shamanic roots focused on negotiating with tangible spiritual forces for survival and balance, evolving in later Bon to incorporate meditative paths while prioritizing empirical results tied to karmic rather than dissolution into voidness. Unlike Buddhist , Bon's eternalist orientation views cyclic existence as inherently recurrent, with the yungdrung axis ensuring continuity amid elemental interplay.

Structuring Frameworks

The doctrinal paths of Bon are organized into progressive frameworks that categorize practices from rudimentary rituals to profound realizations, paralleling Buddhist yānas in structure while employing indigenous terminology such as gshen for ritual specialists and divine principles. The Nine Ways (theg pa rim dgu), the foundational schema attributed to Tönpa Shenrab, divide into four causal ways (rgyu bon) for temporal welfare and five fruitional ways ('bras bu bon) for liberation. The causal ways encompass: the Way of Prediction (phywa gshen theg pa), involving , , and diagnosis; the Way of Visible Manifestations (snang gshen theg pa), addressing , soul retrieval, and harm aversion; the Way of Magical Power ('phrul gshen theg pa), utilizing mantras and mudrās for communal defense; and the Way of Existence (srid gshen theg pa), focused on funerary rites and enhancement. The fruitional ways advance through ethical lay conduct (dge bsnyen theg pa), monastic vows and emptiness meditation (drang srong theg pa), tantric visualization (a dkar theg pa), primordial devotion (ye gshen theg pa), and the unsurpassable way (bla med theg pa), with lower levels stressing ritual efficacy over introspective insight. An alternative classification structures teachings into the Four Portals (sgo bzhi)—encompassing tantric rites of White Waters (chab dkar), magical and funerary practices of Black Waters (chab nag), extensive ethical expositions (phan yul), and scriptural transmissions (dpon gsas)—culminating in the (mdzod) as a fifth integrative synthesis of all doctrines into untainted essence. The Three Cycles of Precepts (bka' skor gsum) delineate outer (phyi skor), inner (nang skor), and secret (gsang skor) divisions, wherein the outer emphasizes via sūtra, the inner transformation through , and action predominates in both to avert mundane obstacles before higher self-liberatory approaches.

Dzogchen Traditions in Bon

The Dzogchen traditions within Yungdrung Bon constitute the highest vehicle of its doctrinal system, centered on the direct realization of rigpa, the primordial awareness that is inherently pure, luminous, and free from dualistic elaborations. This approach posits that enlightenment arises from recognizing the natural state of mind as it is, without reliance on gradual accumulation of merits or contrived efforts. The teachings emphasize the inseparability of emptiness and luminosity, with the practitioner's task being to sustain non-conceptual presence amid arising phenomena. Central to Bon Dzogchen is the Zhang Zhung Nyen Gyud (Oral Transmission of Zhang Zhung), an ancient cycle tracing its origins to the pre-Tibetan kingdom of Zhang Zhung and preserved through an unbroken oral lineage. This transmission begins with enlightened figures such as the primordial buddha Kuntu Zangpo and descends through masters culminating in Tapihritsa Tsultrim Menyé (circa 7th-8th century CE), who directly conferred the teachings to his disciple Gyerpung Nangzher Lodpo at Darok Lake. The Nyen Gyud comprises pith instructions on the base, path, and fruit of Dzogchen, including methods for introduction to rigpa via symbolic gestures, direct pointing-out, and experiential verification. Unlike scriptural-heavy transmissions, its emphasis lies in personal verification through master-disciple dialogue, ensuring the practitioner's autonomous realization. Key practices in Bon Dzogchen integrate trekchö (cutting through), which liberates conceptual fixations by resting in the empty luminosity of rigpa, and thögal (direct transcendence), which harnesses the spontaneous display of awareness through visionary manifestations to actualize the rainbow body. In the Bon tradition, these are not sequential but concurrent aspects of the natural state, taught holistically to reveal the dynamic interplay of ground (zhi) and arising energy (lung). Preliminary practices (ngöndro) from the Zhang Zhung Nyen Gyud include refuge, bodhicitta, and guru yoga adapted to Bonpo figures like Tapihritsa, but the core path prioritizes unmediated awareness over devotional preliminaries. In the , the Zhang Zhung Nyen Gyud has been disseminated globally through translations and initiations by Bonpo masters, including Yongdzin Lopön Tenzin Namdak, who preserved the lineage at Triten Norbutse since the . Chögyal (1938-2018), recognized as a holder in this cycle, introduced Western practitioners to these teachings via texts like The Oral Tradition from Zhang-Zhung and direct transmissions, emphasizing empirical verification of over doctrinal adherence. These efforts have facilitated scriptural access, such as the 2007 English rendering of core instructions, while maintaining the oral essence.

Deities and Spiritual Entities

Enlightened Figures

In Yungdrung Bon, enlightened figures function as transcendent guides analogous to bodhisattvas, central to the tradition's by embodying primordial wisdom and to lead practitioners toward liberation across the nine vehicles of practice. These beings manifest in forms that offer skillful means for realizing the innate enlightened nature, emphasizing direct guidance within the constraints of human existence. The Four Transcendent Lords—Shenlha Ökar, Sangpo Bumtri, Satrig Ersang, and Tonpa Shenrab—represent the pinnacle of such figures, each surrounded by 250 emanations corresponding to the five enlightened families in white, green, red, blue, and gold hues. Shenlha Ökar, the Great White Deity, embodies supreme compassion and the wisdom of white light, serving as a sambhogakaya manifestation that aids sentient beings in overcoming suffering through purification and insight practices. Depicted as white-complexioned, with his right hand wielding an iron hook to draw beings from samsara and his left in the , he presides over an elephant throne emblematic of unyielding strength in enlightenment's pursuit. His role extends to foundational teachings attributed to the primordial realm of Olmo Lung Ring, where Bon scriptures claim these figures revealed paths to awakening predating external influences. Sangpo Bumtri, the White Deity of Phenomenal Existence and procreator of beings, manifests primordial wisdom as the ultimate cause underlying cyclic existence and its transcendence, guiding practitioners via emanations that align with the vehicles' progressive stages. Portrayed in white with a victory banner in his right hand symbolizing triumph over ignorance and equanimity in his left, he enthroned upon garudas evokes dominion over phenomena while fostering the thought of enlightenment. Traditional accounts link his disclosures to Olmo Lung Ring's eternal cycles, positioning him as a buddha-like triad of body, speech, and mind in Bon's cosmological framework. These figures' frequently integrates the yungdrung, a left-facing denoting auspicious eternity and the of enlightened activity, underscoring their role in sustaining soteriological transmission from ancient Zhang Zhung linguistic roots.

Worldly Deities and Spirits

In Bon tradition, worldly deities and spirits encompass a diverse array of animistic entities believed to inhabit natural landscapes and influence human affairs, necessitating rituals of to prevent harm or secure blessings. These include categories such as gyelpo (rgyal po), often depicted as restless kingly ghosts or malevolent rulers causing illness and discord; tsen (btsan), fierce mountain spirits associated with rocky terrains and warfare, capable of inflicting sudden violence or possession; and lu (klu), water beings residing in rivers, lakes, and underground realms, linked to diseases and disruptions if offended. typically involves offerings of blood, alcohol, incense, or (roasted ) during exorcistic rites (gdon gshed or spirit subjugation ceremonies), aimed at binding or appeasing these forces to avert misfortune like crop failure, death, or familial strife. Bon practitioners integrate pre-Buddhist substrates of mountain deities (ri lha) and clan protectors (rus lha), viewing them as territorial guardians demanding annual homage through communal feasts or smoke offerings (bsang) to maintain harmony with the land. These entities, rooted in indigenous Tibetan animism, were systematized within Bon's ritual corpus without full subordination to enlightened hierarchies, preserving their autonomy and volatility. Ethnographic observations in Bhutan document persistent lha bon (deity Bon) rituals by lay shamans (pa wo), where villagers invoke local tsen and lu via trance-induced chants and animal sacrifices to resolve disputes or heal spirit-induced ailments, demonstrating continuity from pre-Buddhist folk practices into contemporary Bon observance. Similar patterns in Amdo regions of eastern Tibet reveal Bonpo lamas conducting nyen (gnyan) expulsions—targeting hill-dwelling plague spirits—through fire rituals and effigy burnings, underscoring the pragmatic, cause-effect orientation of these interventions in averting empirically observed calamities like epidemics.

Rituals and Practices

Symbolic Elements

The yungdrung, a counterclockwise swastika, serves as the central emblem of Bon, denoting eternal truth (yung) and the unbroken continuum (drung) of existence, distinct from the clockwise orientation in Buddhism which signifies samsaric cycles. This left-facing form evokes the primordial sacred realm of Olmo Lung Ring and Mount Meru, invoked in rituals for auspiciousness, protection, and meditation on imperishability. The , or ritual dagger, functions as a potent implement for subduing adversarial forces in Bonpo practices, piercing illusions and binding spirits during exorcisms, healings, and boundary-binding ceremonies. Its triune prongs symbolize dominion over the three realms or poisons, predating adaptations and employed to neutralize obstacles, manipulate elemental disturbances, and stabilize chaotic energies. Bonpo chörtens, reliquary monuments akin to stupas, incorporate distinctive horned eagle (kyung) finials atop the spire, representing indigenous guardian deities absent in Buddhist variants. These structures, oriented for counterclockwise —contrasting Buddhist paths—embody the eternal yungdrung , housing sacred relics and serving as focal points for offerings that harmonize cosmic forces. Prayer flags in Bon tradition feature primary colors without extensive printing, strung to propagate blessings via , differing from elaborate Buddhist lung ta by emphasizing shamanic invocations over scriptural mantras. Iconographic conventions include white hues for figures like Tonpa Shenrab Miwoché, denoting purity, , and peaceful enlightenment activities in meditative mudras.

Varieties of Bon Rituals

Bon rituals vary from archaic shamanic observances in rural and folk contexts to structured monastic empowerments, with practitioners reporting experiential outcomes such as restored health and averted misfortunes through spirit propitiation. In primitive Bon, bonpo shamans act as mediums during shen rituals, invoking local deities and ancestors via drumming, incantations, and states to diagnose ailments, divine events, and expel malevolent influences. These practices, rooted in pre-Buddhist , emphasize direct interaction with elemental spirits for causal intervention in physical and social disruptions, as documented in ethnographic accounts of Himalayan communities. Monastic Bon incorporates higher tantric rituals, including empowerments (wang) and sadhana sequences that parallel methods, where initiates visualize mandalas and deities to cultivate inner energies for enlightenment. These ceremonies, performed in abbeys like Menri, involve sequential initiations granting permission for meditative dissolution of ego-clinging, with lamas attesting to heightened perceptual clarity among adepts post-ritual. Empirical observations in settings note reduced communal tensions following such group empowerments, attributed to shared ritual . Exile Bon communities observe seasonal festivals, exemplified by the annual Yungdrung Shon masked dance in Dolanji, , where performers enact cosmological battles to purify environs and ensure prosperity. Held since the among Tibetan refugees, these events draw hundreds, fostering cohesion through rhythmic invocations and symbolic offerings, with participants describing invigorated vitality afterward. Lay adaptations simplify monastic forms for household use, such as daily recitations and hearth offerings, but spark contention over : folk Bon retains yak or sheep immolation to appease spirits, claiming immediate agricultural yields as evidence of efficacy, whereas orthodox Yungdrung Bon mandates effigies since Tonpa Shenrab's era to avert karmic backlash. This divergence reflects tensions between experiential immediacy in peripheral practices and doctrinal restraint in centralized institutions, with surveys in Tibetan exile noting 20-30% adherence to sacrificial rites among rural Bonpo.

Scriptural Tradition

Canonical Literature

The Bon scriptural canon, known as the and Tengyur, forms the core compiled corpus attributed to the founder and subsequent exegetes. The (bka' 'gyur) collects texts presented as the spoken words of Shenrab, organized into principal sections including mdo sde ( discourses), rgyud sde (), and others encompassing sutras, tantras, and disciplinary codes. The Tengyur (bstan 'gyur) supplements this with commentaries, treatises, and analytical works by later Bonpo scholars, mirroring the structure of Tibetan Buddhist canons while emphasizing Bon-specific doctrines. Together, these collections total several hundred volumes, with the alone documented in editions exceeding 100 volumes. Systematic compilation of the canon into written form advanced in the 18th century, particularly through printing efforts at monasteries such as Shar rdzi, culminating in a major edition completed around 1733 that standardized the texts for preservation and dissemination. Prior to this, Bon teachings relied heavily on oral transmission from master to disciple, with a gradual shift to scripted records beginning after the 11th century amid efforts to codify doctrines amid regional disruptions. This transition preserved core transmissions while adapting to written formats, excluding later revealed termas from the primary canon. Prominent among Kangyur texts is the gZi brjid (Dri med gzi brjid), a multi-volume epic spanning 12 sections that recounts the foundational myths and twelve principal deeds of Tonpa Shenrab, from his descent and teachings to subduing obstructive forces. These narratives establish cosmological origins, ethical imperatives, and soteriological paths central to Bon. The Dulwa ('dul ba) division, focused on monastic discipline, outlines vows, conduct rules, and communal regulations for practitioners, structurally akin to codes with adaptations for Bonpo cosmology and ritual life. Known as the 'Dul ba rgyud drug, it comprises seven key texts prescribing 250 rules for monks and 360 for nuns, with a Mahāyāna orientation emphasizing ethical conduct, karmic implications of offenses, and integrations of indigenous Tibetan elements that distinguish it from Buddhist Vinaya traditions. Unique features include ordination permissible by a single preceptor, contrasting with Buddhist requirements of four or more, the portrayal of Bon monks as sacred figures with quasi-royal attributes, and a strong emphasis on vegetarianism as a Mahāyāna ethical principle, differentiating it from some Buddhist vinaya practices.

Terma Revelations

In the Bon tradition, terma (gter ma) refer to hidden treasure teachings concealed by enlightened masters to safeguard them during periods of spiritual decline and later revealed by tertöns (gter ston), or treasure revealers, when conditions were propitious for their dissemination. These treasures encompass scriptural texts, ritual implements, and visionary instructions, often purportedly originating from ancient sources like the Nyan-gyud cycle, but hidden to prevent distortion amid historical upheavals such as royal persecutions under kings like in the . The revelation process typically involves the tertön experiencing prophetic dreams, visions, or physical discoveries at sacred sites, such as lakes or caves, aligning with karmic prophecies from the concealing figure. The Bon tertön tradition emerged prominently in the with Shenchen Luga (996–1035 CE), who in 1017 unearthed a cache of terma texts from a pillar at the sacred site of Yungdrung Gutag, including key instructions and the Zermik corpus, which revitalized Bon practices after centuries of suppression. According to Bon hagiographies, these texts were concealed by earlier masters, including descendants or disciples of Mucho Demdrug—one of Tonpa Shenrab's sons credited with systematizing early Bon doctrines—to preserve them from the "dark age" (mun pa'i dus) of doctrinal corruption and foreign influences. Shenchen Luga's discoveries, comprising over 200 volumes, emphasized elemental purity and direct realization, distinguishing Bon terma from contemporaneous revelations while sharing structural parallels in visionary retrieval. Subsequent Bon terma revelations continued sporadically, with figures like Sang Ngak Lingpa in the early 20th century disclosing texts at the behest of masters such as Shardza Rinpoche, focusing on practices for the kaliyuga era to support monastic revival and lay devotion amid political turmoil. These later termas, often earth-treasures (sa gter) or mind-treasures (dgongs gter), played a role in adapting Bon to modern exigencies, such as exile following the 1950s Chinese occupation, by providing updated rituals and prophecies. However, scholarly analyses question their antiquity, viewing many as innovative compositions by medieval or modern revealers to legitimize reforms, given the absence of pre-11th-century manuscript evidence and linguistic anachronisms in purportedly ancient sections.

Scholarly Debates and Controversies

Claims of Antiquity vs. Empirical Evidence

Bonpo tradition asserts that the Yungdrung Bon religion traces its origins to the figure of , who is said to have lived approximately 18,000 years ago in the mythical land of Olmo Lung Ring, predating by millennia and representing an eternal, indigenous spiritual system. Some Bonpo sources alternatively place Shenrab as a contemporary of or 1,055 years prior, emphasizing a continuous lineage of doctrines and practices independent of Indian influences. These claims portray Bon as Tibet's primordial faith, encompassing shamanistic elements, rituals, and cosmology preserved through oral and scriptural transmission long before the 7th-century arrival of . Archaeological surveys in Tibet, including northern and far-western regions, reveal pre-Buddhist sites such as mortuary mounds, rock art with swastika motifs, and ritual structures dating to the 1st millennium BCE, but none demonstrate a systemic Bon religion with canonical texts, monasteries, or the distinctive Yungdrung (eternal swastika) symbolism central to later Bon identity. Evidence for organized religious hierarchies or doctrinal frameworks akin to Yungdrung Bon appears absent before the 10th century CE, with material culture instead reflecting localized animistic practices, ancestor veneration, and eclectic rites rather than a unified tradition. The earliest Yungdrung-specific texts and artifacts postdate comparable Buddhist tantric developments, suggesting derivation rather than precedence. Dunhuang manuscripts from the Tibetan imperial period (circa 8th-9th centuries CE) reference "bon" or "bon po" primarily as ritual functionaries performing funerary, divinatory, and exorcistic services, often in eclectic combinations with Buddhist elements, without indicating a coherent doctrinal system or self-identified "Bonpo" community rivaling Buddhism. These documents depict bon as a category of priests handling mundane rites, not an ancient orthodoxy with scriptures like the later Kangyur or Yungdrung Bon canon. Scholars such as Samten G. Karmay and David Seyfort Ruegg argue that Yungdrung Bon coalesced as a structured in the 11th century, likely as a Buddhist-inspired incorporating pre-existing Tibetan rites to assert cultural continuity amid Buddhist dominance, rather than evidencing independent antiquity. This view aligns with the absence of pre-11th-century Bonpo historiographical texts and the structural parallels between Bon and contemporaneous Buddhist traditions, undermining claims of primordial origins while acknowledging Bon's adaptation of indigenous elements into a monastic framework.

Parallels and Influences with Buddhism

Bon and Tibetan Buddhism share core doctrinal elements, including the practice of , or "Great Perfection," a meditative tradition emphasizing the innate purity of mind, which appears in both traditions with parallel terminologies and methods despite distinct lineages. Both also incorporate tantric practices involving and energy channels, as well as the concept of through cycles of samsara, with enlightened figures manifesting in successive embodiments to guide practitioners. These overlaps reflect bidirectional cultural exchange in , where Bon absorbed Buddhist frameworks like scriptural hierarchies and visualization techniques, while Buddhism integrated indigenous Bon elements such as local spirit propitiation into its protector deity systems. Institutionally, Bon adopted monastic structures, including celibate orders and debate curricula, modeled after Buddhist monasteries to sustain its presence amid competition for royal patronage from the onward, enabling Bon to establish centers like Menri in 1405 that paralleled and institutions. In turn, incorporated Bon-originated worldly guardians and mountain deities as dharmapalas, subordinating them to Buddhist vows to harness local loyalties without fully expunging pre-existing networks. Historical records indicate Bon ritual specialists served in alongside Buddhist advisors as early as the 7th-9th centuries, fostering pragmatic alliances rather than outright exclusion, though polemical texts from both sides amplified mutual persecutions—such as King Trisong Detsen's 8th-century suppression of Bon shamans or Bon resistance to Buddhist impositions—to justify sectarian dominance. In the , ecumenical efforts have underscored these intertwined influences, with the recognizing Bon as equivalent to the four major Buddhist schools since the 1970s, exemplified by collaborations such as the 1978 meeting between the and Bon abbot Tenzin Namdak, which facilitated shared preservation initiatives post-1959 exile. This , building on the 19th-century Rimé movement's non-sectarian , often glosses over prior rivalries driven by resource competition but aligns with empirical patterns of adaptation over ideological purity.

Accusations of Later Construction

Scholars have long accused the Bon tradition of fabricating claims to ancient origins as a means of legitimizing itself amid Buddhist dominance in , particularly from the onward. The primary Bon scriptural history, the gZi brjid (The Glorious), composed in the 14th century, retroactively portrays as an enlightened teacher from the remote land of Olmo Lung Ring who visited millennia before Buddhism's arrival, with narrative elements closely mirroring the 8th-century of , including miraculous subjugation of local deities and establishment of doctrinal lineages. These parallels suggest of Buddhist terma () revelation motifs to assert Bon's precedence, as no equivalent pre-Buddhist Bon historiography appears in early Tibetan imperial records such as the Old Tibetan or , which document shamanic practices but lack references to an organized Bon doctrine or Shenrab figure. Linguistic and archaeological evidence further undermines claims of Bon's deep antiquity tied to the kingdom of . British Tibetologist David Snellgrove argued in 1967 that "developed" Bon, emerging post-10th century, incorporated extensive Buddhist tantric and monastic elements, rendering it "a form of that may fairly be called 'Buddhism in Bon clothing,'" while purported Zhangzhung linguistic substrates remain unverified, with no pre-11th-century Bonpo texts in a distinct proto-script surviving. Similarly, the absence of Bon-specific artifacts or inscriptions from the 7th-9th centuries—unlike Buddhist ones—indicates that organized Bon likely coalesced as a scriptural only after 's entrenchment, possibly as a counter-narrative drawing on indigenous rituals reinterpreted through Buddhist frameworks. Bonpo apologists counter these critiques by prioritizing the experiential efficacy of rituals and meditative practices over historical verification, asserting that Shenrab's teachings transmit an eternal, non-historical truth validated through direct realization rather than empirical historiography. However, the lack of datable pre-1000 CE manuscripts or independent corroboration persists as a substantive gap, with even sympathetic scholars noting that Bon's canonical corpus, including the and Tengyur-like collections, shows heavy redaction in the 12th-14th centuries to parallel Buddhist structures. This has led to characterizations of Bon not as a pristine pre-Buddhist survival, but as a syncretic response to cultural competition, where ancient shamanic elements were systematized and mythologized for institutional survival.

Contemporary Context

Official Recognition and Institutional Status

In the , Bon operates under the regulatory framework applied to Tibetan religious practices, with monasteries required to register with state-sanctioned patriotic associations and adhere to policies promoting socialist values and national unity. Following the , select Bon sites in Tibetan areas, such as Yungdrungling Monastery in Tsang, underwent partial reconstruction in the 1980s under government approval, though expansions remain contingent on compliance with administrative quotas and ideological training programs. These institutions face directives, including mandatory incorporation of into curricula and restrictions on traditional rituals deemed incompatible with state ideology, resulting in curtailed monastic ordinations and supervised teachings. Access to Bon sites within and adjacent provinces is heavily restricted for non-residents, including international pilgrims, with foreign visitors often denied entry to prevent perceived separatist influences. Proselytizing and public propagation are limited by regulations prohibiting religious activities outside approved venues, enforcing state oversight that prioritizes political loyalty over doctrinal dissemination. Bon constitutes a sizeable minority practice among ethnic Tibetans, particularly in eastern Tibetan regions, though precise adherence metrics are obscured by government data controls and self-reporting biases under surveillance. In Tibetan exile communities, primarily in , Bon enjoys greater institutional autonomy, with the granting formal representation to Bonpo delegates in its since 1977. The Menri Monastery in Dolanji, reestablished as the faith's central hub post-1959 exile, accommodates over 200 monks and functions independently under the 34th Abbot's leadership, free from the ideological impositions prevalent in PRC-controlled territories. This contrasts with mainland constraints, enabling unrestricted transmission of Bon scriptures and rituals, though exile demographics remain small, concentrated in dedicated settlements like Thobgyal Sarpa.

Global Spread and Recent Developments

Following the Chinese occupation of in 1959, Bonpo communities dispersed into exile, establishing settlements in and . Two dedicated Bonpo refugee camps exist in , , and the , , preserving monastic lineages and lay practices amid the broader of approximately 130,000 exiles across 25 countries. In the West, Bon's transmission accelerated through figures like , who began introducing Bon Dzogchen teachings to Western audiences in 1988 after studying under masters like . He founded Ligmincha International in 1991, with its flagship Serenity Ridge Retreat Center in , A, operational since 1998, hosting global practitioners. The network now includes centers in the , , , and , emphasizing and practices adapted for contemporary seekers. Globalization has hastened Bon's diffusion but sparked tensions between orthodox preservation and dilutions via interpretations, as teachers navigate cultural translations of esoteric practices like trekchö and tögal. In , where predominates, indigenous Bon shamanic elements persist through revitalization rites led by pawo (male shamans) and pamo (female shamans), maintaining pre-Buddhist rituals despite official Buddhist hegemony. Recent scholarly output in the 2020s includes ethnographic studies on Bon apparel symbolism tied to Tibetan traditions (2024) and ongoing bibliographies compiling Bon research, reflecting sustained academic interest in its doctrines and histories. European-funded projects, such as those reconstructing pre-Buddhist Bon elements, underscore evolving interpretations of its antiquity and shamanic roots.

References

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