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History of Anglo-Saxon England
History of Anglo-Saxon England
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Anglo-Saxon England or early medieval England covers the period from the end of Roman imperial rule in Britain in the 5th century until the Norman Conquest in 1066. Compared to modern England, the territory of the Anglo-Saxons stretched north to present day Lothian in southeastern Scotland, whereas it did not initially include western areas of England such as Cornwall, Herefordshire, Shropshire, Cheshire, Lancashire, and Cumbria.

The 5th and 6th centuries involved the collapse of economic networks and political structures and also saw a radical change to a new Anglo-Saxon language and culture. This change was driven by movements of peoples as well as changes which were happening in both northern Gaul and the North Sea coast of what is now Germany and the Netherlands. The Anglo-Saxon language, also known as Old English, was a close relative of languages spoken in the latter regions, and genetic studies have confirmed that there was significant migration to Britain from there before the end of the Roman period. Surviving written accounts suggest that Britain was divided into small "tyrannies" which initially took their bearings to some extent from Roman norms.

By the late 6th century England was dominated by small kingdoms ruled by dynasties who were pagan and which identified themselves as having differing continental ancestries. A smaller number of kingdoms maintained a British and Christian identity, but by this time they were restricted to the west of Britain. The most important Anglo-Saxon kingdoms in the 5th and 6th centuries are conventionally called a Heptarchy, meaning a group of seven kingdoms, although the number of kingdoms varied over time. The most powerful included Northumbria, Mercia, East Anglia, Essex, Kent, Sussex, and Wessex. During the 7th century the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms were converted to Christianity by missionaries from Ireland and the continent.

In the 8th century, Vikings began raiding England, and by the second half of the 9th century Scandinavians began to settle in eastern England. Opposing the Vikings from the south, the royal family of Wessex gradually became dominant, and in 927 King Æthelstan I was the first king to rule a single united Kingdom of England. After his death however, the Danish settlers and other Anglo-Saxon kingdoms reasserted themselves. Wessex agreed to pay the so-called Danegeld to the Danes, and in 1017 England became part of the North Sea Empire of King Cnut, a personal union between England, Denmark and Norway. After Cnut's death in 1035, England was ruled first by his son Harthacnut and succeeded by his English half-brother Edward the Confessor. Edward had been forced to live in exile, and when he died in 1066, one of the claimants to the throne was William, the Duke of Normandy.

William's 1066 invasion of England ended the Anglo-Saxon period. The Normans persecuted the Anglo-Saxons and overthrew their ruling class to substitute their own leaders to oversee and rule England.[1] However, Anglo-Saxon identity survived beyond the Norman Conquest,[2] came to be known as Englishry under Norman rule, and through social and cultural integration with Romano-British Celts, Danes and Normans became the modern English people.

Terminology

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In modern times, the term "Anglo-Saxons" is used by scholars to refer collectively to the Old English speaking groups in Britain. As a compound term, it covers the various English-speaking groups and also avoids possible misunderstandings which could come from using the terms "Saxons" or "Angles" (English)—both terms could be used either as collectives referring to all the Old English speakers or to specific tribal groups. Although the term "Anglo-Saxon" was not commonly used until modern times, it is not a modern invention because it was also used in some specific contexts between the 8th and 10th centuries.

Before the 8th century, the most common collective term for the Old-English speakers was "Saxons", which was a word originally associated since the 4th century not with a specific country or nation, but with raiders in North Sea coastal areas of Britain and Gaul. An especially early reference to the Angli is the 6th-century Byzantine historian Procopius who heard through Frankish diplomats that an island called Brittia, lying not far from the mouth of the Rhine, was settled by three nations: the Angili, Frissones, and Brittones, each ruled by its own king. (He did not use the word Saxon at all.)[3]

By the 8th century the Saxons in Germany were seen as a distinct country, and writers such as Bede, Alcuin, and Saint Boniface began to refer to the overall group in Britain as the "English" people (Latin Angli, gens Anglorum or Old English Angelcynn). In Bede's work the term "Saxon" is also used to refer sometimes to the Old English language and to refer to the early pagan Anglo-Saxons before the arrival of Christian missionaries among the Anglo-Saxons of Kent in 597.[4] To distinguish them, Bede called the pagan Saxons of the mainland the "Old Saxons" (antiqui saxones).

Similarly, a non-Anglo-Saxon contemporary of Bede, Paul the Deacon, referred variously to either the English (Angli) or the Anglo-Saxons (Latin plural genitives Saxonum Anglorum, or Anglorum Saxonum), which helped him distinguish them from the European Saxons who he also discussed. In England this compound term came to be used in some specific situations, both in Latin and Old English. Alfred the Great, a West Saxon, was for example Anglosaxonum Rex in the late 880s, probably indicating that he was literally a king over both English (for example Mercian) and Saxon kingdoms. However, the term "English" continued to be used as a common collective term and indeed became dominant. The increased use of these new collective terms, "English" or "Anglo-Saxon", represents the strengthening of the idea of a single unifying cultural unity among the Anglo-Saxons, who had previously invested in identities which differentiated various regional groups.[4]

Historian James Campbell suggests that it was not until the late Anglo-Saxon period that England could be described as a nation-state.[5] It is certain that the concept of "Englishness" only developed very slowly.[6][7]

End of Roman era and Anglo-Saxon origins

[edit]

The Anglo-Saxon period begins with the end of Roman rule in the 5th century AD, but the details of this transition are unclear. Already in the late 4th century, the archaeological record shows signs of economic collapse in Britain and northern Gaul and Germania. By 430 a radical cultural change is evident in Britain, affecting for example burial styles, building styles and clothing. Both the archaeological evidence and genetic findings indicate that these changes were influenced to at least some extent by immigrants who were coming from the North Sea coasts of what is now the Netherlands, Germany and Denmark, but some of the changes also have parallels with northern Gaul, which was similarly a country where Roman forces and government were weakening or being withdrawn.[8] Usage of Old English cannot be proven during this period, but its closest relatives were the Old Frisian and Old Saxon dialects of the same continental coastal regions, and so some amount of migration is once again implied.

While there is a tradition of seeing the Anglo-Saxon language and culture as something imported suddenly after the collapse of Roman rule, Germanic soldiers from areas near the Rhine delta had been brought to Britain since the beginning of Roman rule in Britain in 43 and may have already been a significant presence in Roman society. The written record agrees with the genetic evidence that such movements of people had increased before the end of Roman rule. The term "Saxon" began to be used by Roman authors in the 4th century, initially to refer to Germanic raiders from areas north of the Frankish tribes who lived closest to the Rhine delta. 4th century Roman sources reported that these Saxons had been troubling the coasts of the North Sea and English Channel since the late 3rd century.[9] Among the earliest such mentions of Saxons, they were named as allies of the rebel emperors Carausius, who was based in Britain, and Magnentius.[10] At some point in the 3rd or 4th centuries the Romans established a military commander who was assigned to oversee a chain of coastal forts on both sides of the channel and the one on the British side was called the Saxon Shore (Litus Saxonicum).[11]

According to 4th century historian Ammianus Marcellinus, in 367 the Romano-British defences were overrun by Scoti from Ireland, Picts from northern Scotland, together with Saxons in the so-called Great Conspiracy. In 368 imperial forces under the command of Count Theodosius defeated Saxons who were apparently based in Britain, and coordinating with the Scoti and Picts.[12] In 382 Magnus Maximus defeated another invasion by Picts and Scoti, but in the following year he led an army to Gaul for a bid to become emperor. There were further troop withdrawals in the 390s, and the last major import of coins to pay the troops took place around 400, after which the army was not paid.[13][14]

The early Christian Berber author Tertullian, writing in the 3rd century, said that "Christianity could even be found in Britain".[15] The Roman Emperor Constantine granted official tolerance to Christianity with the Edict of Milan in 313. Christianity had been introduced into the British Isles during the Roman occupation. In the reign of Emperor Theodosius "the Great", Christianity was made the official religion of the Roman Empire.[a][17]

It is not clear how many Britons would have been Christian when the pagan Anglo-Saxons arrived.[b][19] There had been attempts to evangelise the Irish by Pope Celestine I in 431.[20] However, it was Saint Patrick who is credited with converting the Irish en masse.[20] A Christian Ireland then set about evangelising the rest of the British Isles, and Columba founded a religious community in Iona, off the west coast of Scotland.[21] Then Aidan was sent from Iona to set up his see in Northumbria, at Lindisfarne, between 635 and 651.[22] Hence Northumbria was converted by the Celtic (Irish) church.[22]

Rapid cultural change (400–550 AD)

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The last Roman ruler of Britain, the self-proclaimed Emperor Constantine III, moved Roman forces based in Britain to the continent. The Romano-British citizens reportedly expelled their Roman officials during this period and never again re-joined the Roman Empire.[23] Apparently taking advantage of the lack of organized military, the Chronica Gallica of 452 reports that Britain was ravaged by Saxon invaders in 409 or 410. Writing in the mid-sixth century, Procopius states that after the overthrow of Constantine III in 411, "the Romans never succeeded in recovering Britain, but it remained from that time under tyrants".[24]

The Romano-Britons nevertheless called upon the empire to help them fend off attacks from the Saxons, the Picts and the Scoti. A hagiography of Saint Germanus of Auxerre claims that he helped command a defence against an invasion of Picts and Saxons in 429. By about 430 the archaeological record in Britain begins to indicate a relatively rapid melt-down of Roman material culture and its replacement by a material culture associated with the Anglo-Saxons. The Chronica Gallica of 452 records for the year 441: "The British provinces, which to this time had suffered various defeats and misfortunes, are reduced to Saxon rule." British monk Gildas, writing some generations later, reports that at some time between 445 and 454 the Britons wrote to the Roman military leader Aëtius in Gaul begging for assistance, with no success.

This having failed, Gildas reports that an unnamed Romano-British "proud tyrant" invited "Saxons" to Britain to help defend Britain from the Picts and Scoti, working under a Roman-style military treaty as foederati, which entitled them to lands in Britain. According to Gildas, these Saxons came into conflict with the Romano-British rulers when they were not given sufficient monthly supplies. In reaction to this they overran the whole country and then returned to their home area.[25] After this, the British united successfully under Ambrosius Aurelianus and struck back. Historian Nick Higham calls this the "War of the Saxon Federates". It ended after a Romano-British victory at the siege at "Mount Badon", the location of which is no longer known.[26] Gildas, unlike much later Anglo Saxon writers, did not mention any ongoing conflict against "Saxons". Instead of wars against foreigners he complains that the country was divided into small kingdoms which fought amongst each other, which impeded safe travel around the country.

Centuries later, Anglo-Saxon writers in contrast saw the events described by Gildas as the beginning of a massive movement of people from northern Europe, an account which influences historians to this day. In Bede's account the call to the "Angle or Saxon nation" (Latin: Anglorum sive Saxonum gens) was initially answered by three boats led by two brothers, Hengist and Horsa ("Stallion and Horse"), and Hengist's son Oisc. Some modern scholars have suggested that both "Hengist" and Oisc may both represent memories of the same person as Ansehis, who was named in the Ravenna Cosmography as the chief of the "Old Saxons" who led his people to Britain, almost emptying his country.[27] Bede believed that the region these Saxons had assigned to them was in the eastern part of Britain.[28] As to their origin, Bede names pagan peoples living in Germania in the eighth century "from whom the Angles or Saxons, who now inhabit Britain, are known to have derived their origin; for which reason they are still corruptly called "Garmans" by the neighbouring nation of the Britons": the Frisians, the Rugini (possibly from Rügen), the Danes, the "Huns" (Pannonian Avars in this period, whose influence stretched north to Slavic-speaking areas in central Europe), the "old Saxons" (antiqui Saxones), and the "Boructuari" who are presumed to be inhabitants of the old lands of the Bructeri, near the Lippe river.[29] Bede believed the country of the Angli had been emptied because of these migrations.

With regards to this specific Saxon conflict reported by Gildas, modern historians remain uncertain about its timing and the relative importance it had in terms of its effect on the overall culture or population, which began changing rapidly already in the late 4th century. More generally, scholars continue to debate the timing and size of migrations from the continental North Sea coast. A traditional account of sudden Anglo-Saxon immigration and forced displacement or decimation of local populations has been influential since at least the eighth century retelling of the Gildas account by Bede. In Bede's account these events were the beginning of a massive and violent invasion of Anglo Saxons into Britain after the end of Roman rule in 411. The arrival of the soldiers described by Gildas became the adventus saxonum representing the main immigration event, which was followed by a period where small, pagan Anglo Saxon kingdoms in the east fought small Christian British kingdoms in the west, and bit by bit the Anglo Saxons defeated the British and took over a large part of Britain by force, creating England. In this traditional account ethnic Anglo-Saxons and ethnic Britons were distinct and separate peoples, conscious of the war between their nations. It was envisioned that British people living in Anglo-Saxon kingdoms had to move or else convert to a foreign culture.[30]

A 2022 genetic study used modern and ancient DNA samples from England and neighbouring countries to study the question of physical Anglo-Saxon migration and concluded that there was large-scale immigration of both men and women into eastern England from a "north continental" population matching early medieval people from the area stretching from northern Netherlands through northern Germany to Denmark. This began in the Roman era and increased rapidly in the 5th century. The burial evidence shows that the locals and immigrants were being buried together using the same customs and that they were having mixed children. The authors estimate the effective contributions to modern English ancestry are between 25% and 47% "north continental", 11% and 57% from British Iron Age ancestors, and 14% and 43% was attributed to a more stretched-out migration into southern England, from nearby populations such as modern Belgium and France. There were significant regional variations in north continental ancestry—lower in the west, and highest in Sussex, the East Midlands and East Anglia.[31]

Anglo-Saxon kingdoms

[edit]

There is no clear evidence concerning the origins of the later Anglo-Saxon kingdoms. The main evidence comes from Anglo-Saxon literature beginning in the 8th century, which indicates that there were many small kingdoms existing by the 7th century along the coast as well as inland. The traditional account of their origins is influenced by these Anglo-Saxon sources and indicates the kingdoms were ethnically distinct from their beginnings and initially were based on the southern and eastern coasts only. In a process that has been called an "FA cup model" these kingdoms are traditionally assumed to have started small and then gradually merged to a smaller number of larger kingdoms. One traditional term used for this period, the heptarchy, suggests the existence of seven dominant kingdoms. In fact the number of kingdoms and sub-kingdoms fluctuated during this period as competing kings contended for supremacy.[32]

Bede reports the genealogical claims of the dynasties ruling the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms of their own time. In the semi-mythical account of Bede a bigger fleet followed the Saxons reported by Gildas, representing the three most powerful tribes of Germania, the Angles, Saxons, and Jutes, and these were eventually followed by terrifying swarms. The naming of these three specific tribes was probably influenced by the semi-mythological genealogical claims of the royal families of Bede's time. In a well-known passage, Bede gives a rough description of the homelands of these three peoples and describes the places in Britain where he believed they had settled:[33]

  • The Saxons came from what Bede calls Old Saxony and created the kingdoms of Wessex, Sussex and Essex, which have names meaning "West Saxons", "South Saxons", and "East Saxons".
  • Jutland,[c] on the peninsula containing part of what is now modern Denmark, according to Bede was the homeland of the Jutes who he saw as ancestors of the royal families of Kent and the Isle of Wight.
  • The Angles (or English) were from "Anglia", a country which Bede understands to have become empty with emigration. It lay between the homelands of the Saxons and Jutes. Anglia is usually interpreted as being near the old Schleswig-Holstein Province (straddling the modern Danish-German border) and containing the modern Angeln. (Bede also uses the term English as a collective term for the Anglo-Saxons of his time.)

The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, written in the 9th century, reports that the various Anglo-Saxon kingdoms which eventually merged to become England were founded when small fleets of three or five ships of invaders arrived at various points around the coast of England to fight the sub-Roman British and conquered their lands.[d]

Southern Britain in AD 600 after the Anglo-Saxon settlement, showing division into multiple petty kingdoms
Anglo-Saxon and British kingdoms c. 800

The four most important kingdoms at first in Anglo-Saxon England were East Anglia, Mercia, Northumbria (originally two kingdoms, Bernicia and Deira), and Wessex (originally known as the Gewisse, and apparently based inland near the Thames). Minor kingdoms included Essex, Kent, and Sussex. Other minor kingdoms and territories are mentioned in sources such as the Tribal Hideage. The Anglo Saxon Chronicle also uses the term bretwalda to refer to kings who held a dominant position over other kings in southern England, south of the Humber. The first such bretwalda that the Anglo Saxon Chronicle named was Ælle of Sussex, who the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle describes as living in the 5th century, but accounts of this early king and his three sons are considered doubtful by modern scholars.

"Heptarchy" and Christianisation (550-800 AD)

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Ceawlin, the second bretwalda named by the Anglo Saxon Chronicle, was king of the Gewisse in the second half of the 6th century and an ancestor to the kings of Wessex. He expanded his kingdom at the expense of British kingdoms, taking Cirencester, Gloucester and Bath as a result of the Battle of Dyrham.[36][37][38] This expansion of Wessex ended abruptly when the Anglo-Saxons started fighting among themselves, resulting in Ceawlin retreating to his original territory. He was replaced in 592 by Ceol, who was possibly his nephew. Ceawlin was killed the following year, but the annals do not specify by whom.[39][40] Modern scholars note that Ceawlin's name and the names of some of his reported relatives appear to be British rather than Germanic, throwing doubt upon the assertion that his family arrived from the continent with five boats, as reported in the Anglo Saxon Chronicle.

King Æthelberht of Kent was later seen by the Anglo Saxon Chronicle as the third bretwalda south of the Humber.[41] Æthelberht's law for Kent, the earliest written code in any Germanic language, instituted a complex system of fines. Kent was rich, with strong trade ties to the continent, and Æthelberht may have instituted royal control over trade. For the first time following the Anglo-Saxon invasion, coins began circulating in Kent during his reign. His son-in-law Sæberht of Essex also converted to Christianity.

In 595 Augustine landed on the Isle of Thanet in Kent and proceeded to King Æthelberht's main town of Canterbury. He had been sent by Pope Gregory the Great to lead the Gregorian mission to Britain to Christianise the Kingdom of Kent from their native Anglo-Saxon paganism. Kent was probably chosen because Æthelberht had married a Christian princess, Bertha, daughter of Charibert I the king of Paris, who was expected to exert some influence over her husband. Augustine was given land by Æthelberht to build a church; so in 597 Augustine built the church and founded the See at Canterbury.[42] Æthelberht was baptised by 601, and he then continued with his mission to convert the English.[43]

After Æthelberht's death in about 616/618, the fourth bretwalda according to the Anglo Saxon Chronicle was Rædwald of East Anglia, who also gave Christianity a foothold in his kingdom and helped to install Edwin of Northumbria who replaced Æthelfrith to become the second king over Bernicia and Deira. After Rædwald died, Edwin was able to pursue a grand plan to expand Northumbrian power.[44] The Anglo Saxon Chronicle lists him as the fifth bretwalda. The growing strength of Edwin forced King Penda of Mercia into an alliance with the Welsh King Cadwallon ap Cadfan of Gwynedd, and together they invaded Edwin's lands and defeated and killed him at the Battle of Hatfield Chase in 633.[45][46] Their success was short-lived, as Oswald, one of Æthelfrith's sons, defeated and killed Cadwallon at Heavenfield near Hexham.[47] Oswald subsequently became the third king of Northumbria and is listed by the Anglo Saxon Chronicle as the sixth bretwalda.

In 635, Aidan, an Irish monk from Iona, chose the Isle of Lindisfarne to establish a monastery which was close to King Oswald's main fortress of Bamburgh. He had been at the monastery in Iona when Oswald asked to be sent a mission to Christianise Northumbria. Oswald had probably chosen Iona because after his father had been killed he had fled into south-west Scotland and had encountered Christianity, and he had returned determined to make Northumbria Christian. Aidan achieved great success in spreading the Christian faith in the north, and since Aidan could not speak English and Oswald had learned Irish during his exile, Oswald acted as Aidan's interpreter when the latter was preaching.[48] Later, Northumberland's patron saint, Saint Cuthbert, was an abbot of the monastery and then Bishop of Lindisfarne. An anonymous life of Cuthbert written at Lindisfarne is the oldest extant piece of English historical writing,[e] and in his memory a gospel (known as the St Cuthbert Gospel) was placed in his coffin. The decorated leather bookbinding is the oldest intact European binding.[50]

Escomb Church, a restored 7th-century Anglo-Saxon church. Church architecture and artefacts provide a useful source of historical information.
Silver coin of Aldfrith of Northumbria (686–705). OBVERSE: +AldFRIdUS, pellet-in-annulet; REVERSE: Lion with forked tail standing left

There was friction between the followers of the Roman rites and the Irish rites, particularly over the date on which Easter fell and the way monks cut their hair.[51] In 664, a conference was held at Whitby Abbey (known as the Whitby Synod) to decide the matter; Saint Wilfrid was an advocate for the Roman rites and Bishop Colmán for the Irish rites.[52] Wilfrid's argument won the day, and Colmán and his party returned to Ireland in their bitter disappointment.[52] The Roman rites were adopted by the English church.[52][53]

Whitby Abbey

Less than a decade after his defeat Penda again waged war against Northumbria and killed Oswald in the Battle of Maserfield in 642.[54] Oswald's brother Oswiu was chased to the northern extremes of his kingdom.[54][55] Although not included in the Anglo Saxon Chronicle list of bretwaldas, Penda was the dominant king of the English until he was killed in battle against Oswiu in 655. Oswiu, Bede's seventh bretwalda, remained the dominant king of England until he died in 670.

The kingdom of Mercia continued its conflict with the Welsh kingdom of Powys in the 8th century.[54] This conflict reached its climax during the reign of Offa of Mercia (reigned 757-796),[54] who is remembered for the construction of the 150-mile-long Offa's Dyke which formed the Wales/England border.[56] It is not clear whether this was a boundary line or a defensive position.[56] By the middle of the 8th century, other Anglo-Saxon kingdoms of southern Britain were also affected by Mercian expansionism. The East Saxons seem to have lost control of London, Middlesex and Hertfordshire to Æthelbald, although the East Saxon homelands do not seem to have been affected, and the East Saxon dynasty continued into the ninth century.[57]

Ascendency of Wessex and the Vikings (9th century)

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The ascendency of the Mercians came to an end in 825, when they were soundly beaten under Beornwulf at the Battle of Ellendun by Egbert of Wessex, who is the eighth and last bretwalda listed by the Anglo Saxon Chronicle.[58]

During the 9th century, Wessex rose in power, from the foundations laid by King Egbert in the first quarter of the century to the achievements of King Alfred the Great in its closing decades. The outlines of the story are told in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, though the annals represent a West Saxon point of view.[59] On the day of Egbert's succession to the kingdom of Wessex, in 802, a Mercian ealdorman from the province of the Hwicce had crossed the border at Kempsford with the intention of mounting a raid into northern Wiltshire; the Mercian force was met by the local ealdorman, "and the people of Wiltshire had the victory".[60] In 829, Egbert went on, the chronicler reports, to conquer "the kingdom of the Mercians and everything south of the Humber".[61] It was at this point that the chronicler chooses to attach Egbert's name to Bede's list of seven overlords, adding that "he was the eighth king who was Bretwalda".[62] Simon Keynes suggests Egbert's foundation of a 'bipartite' kingdom is crucial as it stretched across southern England, and it created a working alliance between the West Saxon dynasty and the rulers of the Mercians.[63] In 860, the eastern and western parts of the southern kingdom were united by agreement between the surviving sons of King Æthelwulf, though the union was not maintained without some opposition from within the dynasty.

From 874 to 879, the western half of Mercia was ruled by Ceowulf II, who was succeeded by Æthelred as Lord of the Mercians.[64] In the late 870s King Alfred gained the submission of the Mercians under their ruler Æthelred, who in other circumstances might have been styled a king but under the Alfredian regime was regarded as the 'ealdorman' of his people.

Anglo-Saxon-Viking coin weight. Material is lead and weighs approx 36 g. Embedded with a sceat dating to 720–750 AD and minted in Kent. It is edged with a dotted triangle pattern. Origin is the northern Danelaw region, and it dates from the late 8th to 9th century.

The wealth of the monasteries and the success of Anglo-Saxon society attracted the attention of people from mainland Europe, mostly Danes and Norwegians. Because of the plundering raids that followed, the raiders attracted the name Viking – from the Old Norse víkingr meaning an expedition – which soon became used for the raiding activity or piracy reported in western Europe.[65] In 793 Lindisfarne was raided, and while this was not the first raid of its type it was the most prominent. In 794 Jarrow, the monastery where Bede wrote, was attacked; in 795 Iona was attacked; and in 804 the nunnery at Lyminge in Kent was granted refuge inside the walls of Canterbury. Sometime around 800, a reeve from Portland in Wessex was killed when he mistook some raiders for ordinary traders. The Viking raids virtually stopped for around 40 years; but in about 835, it started becoming more regular.[66]

Map of England in 878 showing the extent of the Danelaw

In the 860s instead of raids, the Danes mounted a full-scale invasion. In 865 an enlarged army arrived that the Anglo-Saxons described as the Great Heathen Army. This was reinforced in 871 by the Great Summer Army.[66] Within ten years nearly all of the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms fell to the invaders: Northumbria in 867, East Anglia in 869, and nearly all of Mercia in 874–77.[66] Kingdoms, centres of learning, archives, and churches all fell before the onslaught from the invading Danes. Only the Kingdom of Wessex was able to survive.[66] In March 878 King Alfred, with a few men, built a fortress at Athelney, hidden deep in the marshes of Somerset.[67] He used this as a base from which to harry the Vikings. In May 878 he put together an army formed from the populations of Somerset, Wiltshire, and Hampshire, which defeated the Viking army in the Battle of Edington.[67] The Vikings retreated to their stronghold, and Alfred laid siege to it.[67] Ultimately the Danes capitulated, and their leader Guthrum agreed to withdraw from Wessex and to be baptised. The formal ceremony was completed a few days later at Wedmore.[67][68] There followed a treaty between Alfred and Guthrum which had a variety of provisions, including defining the boundaries of the area to be ruled by the Danes (which became known as the Danelaw) and those of Wessex.[69] The Kingdom of Wessex controlled part of the Midlands and the whole of the South (apart from Cornwall, which was still held by the Britons), while the Danes held East Anglia and the North.[70]

After the victory at Edington and resultant peace treaty, Alfred set about transforming his Kingdom of Wessex into a society on a full-time war footing.[71] He built a navy, reorganised the army, and set up a system of fortified towns known as burhs. He mainly used old Roman cities for his burhs, as he was able to rebuild and reinforce their existing fortifications.[71] To maintain the burhs, and the standing army, he set up a taxation system known as the Burghal Hidage.[72] These burhs (or burghs) operated as defensive structures. The Vikings were thereafter unable to cross large sections of Wessex: the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle reports that a Danish raiding party was defeated when it tried to attack the burh of Chichester.[73][74]

Although the burhs were primarily designed as defensive structures, they were also commercial centres, attracting traders and markets to a safe haven, and they provided a safe place for the king's moneyers and mints.[75] A new wave of Danish invasions commenced in 891,[76] beginning a war that lasted over three years.[77][78] Alfred's new system of defence worked, however, and ultimately it wore the Danes down: they gave up and dispersed in mid-896.[78]

The walled defence round a burgh. Alfred's capital, Winchester. Saxon and medieval work on Roman foundations.[79]

Alfred is remembered as a literate king. He or his court commissioned the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, which was written in Old English (rather than in Latin, the language of the European annals).[80] Alfred's own literary output was mainly of translations, but he also wrote introductions and amended manuscripts.[80][81]

From 874 to 879, the western half of Mercia was ruled by Ceowulf II, who was succeeded by Æthelred as Lord of the Mercians.[64] Alfred styled himself King of the Anglo-Saxons from about 886. In 886/887 Æthelred married Alfred's daughter Æthelflæd.[64] On Alfred's death in 899, his son Edward the Elder succeeded him.[82]

English unification (10th century)

[edit]
Edgar's coinage

When Æthelred died in 911, Æthelflæd succeeded him as "Lady of the Mercians",[64] and in the 910s she and Edward recovered East Anglia and eastern Mercia from Viking rule.[64] Edward and his successors expanded Alfred's network of fortified burhs, a key element of their strategy, enabling them to go on the offensive.[83][84] When Edward died in 924 he ruled all England south of the Humber. His son Æthelstan annexed Northumbria in 927 and thus became the first king of all England. At the Battle of Brunanburh in 937, he defeated an alliance of the Scots, Danes, Vikings and Strathclyde Britons.[83]

During the course of the 10th century, the West Saxon kings extended their power first over Mercia, then into the southern Danelaw, and finally over Northumbria, thereby imposing a semblance of political unity on peoples, who nonetheless would remain conscious of their respective customs and their separate pasts. The prestige, and indeed the pretensions, of the monarchy increased, the institutions of government strengthened, and kings and their agents sought in various ways to establish social order.[85] This process started with Edward and Æthelflæd, who encouraged people to purchase estates from the Danes, thereby reasserting some degree of English influence in territory which had fallen under Danish control. David Dumville suggests that Edward may have extended this policy by rewarding his supporters with grants of land in the territories newly conquered from the Danes and that any charters issued in respect of such grants have not survived.[86] When Athelflæd died, Mercia was absorbed by Wessex. From that point on there was no contest for the throne, so the house of Wessex became the ruling house of England.[85]

Æthelstan's legislation shows how the king drove his officials to do their respective duties. He was uncompromising in his insistence on respect for the law. However this legislation also reveals the persistent difficulties which confronted the king and his councillors in bringing a troublesome people under some form of control. His claim to be "king of the English" was by no means widely recognised.[87] The situation was complex: the Hiberno-Norse rulers of Dublin still coveted their interests in the Danish kingdom of York; terms had to be made with the Scots, who had the capacity to interfere in Northumbrian affairs and to block a line of communication between Dublin and York; and the inhabitants of northern Northumbria were considered a law unto themselves. It was only after 20 years of crucial developments following Æthelstan's death in 939 that a unified kingdom of England began to assume its familiar shape.

The major political problem for Edmund and Eadred, who succeeded Æthelstan, remained the difficulty of subjugating the north.[88] Along with the Britons and the settled Danes, some of the other Anglo-Saxon kingdoms disliked being ruled by Wessex. Consequently, the death of a Wessex king would be followed by rebellion, particularly in Northumbria.[83] Alfred's great-grandson Edgar, who had come to the throne in 959, was crowned at Bath in 973, and soon afterwards the other British kings met him at Chester and acknowledged his authority.[89] Edgar is said to have "succeeded to the kingdom both in Wessex and in Mercia and in Northumbria, and he was then 16 years old" and is called "the Peacemaker".[88] By the early 970s, after a decade of Edgar's 'peace', it may have seemed that the kingdom of England was indeed made whole. In his formal address to the gathering at Winchester the king urged his bishops, abbots and abbesses "to be of one mind as regards monastic usage . . . lest differing ways of observing the customs of one Rule and one country should bring their holy conversation into disrepute".[90]

Athelstan's court had been an intellectual incubator. In that court were two young men named Dunstan and Æthelwold who were made priests, supposedly at the insistence of Athelstan at the end of his reign in 939.[91] Between 970 and 973 a council was held under the aegis of Edgar, where a set of rules were devised that would be applicable throughout England. This put all the monks and nuns in England under one set of detailed customs for the first time. In 973 Edgar received a special second 'imperial coronation' at Bath, and from this point England was ruled by Edgar under the strong influence of Dunstan, Athelwold, and Oswald, the Bishop of Worcester.

The presence of Danish and Norse settlers in the Danelaw had a lasting impact; the people there saw themselves as "armies" a hundred years after settlement:[92] King Edgar issued a law code in 962 that was to include the people of Northumbria, so he addressed it to Earl Olac "and all the army that live in that earldom".[92] There are over 3,000 words in modern English that have Scandinavian roots,[93][94] and more than 1,500 place-names in England are Scandinavian in origin; for example, topographic names such as Howe, Norfolk and Howe, North Yorkshire are derived from the Old Norse word haugr meaning hill, knoll, or mound.[94][95] The interaction of Scandinavians with the Anglo-Saxons, during this period, is known as the "Viking Age" or in academic circles the Anglo-Scandinavian period.[96]

England under the Danes and the Norman Conquest (978–1066)

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Viking longboat replica in Ramsgate, Kent

Edgar died in 975, 16 years after gaining the throne. Some magnates supported the succession of his younger son, Æthelred, but his elder half-brother Edward was elected, aged about 12. His reign was marked by disorder, and in 978 he was assassinated by some of Æthelred's retainers.[97] Æthelred succeeded, and although he reigned for 38 years—one of the longest reigns in English history—he earned the name "Æthelred the Unready", as he proved to be one of England's most disastrous kings.[98] William of Malmesbury, writing in his Chronicle of the kings of England about 100 years later, was scathing in his criticism of Æthelred, saying that he occupied the kingdom rather than governed it.[99]

Just as Æthelred was being crowned, the Danish Harald Gormsson was trying to force Christianity onto his domain.[100] Many of his subjects did not like this idea, and shortly before 988, his son Sweyn drove Harald from the kingdom.[100] The rebels, dispossessed at home, probably formed the first waves of raids on the English coast.[100] The rebels did so well in their raiding that the Danish kings decided to take over the campaign themselves.[101]

In 991 the Vikings sacked Ipswich, and their fleet made landfall near Maldon in Essex.[101] The Danes demanded that the English pay a ransom, but the English commander Byrhtnoth refused; he was killed in the ensuing Battle of Maldon, and the English were easily defeated.[101] From then on the Vikings seem to have raided anywhere at will; they were contemptuous of the lack of resistance from the English. Even the Alfredian systems of burhs failed.[102] Æthelred seems to have just hidden, out of range of the raiders.[102]

Payment of Danegeld

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By the 980s the kings of Wessex had a powerful grip on the coinage of the realm. It is reckoned there were about 300 moneyers and 60 mints around the country.[103] Every five or six years the coinage in circulation would cease to be legal tender, and new coins were issued.[103] The system controlling the currency around the country was sophisticated; this enabled the king to raise large sums of money if needed.[104][105] The need indeed arose after the Battle of Maldon, as Æthelred decided that rather than fight he would pay ransom to the Danes in a system known as Danegeld.[106] As part of the ransom, a treaty was drawn up that was intended to stop the raids. However, rather than buying the Vikings off, payment of Danegeld only encouraged them to come back for more.[107]

The Dukes of Normandy were quite happy to allow these Danish adventurers to use their ports for raids on the English coast. The result was that the courts of England and Normandy became increasingly hostile to each other.[100] Eventually, Æthelred sought a treaty with the Normans and married Emma, daughter of Richard I, Duke of Normandy, in the spring of 1002, which was seen as an attempt to break the link between the raiders and Normandy.[102][108] On St. Brice's day in November 1002, Danes living in England were slaughtered on the orders of Æthelred.[109]

Rise of Cnut

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Cnut's dominions. The Norwegian (now Swedish) lands of Jemtland, Herjedalen, Idre, and Særna are not included in this map.

In 1013 King Sven Forkbeard of Denmark brought the Danish fleet to Sandwich, Kent.[110] From there he went north to the Danelaw, where the locals agreed to support him.[110] He then struck south, forcing Æthelred into exile in Normandy. However, on 3 February 1014, Sven died suddenly.[110] Capitalising on his death, Æthelred returned to England and drove Sven's son, Cnut, back to Denmark, forcing him to abandon his allies in the process.[110]

In 1015, Cnut launched a campaign against England.[110] Æthelred's son Edmund fell out with his father and struck out on his own.[111] Some English leaders decided to support Cnut, so Æthelred ultimately retreated to London.[111] Before engagement with the Danish army, Æthelred died and was replaced by Edmund.[111] The Danish army encircled and besieged London, but Edmund was able to escape and raise an army of loyalists.[111] Edmund's army routed the Danes, but the success was short-lived: at the Battle of Ashingdon, the Danes were victorious, and many of the English leaders were killed.[111] Cnut and Edmund agreed to split the kingdom in two, with Edmund ruling Wessex and Cnut the rest.[111][112]

In 1017 Edmund died in mysterious circumstances, probably murdered by Cnut or his supporters, and the English council (the witan) confirmed Cnut as king of all England.[111] Cnut divided England into earldoms: most of these were allocated to nobles of Danish descent, but he made an Englishman earl of Wessex. The man he appointed was Godwin, who eventually became part of the extended royal family when he married the Cnut's sister-in-law.[113] In the summer of 1017, Cnut sent for Æthelred's widow, Emma, with the intention of marrying her.[114] It seems that Emma agreed to marry the king on condition that he would limit the English succession to the children born of their union.[115] Cnut's wife Ælfgifu of Northampton had bore him two sons, Svein and Harold Harefoot.[115] The church, however, seems to have regarded Ælfgifu as Cnut's concubine rather than his wife.[115] Cnut had a son with Emma, Harthacnut.[115][116]

When Cnut's brother, Harald II, King of Denmark, died in 1018, Cnut went to Denmark to secure that realm. Two years later, Cnut brought Norway under his control, and he gave Ælfgifu and their son Svein the job of governing it.[116]

Edward becomes king

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One result of Cnut's marriage to Emma was to precipitate a succession crisis after his death in 1035,[116] as the throne was disputed between Harold Harefoot and Harthacnut.[117] Emma supported her son Harthacnut.[118] Emma's son by Æthelred, Edward, made an unsuccessful raid on Southampton, and his brother Alfred Aetheling was murdered on an expedition to England in 1036.[118] Emma fled to Bruges when Harold Harefoot became king of England, but when he died in 1040, Harthacnut was able to take over as king.[117] Harthacnut quickly developed a reputation for imposing high taxes on England.[117] He became so unpopular that Edward was invited to return from exile in Normandy to be recognised as Harthacnut's heir,[118][119] and when Harthacnut died suddenly in 1042 (probably murdered), Edward the Confessor became king.[118]

Edward was supported by Godwin, Earl of Wessex, and married the earl's daughter. This arrangement was seen as expedient, however, as Godwin had been implicated in the murder of Alfred Aetheling. In 1051 one of Edward's brother-in-law Eustace arrived to take up residence in Dover; the men of Dover objected and killed some of Eustace's men.[118] When Godwin refused to punish them, the king, who had been unhappy with the Godwins for some time, summoned them to trial. Stigand, the Archbishop of Canterbury, was chosen to deliver the news to Godwin and his family.[120] The Godwins fled rather than face trial.[120] Norman accounts suggest that at this time Edward offered the succession to his cousin, William, Duke of Normandy, though this is unlikely given that accession to the Anglo-Saxon kingship was by election, not heredity—a fact which Edward would surely have known, having been elected himself by the witan.

The Godwins threatened to invade England. Edward is said to have wanted to fight, but at a Great Council meeting in Westminster, Earl Godwin laid down all his weapons and asked the king to allow him to purge himself of all crimes.[121] The king and Godwin were reconciled,[121] and the Godwins thus became the most powerful family in England after the king.[122][123] On Godwin's death in 1053, his son Harold Godwinson succeeded to the earldom of Wessex; Harold's brothers Gyrth, Leofwine, and Tostig were given East Anglia, Mercia, and Northumbria, respectively.[122] The Northumbrians disliked Tostig for his harsh behaviour, and he was exiled to Flanders in the process falling out with Harold, who supported the king's line in backing the Northumbrians.[124][125]

Death of Edward the Confessor

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St Bene't's Church of Cambridge, the oldest extant building in Cambridgeshire; its tower was built in the late Anglo-Saxon period.

On 26 December 1065, Edward was taken ill.[125] He took to his bed and fell into a coma; at one point he woke and turned to Harold Godwinson and asked him to protect the queen and the kingdom.[126][127] On 5 January 1066 Edward the Confessor died, and Harold was declared king.[125][127][128]

Although Harold had "grabbed" the crown of England, others laid claim to it, primarily William, Duke of Normandy, who was cousin to Edward the Confessor through his aunt, Emma of Normandy.[129] It is believed that Edward had promised the crown to William.[118] Harold had agreed to support William's claim after being imprisoned in Normandy by Guy of Ponthieu. William had demanded and received Harold's release, then during his stay under William's protection it is claimed, by the Normans, that Harold swore "a solemn oath" of loyalty to William.[130] Harald Hardrada of Norway also had a claim on England, through Cnut and his successors.[129] He had a further claim based on a pact between Harthacnut and Magnus II of Norway.[129]

Battle of Fulford

[edit]

Tostig, Harold's estranged brother, was the first to move; according to the medieval historian Orderic Vitalis, he travelled to Normandy to enlist the help of William.[129][130][131] William was not ready to get involved so Tostig sailed from the Cotentin Peninsula, but because of storms he ended up in Norway, where he successfully enlisted the help of Harald Hardrada.[131][132] The Anglo Saxon Chronicle has a different version of the story, having Tostig land in the Isle of Wight in May 1066, then ravaging the English coast, before arriving at Sandwich, Kent.[128][132] At Sandwich Tostig is said to have enlisted and press-ganged sailors before sailing north where, after battling some of the northern earls and also visiting Scotland, he joined Hardrada (possibly in Scotland or at the mouth of the River Tyne).[128][132]

According to the Anglo Saxon Chronicle (Manuscripts D and E) Tostig became Hardrada's vassal and then with 300 or so longships sailed up the Humber Estuary, bottling the English fleet in the River Swale and landed at Riccall on the Ouse.[132][133] They marched towards York, where they were confronted at Fulford Gate by the English forces that were under the command of the northern earls, Edwin and Morcar; the Battle of Fulford followed on 20 September, which was one of the bloodiest battles of medieval times.[134] The English forces were routed, though Edwin and Morcar escaped. The victors entered York, exchanged hostages and were provisioned.[135] Hearing the news whilst in London, Harold Godwinson force-marched a second English army to Tadcaster by the night of 24 September, and after catching Harald Hardrada by surprise, on the morning of 25 September, Harold achieved a total victory over the Scandinavian horde after a two-day-long engagement at the Battle of Stamford Bridge.[136] Harold gave quarter to the survivors allowing them to leave in 20 ships.[136]

Battle of Hastings and the Norman Conquest

[edit]
Section of the Bayeux Tapestry showing Harold (lower right) being killed at Hastings

Harold would have been celebrating his victory at Stamford Bridge on the night of 26/27 September 1066, while William of Normandy's invasion fleet set sail for England on the morning of 27 September 1066.[137] Harold marched his army back down to the south coast, where he met William's army, at a place now called Battle just outside Hastings.[138] Harold was killed when he fought and lost the Battle of Hastings on 14 October 1066.[139] The Battle of Hastings virtually destroyed the Godwin dynasty. Harold and his brothers Gyrth and Leofwine were dead on the battlefield, as was their uncle Ælfwig, Abbot of Newminster. Tostig had been killed at Stamford Bridge. Wulfnoth was a hostage of William. The Godwin women who remained were either dead or childless.[140]

William marched on London. The city leaders surrendered the kingdom to him, and he was crowned at Westminster Abbey, Edward the Confessor's church, on Christmas Day 1066.[141] It took William a further 10 years to consolidate his kingdom, during which any opposition was suppressed ruthlessly; in a particularly brutal process known as the Harrying of the North, William issued orders to lay waste the north and burn all the cattle, crops and farming equipment and to poison the earth.[142] According to Orderic Vitalis, the Anglo-Norman chronicler, over 100,000 people died of starvation.[143] Figures based on the returns for the Domesday Book estimate that the population of England in 1086 was about 2.25 million, so 100,000 deaths, due to starvation, would have equated to 5 per cent of the population.[144] By the time of William's death in 1087 it was estimated that only about 8 per cent of the land was under Anglo-Saxon control.[141] Nearly all the Anglo-Saxon cathedrals and abbeys of any note had been demolished and replaced with Norman-style architecture by 1200.[145]

See also

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Notes

[edit]

Citations

[edit]
  1. ^ Schama, Simon (2003). A History of Britain 1: 3000 BC-AD 1603 At the Edge of the World? (Paperback 2003 ed.). London: BBC Worldwide. p. 64. ISBN 978-0-563-48714-2.
  2. ^ Higham & Ryan 2013, pp. 7–19.
  3. ^ See Carlson, David (2017). "Procopius's Old English". Byzantinische Zeitschrift. 110 (1): 1–28. doi:10.1515/bz-2017-0003. citing Procopius, Wars, book VIII, xx. Elsewhere Procopius mentions the Warini living immediately south of the Danes, Book VI, xv.
  4. ^ a b Nicholas Brooks (2003). "English Identity from Bede to the Millenium". The Haskins Society Journal. 14: 35–50.
  5. ^ Campbell. The Anglo-Saxon State. p. 10
  6. ^ Ward-Perkins, Bryan (2000). "Why did the Anglo-Saxons not become more British?". The English Historical Review. 115 (462): 513–533. doi:10.1093/ehr/115.462.513.
  7. ^ Hills, C. (2003) Origins of the English Duckworth, London. ISBN 0-7156-3191-8, p. 67
  8. ^ Halsall 2013, pp. 97, 230.
  9. ^ Springer, Matthias (2004), Die Sachsen, pp. 32–42
  10. ^ Springer, Matthias (2004), Die Sachsen, pp. 33–35
  11. ^ Drinkwater, John F. (2023), "The 'Saxon Shore' Reconsidered", Britannia, 54: 275–303, doi:10.1017/S0068113X23000193
  12. ^ Springer, Matthias (2004), Die Sachsen, p. 36
  13. ^ Higham & Ryan 2013, p. 41.
  14. ^ Stacey 2003, p. 234.
  15. ^ Snyder.The Britons. pp. 106–07
  16. ^ Thomas 1981, pp. 47–50.
  17. ^ R. M. Errington Roman Imperial Policy from Julian to Theodosius. Chapter VIII. Theodosius
  18. ^ Jones 1998, pp. 174–85.
  19. ^ Snyder,The Britons, p. 105.In 5th and 6th centuries Britons in large numbers adopted Christianity..
  20. ^ a b Snyder, The Britons, pp. 116–25
  21. ^ Charles-Edwards. After Rome:Society, Community and Identity. p. 97
  22. ^ a b Charles-Edwards. After Rome:Conversion to Christianity. p. 132
  23. ^ Halsall 2013, p. 13.
  24. ^ Dewing, H B (1962). Procopius: History of the Wars Books VII and VIII with an English Translation (PDF). Harvard University Press. pp. 252–255. Archived from the original (PDF) on 3 March 2020. Retrieved 1 March 2020.
  25. ^ Gildas (1899), The Ruin of Britain, David Nutt, pp. 60–61
  26. ^ Higham, Nicholas (1995). An English Empire: Bede and the Early Anglo-Saxon Kings. Manchester University Press. p. 2. ISBN 978-0-7190-4424-3.
  27. ^ Patrick Sims-Williams, 'The Settlement of England in Bede and the Chronicle', Anglo-Saxon England, 12 (1983), 1–41.
  28. ^ Bede's Ecclesiastical History, Bk I, Ch 15 and Bk II, Ch 5.
  29. ^ Giles 1843b:188–189, Bede's Ecclesiastical History, Bk V, Ch 9.
  30. ^ Halsall 2013, p. 293.
  31. ^ Gretzinger, J; Sayer, D; Justeau, P (2022), "The Anglo-Saxon migration and the formation of the early English gene pool", Nature, 610 (7930): 112–119, Bibcode:2022Natur.610..112G, doi:10.1038/s41586-022-05247-2, PMC 9534755, PMID 36131019
  32. ^ Norman F. Cantor, The Civilization of the Middle Ages1993:163f.
  33. ^ Giles 1843a:72–73, Bede's Ecclesiastical History, Bk I, Ch 15.
  34. ^ Martin 1971, pp. 83–104.
  35. ^ Jones 1998, p. 71.
  36. ^ Morris, The Age of Arthur, Chapter 16: English Conquest
  37. ^ Snyder.The Britons. p. 85
  38. ^ Stenton. Anglo-Saxon England. p. 29.
  39. ^ Stenton. Anglo-Saxon England. p. 30.
  40. ^ Morris. The Age of Arthur. p. 299
  41. ^ Bede Ecclesiastical History of the English People, Tr. Shirley-Price, I.25
  42. ^ Charles-Edwards, After Rome:Conversion to Christianity, p. 127
  43. ^ Charles-Edwards, After Rome:Conversion to Christianity, pp. 124–39
  44. ^ Charles-Edwards After-Rome: Nations and Kingdoms, pp. 38–39
  45. ^ Snyder,The Britons, p. 176.
  46. ^ Bede, History of the English, II.20
  47. ^ Snyder, The Britons, p. 177
  48. ^ Bede, Book III, chapters 3 and 5.
  49. ^ Stenton 1971, p. 88.
  50. ^ Campbell 1982, pp. 80–81.
  51. ^ Jennifer O'Reilly, After Rome: The Art of Authority, pp. 144–48
  52. ^ a b c Bede. History of the English People, III.25 and III.26
  53. ^ Barefoot. The English Road to Rome. p. 30
  54. ^ a b c d Snyder.The Britons. p. 178
  55. ^ Snyder.The Britons. p. 212
  56. ^ a b Snyder.The Britons.pp. 178–79
  57. ^ Yorke, B A E 1985: 'The kingdom of the East Saxons.' Anglo-Saxon England 14, 1–36
  58. ^ Stenton. Anglo-Saxon England. p. 231
  59. ^ Dumville, David N., Simon Keynes, and Susan Irvine, eds. The Anglo-Saxon chronicle: a collaborative edition. MS E. Vol. 7. Ds Brewer, 2004.
  60. ^ Swanton, Michael (1996). The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. New York: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-92129-9.
  61. ^ Whitelock, Dorothy, ed. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1965.
  62. ^ Bede, Saint. The Ecclesiastical History of the English People: The Greater Chronicle; Bede's Letter to Egbert. Oxford University Press, 1994.
  63. ^ Keynes, Simon. "Mercia and Wessex in the ninth century." Mercia. An Anglo-Saxon Kingdom in Europe, ed. Michelle P. Brown/Carol Ann Farr (London 2001) (2001): 310–328.
  64. ^ a b c d e Yorke, Kings and Kingdoms of Early Anglo-Saxon England, p. 123
  65. ^ Sawyer, Peter Hayes, ed. Illustrated history of the Vikings. Oxford University Press, 2001
  66. ^ a b c d Starkey, Monarchy, p. 51
  67. ^ a b c d Asser, Alfred the Great, pp. 84–85.
  68. ^ Asser, Alfred the Great, p. 22.
  69. ^ Medieval Sourcebook: Alfred and Guthrum's Peace
  70. ^ Wood, The Domesday Quest, Chapter 9: Domesday Roots. The Viking Impact
  71. ^ a b Starkey, Monarchy, p. 63
  72. ^ Horspool, Alfred, p. 102. A hide was somewhat like a tax – it was the number of men required to maintain and defend an area for the King. The Burghal Hideage defined the measurement as one hide being equivalent to one man. The hidage explains that for the maintenance and defence of an acre's breadth of wall, sixteen hides are required.
  73. ^ Anglo-Saxon Chronicle 894.
  74. ^ Starkey, Monarchy, pp. 68–69.
  75. ^ Starkey, Monarchy, p. 64
  76. ^ Anglo-Saxon Chronicle 891
  77. ^ Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 891–896
  78. ^ a b Horspool, "Why Alfred Burnt the Cakes", The Last War, pp. 104–10.
  79. ^ Starkey, Monarchy p. 65
  80. ^ a b Horspool, "Why Alfred Burnt the Cakes", pp. 10–12
  81. ^ Asser, Alfred the Great, III pp. 121–60. Examples of King Alfred's writings
  82. ^ Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 899
  83. ^ a b c Starkey, Monarchy, p. 71
  84. ^ Welch, Late Anglo-Saxon England pp. 128–29
  85. ^ a b Keynes, Simon. "Edward, King of the Anglo-Saxons."." Edward the Elder: 899 924 (2001): 40–66.
  86. ^ Dumville, David N. Wessex and England from Alfred to Edgar: six essays on political, cultural, and ecclesiastical revival. Boydell Press, 1992.
  87. ^ Keynes, Simon. "Edgar, King of the English 959–975 New Interpretations." (2008).
  88. ^ a b Dumville, David N. "Between Alfred the Great and Edgar the Peacemaker: Æthelstan, First King of England." Wessex and England from Alfred to Edgar (1992): 141–171.
  89. ^ Keynes, 'Edgar', pp. 48–51
  90. ^ Regularis concordia Anglicae nationis, ed. T. Symons (CCM 7/3), Siegburg (1984), p.2 (revised edition of Regularis concordia Anglicae nationis monachorum sanctimonialiumque: The Monastic Agreement of the Monks and Nuns of the English Nation, ed. with English trans. T. Symons, London (1953))
  91. ^ Gretsch, Mechthild. "Myth, Rulership, Church and Charters: Essays in Honour of Nicholas Brooks." The English Historical Review 124.510 (2009): 1136–1138.
  92. ^ a b Woods, The Domesday Quest, pp. 107–08
  93. ^ The Viking Network: Standard English words which have a Scandinavian Etymology.
  94. ^ a b Crystal, The Cambridge Encyclopedia of the English Language pp. 25–26.
  95. ^ Ordnance Survey: Guide to Scandinavian origins of place names in Britain
  96. ^ Karkov 2012, p. 153.
  97. ^ Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England, pp. 372–373
  98. ^ Starkey, Monarchy, p. 76. The modern ascription 'Unready' derives from the Anglo-Saxon word unraed, meaning "badly advised or counseled".
  99. ^ Malmesbury, Chronicle of the kings of England, pp. 165–66. In the year of our Lord's incarnation 979, Ethelred ... obtaining the kingdom, occupied rather than governed it, for thirty-seven years. The career of his life is said to have been cruel in the beginning, wretched in the middle and disgraceful in the end.
  100. ^ a b c d Stenton. Anglo Saxon England. p. 375
  101. ^ a b c Starkey, Monarchy, p. 79
  102. ^ a b c Starkey, Monarchy, p. 80
  103. ^ a b Wood, Domesday Quest, p. 124
  104. ^ Campbell, The Anglo Saxon State, p. 160. "..it has to be accepted that early eleventh century kings could raise larger sums in taxation than could most of their medieval successors. The numismatic evidence for the scale of the economy is extremely powerful, partly because it demonstrates how very many coins were struck, and also because it provides strong indications for extensive foreign trade."
  105. ^ Wood, Domesday Quest, p. 125
  106. ^ Stenton. Anglo-Saxon England. p. 376
  107. ^ Stenton. Anglo-Saxon England. p. 377. The treaty was arranged.. by Archbishop Sigeric of Canterbury and Ælfric and Æthelweard, the ealdermen of the two West Saxon provinces.
  108. ^ Williams, Aethelred the Unready, p. 54
  109. ^ Williams, Æthelred the Unready, pp. 52–53.
  110. ^ a b c d e Sawyer. Illustrated History of Vikings. p. 76
  111. ^ a b c d e f g Wood, In Search of the Dark Ages, pp. 216–22
  112. ^ Anglo Saxon Chronicle, 1016
  113. ^ Starkey, Monarchy, p. 94.
  114. ^ Anglo Saxon Chronicle, 1017: ..before the calends of August the king gave an order to fetch him the widow of the other king, Ethelred, the daughter of Richard, to wife.
  115. ^ a b c d Brown. Chibnal. Proceedings of the Battle Conference on Anglo-Norman studies. pp. 160–61
  116. ^ a b c Lapidge, Anglo-Saxon England, pp. 108–09
  117. ^ a b c Lapidge. Anglo-Saxon England. pp. 229–30
  118. ^ a b c d e f Lapidge, Anglo-Saxon England, pp. 161–62
  119. ^ Lapidge, Anglo-Saxon England, p. 230
  120. ^ a b Barlow, 2002, pp. 57–58
  121. ^ a b Barlow, 2002, pp. 64–65
  122. ^ a b Woods, Dark Ages, pp. 229–30
  123. ^ Barlow, 2002, pp. 83–85. The value of the Godwins holdings can be discerned from the Domesday Book.
  124. ^ Barlow, 2002, pp. 116–23
  125. ^ a b c Anglo Saxon Chronicle, 1065 AD
  126. ^ Starkey, Monarchy p. 119
  127. ^ a b Starkey, Monarchy, p. 120
  128. ^ a b c Anglo Saxon Chronicle. MS C. 1066.
  129. ^ a b c d Woods, Dark Ages, pp. 233–38
  130. ^ a b Barlow, 2002, "Chapter 5: The Lull Before the Storm".
  131. ^ a b Vitalis. The Ecclesiastical history of England and Normandy. Volume i. Bk. III Ch. 11. pp. 461–64 65
  132. ^ a b c d Barlow, 2002, pp. 134–35.
  133. ^ Anglo Saxon Chronicle. MS D. 1066.
  134. ^ Barlow, 2002, p. 138
  135. ^ Barlow, 2002, pp. 136–137
  136. ^ a b Barlow, 2002, pp. 137–38
  137. ^ Woods, Dark Ages, pp. 238–40
  138. ^ Barlow, 2002, "Chapter 7: The Collapse of the Dynasty".
  139. ^ Woods, Dark Ages, p. 240.
  140. ^ Barlow, 2002, p. 156.
  141. ^ a b Woods, Dark Ages, pp. 248–49
  142. ^ Starkey. Monarchy. pp. 138–39
  143. ^ Vitalis. The ecclesiastical history. p. 28 His camps were scattered over a surface of one hundred miles numbers of the insurgents fell beneath his vengeful sword he levelled their places of shelter to the ground wasted their lands and burnt their dwellings with all they contained. Never did William commit so much cruelty, to his lasting disgrace, he yielded to his worst impulse and set no bounds to his fury condemning the innocent and the guilty to a common fate. In the fulness of his wrath he ordered the corn and cattle with the implements of husbandry and every sort of provisions to be collected in heaps and set on fire till the whole was consumed and thus destroyed at once all that could serve for the support of life in the whole country lying beyond the Humber There followed consequently so great a scarcity in England in the ensuing years and severe famine involved the innocent and unarmed population in so much misery that in a Christian nation more than a hundred thousand souls of both sexes and all ages perished..
  144. ^ Bartlett. England under the Normans. pp. 290–92
  145. ^ Wood. The Doomsday Quest. p. 141

References

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Further reading

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from Grokipedia
The history of Anglo-Saxon England spans the period from the Roman legions' departure from Britain around 410 AD to the in 1066, characterized by the arrival and settlement of —the Angles, , and —from northern , , and the , who progressively displaced or assimilated the indigenous Romano-British through migration and conquest. Recent archaeogenetic analyses reveal that this migration involved large-scale movements, with eastern experiencing up to 76% replacement of local ancestry by continental northern European components during the fifth and sixth centuries, challenging earlier minimalist interpretations that emphasized over demographic upheaval. By the seventh century, these settlers had coalesced into several kingdoms, collectively termed the , , , , , , and —amid ongoing intertribal warfare and alliances that shaped political boundaries and power dynamics. commenced in 597 AD with Augustine of Canterbury's mission to , sponsored by , leading to the gradual conversion of rulers and populace, culminating in the in 664 that aligned English practices with Roman orthodoxy over Celtic traditions. This era also witnessed cultural flourishing, including the composition of such as Beowulf, the establishment of monastic centers like and Wearmouth that preserved learning, and the inception of legal codes under kings like Æthelberht of , laying foundations for English . The ninth and tenth centuries brought existential threats from Viking incursions, beginning with the raid on in 793, which escalated into conquests establishing the in eastern ; King of (r. 871–899) repelled these invasions through military reforms, fortified burhs, and scholarly patronage, preserving Anglo-Saxon independence. His descendants, including and Æthelstan (r. 924–939), achieved unification by subjugating Viking-held territories and rival kingdoms, with Æthelstan's victory at Brunanburh in 937 marking the first assertion of a single English realm. The period concluded with Harold Godwinson's defeat by at in 1066, ushering in Norman rule and profound socio-economic transformations, though Anglo-Saxon institutions like the shire system endured.

Terminology and Historiography

Definition and Chronological Scope

Anglo-Saxon England refers to the era in which the territories comprising modern were settled and governed by originating from regions in present-day , , and the , primarily the Angles, , and , who established kingdoms speaking dialects that evolved into . These settlers displaced or assimilated much of the existing Romano-British population, introducing pagan Germanic customs, tribal social structures, and an economy based on and raiding, which laid the foundations for English identity distinct from Celtic Britain. The period is characterized by the formation of multiple kingdoms, from the late , and the development of , codes, and monastic culture, culminating in periods of unification under figures like . The chronological scope of Anglo-Saxon England conventionally begins with the withdrawal of Roman imperial administration from Britain around 410 AD, following the last recorded official Roman presence and amid provincial collapse due to barbarian pressures on the empire's frontiers. Initial Germanic influxes, evidenced by archaeological finds of weapons, pottery, and cremation burials in eastern , accelerated from circa 450 AD, as recorded in sources like Gildas' (c. 540 AD), which attributes the era's onset to invited mercenaries turning conquest. The period extends to 1066 AD, ending with the at the on 14 October, when Harold Godwinson's defeat introduced feudal Norman rule and shifted elite language and governance toward Anglo-Norman French, marking a causal break from prior Anglo-Saxon political continuity. This timeframe, spanning roughly 650 years, encompasses sub-phases: early settlement and pagan tribalism (c. 410–597 AD), Christianization and kingdom consolidation (c. 597–866 AD), Viking invasions and reconquest (c. 866–955 AD), and renewed unification (c. 955–1066 AD), though precise boundaries remain debated due to gradual transitions rather than abrupt demarcations. The term "Anglo-Saxon," while anachronistic as it gained currency in the via continental scholars like , encapsulates this era's focus on proper, excluding parallel developments in continental or broader Germanic migrations.

Primary Sources and Their Limitations

The principal written primary sources for Anglo-Saxon England derive from ecclesiastical and royal contexts, beginning meaningfully in the seventh century. Bede's Ecclesiastical History of the English People, completed in 731, chronicles the arrival of Germanic settlers, the process from 597 onward, and synodal events like the in 664, drawing on earlier oral traditions, letters, and chronicles such as those from Kentish and Northumbrian monasteries. The , compiled around 890 under the auspices of King Alfred the Great, consists of multiple manuscripts providing annalistic entries from a purported 60 BC origin but with substantive detail emerging only from the late eighth century, particularly on Viking incursions and West Saxon unification efforts. Supplementary texts include fragmentary sixth-century works like Gildas's (c. 540), which laments Romano-British moral decay amid Germanic raids, and later charters, such as the Kentish laws of Æthelberht (c. 600), alongside poetic epics like (manuscript c. 1000, composition possibly eighth century) that preserve pagan heroic motifs. Material culture forms another critical category of primary evidence, encompassing archaeological finds from over 1,000 sites (e.g., furnished inhumations with saucer brooches and cruciform fibulae indicating fifth- to seventh-century Germanic styles) and settlements like West Stow (, c. 5th-7th centuries), which reveal timber hall constructions and agrarian economies. Coins, such as gold thrymsas from the seventh century and silver sceattas post-680, provide numismatic data on economic transitions and royal authority, while on artifacts like the (c. 700) offer glimpses into early . These sources face inherent limitations stemming from scarcity, selectivity, and interpretive challenges. Pre-seventh-century written records are nearly absent, confined to indirect Romano-British accounts or post-event retrospectives, compelling reliance on that, while empirically robust for migration patterns (e.g., quoit style distributions suggesting influxes c. 450-550), cannot independently verify textual claims of scale or ethnic identities without genetic corroboration. Bede's narrative, prioritizing providential Christian themes, amplifies miracles (over 100 recounted) and Northumbrian successes while marginalizing pagan eras, Brittonic resistance, and rival Irish missions' paschal controversies, introducing hagiographic distortions and chronological approximations based on regnal years rather than precise . The Chronicle's , retrospectively fabricated for early entries and Wessex-propagandistic in later ones (e.g., glorifying Alfred's 878 victory at Edington), exhibit inconsistencies across manuscripts, such as variant 757 dates for Cynewulf's death, and potential interpolations to legitimize dynastic claims. Charters and laws, often preserved in eleventh-century cartularies, suffer from risks (estimated 20-30% in some collections) and Latin redactions obscuring vernacular nuances, while archaeological biases—favoring high-status sites over rural continuity—underrepresent sub-Roman persistence or gradual . Collectively, these constraints necessitate cross-verification, as institutional Christian filters post-conversion (c. 650 onward) systematically downplay polytheistic violence and emphasize unity under orthodoxy, potentially inflating migration impacts relative to endogenous developments.

Modern Debates and Genetic Evidence

Modern of the Anglo-Saxon advent in Britain has been shaped by debates over the scale and nature of Germanic migrations following Roman withdrawal, contrasting traditional narratives of conquest derived from sources like and with 20th-century models emphasizing gradual settlement and rather than demographic upheaval. These revisionist views, prominent from the 1960s onward, posited limited dominance or of Anglo-Saxon traits among a largely continuous Romano-British , supported by archaeological evidence of sparse violence and hybrid material , though critiqued for underemphasizing linguistic and institutional ruptures that imply substantial population turnover. Genetic analyses since the have increasingly challenged continuity models, providing empirical quantification of ancestry shifts that align more closely with Bede's depiction of widespread settlement by Angles, , and from northern . A pivotal ancient DNA study of 174 individuals from East , spanning the late to middle Anglo-Saxon period, revealed initial genetic continuity from Britons into the early post-Roman era, with emerging admixture indicating northern European influxes averaging 10-40% Anglo-Saxon-related ancestry in later samples, though limited sample sizes constrained broader inferences. This was superseded by a comprehensive 2022 analysis of 460 high-coverage ancient genomes from , integrating radiocarbon-dated skeletons to track the Early Anglo-Saxon transition (c. 400-700 AD), which detected a marked rise in continental northern European ancestry—closely matching modern Dutch, Danish, and northern German profiles—replacing approximately 75% of pre-migration -like ancestry in eastern and by the mid-6th century. The study estimated migrant inflows equivalent to 100,000-200,000 individuals over generations, with admixture levels stabilizing at 20-40% in populations outside the east, underscoring a demographic transformation rather than mere cultural borrowing. Earlier Y-chromosome research had similarly indicated 50-100% male-line replacement in eastern , consistent with patrilocal migration patterns and potential conflict-driven displacement. These findings revive aspects of the "invasion-settlement" , suggesting causation via large-scale migration rather than endogenous , though debates persist on versus integration: isotopic and evidence shows some communities with mixed ancestries coexisting, implying regionally variable dynamics including intermarriage and possibly coerced assimilation, rather than uniform . Critics of maximal replacement interpretations note that western Britain retained higher native continuity, with genetic gradients persisting today, and argue that scholarly aversion to "invasion" narratives in prior decades reflected post-colonial sensitivities overemphasizing hybridity at the expense of empirical migration signals. Nonetheless, the data refute pure elite emulation theories, as sustained northern European genetic signatures correlate with the spread of dialects and pagan rites, affirming migration as the primary driver of Anglo-Saxon . Ongoing analyses, including finer-scale isoscapes and modeling, continue to refine these models, highlighting how resolves longstanding interpretive ambiguities by privileging quantifiable ancestry over circumstantial .

Roman Collapse and Early Germanic Influx (c. 350–550 AD)

Withdrawal of Roman Administration

The process of Roman administrative withdrawal from Britain unfolded amid the broader collapse of the , driven by continental crises including barbarian incursions and usurper revolts that necessitated reallocating scarce military resources. Beginning in 383 AD, the usurper withdrew substantial British legions to to contest the imperial throne, establishing a precedent for unreturned garrisons that eroded provincial defenses. This was compounded by further extractions: around 401–402 AD, the recalled additional forces to counter Visigothic threats in , leaving Britain increasingly exposed to raids by from the north, Scots from , and Germanic from across the Channel. By 407 AD, the remaining mobile —estimated at several thousand troops—followed the usurper Constantine III to the continent in his bid for power, stripping the province of its primary defensive capacity and confining residual forces to fixed frontier posts like . Administrative breakdown accelerated as economic strains—evidenced by halted imports of Mediterranean and wine after circa 400 AD, alongside abandonments and reduced urban activity—undermined the fiscal base supporting Roman governance. Local Romano-British elites, facing escalating pressures, increasingly assumed self-defense roles, as indicated by fortified town walls rebuilt without central imperial funding. In 409 AD, amid Constantine III's failures in , British communities reportedly expelled lingering Roman officials, reverting to tribal or civic autonomy and marking a end to centralized provincial rule. This shift reflected causal pressures: the empire's prioritization of core territories over distant, resource-draining peripheries like Britain, where the cost of maintaining legions exceeded marginal benefits amid and supply disruptions. The formal terminus came with the Rescript of Honorius in 410 AD, preserved in the sixth-century historian Zosimus' New History, wherein the emperor—preoccupied with Alaric's sack of Rome—advised British delegates to provide for their own security, refusing reinstatement of imperial aid or troops. While some analyses question whether the rescript targeted Britain specifically (suggesting possible misattribution to Bruttians in ), the consensus among numismatic and epigraphic evidence supports its application to the province, corroborated by the abrupt cessation of official Roman coinage circulation post-402 AD and the absence of subsequent imperial edicts. A minority view posits lingering official ties until circa 435 AD, based on reinterpretations of and archaeological outliers like potential late coin issues, but this lacks robust primary corroboration and contradicts the empire's documented abandonment of unviable frontiers. The withdrawal thus precipitated a , enabling opportunistic Germanic settlements while Romano-British society fragmented into localized polities reliant on pre-Roman kin networks for survival.

Sub-Roman Britain: Continuity and Chaos

The formal end of Roman rule in Britain occurred in 410 AD, when Emperor Honorius issued a rescript instructing the island's civic communities (civitates) to organize their own defenses amid the empire's broader crises. This followed the withdrawal of the last Roman legions, prompted by usurper Constantine III's redeployment of troops to Gaul in 407 AD, leaving Britain without imperial military protection. Archaeological evidence indicates that Roman urban centers and villas had already experienced economic strain in the late 4th century, with declining coin imports and reduced Mediterranean trade, but the administrative vacuum accelerated fragmentation. Despite the collapse of centralized governance, pockets of continuity persisted among Romano-British elites. Excavations at sites like Chedworth Villa in reveal occupation and repairs into the mid-5th century, suggesting some high-status households maintained Roman-style living with imported goods. Similarly, towns such as and Aldborough show evidence of post-Roman activity, including timber buildings overlying Roman structures and localized economic resilience contradicting narratives of immediate total collapse. However, the cessation of Roman coinage by the 430s AD and widespread abandonment of villas—evidenced by squatters' reuse of ruins rather than sustained maintenance—point to a broader ruralization and loss of complex infrastructure. Chaos ensued from intensified external raids by from the north, Scots from , and Germanic pirates along the coasts, exacerbating internal strife among fragmented Brittonic leaders. The 6th-century cleric , in , laments moral decay among "tyrants" and describes desperate appeals to the as mercenaries around 446 AD under , leading to betrayal and settlement; though polemical and focused on ecclesiastical critique, his account aligns with archaeological signs of fortified reoccupation, such as at and South Cadbury, indicating defensive adaptations. ' reliability is limited by his rhetorical style and lack of verifiable chronology, yet it reflects a causal chain of imperial abandonment fostering vulnerability and civil discord. Emerging Brittonic polities in the west and north, such as proto-Dumnonia or , likely coalesced around surviving Roman administrative units or tribal strongholds, but evidence remains sparse and indirect, relying on later texts and limited artifacts like inscribed stones. This period of transition, marked by both adaptive continuity in elite contexts and widespread socioeconomic disruption, set the stage for Germanic influxes, with and burial shifts signaling cultural shifts by the late . Overall, while not a uniform "dark age," the sub-Roman era's instability stemmed from the empire's failure to sustain defense and economy, compelling local improvisation amid existential threats.

Initial Anglo-Saxon Settlements and Conflicts

Following the Roman legions' withdrawal from Britain around 410 AD, the island experienced increased raids from Germanic seafaring groups originating from regions in modern-day northern Germany, Denmark, and the Netherlands, including Angles, Saxons, and Jutes. These raids escalated into permanent settlements primarily along the eastern and southern coasts, with archaeological evidence indicating initial footholds in areas like Kent and East Anglia from the mid-5th century onward, marked by distinctive cremation burials, quern stones, and pottery styles absent in prior Romano-British contexts. Permanent rural settlements, such as those at Great Ryburgh in Norfolk dated to the mid-5th century via radiocarbon analysis of structures and artifacts, suggest opportunistic colonization of depopulated or undefended lands amid post-Roman economic decline. Contemporary accounts, such as that of the 6th-century cleric in , describe a British ruler—often identified in later traditions as —inviting Saxon mercenaries around the mid-5th century to counter Pictish and Scottish incursions, only for the arrivals to demand higher payments, rebel, and summon reinforcements, igniting widespread conflagrations across the land. This narrative, though polemical and framed as for British moral failings, aligns with linguistic shifts where place names supplanted Celtic ones in lowland regions, implying demographic dominance through settlement and displacement rather than solely elite imposition. Genetic analyses of from East reveal substantial continental Northern European ancestry in early medieval populations, with modern descendants deriving approximately 38% (range 25-50%) from Anglo-Saxon migrants closely related to ancient Dutch and Danish groups, indicating admixture following large-scale influxes that disrupted genetic continuity in eastern areas. Archaeological records show limited of widespread violence, such as fortified hilltop reoccupations by Britons or scattered weapon deposits, but the rapid cultural transformation—evidenced by the adoption of Anglo-Saxon and burial practices—points to conflicts that facilitated territorial control, pushing remnant British populations westward into and by the . This process, spanning roughly 450-550 AD, transitioned from federated alliances to independent polities, as seen in emerging cemeteries like Spong Hill in , which yielded over 2,000 cremations from the late , underscoring migration volumes sufficient to alter the region's ethnolinguistic landscape.

Emergence of Kingdoms and Pagan Society (c. 550–650 AD)

Formation of the Heptarchy

The denotes the seven principal Anglo-Saxon kingdoms—, , , , , , and —that coalesced in southern and eastern Britain between approximately 550 and 650 AD, marking the transition from fragmented tribal settlements to structured polities amid ongoing conflicts with Brittonic populations. These entities emerged from the 5th-century Germanic migrations, where Angles, , and established footholds following the Roman administration's collapse around 410 AD, displacing or assimilating native Britons through warfare and settlement. Genetic analyses of early medieval cemeteries reveal a marked influx of northern European ancestry, comprising up to 76% of the population in eastern by the , supporting substantial migratory replacement rather than mere . Archaeological evidence underscores this process, with distinct Germanic —such as burials, brooches, and weapons—appearing in regional clusters from the late 5th century, evolving into hierarchical societies by the mid-6th. In , Jutish settlements concentrated around , evidenced by early 6th-century cemeteries like Sarre, where imported and quoit-brooch styles indicate elite formation under figures like the semi-legendary Hengist, dated traditionally to 449 AD but corroborated by stratified artifact sequences. and saw Saxon groups consolidate in riverine territories, with hillfort reoccupation and weapon graves signaling militarized chiefdoms by 550 AD. expanded from upper bases, as shown by 6th-century settlements like West Heslerton, featuring enclosed farmsteads and saucer brooches denoting emerging royal oversight. In the east and north, Angle settlers formed around the 6th-century precursor sites, with boat burials and garnet-inlaid artifacts reflecting elite consolidation by rulers like Rædwald (r. c. 599–624). arose in the from mixed Angle groups, evidenced by 7th-century weapon deposits indicating warlord dominance, while unified and through conquests under Æthelfrith (r. c. 593–616), with ringwalls and hall complexes at demonstrating centralized authority by 600 AD. Bede's Ecclesiastical History (731 AD) first enumerates these provinces as settled by the three tribes, attributing their delineation to post-invasion divisions, though his Northumbrian perspective may emphasize ecclesiastical over purely political origins. This textual account aligns with but reflects later Christian framing, potentially understating inter-kingdom violence that forged boundaries through 6th-century battles, such as those implied in Brittonic sources like (c. 540 AD). The kingdoms' formation was driven by causal factors including demographic pressures from continental homelands, exploitable sub-Roman infrastructure, and adaptive warfare tactics, yielding proto-states with tributary systems by 650 AD, setting the stage for overlordships like those of (r. 589–616). While Bede portrays orderly tribal allotments, empirical data from of burials indicate ongoing mobility and admixture, challenging notions of static ethnic partitions and highlighting opportunistic expansion over mythic foundations.

Warfare and Tribal Dynamics

Anglo-Saxon warfare during the sixth and early seventh centuries primarily involved small-scale raids and battles conducted by warbands composed of kin-based retainers loyal to tribal leaders or emerging kings, reflecting a society structured around personal allegiance and resolution. These groups, often numbering in the dozens to low hundreds, emphasized close-quarters combat with spears as the dominant weapon, supplemented by shields for shield-wall formations and occasional swords or axes for elites, as evidenced by from cemeteries like those in and . Tribal dynamics were driven by competition for and resources, leading to expansions that displaced or subjugated Brittonic populations, with archaeological weapon burials—spears in approximately 25-40% of adult male graves—indicating a pervasive tied to status and rather than professional standing armies. Kingdom formation within the involved inter-tribal conflicts, where successful war leaders consolidated power by defeating rivals and incorporating their followers, as seen in 's growth under (r. c. 593–616), who campaigned against British kingdoms, culminating in the around 613–616, where his forces annihilated coalitions from and , reportedly slaughtering 1,200 monks from Bangor-is-y-Coed. This expansion unified and into but provoked retaliation; 's defeat by at the Battle of the River Idle c. 616–617, near modern , resulted in his death and the installation of as overlord, illustrating how alliances and betrayals shifted dominance among and Saxon tribes. Such engagements underscored causal factors like prestige and feuds, with victories enabling extraction and territorial control, while defeats fragmented tribes or forced exiles that fueled cycles of retaliation. In and , similar dynamics saw kings like Penda (r. c. 626–655) later exploit these rivalries, but early phases relied on opportunistic raids rather than sustained campaigns, limited by logistical constraints of non-monetary economies. Archaeological evidence, including multiple-weapon burials like the mid-sixth-century quadruple grave at with spears and shields, suggests collective warrior identities reinforced tribal cohesion amid these conflicts. Overall, warfare served as the primary mechanism for delineating kingdom boundaries, fostering a pattern of heptarchic competition that persisted until later consolidations.

Social Structure and Economy

Anglo-Saxon society during the sixth and early seventh centuries exhibited a hierarchical structure dominated by warrior elites, with kings at the apex supported by ealdormen—regional governors or high nobles who commanded loyalty through personal bonds and military service—and thegns, who served as retainers in royal or noble households, often rewarded with land grants for martial prowess. Below them ranked ceorls, free peasants who held land individually or communally, engaging in agriculture while bearing obligations like military service and tribute payments to lords. Archaeological evidence from furnished burials, such as those at Sutton Hoo precursors or Spong Hill, reveals stark wealth disparities, with elite graves containing weapons, jewelry, and imported goods signaling status, while commoner interments were simpler, indicating a stratified society where access to prestige items correlated with proximity to power. Slavery formed the base of this , comprising thralls or theows captured in warfare, raids, or born into bondage, who performed menial labor on estates without legal rights and were legally equated to chattel, as inferred from later law codes reflecting earlier customs and sporadic archaeological hints like finds. ties underpinned social organization, operating bilaterally to trace descent and enforce obligations like blood feuds or wergild payments, yet lordship increasingly supplanted pure kin , with individuals pledging to a personal dominus for protection and sustenance in exchange for service, fostering retinue-based polities amid territorial kingdoms. units were nuclear at core, centered on households (), but extended kin networks provided and , as evidenced by place-name elements denoting kin groups and early genealogies emphasizing royal lineages. The economy remained predominantly agrarian and subsistence-oriented, reliant on of arable crops like , , and oats alongside rearing— for traction and , sheep for , and pigs for —with open-field systems emerging in some regions, as indicated by pollen analysis and faunal remains from sites like West Stow. Crafts such as iron smelting, , and occurred at local levels, often household-based, with halls serving as production foci, but surplus was limited, supporting chiefly through rather than markets. was minimal and localized, involving of goods like quernstones or salt, with rare evidence of continental contacts via or glass beads in graves, though no widespread coinage or emporia existed until later; raiding and extraction supplemented resources, reinforcing power without fostering commercial networks. This structure prioritized martial self-sufficiency over economic specialization, aligning with a migratory culture adapting to insular conditions.

Christianization and Cultural Synthesis (c. 650–800 AD)

Mission from Rome and Ireland

The , dispatched by in 596 AD, marked the initial organized effort from to convert the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms to . Gregory, motivated by reports of Anglo-Saxon slaves in Roman markets and strategic papal interests in reasserting influence post-Roman Britain, selected Augustine, prior of St. Andrew's in , to lead approximately 40 . The group departed in June 596 but paused in due to trepidations, receiving Gregory's encouragement to proceed; they landed on the Isle of Thanet in in 597 AD, where King Æthelberht, already exposed to through his Frankish Christian wife , granted them audience. Æthelberht's baptism followed soon after, reportedly on 597, facilitating the establishment of a church in dedicated to Christ and expansions southward, though conversions remained gradual amid persistent pagan practices. Concurrently, missions from introduced , emphasizing monastic rigor and asceticism, to northern Anglo-Saxon realms. Irish monastic traditions, centered at under Columba's influence since 563 AD, had already evangelized Pictish ; King , exiled and baptized at around 616 AD, requested aid upon reclaiming his throne in 634 AD. In 635 AD, , an Irish monk from , arrived with 12 companions and was granted island by Oswald for a , establishing a base that prioritized humility, itinerant preaching, and vernacular instruction over hierarchical structures. Aidan's efforts yielded rapid successes among Northumbrian elites and commons, fostering communities like those at , but diverged from Roman practices in calculation, clerical , and liturgical customs, reflecting independent Insular developments unbound by Mediterranean synods. These parallel missions created jurisdictional tensions, as Roman advocates like emphasized Petrine authority and continental alignment, while Celtic upheld traditions rooted in local and eremitic ideals. Gregory's pragmatic instructions to Augustine, such as adapting pagan temples for Christian use rather than wholesale destruction, underscored causal adaptation to entrenched customs for sustainable conversion, contrasting with Celtic emphases on segregation from secular power. By the 660s, southern kingdoms under Kentish influence leaned Roman, while hosted hybrid vigor until the in 664 AD prioritized Roman observance, consolidating without eradicating Celtic contributions to monastic scholarship. Empirical records, including Bede's accounts corroborated by archaeological finds of early churches like St. Martin's in (pre-dating Augustine but utilized by him), affirm these missions' roles in supplanting through elite patronage and institutional foundations, though full societal spanned generations.

Key Conversions and Ecclesiastical Foundations

The mission of Augustine of Canterbury, dispatched by Pope Gregory I in 597, marked the initial organized Roman effort to convert the Anglo-Saxons, beginning with King Æthelberht of Kent, who accepted baptism that year alongside thousands of his subjects on Christmas Day. Augustine established the archbishopric at Canterbury and founded the church of St. Peter and St. Paul (later St. Augustine's Abbey), with additional sees at Rochester and London, though the latter's early impact was limited. Conversions spread to Essex under King Sæberht around 604, but relapsed following Æthelberht's death in 616 and Sæberht's succession by pagan sons. In , King Edwin's by Paulinus on 12 April 627 at represented a major Roman advance, with Paulinus ordaining priests and establishing a church there, though the kingdom reverted to after Edwin's defeat and death in 633 at the Battle of Hatfield Chase. King victory over the Britons in 634 prompted him to summon , an Irish monk from , who in 635 founded the monastery and bishopric on island, granted by Oswald as a base for Celtic-style emphasizing and itinerant preaching. Aidan's efforts, supported by Oswald's translation services during assemblies, led to widespread baptisms and subsidiary foundations like those at and . Parallel missions addressed other kingdoms: in , Bishop Birinus, dispatched by around 634, converted King to in 635, baptizing him with Oswald as sponsor and establishing the see at Dorchester-on-Thames. saw partial conversion under King Peada in 656, influenced by of , though full adoption lagged until later rulers. The in 664, convened by King at Hilda's , resolved tensions between Roman and Celtic practices, particularly Easter dating and tonsure; 's advocacy for Roman customs prevailed, aligning with continental Christianity and prompting Celtic clergy withdrawals, such as Colmán from . Ecclesiastical foundations proliferated post-synod, blending Roman architectural influences with local needs. established St. Peter's at Wearmouth in 674–675, importing stonemasons and glassworkers from , followed by St. Paul's at in 681 under royal grant from King Ecgfrith, creating a twin house renowned for its library and . , post-Whitby bishop of , refounded with basilican stone churches and at by 674, emphasizing grandeur with imported craftsmen and relics. Hilda's at (c. 657) and other sites like Ely under Æthelthryth underscored monastic roles in education and governance.

Syncretism, Artifacts, and Literacy

The adoption of from c. 650 to 800 AD entailed , whereby missionaries repurposed pagan symbols and sites to ease conversion, fostering a gradual synthesis rather than abrupt replacement of indigenous beliefs. This approach, evident in the mutual reinforcement of church and kingship, allowed familiar Germanic motifs to coexist with Christian doctrine, as seen in the adaptation of warrior ethos to frame Christ's passion. Key artifacts illustrate this fusion. The , a whalebone box crafted in around 700–750 AD, combines relief carvings of the with pagan Germanic legends like the abduction of Weyland the Smith and classical scenes from Roman history, all accompanied by in . Similarly, the in , erected in the late 7th or early 8th century, features verses excerpted from the Christian poem , depicting the cross as a heroic participant in Christ's crucifixion, intertwined with vine-scroll ornamentation and figures blending biblical narratives with Anglo-Saxon aesthetic traditions. The nearby Bewcastle Cross, contemporaneous and also Northumbrian, employs runes for memorial inscriptions honoring Christian patrons amid geometric and interlace designs rooted in pre-Christian metalwork styles. Literacy, previously limited to runic inscriptions for practical or ritual purposes, advanced markedly in ecclesiastical centers during this era, with monasteries serving as primary scriptoria for Latin texts. The , an of the four Gospels produced c. 700 AD on , exemplifies the fusion of Celtic, Anglo-Saxon, and Mediterranean influences in its and , requiring skilled monastic scribes over several years. At Wearmouth-Jarrow, Ceolfrith oversaw the creation of the , completed c. 716 AD from over 500 calfskins, as the earliest extant complete Latin Bible, intended for export to and reflecting intensive textual scholarship. The continued use of on these Christian high crosses and artifacts alongside emerging Latin highlights a transitional phase, where Germanic script persisted for monumental and vernacular purposes before vernacular writing proliferated in the . This dual system supported administrative records, theological works, and poetry, concentrating literacy among clergy while gradually extending it to elites.

Viking Age Challenges (c. 793–899 AD)

Onset of Scandinavian Raids

The onset of Scandinavian raids on Anglo-Saxon England is conventionally dated to 793 AD with the attack on the monastery of Lindisfarne in Northumbria, marking the first major recorded incursion by Norse seafarers. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle describes the event as preceded by ominous signs including whirlwinds, fiery dragons in the sky, and sheets of light, followed by "the ravaging of heathen men [that] lamentably destroyed God's church on Lindisfarne, by rapine and slaughter." This raid targeted the wealthy, undefended ecclesiastical site, involving the killing of monks and seizure of treasures, which sent shockwaves across Christian Europe as an unprecedented desecration. Contemporary accounts, such as those from Alcuin of York, interpreted the assault as a divine judgment on Northumbrian sins, reflecting the profound cultural and religious trauma inflicted. Raiders, likely originating from given the northwestern European focus of early attacks, exploited the vulnerability of coastal monasteries rich in silver and relics but lacking fortifications. No direct archaeological evidence confirms the raid itself, relying instead on textual records like the and letters from continental scholars, underscoring the event's reliance on monastic literacy for documentation. The assault's success encouraged further opportunistic strikes, transitioning from isolated pillaging to a pattern of seasonal expeditions facilitated by advanced technology and navigational prowess. In 794 AD, the raids extended to the twin monasteries of Monkwearmouth-Jarrow in , where plundered the sites but encountered local resistance; a subsequent storm reportedly wrecked their fleet, killing many on the shore. The notes widespread devastation in that year, indicating the heathens "raged and tore everywhere," though these early incursions remained hit-and-run operations without permanent settlement. Such attacks persisted sporadically through the late eighth and early ninth centuries, primarily afflicting northern kingdoms due to their exposed coastlines and internal divisions, setting the stage for escalated invasions. By the 830s, raids intensified across eastern and , but the initial phase demonstrated the Scandinavians' strategic targeting of weakly defended religious centers for portable wealth.

Great Heathen Army and Regional Devastation

, a large Viking force also known as the micel heathen here in contemporary sources, arrived in in 865 AD, marking a shift from sporadic raids to sustained conquest. This coalition of Scandinavian warriors, estimated at around 3,000 to 5,000 men drawn from , and other regions, overwintered in , where the local population provided them with horses to facilitate mobility across . Leadership is attributed in later medieval accounts to figures such as , , and , though primary records like the do not specify names until subsequent entries, and their connection to the semi-legendary remains unverified by direct evidence. In 866 AD, the army advanced into , exploiting internal divisions between rival kings Osberht and . On November 1, they captured , defeating and killing both kings in the ensuing battle, which resulted in heavy Northumbrian losses and the installation of a puppet ruler, Ecgberht I. This conquest fragmented into Danish-controlled (southern part) and a reduced (northern remnant), with widespread devastation including the sacking of monasteries and settlements that had been centers of learning and wealth. The army's tactics emphasized fortified winter camps, such as at , enabling prolonged campaigns that overwhelmed fragmented Anglo-Saxon defenses reliant on seasonal levies. By 868 AD, the invaders turned to , besieging and extracting tribute from King Burgred, who abandoned his throne in 874 after further pressures. was partitioned, with Ceolwulf II installed as a Danish-aligned king in the west, while eastern territories fell under direct Viking control, leading to depopulation and economic disruption through enslavement, tribute demands, and destruction of agricultural infrastructure. suffered total subjugation in 869–870 AD, exemplified by the capture and martyrdom of King Edmund at , after which the kingdom was annexed and its elite replaced, with archaeological evidence of mass graves and abandoned sites indicating severe regional collapse. The campaign's regional devastation facilitated Viking settlement, as evidenced by place-name changes and Scandinavian artifacts in former heartlands, fundamentally altering demographics and halting the cultural and ecclesiastical progress of the affected kingdoms. Northumbria's minsters, such as those at and , faced repeated plundering, eroding monastic traditions, while and East Anglian burhs proved inadequate against the army's coordinated assaults. By 873 AD, internal divisions split the army, with Halfdan's faction moving north to consolidate gains, but the initial wave had already reduced three of the four major Anglo-Saxon kingdoms to status or outright conquest, setting the stage for Wessex's defensive consolidation.

Alfredian Revival and Defensive Innovations

Following the Viking surprise attack on Wessex during midwinter 878, which nearly overwhelmed King Alfred's forces at , Alfred retreated to the island of in the , from where he conducted guerrilla operations against the invaders. Rallying his supporters at Ecgberht's Stone after Easter, Alfred advanced to confront the Viking leader , defeating him decisively at the in May 878. This victory compelled to sue for peace; he was baptized with Alfred as godfather, and the subsequent established a boundary along the Thames and Lea rivers, confining Danish control to lands east of Watling Street while allowing to settle in East Anglia. To counter future incursions, Alfred implemented a comprehensive defensive strategy centered on the burh system, constructing or fortifying approximately 30 defended settlements across , such as and Wallingford, often reusing Roman walls supplemented by ditches and earthworks. These burhs were strategically positioned so that no inhabited area lay more than a from one, enabling rapid response to raids and serving dual roles as garrisons and economic hubs with markets and mints. Concurrently, Alfred reorganized the fyrd, the traditional levy of freemen, into a rotational standing force where half the able-bodied men trained and served while the other half tended lands, ensuring persistent readiness without economic collapse. Recognizing the ' maritime advantage, he commissioned a of purpose-built warships—longer and faster than merchant vessels—to intercept raiders at , marking an early institutionalization of English naval power. Parallel to these military innovations, Alfred fostered a cultural and intellectual revival to bolster national cohesion and administrative capacity. He issued the Domboc, a law code around 893 that integrated Mosaic principles from Exodus with West Saxon customs, emphasizing justice, oaths, and compensation to reinforce under Christian kingship. Alfred promoted vernacular literacy by establishing schools in major burhs open to noble and free-born youth, personally translating key Latin texts like Boethius's Consolation of Philosophy and Pope Gregory's into to make wisdom accessible without Latin proficiency. Under his patronage, the was initiated as an annalistic record in , compiling historical events from the 9th century onward to preserve a unified Anglo-Saxon identity amid fragmentation. These efforts, while rooted in pragmatic governance rather than abstract , elevated Wessex's resilience, laying foundations for his successors' reconquests.

Wessex Dominance and National Consolidation (c. 900–978 AD)

Conquests under Edward and Athelstan

, who succeeded his father as king of the West Saxons in 899, initiated a series of offensive campaigns to reclaim territories held by Danish settlers in the . Building on Alfred's network of fortified burhs, Edward coordinated military efforts with his sister , Lady of the , targeting Danish strongholds in eastern and ; by 917, their combined forces had captured and , weakening Danish control in the . In the same year, Edward constructed forts at and , launching raids that culminated in the subjugation of East Anglian Danes, with their submission formalized by 920. These advances extended 's influence northward to the Humber River, where in 920 the kings of Scots, Britons, and Northumbrians acknowledged Edward's overlordship, marking a significant step toward Anglo-Saxon consolidation south of the Humber. Following Edward's death in 924 and the brief rule of his son Ælfweard over , Æthelstan ascended as of the in 925, inheriting a that encompassed and . In 926 or 927, after the death of his brother-in-law Sihtric, the Viking ruler of , Æthelstan seized , ending independent Danish rule in the region and prompting submissions from regional leaders. At a royal assembly near Eamont Bridge in 927, Constantine II of Scots, Owain of , and Ealdred of Bamburgh swore fealty to Æthelstan, recognizing his authority over much of Britain; charters and coins from this period reflect his adoption of the title rex Anglorum ( of the English), with some inscriptions extending to rex totius Britanniae ( of all Britain). This unification under represented the first effective overlordship of all Anglo-Saxon kingdoms, though northern loyalties remained tenuous. Æthelstan's reign saw further northern campaigns to enforce hegemony, including a 934 incursion into that reached , extracting tribute from Constantine II amid ongoing Viking threats. The pivotal confrontation occurred in 937 at the , where Æthelstan and his brother defeated a comprising (Viking king of ), Constantine II, and of ; contemporary accounts in the describe a decisive victory, with the invaders suffering heavy losses and fleeing by ship, solidifying Æthelstan's control and earning him lasting renown as the first king to rule a unified . These conquests, grounded in coordinated fortifications, alliances, and battlefield successes, shifted Anglo-Saxon from fragmented kingdoms to a centralized capable of resisting external incursions. expanded the network initiated by his father Alfred, constructing fortified settlements such as the double- at in 914 and others at and to secure conquered territories and facilitate governance in following its annexation around 918. These served dual roles as defensive strongholds and administrative centers, integrating local populations under royal authority through controlled markets and judicial oversight. Concurrently, the system evolved, with ealdormen presiding over shire courts twice yearly and enforcing royal edicts, supported by reeves who managed local for routine justice and enforcement. Legal reforms advanced through issued dooms, beginning with Edward's codes that built upon Alfredian precedents to assert uniformity amid expansion. Athelstan promulgated multiple codes in the 930s, introducing peace-guilds where members provided collective sureties against and other breaches, with escalating fines and punishments like for coin-clipping to protect the currency's integrity. He formalized the hundred as a key judicial division, mandating tithings of ten freemen under a tithingman for mutual accountability, enhancing local focused on crimes like cattle and trade disputes. Edmund and Edgar further refined these structures; Edmund's dooms emphasized shire and hundred courts for dispute resolution, while Edgar's 960s-970s legislation standardized weights, measures, and coinage with periodic recoinages every few years to ensure economic uniformity across former Danish and Anglo-Saxon regions. Hundred courts convened every four weeks under the king's reeve to adjudicate cases, bridging local custom with royal oversight and promoting administrative cohesion in the consolidated realm. These measures centralized power, reduced regional variances, and laid foundations for a proto-national legal framework resilient to Viking threats.

Expansion into Danelaw Territories

Following the defensive successes of his father Alfred the Great, Edward the Elder (r. 899–924) shifted to systematic offensive campaigns against Viking-held territories in the southern Danelaw, particularly East Anglia and the East Midlands. In coordination with his sister Æthelflæd, Lady of the Mercians, Edward constructed fortified burhs to support advances, beginning with the submission of Danish forces at Stodfold in 914. By 917, his forces captured key strongholds such as Tempsford—where a major Viking army was defeated—and Colchester, effectively securing East Anglia and parts of Essex from Danish control. These operations dismantled the fragmented Viking lordships in the region, incorporating them into West Saxon administration through oaths of loyalty and burh-based governance. Edward's campaigns extended into the Five Boroughs (, , Lincoln, , and Stamford), the fortified Danish centers in eastern , which fell progressively between 917 and 920 as Viking resistance collapsed under sustained pressure from combined West Saxon and Mercian armies. The records that by 920, Edward's authority extended north to the Humber River, with regional rulers—including those in —submitting to him as overlord, marking the effective reconquest of the southern and midland . This phase relied on military precision rather than wholesale slaughter, as evidenced by the integration of surviving Danish populations under , though sporadic revolts persisted. Æthelflæd's death in 918 prompted Edward to annex directly, consolidating power without major internal challenge. Edward's son Æthelstan (r. 924–939) inherited this expanded domain and focused on the remaining northern Danelaw, particularly . Upon the death of the Viking ruler Sihtric in 927, Æthelstan swiftly occupied , dissolving the short-lived Norse kingdom there and extracting submissions from Scottish King Constantine II, Strathclyde's , and Northumbrian leaders, establishing himself as rex Anglorum (king of the English). This diplomatic-military assertion faced reversal attempts, culminating in the 937 invasion by a led by of , Constantine, and , aimed at restoring Viking dominance. Æthelstan's decisive victory at the —where the enemy suffered heavy casualties, including the flight of their kings—shattered this alliance and secured English control over the entire former , forging the first unified kingdom south of the Forth. The battle's scale, involving perhaps thousands on each side, underscored Æthelstan's strategic use of and alliances, preventing further fragmentation. These expansions transformed the from a of Viking principalities into integrated English shires, with administrative reforms like standardized coinage and law codes enforcing West Saxon . While Danish cultural elements persisted in place names and legal customs, the reconquest marginalized Norse political autonomy, setting the stage for national consolidation under by the mid-10th century.

Late Anglo-Saxon Monarchy and External Pressures (978–1066 AD)

Aethelred's Reign and Danish Encroachments

Æthelred II became king in 978 following the murder of his half-brother at , ascending at around age 10 to 12 amid a disputed succession after their father Edgar's death in 975. His early reign saw internal consolidation, but Viking raids resumed in the 980s with small-scale incursions escalating into larger threats by the 990s. The English defeat at in 991 against forces led by marked a turning point, prompting Æthelred to institute payments as tribute to deter further attacks. This policy of buying temporary peace recurred, with a massive levy of 48,000 pounds of silver extracted in 1012 to disperse the army of encamped near . In response to growing Danish influence within England, Æthelred ordered the St. Brice's Day massacre on 13 November 1002, commanding the killing of Danish settlers—particularly adult males—to eliminate potential fifth-column threats, as evidenced by contemporary charters describing the violence, including Danes burned in a church in Oxford. This preemptive strike, however, intensified hostilities; Sweyn Forkbeard, king of Denmark, retaliated with devastating raids starting in 1003, ravaging regions like East Anglia despite local resistance under ealdorman Ulfcytel. Further invasions followed, including Thorkell's large-scale incursion in 1009, which evaded Æthelred's newly built fleet and plundered widely until bought off years later. By 1013, Sweyn launched a full conquest, subduing and receiving submissions from southern leaders, forcing to flee to with his Norman wife Emma, married in 1002 for alliance. Sweyn was proclaimed king around Christmas 1013 but died on 3 February 1014, enabling 's return and a temporary victory over Sweyn's son in Lindsey. Continued warfare ensued, with 's death on 23 April 1016 in paving the way for his son Ironside's brief resistance before Danish dominance solidified. The nickname "Unready," a later 12th-century derivation from "unræd" meaning poorly advised, reflected perceptions of his counselors' failures in managing the existential Viking pressure rather than personal unreadiness.

Cnut's Empire and Anglo-Danish Synthesis

Following the death of on 30 November 1016, , son of the previous Danish conqueror Sweyn Forkbeard, became the undisputed king of , having already defeated Edmund at the earlier that year. This conquest marked the culmination of prolonged Danish incursions, with Cnut securing control through a combination of military victory and strategic marriages, including to Emma, widow of the exiled Aethelred the Unready. His rule from 1016 to 1035 initiated a phase of relative stability after decades of Viking raids and civil strife. Cnut expanded his domain into a vast North Sea Empire, inheriting Denmark around 1018 after the death of his brother Harald, and conquering Norway in 1028 by deposing Olaf Haraldsson at the Battle of the Helgeå. This empire linked England, Denmark, and Norway through naval power and familial alliances, facilitating trade and military coordination across the region, though it relied heavily on Cnut's personal authority rather than institutionalized unity. English resources, including ships and taxes like the heregeld (a military tax initially levied on monasteries), supported campaigns in Scandinavia, inverting the prior dynamic of Scandinavian exploitation of England. In governance, Cnut fostered an Anglo-Danish synthesis by retaining core Anglo-Saxon administrative structures while incorporating Danish elements. He divided England into four large earldoms—Wessex, Mercia, East Anglia, and Northumbria—governed by trusted Danish earls such as Thorkell the Tall and Godwin of Wessex, blending Scandinavian military elites with English nobility to ensure loyalty. Local shires and hundreds persisted, with royal reeves and sheriffs maintaining fiscal and judicial functions, but Cnut introduced the Danish term "earl" (jarl) for high officials, signaling a hybrid hierarchy. His law codes, promulgated around 1020 at assemblies in Winchester, were issued in Old English and reaffirmed Alfredian principles, emphasizing Christian morality, oaths, and peace-keeping, while prohibiting pagan practices among his followers. Cnut's ecclesiastical policies further exemplified synthesis, as he positioned himself as a devout Christian ruler to legitimize his foreign origins. Despite arriving with a largely pagan , he dispersed non-Christian warriors to reduce unrest and lavishly endowed English monasteries and sees, such as gifting land to Christ Church, , and attending the Easter council at in 1020. His pilgrimage to in 1027 for the of Conrad II underscored pan-European Christian ties, and he reformed church finances by curbing excessive royal demands on . This patronage integrated Danish converts into the Anglo-Saxon church hierarchy, fostering bilingual elites and cultural exchange, evident in standardized coinage struck in English mints that circulated in . Economically, Cnut's reign promoted prosperity through stabilized trade routes and reduced raiding, with English silver funding Danish , while Anglo-Saxon legal continuity encouraged agricultural and mercantile growth. This era of synthesis laid groundwork for enduring Anglo-Scandinavian influences in , place-names, and , though the fragmented upon Cnut's death in 1035, as succession disputes divided his realms among sons , , and Svein.

Edward the Confessor and Succession Strife

, born circa 1003 as the son of King Aethelred II and , ascended the English throne on 8 June 1042 following the death of his half-brother , marking the restoration of the after Danish rule. Exiled in during Cnut's conquest, Edward's early life fostered close ties to Norman culture and personnel, whom he favored upon returning, appointing Normans to ecclesiastical and advisory roles despite resistance from native Anglo-Saxon nobility. His marriage in 1045 to , daughter of the powerful Earl Godwin of Wessex, produced no children, leaving the succession unresolved and heightening tensions over potential heirs. Edward's reign saw recurring power struggles with the , culminating in Godwin's exile in 1051 after refusing to support the killing of a kinsman at Dover; Godwin returned triumphantly in 1052 with an armed host, forcing to reinstate him and his sons, including Harold as . Norman chroniclers, such as of , assert that in 1051 promised the throne to his cousin , Duke of Normandy, dispatching Archbishop Robert of Jumièges to confirm this during a visit to ; however, this claim lacks corroboration in contemporary English sources like the and is interpreted by some historians as a post-hoc justification for 's , possibly motivated by 's desire to counterbalance Godwin's dominance. also recalled his grand-nephew from Hungary in 1057 as a potential heir, but the Exile died shortly after arrival, further complicating dynastic prospects. By the 1060s, had consolidated power as the leading earl, commanding loyalty through military successes against Welsh incursions in 1055 and 1063; increasingly relied on him as subregulus, though underlying mistrust persisted. Around 1064, Harold was shipwrecked on the Norman coast and, per Norman accounts, swore an oath to supporting his claim to the English throne and marrying his daughter; English sources omit this, portraying the visit as a to secure Norman-held hostages. 's death on 5 January 1066 at Westminster, which he had rebuilt as a royal abbey dedicated in 1065, triggered immediate crisis; childless and with no designated tanist under Anglo-Saxon custom, the elected Harold king the next day, citing his designation by on his deathbed according to sources like the Vita Ædwardi Regis, though Norman narratives dispute this as coerced or posthumous. The succession strife intensified with rival claims: of invoked a prior agreement with I (1035–1047) for reversionary rights tied to Cnut's empire; asserted Edward's 1051 promise reinforced by oath; and Edgar the , grandson of , held nominal blood-right but lacked support. Edward's pro-Norman leanings and failure to secure a clear heir, amid Godwin's ascendancy, eroded centralized royal authority, exposing to multi-front invasions that ended Anglo-Saxon rule at on 14 October 1066.

Harold Godwinson and the Norman Invasion

Edward the Confessor died on 5 January 1066 without issue, precipitating a as he had named no clear heir. The Witenagemot, the Anglo-Saxon council of nobles, elected , and the realm's most powerful magnate, as king later that day; he was crowned at on 6 January 1066. Harold, son of the influential Earl Godwin, had served as Edward's chief advisor and military leader, suppressing revolts and defending against Welsh incursions, which bolstered his domestic support. His claim rested on election by the and alleged deathbed endorsement from Edward, though Norman sources later contested this, citing Edward's prior grant of succession to Duke William of and an oath Harold swore to William in 1064 during a visit to following a . That oath, depicted on the —a Norman commissioned around 1070—allegedly pledged Harold's support for William's claim to the English throne in exchange for military aid against a Breton threat, though its coercive nature and exact terms remain debated among historians, with Anglo-Saxon chronicles omitting it entirely. Harold's reign faced immediate external challenges from rival claimants. Harald Hardrada, king of Norway, allied with Harold's exiled brother Tostig Godwinson, invaded northern England in early September 1066, landing near York with a force estimated at 10,000-15,000 men, including many on foot without full armor due to expectations of negotiated tribute. They defeated English forces at the Battle of Fulford on 20 September but were then surprised by Harold's army, which marched approximately 185 miles from the south in four days to confront them at the Battle of Stamford Bridge on 25 September. The English, numbering around 7,000-12,000 including housecarls (elite warriors), exploited the Vikings' unprepared state, routing them across the bridge—a narrow crossing where legend holds a single axe-wielding Norseman briefly held off pursuers—and killing Hardrada with an arrow to the neck and Tostig in the melee, with only about 24 Viking ships surviving to depart. This victory secured the north but exhausted Harold's forces, preventing full refit before turning south. Meanwhile, William of Normandy, having assembled a fleet of around 700 ships and an army of 7,000-8,000 including knights, archers, and infantry, landed unopposed at on 28 September 1066, fortified the site, and ravaged to draw Harold out. Harold, informed of the landing, marched his depleted army some 250 miles in two weeks to meet William on near on 14 October, forming a of perhaps 5,000-7,000 men against the ' mounted and missile capabilities. The battle lasted from morning into evening, with employing feigned retreats to lure English pursuers from the hill and disrupt cohesion, alongside archery and cavalry charges that gradually eroded the shield wall; estimates suggest 2,000-4,000 English casualties, including most housecarls, compared to around 2,000 Norman losses. Harold was slain late in the day—possibly by an to the eye followed by , as shown on the —leading to the collapse of English resistance and paving the way for William's march on and on Christmas Day 1066. The Norman thus ended Anglo-Saxon rule, initiating a transformative conquest that integrated Norman , , and governance into English society.

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