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Yarsanism
یارسان
Yarsan shrine of Shah Hayas in the village of Wardik near Mosul in Iraq
TypeEthnic religion
ClassificationIranian, Abrahamic
ScriptureKalâm-e Saranjâm
TheologySyncretic
RegionIraqi Kurdistan, Iranian Kurdistan
LanguageKurdish languages; Gorani language
FounderSultan Sahak
Originlate 14th century
Western Iran
Membersc. 500,000[1] to 1,000,000 (in Iran)[2]
Other namesAhl-e Haqq, Kaka'i[3]
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Yarsanism (Kurdish: یارسان, romanized: Yarsan), Ahl-e Haqq (Kurdish: ئەهلی حەق, romanized: Ehlî Ḧeq;[4][5] Persian: اهل حق), or Kaka'i,[3] is an inherited, syncretic religion founded by Sultan Sahak in the late 14th century in western Iran.[6] The total number of followers of Yarsanism is estimated to be over half a million[1] to one million in Iran.[2] The numbers in Iraq are unknown. The adherents are mostly Kurds,[1] as well as some Shabaks,[7] Laks, and Lurs.[8]

Some Yarsanis in Iraq are called Kaka'i.[3] Yarsanis say that some people call them disparagingly as "Ali Allahi" or "worshipers of Ali", labels which Yarsanis deny. As such, many Yarsanis hide their religious identity, and there are no exact statistics of their population.[9]

The Yarsanis have a distinct religious literature primarily written in the Gorani language. However, few modern Yarsani can read or write Gorani, as their mother tongue is Southern Kurdish or Sorani.[10] Some Yarsanis in Iran speak a Turkic language close to Azeri, while some Yarsanis in Iraq speak Arabic. However, Yarsani tradition claimed that all early Yarsanis used Gorani as their religious language, and that some Yarsani communities were forced to adopt another language.[11]

Their central religious book is called the Kalâm-e Saranjâm, written in the 15th century and based on the teachings of Sultan Sahak.

Geography

[edit]

The majority of Yarsan followers live in Kermanshah Province and adjacent areas of Lorestan Province and Ilam Province in Iran. They are the predominant religious population in Mahidasht, Bivanij and Zohab districts of Kermanshah, and populate rural areas of Delfan, Holeylan and Posht-e Kuh in Ilam and Lorestan.[12]

The main urban centers of the religion are Sahneh, Kerend-e Gharb and Gahvareh, and other important cities include Kermanshah, Sarpol-e Zahab and Qasr-e Shirin.[1]

Other areas in Iran with a significant Yarsan population include Hashtgerd and Varamin near Tehran and Maragheh, and Tabriz in Iranian Azerbaijan,[1] where important Turkic-speaking Yarsan communities live and use Turkic for many of their religious texts. The Yarsani tradition claims that all early communities used Gorani as their religious language, but that over time, some groups were forced to adopt a Turkic language closely akin to Azeri for all purposes, including religion.[13]

In Iraq, Yarsan followers mainly live in Mosul, Kirkuk, Kalar, Khanaqin, Erbil, Sulaymaniyah, and Halabja.[1][14][15][16]

Beliefs

[edit]
The Tambur is a sacred symbol of Yarsanism and is played during religious ceremonies.[17]

The Yarsani follow the mystical teachings of Sultan Sahak (fl. 14th–15th century). From the Yarsani point of view, the universe is composed of two distinct yet interrelated worlds: the internal (bātinī) and the external (zāhirī), each having its own order and rules. Although humans are only aware of the outer world, their lives are governed according to the rules of the inner world. This aspect of the Yarsani faith can be identified as Kurdish esoterism which emerged under the intense influence of Bātinī-Sufism.[citation needed]

Among other important pillars of their belief system are that the Divine Essence has successive manifestations in human form (mazhariyyat) and the belief in transmigration of the soul (dunaduni in Kurdish). Yarasani believe that every man needs to do what is written within their holy book, the Kalâm-e Saranjâm, otherwise they are not part of Yarsan. There is no compulsion or exclusion in Yarsan – anyone who chooses to follow its precepts is welcome.

The Yarsani faith's features include millenarism, innatism, egalitarianism, metempsychosis, angelology, divine manifestation and dualism.[18]

Divine manifestations

[edit]

The Yarsani are emanationists and incarnationists, believing that the Divine Essence has successive incarnations known as mazhariyyats (similar to the Hindu avatars). They believe God manifests one primary and seven secondary manifestations in each epoch of the world, in either angel or human form. These seven persons are known as "Heft tan", which means "The Seven Persons".

The primary mazhariyyat of the First Epoch was the Divine Essence known as Khawandagar, who created the world.

The primary mazhariyyat of the Second Epoch was Ali ibn Abi Talib, the fourth caliph and first imam of Shia Islam. This explains the alternative name for Yarsanis Ali-Allahi, "Believers in the divinity of Ali".

The primary mazhariyyat of the Third Epoch was Shah Khoshin.[19]

In the Fourth Epoch, the primary mazhariyyat is held to be Sultan Sahak. It is said that his mother was Dayerak Rezbar or Khatun-e Rezbar, a Kurdish virgin of the Caf tribe. While sleeping under a pomegranate tree a kernel of fruit fell into her mouth when a bird pecked the fruit directly over her.[20] Sources vary on Rezbar’s marital life, some state that she lived her entire life celibate and unmarried while most state that she had married. Sources that claim she had married either contest her husband as being a Kurdish man named "Şêx Îsa" from a priestly line of the Berzencî tribe or an Arab Sayyid man. Whether either of these men even fathered Sahak is also contested among Yarsanis who believe she had married either one of them, as the virgin birth of Sahak is contested by Yarsani scholars though the presumed father or stepfather of Sahak is not regarded as a significant religious figure in Yarsanism.[21][22]

Yarsani men in Silêmanî, Iraqi Kurdistan. The picture on the wall is of the Kurdish tanbur, a Yarsani religious symbol.

Haft Tan or seven persons

[edit]

Each Epoch in Yarsani belief saw the appearance of the seven secondary divine manifestations or Haft Tan. In the First Epoch they appeared in their true angelic form, while in subsequent Epochs they appeared in human incarnations. The Haft Tan are charged with responsibility for the affairs of the internal realm.

The secondary mazhariyyats of the First Epoch include the archangels Gabriel, Michael, Israfil and Azrael, and a female angelic being.

The mazhariyyats of the Second Epoch include Salman, Qanbar, Muhammad, Nusayr (who is either Jesus Christ or Theophobus) and Bahlool. It also includes Fatimah, the daughter of Muhammad as the incarnation of the female angel.

The mazhariyyats of the Third Epoch include Shah Fazlullah Veli, Baba Sarhang Dudani and Baba Naous.

In the Fourth Epoch, the Haft Tan or 'seven persons' charged by Sultan Sahak with responsibility for the affairs of the inner realm consist of the following:[23]

The "Haft Tan" (The Seven Archangels) are key figures in the Yarsani belief system and their history. The only female among them is Khatun-e Rezbar, the mother of Sultan Sahak.

  1. Pir Benjamin, considered the incarnation of the archangel Gabriel; he has the preceptor title to all Yarsanis (Monday)
  2. Pir Musi, the incarnation of the archangel Michael and known as the Recording angel (Tuesday)
  3. Mustafā Dawan, the incarnation of archangel Azrael (Wednesday)
  4. Sultan Sahak, the incarnation of Divine Essence (Thursday)
  5. Baba Yadegar, also known as "Ahmad" and "Reza" (Friday)
  6. Khatun-e Razbar (Saturday)
  7. Dawud Koswar (David), also informally called Dawu; he is known as "Dalil" (in Kurdish) to all Yarsanis (Sunday)

These seven persons are known as "Haft tan" which means literally "The Seven Persons"

Holy texts

[edit]

The traditions of the Yarsani are preserved in poetry known as Kalâm-e Saranjâm (The Discourse of Conclusion), divinely revealed narratives passed down orally through the generations. These traditions are said to have been written down by Pir Musi, one of the seven companions of Sultan Sahak (also the angel in charge of recording human deeds).[24] The collection consists of the epochs of Khawandagar [God], ‘Alī, Shah Khoshin and Sultan Sahak, the different manifestations of divinity. The epoch of Shah Khoshin takes place in Luristan and the epoch of Sultan Sahak is placed in Hawraman near the Sirwan River, the land of the Goranî. Also important to the Goranî is the Daftar-e kezana-ye Perdivari (Book of the Treasure of Perdivar), a collection of twenty six mythological poems or kalams.[25]

The sayings attributed to Sultan Sahak are written in Gorani Kurdish, the sacred language of the Ahl-e Haqq, which also is known as Hawrami dialects. However, few modern Yarsani can read or write Gorani as their mother tongues are Southern Kurdish and Sorani Kurdish, which belong to the other two branches of the Kurdish language family. Some Yarsani literature is written in the Persian language.[26]

The older texts are called the Perdiwari texts, which date back to around the 15th or 16th centuries. The texts are called Perdiwari since Perdiwar is where Soltan Sahak had first founded the Yarsani community. The Perdiwari texts are attributed to writers from this first community of Yarsani believers. They include the following texts.[27]

  • Dowre-ye Bābā Khoshin
  • Dowre-ye Bābā Nā’us
  • Dowre-ye Bohlul
  • Dowre-ye Bābā Jalil
  • Bābā Sarhang
  • Dowre-ye Soltān Sahāk
  • Kalām-e Ābedin
  • Kalām-e Ahmad
  • Daftar-e Dāmyāri
  • Šandarwi maramo (Kelim wa Duš)
  • Bārgah Bārgah
  • Dowre-ye Cheltan
  • Kamākanān
  • Zolāl Zolāl

Widely known non-Perdiwari texts are:[27]

  • Daftar-e Sheykh Amir
  • Daftar-e Khān Almās
  • Daftar-e Ābedin Jāf
  • Daftar-e Ilbegi
  • Daftar of Qushchioghli
  • Daftars of other members of the group of ‘Twenty-Four Poets’, in Turkic (Azerbaijani)
  • Daftar-e Zu’l-Feqār
  • Daftar of the Thirty-Six Poets of the Period of Sayyed Brāke

Sacred sites

[edit]
The Holy Tomb of Dawoud in Zardeh, Kermanshah is one of the sacred shrines of Yarsinism.

Two important sanctuaries of the Yarsani are the tomb of Bābā Yādgār, about 40 km away from Sarpol-e Zahab in Kermanshah Province and the tomb of Dawoud at Zarde, about three kilometres east of Sarpol-e Zahab.[28][29] Another important shrine is that of Sultan Suhak in Sheykhan, near Perdīvar bridge in Kermanshah Province.[30][25] The tombs of Pir Benjamin and Pir Musi in the town of Kerend in Kermanshah Province, Iran are also important shrines.[31]

Organisation

[edit]

Khandans or spiritual houses

[edit]

Yarsanism is organised into spiritual houses or Khandans, seven of which were established at the time of Sultan Sahak, and four afterwards, making eleven Khandans in all. The Khandans were established when, along with the Haft Tan, Sultan Sahak also formed the Haft Tawane, a group of seven holy persons charged with the affairs of the outer world.[23] They were Say-yed Mohammad, Say-yed Abu'l Wafa, Haji Babusi, Mir Sur, Say-yed Mostafa, Sheykh Shahab al-Din and Sheykh Habib Shah. Each of the Haft Tawane was charged with responsibility for the guidance of a number of followers, and these followers formed the original seven Khandans, namely Shah Ebrahim, Baba Yadegar, Ali Qalandar, Khamush, Mir Sur, Sey-yed Mosaffa and Hajji Babu Isa. After Sultan Sahak's time another four khandans were established, namely Atesh Bag, Baba Heydar, Zolnour and Shah Hayas.[32]

Every Yarsani therefore belongs to one specific khandan, which is led by a spiritual leader called a say-yed, to whom each member must swear obedience. The say-yed is the spiritual leader of the community and is normally present during the ceremonies attended by the followers. Say-yeds are the only ones allowed to have full access to the religious texts of Yarsanism, and have traditionally competed with each other to have the largest number of followers. The position of Say-yed is hereditary, being passed down through the generations from the original founders. As the say-yed are considered spiritual 'parents', it is the tradition for them not to marry their followers.

Relationship with other religious groups

[edit]
Rock carving at Dukkan-e Davood

An excerpt from the French Review of the Muslim World[33] describes the difficulty in nomenclature for Yarsanism and related Shi'ite mysticism. The English translation reads:

First of all, we must clear up the confusion resulting from the variety of names given to the sect of "Ahlé-Haqq", which are liable to be misunderstood. Like any religion, the one we are dealing with considers itself to be the only true and orthodox one, and it is natural that its adherents give themselves the name of "People of Truth" (Ahlé-Haqq or Ahlé-Haqîqat). This term lacks precision, as other sects, for example the Horoufis, occasionally apply it to themselves. Still, the name Ahlé-Haqq to refer to the sect of our particular interest has every advantage over appellations such as "Gholat", "Alî-Allâhi", and "Noséïri" that the Muslims and most European travellers use in speaking of them. The first term, which encompasses all of the extremist Shi’ites, is too broad and too vague. The second term, "deifiers of Ali", has the same fault and emphasizes what is only a detail in the religious system under discussion. Finally, the name "Noséïri" belongs to that well-defined Syrian religion, which, despite some resemblances with the doctrines of the Ahlé-Haqq (the worship of Ali, the communion, etc.), appears to present a complex of quite different old beliefs.

Relations with Islam

[edit]

Ahl-e Haqq view Islam as a product of a cycle of divine essence, which was made manifest in Ali, and established the stage of shai'at (Islamic law). This was followed by the cycle of tariqat (Sufi teachings), then ma'rifat (Sufi gnosis), and finally the current cycle of haqiqat (Ultimate Truth), which was made manifest in Sultan Sahak. The final stage supersedes the previous ones, which frees Ahl-e Haqq from observing the shari'a rules incumbent on Muslims. Ahl-i Haqq class other Muslims as either Ahl-i Tashayyu (followers of Shi'ism) or Ahl-i Tasannun (followers of Sunnism). The Ahl-i Haqq neither observe Muslim rites, such as daily prayers and fasting during the month of Ramadan, nor share Islamic theology and sacred space, such as belief in the day of resurrection and sanctity of the mosque.[34]

Persecution

[edit]

Extremist Sunni Islamic groups, such as the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIS) and al-Qaeda, regard the followers of Yarsanism as unbelievers who have to convert to Islam or die. These militants have persecuted Yarsanis during the Iraq conflict, possibly prompting some Iraqi Yarsan community leaders to declare in 2013 that their people were actually Muslims to avoid sectarian attacks.[35][36] In 2016, after witnessing the massacres committed against the Yazidis, Nezar Kakai formed the Kaka'i Battalion, a 680-strong Peshmerga unit, dedicated to protecting the community and preventing attacks by ISIS.[37][38]

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]

Bibliography

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Yarsanism

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Yarsanism, also designated Ahl-e Haqq and in some contexts Kaka’i, comprises a syncretic monotheistic tradition that crystallized in the fourteenth or fifteenth century in western , associated with the figure of as a pivotal reformer or founder. Predominantly adhered to by Kurdish populations in ’s region and adjacent areas, extending to communities in northern , it integrates pre-Islamic Iranian substrates, Sufi esotericism, and Shiite motifs while asserting doctrinal independence from . Central tenets encompass a singular manifesting cyclically through seven divine avatars, including , and the transmigration of souls (tanasukh) through precisely 1,001 incarnations to attain perfection and divine union. Religious praxis emphasizes oral transmission of sacred hymns known as kalams, performed via the during jam rituals in dedicated jamkhaneh halls, supplemented by seasonal fasts, sacrificial offerings, and pilgrimages to shrines such as that of . Social organization features hereditary priestly lineages (Sayyeds) overseeing laity through esoteric hierarchies, with knowledge graded by initiation levels. Lacking official recognition in , where followers may number up to several million yet confront systemic —including prohibitions on registering as Yarsan, constructing places of worship, or disseminating texts—Yarsanism perpetuates through dissimulation () and secrecy, mitigating historical and ongoing that has prompted and assimilation pressures. This marginalization underscores its resilience as a distinct ethno-religious identity amid dominant confessional frameworks.

History

Origins and Sultan Sahak

Yarsanism, also known as Ahl-e Haqq, emerged in its present form during the among Kurdish communities in the mountainous regions of western , including areas around Lorestān, Kermānshāh, and the Hawrāmān district, building upon earlier esoteric and Sufi mystical traditions prevalent in the region. While some adherents trace deeper roots to ancient Mesopotamian or pre-Islamic beliefs, historical evidence points to the faith's crystallization as a distinct syncretic system during this period, influenced by , , and local tribal spiritualities. Sultan Sahak (c. 1272–c. 1396 CE), a Kurdish religious leader from the Barzanja shaykhs, is regarded as the primary founder and reformer who codified Yarsanism's doctrines and organized its institutions. Born in the Barzanja region to Shaykh Isa and Dayerah (daughter of Hasan Beg of the Jaf ), he lived as a settled pir in locales such as Perdivar and Shahu, where he attracted followers through teachings emphasizing divine manifestation and esoteric knowledge. Sahak's reforms included instituting the "covenant of Benyamin," establishing a of four key angelic figures—Benyamin, Pir Musi, Dawud, and Razbar—and standardizing rituals and offices that remain central to Yarsan practice. Active amid broader Sufi movements, he reportedly interacted with figures like Shaykh Safi al-Din (d. 1334 CE), founder of the , reflecting the era's interplay of mystical currents in Persia. His tomb, located near Shaykhan on the , serves as a pilgrimage site, underscoring his enduring role in shaping the faith's structure despite limited contemporary non-theological records.

Evolution Through Manifestations

Yarsanism conceives religious evolution as a progression through successive divine manifestations across cosmic epochs known as biyâbas or dowres, typically enumerated as seven in total, each featuring the primary incarnation of the Divine Essence (Haqq) alongside the Haft Tan, seven secondary emanations representing archangels in human or angelic forms. These cycles, spanning approximately 1,000 years each in doctrinal tradition, integrate pre-Islamic, Islamic, and regional esoteric elements, advancing humanity from primordial creation toward ultimate spiritual realization via renewed covenants (biyâbas). The framework preserves an ancient heritage of cyclical revelation, adapting influences like Mithraism and Shiʿite ghulāt extremism while emphasizing metempsychosis, with souls undergoing 1,001 reincarnations over 50,000 years for purification. The initial epoch centers on Khawandgar, the Creator's pre-eternal manifestation in angelic guise, establishing the universe and foundational angels including Jebrāʾīl, Mīkāʾīl, Esrāfīl, and ʿAzrāʾīl. The second epoch manifests as Ḥaḍrat ʿAlī ibn Abī Ṭālib in the CE, accompanied by figures like Salmān al-Fārsī and Qanbar, initiating tariqah (the esoteric path) and covenant renewal amid early Islamic contexts. The third, under Shāh Khoshīn around the 11th century in Lorestān, incorporates gnostic maʿrifah with companions such as Bābā Ṭāher ʿOryān, reflecting solar and pre-Islamic motifs while deepening metaphysical knowledge. The fourth and prevailing epoch emerged with Solṭān Sohāk (also Ishaq), born circa 1293 CE and active from 1338 CE until his death around 1396 CE in the Gūrān-Hawrāmān highlands, where he formalized ḥaqīqat (ultimate truth), systematized rituals, and shifted the faith's center from Mesopotamian lowlands to Kurdish mountainous enclaves. Accompanied by Haft Tan members like Pīr Benyāmīn (Gabriel's ), Dāwūd, and Mūsī, Sohāk's revelations—transmitted orally via kalāms and later compiled in texts like Daftar-e khazāna-ye Perdīvarī—crystallized communal structures, tanbur-based worship, and doctrines of inner purity, enabling adaptation to while rejecting Shariʿa. This manifestation integrated prior cycles' legacies, evolving Yarsanism into a resilient, endogamous system emphasizing individual salvation through ethical embodiment of divine attributes. Subsequent epochs, including potential fifth (linked to revolutionary figures like Bābāk) through seventh, remain anticipatory in core traditions, with the Divine Essence prophesied to re-manifest, though contemporary practice adheres to Sohāk's without canonical closure. This doctrinal elasticity has sustained the amid historical pressures, such as Turkic invasions (12th–15th centuries) and modern assimilation attempts, by framing as eternal recurrence rather than linear . Variations exist across sub-groups like Kakaʾi, which prioritize the four initial manifestations, underscoring the oral, interpretive nature of transmission.

Interactions with Regional Powers

Yarsanis, due to their syncretic beliefs blending elements of , pre-Islamic Iranian traditions, and mysticism, have historically faced suspicion and suppression from both Sunni and Shia regional authorities, prompting the practice of kitmān (concealment) to preserve their faith. During the Safavid era (1501–1736), which enforced as , Yarsani communities in western were viewed as ghulāt (extremist Shiites) for doctrines like divine incarnations, leading to sporadic toward orthodox Shia , though direct of large-scale campaigns are limited owing to the sect's oral traditions and . Similarly, under Ottoman rule (16th–19th centuries) in areas of , Yarsanis encountered persecution as heretics or non-Muslims, with pressures on leaders like the Shah Hayasi lineage forcing migrations into Persian territory by the early to evade Ottoman oversight. In the Qajar period (1789–1925), interactions varied between patronage and crackdowns. Muhammad Shah Qajar (r. 1834–1848) invited the Yarsani figure Aqa Isma'il to during military distress, granting him lands and tax exemptions in Jayhunabad near Sahneh, thereby bolstering the Hayasi khandan's influence in Lorestān. Conversely, under al-Din Shah (r. 1848–1896), the dervish Taymur was executed in 1851 in on orders from Prince Imam-Quli, after rallying followers by claiming deputyship to the Hidden Imam, an act framed as rebellion amid tribal rivalries involving Guran chiefs and sayyids; this event reinforced alliances between Haydari sayyids and local powers while curtailing rival Shah Ibrahimi influences. Under the (1925–1979), Yarsanis experienced relative tolerance as part of broader efforts, allowing limited public rituals in rural strongholds like and Lorestān, though urban assimilation pressures persisted. The 1979 Islamic Revolution shifted dynamics adversely; the does not recognize Yarsanism among protected minorities (unlike Zoroastrians, , or ), classifying adherents as Muslims subject to Shia orthodoxy, resulting in bans on jam houses (jamkhana), restrictions on music in worship, and denial of . and military outlets have labeled Yarsani gatherings as threats, with reports of arbitrary arrests, desecrations, and forced conversions, particularly in Kurdish areas during protests like those in 2019–2022. In , Yarsani (Kaka'i) communities under Saddam Hussein's Ba'ath regime (1979–2003) endured general Kurdish suppressions, including chemical attacks in areas like (1988), though specific sectarian targeting was subsumed under ethnic policies; post-2003, autonomy in has enabled some revival, but ISIS incursions (2014–2017) and Shia militia activities have renewed vulnerabilities.

Theology

Monotheism and Divine Incarnations

Yarsanism adheres to a form of monotheism centered on a singular supreme deity, referred to as Yazdan or the Creator, who is understood as the origin of the universe and all existence. This deity is transcendent and initially withdrew from direct worldly involvement after creation, delegating governance to emanated beings while retaining ultimate sovereignty. The faith's monotheistic framework emphasizes divine unity (tawhid), rejecting polytheism, though it incorporates emanationist elements where aspects of the divine essence extend into creation without compromising oneness. Central to Yarsani theology is the doctrine of divine incarnations, or mazhariyyats, wherein the divine essence periodically manifests in human form to guide humanity and renew spiritual truth. These incarnations represent successive epiphanies of , with —active in the late in the Guran region of western —regarded as the foundational figure and a primary manifestation of the . 's role established the faith's core institutions, including spiritual lineages (khandans), and is depicted in sacred narratives as fulfilling prophecies of divine return, often symbolized by a falcon descending to . The incarnations occur in cyclical epochs, typically seven in number, each featuring a primary divine figure accompanied by secondary emanations known as the Haft Tan (Seven Persons or Seven Bodies). The Haft Tan comprise six subordinate hypostases—such as Benyamin, , Musa, , Razbar, and others—emanating from the central divinity to assist in cosmic administration and . These seven entities form a collective "Holy Seven," reappearing across cycles to maintain divine order, with the final cycle anticipated to culminate in eschatological fulfillment. This structure reconciles with incarnationism by viewing manifestations as temporary veils of the unchanging divine essence, rather than independent deities, drawing from pre-Islamic Iranian and heterodox Islamic influences while prioritizing esoteric interpretation over multiplicity.

The Haft Tan and Emanations

In Yarsan , the Haft Tan, or "Seven Bodies," refer to the seven secondary divine emanations that accompany the primary manifestation of the divine essence (zāt) during each historical cycle, or dowr, of the world. These luminous angelic beings incarnate in form to support the central divine figure, facilitating the of sacred and the guidance of humanity toward spiritual perfection. Unlike the singular primary , the Haft Tan represent collective aspects of the divine attributes, embodying roles such as , protection, and between the transcendent (Khāwandagār) and the material realm. The concept of emanations underscores a hierarchical cosmology where the Haft Tan emerge as extensions of the , first created after formed the primordial Pearl containing the embryonic elements of creation. In the mythic assembly (jam) of the Haft Tan, a sacrificial or deer causes the Pearl to burst, initiating the physical and establishing the cyclical pattern of manifestation across epochs. Each dowr—such as the era of Solṭān Sohāk in the 14th-15th centuries CE—features the Haft Tan reappearing alongside the primary avatar, reinforcing the doctrine of dunādūni (recurrent divine appearances) and linking pre-Islamic angelic hierarchies with later figures akin to biblical or Islamic prophets. This framework posits the Haft Tan not as independent deities but as interdependent emanations ensuring cosmic order and ethical instruction. The identities of the Haft Tan vary slightly across Yarsan subgroups and texts, reflecting oral transmission and regional interpretations, but a core set associated with Solṭān Sohāk's epoch includes: Pir Benyāmīn ( of Gabriel, serving as spiritual preceptor); Khodavand Dāwūd (linked to guardianship); Musā (prophetic role); Muṣṭafā; Razbar (with Khatūn-e Razbar as the sole female emanation, symbolizing motherhood and creation); Sheyb Ibrahim; and Bābā Bozorg. These figures are invoked in rituals and hymns (kalāms) as eternal companions, their human s documented in hagiographic accounts from the onward, emphasizing their role in transmitting esoteric truths while cautioning against literal .

Reincarnation and Esoteric Cosmology

Yarsanis hold that the soul undergoes transmigration, known as dunaduni or don-ba-don in Kurdish, wherein it repeatedly incarnates into human bodies to achieve purification through ethical living and spiritual discipline. This process is essential for the soul's ascent from the material realm back to divine union, with each incarnation representing a stage of refinement based on the individual's adherence to Yarsani principles such as purity, honesty, and selflessness. Failure to progress may result in continued cycles, while exemplary conduct accelerates elevation. The 's journey spans 1,001 reincarnations, a number symbolically derived as the product of , 11, and 13—reflecting sacred tied to divine emanations and cosmic orders—equivalent in temporal scope to the seven great cycles (dawran) of divine manifestation in Yarsani history. Upon physical , the confronts the Pardivar bridge, a metaphysical threshold determining its next ; successful crossings depend on accumulated merit, with ultimate merging the with the divine after the final migration. This belief underscores a deterministic yet merit-based path, where predestined roles within spiritual lineages (khandan) influence reincarnatory outcomes, preserving esoteric knowledge across lives. Esoteric cosmology in Yarsanism delineates two ontologically distinct realms: the inner, eternal divine world (jahan-e bateni) of pure spirit and truth, and the outer, transient world (jahan-e zahiri) serving as a for soul-testing and . The divine realm originates from the primordial , from which emanate before descending into materiality for experiential purification, mirroring the cosmology's emphasis on hidden wisdom accessible only through and oral transmission. This dualism informs as a mechanism bridging the worlds, with the plane's impermanence contrasting the divine's , and esoteric doctrines guarding revelations of cosmic hierarchy against profane distortion.

Sacred Texts and Oral Traditions

Primary Scriptures like Kalam-e Saranjam

The primary scriptures of Yarsanism consist primarily of poetic hymns known as kalāms, which form the core of the faith's esoteric teachings and are recited during devotional rituals accompanied by the tanbur instrument. These texts emphasize themes of divine manifestation, spiritual purification, and secrecy, distinguishing Yarsanism from exoteric religions. Unlike rigidly codified canons in Abrahamic traditions, Yarsan scriptures evolved through oral transmission among initiated sayyeds (spiritual descendants of the faith's founders) and kalāmkhwāns (hymn reciters), with written compilations emerging sporadically as revered manuscripts rather than authoritative books for mass dissemination. The Kalam-e Saranjam (Discourse of Conclusion) stands as the most central among these, a collection of sacred verses attributed to , the pivotal divine incarnation who formalized Yarsanism in the (circa 1400–1460 CE). Composed in the Gorani dialect—a Zaza-Gorani branch of Kurdish—it encapsulates the theological framework, including the four cycles of divine manifestation (dowre): those of Khawandgar (the Creator), , Shah Khoshin, and himself. Key contents outline 72 ethical and spiritual conditions for attaining Haqq (Ultimate Reality), such as purity, honesty, humility, and generosity, alongside doctrines of soul reincarnation through 1,001 embodiments over 50,000 years for progressive purification. A prominent verse, sirr mago ("do not reveal the secret"), underscores the imperative of esoteric concealment from the uninitiated, reflecting the faith's guarded transmission. Historically, the Kalam-e Saranjam was not subject to formal due to Yarsanism's rhizomatic structure and belief in ongoing divine emanations, which preclude a singular, closed scripture; instead, it parallels other collections like Daftar-e Pirdewari, Diwan-e Gewre, and Dawray Bahlul Dana, all rooted in the "Thirty-Six Poets" tradition and earlier figures such as Sayyed Brāke (). Manuscripts, often handwritten by angelic scribes in lore or elite families, remained restricted to inner circles until partial publications in the late 20th and early 21st centuries (e.g., Safizādeh 1996; Tāheri 2007), which introduced variations but preserved the unaltered essence from Sultan Sahak's era. These texts function not merely as doctrinal references but as living vehicles for mystical insight, recited in jam gatherings to evoke the "" beyond literal interpretation.

Canonization and Transmission Processes

In Yārsān tradition, sacred texts have not undergone a formal, centralized process comparable to those in , primarily due to the faith's decentralized, rhizomatic community structure and persistent emphasis on oral transmission, which precludes the establishment of an ultimate, fixed canon. Influenced by theological concepts such as the history of divine manifestations, angelic scribing, and the archetypal scripture of Qabālah, the texts emerge through heterogeneous, parallel developments rather than a singular authoritative compilation. This ongoing production is further complicated by infinite cycles of divine incarnation and the linguistic medium of Gorāni koine, which supports fluid evolution over rigid closure. The primary sacred texts, known as kalāms or hymns, are categorized into narrative (recounting mythological histories), (affirming doctrinal truths), and (used in ceremonies) forms, with no unified scriptural authority across Yārsān branches. Highly esteemed examples include the Daftar-e ḵezāna-ye Perdīvarī, comprising 26 mythological poems in Gūrānī revered for their Perdīvarī origin, and the Ketāb-e saranǰām, a semi-mythical account of Yārsān history emphasizing reincarnation cycles. Other works, such as Ḥāǰǰ Neʿmatallāh's Šāh-nāma-ye ḥaqīqat (11,116 distiches in Persian) and Forqān al-aḵbār (prose exposition), contribute to the corpus but vary regionally in languages like Gūrānī, Persian, Kurdish, or Turkic dialects. Transmission prioritizes oral methods, with kalāms recited and interpreted by Sayyeds (spiritual elites) during jam gatherings or taught in informal settings like family instruction or formal classes during the Fast of Khāwankār, often memorized by an intellectual cadre rather than a specialized class. Performers known as kalāmkhwāns deliver these long poetic texts accompanied by the tanbur instrument in ritual contexts, preserving sacred narratives through auditory and musical performance. Written manuscripts, historically scarce and confined to Sayyed possession due to cost and exclusivity, supplement this but exhibit variations in sequence and inclusion; since the 1990s, published anthologies (e.g., by Safizādeh in 1996 and Hosseyni in 2003) have introduced partial standardization, though without central oversight or widespread consensus on canonicity. This dual oral-written dynamic, absent a hierarchical body to enforce uniformity, sustains doctrinal diversity while hindering definitive canonization.

Practices and Rituals

Tanbur Music and Devotional Worship

The , a long-necked crafted traditionally from mulberry wood, serves as the sacred instrument central to Yarsani devotional . Exclusively employed in religious contexts, it accompanies the of sacred poems and maqams—modal musical compositions—deemed haqqāni or purely religious, distinguishing them from semi-religious majāni texts sung with other instruments. Yarsanis regard the tanbur not merely as a musical tool but as a spiritual mediator embodying divine truth and the "absolute idea," with its construction involving body techniques that imbue it with sanctity. Devotional practices revolve around jam ceremonies, closed gatherings restricted to initiates where tanbur music fuses recitation, melody, and communal ritual. These sessions feature tanbūrīs—trained musicians—who perform 72 specific ritual maqams transmitted orally across generations, drawing lyrics from Yarsani sacred heritage to invoke spiritual presence and facilitate remembrance (). The instrument's resonant tones, produced via a , guide participants through esoteric cosmology and divine emanations, reinforcing the faith's emphasis on auditory over visual representation. While percussion like the may occasionally supplement, the tanbur remains paramount, its use prohibited in profane settings to preserve ritual purity. Tanbur music underscores Yarsanism's syncretic yet independent ritual framework, where performance demands mastery of both instrumental technique and theological knowledge, often cultivated within khandan spiritual lineages. Ceremonies occur in jamkhanehs or shrines, with the tanbur's centrality reflecting beliefs in its primordial role in creation, as followers assert its melodies echoed divine formation of humanity. This devotional mode prioritizes experiential union over doctrinal exposition, with maqams serving as vehicles for mystical insight amid communal seclusion.

Jam Ceremonies and Communal Gatherings

Jam ceremonies, known as in Yarsani tradition, constitute the central communal ritual of Yarsanism, conducted periodically in dedicated assembly houses called jamkhaneh. These gatherings emphasize spiritual unity, equality among participants regardless of social status, and direct communion with the divine, often likened to a microcosm of the cosmic order. Typically involving a minimum of seven male initiates seated in a circle to symbolize equality and the presence of the divine at the center, jams foster solidarity through shared devotion and are presided over by a sayyed from the priestly lineage. The structure of a jam begins with participants entering the jamkhaneh purified, dressed as if for travel, and with heads covered, reciting "The Beginning and the End is the Yār" upon arrival. Once convened, no participant may leave, shift position, or engage in private conversation until the sayyed formally concludes the rite, enforcing absolute focus and discipline. Key roles include the sayyed as supervisor, the kalam-khwan (singer of sacred poems) who leads recitations, the khadem who serves offerings while standing barefoot, and a khalifa as deputy. Women and children may attend but remain outside the ritual circle, with women sometimes acting as proxies for initiations; historically, fuller female participation occurred but later diminished amid external accusations of impropriety. Central to the ceremony is the performance of sacred music using the , a long-necked stringed instrument revered as a divine conduit, exclusively played for haqqani (truthful) purposes during jams. The kalam-khwan delivers solos of (long sacred poems) and (shorter verses), accompanied by rhythmic tanbur strumming that builds to ecstatic states of mystical union before subsiding. These recitations transmit esoteric cosmology, divine incarnations, and ethical teachings orally, with communal singing reinforcing collective memory; during festivals like the three-night Fast of Khawankar, extended kalam explanations educate initiates. Offerings follow, including circulated healing water (aw-e chark-e Jam) from a shared , prayed over by the sayyed, and equal distribution of sacrificial foods such as meat (bash or nawala), , sweets, or fruits (nazri), symbolizing divine sustenance and resolving participants' worldly concerns. Communal gatherings extend beyond standard jams to larger festivals and initiations embedded within them, where rituals like hand-kissing, prostration, and vowed animal sacrifices reinforce hierarchical yet egalitarian bonds between pir (spiritual guides) and murid (disciples). Prohibitions against chairs, footwear inside the circle, and disruptions underscore the rite's sanctity, while the equal treatment of all—evoking myths of Sultan Sahak's cosmic arm upholding the assembly—highlights Yarsanism's rejection of worldly hierarchies. These practices, rooted in 14th-15th century foundations amid Kurdish regions of Iran and Iraq, preserve oral traditions against persecution, with recent documentation aiding transmission.

Organization and Social Structure

Khandans as Spiritual Houses

Yarsanism organizes its adherents into eleven spiritual houses, or khandans, which function as hereditary lineages tracing descent from key figures in the faith's foundational era. These houses maintain doctrinal continuity, oversee ritual practices, and provide spiritual guidance, with each khandan led by a say-yed—a hereditary master responsible for interpreting sacred kalams and leading devotees through and worship. The system originated with , who in the late established seven initial khandans as spiritual successors to the divine Benyamin, compensating for Benyamin's lack of biological progeny and ensuring the transmission of esoteric authority. Four more khandans emerged later, solidifying the total at eleven and embedding a structured that links contemporary followers to the faith's mythological origins. Adherents inherit affiliation patrilineally or through formal , binding them to a single khandan for life and requiring obedience to its say-yed, who acts as a spiritual parent figure—prohibiting between leaders and followers to preserve integrity. This affiliation dictates community residence near the khandan's pir or master, facilitating direct access to teachings and jam assemblies. Within khandans, a caste-like division prevails: sayyeds hold priestly primacy, preserving and ; mams (spiritual uncles or aunts) assist in education and ceremonies; and the am () form the base, respecting higher castes without intermarriage, which upholds separation between holy lineages and commoners. This structure reinforces causal ties between divine emanations and human practice, prioritizing genealogical fidelity over .

Pir and Murid Hierarchies

The pir-murid hierarchy constitutes the foundational structure for spiritual guidance and transmission of within Yarsanism, wherein pirs—spiritual masters drawn from lineages—oversee the religious lives of , or disciples. Each undergoes initiation, known as sar separdem, typically inheriting their pir from their father's khandan affiliation, establishing a hereditary bond that ensures continuity of esoteric knowledge and ritual practice. Pirs, as descended from the faith's foundational figures like Sahak's seven sons (Haftawana), hold authority to interpret sacred texts, lead jam ceremonies, and mediate reincarnatory cycles, functioning as intermediaries between the divine emanations and human followers. Murids, comprising the majority of adherents, pledge loyalty and material offerings—such as a portion of sacrificial animals or gifts—to their pir and subordinate dalils (guides or witnesses), who assist in instructing novices and verifying doctrinal adherence. This reciprocal relationship emphasizes ethical conduct, recitation, and communal worship, with pirs enforcing taboos against revealing inner truths (batin) to outsiders. Unlike rigid in parallel traditions like Yezidism, Yarsani pirs may marry non-s, allowing limited , though sayyid status remains patrilineal and exclusive to the eleven khandans. Auxiliary roles reinforce the hierarchy: dalils, often from khalifeh families tracing to Sultan Sahak's original seven companions, support pirs by distributing ritual offerings and aiding in gozargah (soul-passage) rites, while khadims maintain order during assemblies. At the apex, the padishah—a supreme sayyid representative embodying Sultan Sahak or divine authority—oversees khandan coordination, resolving disputes and canonizing kalams, as seen in historical transmissions from the 14th century onward. This structure preserves the faith's secrecy amid external pressures, with pirs safeguarding against dilution by orthodox Islamic influences.

Demographics and Geography

Population Estimates and Ethnic Composition

Estimates of the Yarsan population vary significantly due to the lack of official censuses in and , where most adherents reside, compounded by state non-recognition of the faith and incentives for underreporting amid persecution risks. Scholarly and advocacy sources place the global number of adherents between 500,000 and 4 million, with more conservative figures around 1-2 million concentrated in . Higher estimates, such as 3 million primarily in western , appear in media reports but lack granular verification. Iranian government assessments, often viewing Yarsanis as a security concern rather than a distinct religious group, propose lower counts like 500,000, reflecting potential undercounting tied to assimilation pressures. Yarsanism is predominantly an ethnic Kurdish faith, with the majority of followers identifying as from subgroups such as the Gorani (Gûranî), who speak the and form core communities in Iran's and provinces. Adherents self-identify strongly with Gorani heritage, even across dialect variations, distinguishing them from broader Sunni or Shia Kurdish populations. Smaller proportions include and Turkic groups in , as well as Kaka'i communities in Iraq's and Diyala regions, where the faith overlaps with local ethnic dynamics but retains Yarsan doctrinal elements. This ethnic concentration underscores Yarsanism's roots in northwestern Iranian tribal and peasant societies, though migration has dispersed some families to urban centers and diaspora hubs in .

Primary Regions and Migration Patterns

The core regions of Yarsan adherence lie in the rugged terrain of western , centered on and extending into adjacent areas of and Lorestan provinces, where the faith originated among Gorani-speaking communities during the late 14th century. This encompasses the Guran (Gurani) heartland west of city, including key sites like Gahwara (Gawara), approximately 40 miles from the provincial capital, which serves as a spiritual focal point tied to foundational figures such as . Smaller but notable concentrations persist in Iran's , reflecting historical settlement patterns among ethnic and . In Iraq, Yarsan populations, often identified with the Kakai (or Sarli) subgroup, cluster in the governorates of , Diyala, and within , particularly south and east of city, where they form pockets amid broader Kurdish demographics. These Iraqi communities trace roots to cross-border migrations and shared Gorani linguistic ties with Iranian Yarsan, though they number fewer than their Iranian counterparts, with estimates ranging from tens to hundreds of thousands amid disputed census data influenced by sectarian tensions. Historical migrations within these regions were driven by feudal displacements and Safavid-era persecutions, confining adherents to isolated villages to evade assimilation pressures from Sunni and Shi'a authorities. In the , modernization, land reforms, and the Iran-Iraq War (1980–1988) spurred internal rural-to-urban shifts, with many relocating to cities like and for economic survival while maintaining clandestine practices. Contemporary diaspora patterns emerged prominently post-1979 , as religious suppression and ethnic discrimination prompted emigration waves to and ; significant communities now reside in , , and the , often integrating into broader Kurdish exile networks but preserving tanbur-based rituals in adapted jam houses. These outflows, accelerated by 1990s–2000s conflicts in , have fostered transnational ties, including leadership relocations to that influenced doctrinal dissemination, though core demographics remain overwhelmingly rural and indigenous to the Iran-Iraq borderlands.

Relations with Other Religions

Divergences from Orthodox

Yarsanism exhibits fundamental theological divergences from orthodox , particularly Sunni and Twelver Shia traditions, in its doctrines of soul transmigration and cyclical divine incarnations, which contradict Islamic teachings on , the finality of prophethood, and the uncreated nature of . Orthodox posits a singular lifetime followed by , , and eternal paradise or , explicitly rejecting (tanasukh) as incompatible with Quranic verses emphasizing accountability in one life, such as Surah Al-Mu'minun 23:99-100. In Yarsanism, however, the undergoes repeated reincarnations across bodies to achieve spiritual purification and union with the divine, a process viewed as essential for evolution toward perfection, fundamentally altering the Islamic linear model of human existence and divine justice. A core Yarsani tenet involves the haftan, or seven successive manifestations of the divine essence (Ya or Xwedê) in human form across cosmic cycles, incorporating figures like Ali ibn Abi Talib as an early avatar but extending to post-Islamic saints such as (born circa 1340 CE), who is regarded as the final and most complete embodiment before eschatological fulfillment. This cyclical framework implies ongoing divine , diverging sharply from orthodox Islamic (absolute oneness of God), which prohibits anthropomorphic manifestations or intermediaries beyond the Prophet as the seal of prophets (Quran 33:40), and from Twelver Shia imamology, which limits infallible guidance to twelve historical imams without further incarnations. Yarsani texts, such as the Saranjam, describe these manifestations as progressive revelations adapting to human epochs, rendering Muhammad's prophethood one phase in an eternal process rather than culminative. Yarsani practice further departs from Islamic by prioritizing batin (esoteric inner truth) over zahir (exoteric law), eschewing strict observance in favor of initiatory (danistan) revealed through pir-murid hierarchies and tanbur-based devotion. Unlike the five pillars of —declaration of faith, , almsgiving, , and —Yarsanism emphasizes four sanctuaries of truth: guardianship of secrets, rejection of falsehood, ritual purity, and communal harmony, without mandatory salat or , and incorporating and as primary worship forms deemed impermissible or secondary in orthodox rites. This esoteric orientation, rooted in pre-Islamic Iranian substrates, positions Yarsanism as a distinct gnostic tradition rather than a heterodox Islamic , despite surface affinities like veneration of , leading scholars to classify it outside Abrahamic .

Scholarly Debates on Syncretism and Independence

Scholars remain divided on the classification of Yarsanism, with debates centering on its syncretic character and degree of independence from Islam. One perspective, advanced by some Iranian academics and state-aligned analyses, frames Yarsanism as an esoteric offshoot of Twelver Shi'ism, highlighting shared elements such as the veneration of Ali ibn Abi Talib and Sufi-inspired mysticism, which purportedly integrate it within the broader Islamic fold. This view often downplays doctrinal divergences to emphasize historical continuity with Islamic esotericism, though critics note that such interpretations may reflect systemic incentives in post-revolutionary Iran to subsume minority faiths under official Shi'a orthodoxy, limiting recognition of non-Islamic identities. In contrast, Western and independent scholars, including Philip G. Kreyenbroek, argue for Yarsanism's status as a distinct , rooted in pre-Islamic Iranian substrates like Zoroastrian dualism and indigenous Kurdish animism, with later syncretic overlays from and Shi'ism serving as superficial adaptations rather than foundational ties. Core tenets, such as —belief in the transmigration of souls across seven cycles of divine incarnation—directly contradict Islamic eschatology's emphasis on a singular and bodily , rendering orthodox integration untenable. Yarsani sacred texts and oral traditions, transmitted via the kalams (hymns), reinforce this autonomy, portraying the faith as an eternal, primordial truth predating Muhammad's . Syncretism is a point of consensus, yet its implications fuel the divide: while all acknowledge amalgamations—evident in rituals blending tanbur music with invocations of angelic hierarchies and cyclical cosmology—proponents of independence contend these reflect adaptive survival strategies under Islamic dominance rather than derivative dependence. For instance, the faith's heptad of divine manifestations echoes pre-Zoroastrian motifs more than Qur'anic archetypes, supporting claims of indigenous evolution over Islamic derivation. Empirical analysis of Yarsani self-identification further bolsters the distinct-faith argument, as Gurani-speaking adherents explicitly reject Islamic affiliation, viewing (dissimulation) as a historical expedient rather than confessional alignment. These debates underscore broader tensions in studying esoteric traditions, where source access—often mediated by or —complicates verifiable reconstruction.

Persecution and Sociopolitical Challenges

Pre-Modern Oppression Under Islamic Rule

Yarsanis, adhering to doctrines such as the transmigration of souls (tanasukh) and successive manifestations of the divine essence in human form, were routinely branded heretics (zindīq) by orthodox Muslim authorities from the religion's founding in the late 14th century onward. This perception stemmed from Yarsani beliefs' divergence from core Islamic tenets on monotheism and prophecy, positioning the faith as a form of ghulūw (extremist Shiism) or outright infidelity in the eyes of both Twelver Shia and Sunni scholars. Under Islamic empires spanning the Safavid (1501–1736), Afghan interregnum, Zand, and early Qajar periods, communities endured social ostracism, economic restrictions, and sporadic violence, compelling adherents to practice taqiyya—dissimulation of their faith by outwardly conforming to dominant Islamic rituals—to evade annihilation. The Safavid enforcement of as state doctrine intensified scrutiny on heterodox groups like the Yarsanis, whose syncretic elements echoed the militant Sufi orders from which the Safavids themselves originated but later repudiated to consolidate orthodoxy. While direct mass campaigns against Yarsanis are sparsely documented, the regime's broader suppression of ghulat sects involved shrine desecrations, forced recantations, and executions of perceived threats to doctrinal purity, fostering a of perpetual insecurity that drove Yarsanis into remote Kurdish and Luristani highlands. In Ottoman-controlled regions of western and northern , Sunni authorities similarly viewed Yarsanis as crypto-heretics allied with Safavid sympathizers, subjecting them to intermittent raids and taxation as non-Muslims during border conflicts, though survival hinged on tribal alliances and geographic isolation. Under the (1789–1925), oppression manifested in targeted pogroms against religious elites. In , the Shia cleric Aqa Mamdali, notorious as the "dervish killer," orchestrated the execution of numerous Sufis and Yarsani figures on heresy charges in the late 18th century, continuing until his death around 1801. Decades later, in 1851, during Nasir al-Din Shah's reign, the Yarsani leader Taymur was publicly beheaded on orders from the governor Prince Imam-Quli Mirza, ostensibly for plotting revolt but rooted in religious animosity; internal betrayals by Yarsani elites seeking favor with authorities facilitated the act. These incidents, amid broader Qajar policies favoring Shia clerical dominance, reinforced Yarsani insularity, with communities limiting interactions to kin-based khandans (spiritual houses) and oral transmission of sacred kalams to preserve esoteric knowledge from inquisitorial scrutiny.

Modern State Policies and Human Rights Issues

In Iran, the government does not recognize Yarsanism as an independent religion and classifies its adherents as Shia Muslims, denying them status as a protected religious minority under the constitution. This policy, rooted in the Islamic Republic's prioritization of Twelver Shia Islam, results in systemic discrimination, including restrictions on constructing places of worship, performing public rituals, and obtaining official religious education. Yarsanis face barriers to employment in public sector roles and political participation, with some official reports labeling the faith a "security threat" due to its syncretic elements and perceived potential for mobilization. Human rights violations against Yarsanis in Iran include arbitrary arrests of religious leaders and activists, particularly during protests against , as seen in widespread demonstrations in in March 2016 following inflammatory rhetoric from local clerics. In November 2020, tensions escalated after a Salafi cleric's derogatory statements prompted Yarsani counter-protests, leading to clashes and further state crackdowns. Yarsani representatives petitioned Supreme Leader in March 2015 for constitutional recognition to address these inequities, highlighting ongoing exclusion from civic afforded to recognized minorities like Zoroastrians and . Such policies contribute to broader patterns of ethnic-religious marginalization, with Yarsanis—predominantly —experiencing compounded in access to higher education and positions. In Iraq, where Yarsanis are often termed Kaka'i, the state provides limited formal recognition but fails to enforce protections against , particularly in and services. Kaka'i communities report religion-based exclusion from jobs and the , with some adherents registering as to mitigate and access benefits. In Regional Government (KRG)-controlled areas, Kaka'is face social siege and targeted violence from militias, exacerbating vulnerabilities post-2014 incursions that destroyed shrines and displaced thousands. A 2021 analysis noted improper perceptions of Kaka'i practices, such as prohibitions on shaving, heighten exposure to , while broader minority quotas in the 2005 constitution offer nominal representation but little substantive safeguarding. persists amid sectarian tensions, with Kaka'is underrepresented in politics and facing threats from both state actors and non-state groups in disputed territories.

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