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Education in the United States
Education in the United States
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Education in the United States of America
National education budget (2023-24)
Budget$222.1 billion (0.8% of GDP)[2]
Per studentMore than $11,000 (2005)[1]
General details
Primary languagesEnglish
System typeFederal, state, local, private
Literacy (2017 est.)
Total99%[3]
Male99%[3]
Female99%[3]
Enrollment (2020[4])
Total49.4 million
Primary34.1 million1
Secondary15.3 million2
Post secondary19 million3
Attainment
Secondary diploma91% (among 25–68 year-olds, 2018)[6][7][8]
Post-secondary diploma46.4% (among 25–64 year-olds, 2017)[5]
1Includes kindergarten and middle school
2Includes high school
3Includes graduate school
The 2019 graduation ceremony at Pitman High School in Pitman, New Jersey

The United States does not have a national or federal educational system. Although there are more than fifty independent systems of education (one run by each state and territory, the Bureau of Indian Education, and the Department of Defense Dependents Schools), there are a number of similarities between them. Education is provided in public and private schools and by individuals through homeschooling. Educational standards are set at the state or territory level by the supervising organization, usually a board of regents, state department of education, state colleges, or a combination of systems. The bulk of the $1.3 trillion in funding comes from state and local governments, with federal funding accounting for about $260 billion in 2021[9] compared to around $200 billion in past years.[2]

During the late 18th and early 19th centuries, most schools in the United States did not mandate regular attendance. In many areas, students attended school for no more than three to four months out of the year.[10] By state law, education is compulsory over an age range starting between five and eight and ending somewhere between ages sixteen and nineteen, depending on the state.[11] This requirement can be satisfied in public or state-certified private schools, or an approved home school program. Compulsory education is divided into three levels: elementary school, middle or junior high school, and high school. As of 2013, about 87% of school-age children attended state-funded public schools, about 10% attended tuition and foundation-funded private schools,[12] and roughly 3% were home-schooled.[13] Enrollment in public kindergartens, primary schools, and secondary schools declined by 4% from 2012 to 2022 and enrollment in private schools or charter schools for the same age levels increased by 2% each.[14]

Numerous publicly and privately administered colleges and universities offer a wide variety of post-secondary education. Post-secondary education is divided into college, as the first tertiary degree, and graduate school. Higher education includes public and private research universities, usually private liberal arts colleges, community colleges, for-profit colleges, and many other kinds and combinations of institutions. College enrollment rates in the United States have increased over the long term.[15] At the same time, student loan debt has also risen to $1.5 trillion. The large majority of the world's top universities, as listed by various ranking organizations, are in the United States, including 19 of the top 25, and the most prestigious – Harvard University.[16][17][18][19] Enrollment in post-secondary institutions in the United States declined from 18.1 million in 2010 to 15.4 million in 2021.[20]

Total expenditures for American public elementary and secondary schools amounted to $927 billion in 2020–21 (in constant 2021–22 dollars).[21] In 2010, the United States had a higher combined per-pupil spending for primary, secondary, and post-secondary education than any other OECD country (which overlaps with almost all of the countries designated as being developed by the International Monetary Fund and the United Nations) and the U.S. education sector consumed a greater percentage of the U.S. gross domestic product (GDP) than the average OECD country.[22] In 2014, the country spent 6.2% of its GDP on all levels of education—1.0 percentage points above the OECD average of 5.2%.[23] In 2014, the Economist Intelligence Unit rated U.S. education as 14th best in the world. The Programme for International Student Assessment coordinated by the OECD currently ranks the overall knowledge and skills of American 15-year-olds as 19th in the world in reading literacy, mathematics, and science with the average American student scoring 495, compared with the OECD Average of 488.[24][25] In 2017, 46.4% of Americans aged 25 to 64 attained some form of post-secondary education.[5] 48% of Americans aged 25 to 34 attained some form of tertiary education, about 4% above the OECD average of 44%.[26][27][28] 35% of Americans aged 25 and over have achieved a bachelor's degree or higher.[29]

History

[edit]

19th century

[edit]

New England encouraged its towns to support free public schools funded by taxation. In the early 19th century, Massachusetts took the lead in education reform and public education with programs designed by Horace Mann that were widely emulated across the North. Teachers were specially trained in normal schools and taught the three Rs (reading, writing, and arithmetic) and also history and geography. Public education was at the elementary level in most places.

After the Civil War end in 1865, cities began building high schools. The South was far behind northern standards on every educational measure and gave weak support to its segregated all-black schools. However, northern philanthropy and northern churches provided assistance to private black colleges across the South. Religious denominations across the country set up their private colleges. States also opened state universities, but they were quite small until well into the 20th century.

In 1823, Samuel Read Hall founded the first normal school, the Columbian School in Concord, Vermont,[30][31] aimed at improving the quality of the burgeoning common school system by producing more qualified teachers.

During Reconstruction, the United States Office of Education was created in an attempt to standardize educational reform across the country. At the outset, the goals of the Office were to track statistical data on schools and provide insight into the educational outcomes of schools in each state. While supportive of educational improvement, the office lacked the power to enforce policies in any state. Educational aims across the states in the nineteenth century were broad, making it difficult to create shared goals and priorities. States like Massachusetts, with long-established educational institutions, had well-developed priorities in place by the time the Office of Education was established. In the South and the West, however, newly formed common school systems had different needs and priorities.[32] Competing interests among state legislators limited the ability of the Office of Education to enact change.

In the mid-19th century, the rapidly increasing Catholic population led to the formation of parochial schools in the largest cities. Theologically oriented Episcopalian, Lutheran, and Jewish bodies on a smaller scale set up their own parochial schools. There were debates over whether tax money could be used to support them, with the answer typically being no. From about 1876, thirty-nine states passed a constitutional amendment to their state constitutions, called Blaine Amendment after James G. Blaine, one of their chief promoters, forbidding the use of public tax money to fund local parochial schools.

States passed laws to make schooling compulsory between 1852 (Massachusetts) and 1917 (Mississippi). They also used federal funding designated by the Morrill Land-Grant Acts of 1862 and 1890 to set up land grant colleges specializing in agriculture and engineering. By 1870, every state had free elementary schools,[33] albeit only in urban centers. According to a 2018 study in the Economic Journal, states were more likely to adopt compulsory education laws during the Age of Mass Migration (1850–1914) if they hosted more European immigrants with lower exposure to civic values.[34]

Following Reconstruction the Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute was founded in 1881 as a state college, in Tuskegee, Alabama, to train "Colored Teachers," led by Booker T. Washington, (1856–1915), who was himself a freed slave. His movement spread, leading many other Southern states to establish small colleges for "Colored or Negro" students entitled "A. & M." ("Agricultural and Mechanical") or "A. & T." ("Agricultural and Technical"), some of which later developed into state universities. Before the 1940s, there were very few black students at private or state colleges in the North and almost none in the South.[35]

Responding to the many competing academic philosophies being promoted at the time, an influential working group of educators, known as the Committee of Ten and established in 1892 by the National Education Association, recommended that children should receive twelve years of instruction, consisting of eight years of elementary education (in what were also known as "grammar schools") followed by four years in high school ("freshmen", "sophomores", "juniors" and "seniors").

Gradually by the late 1890s, regional associations of high schools, colleges and universities were being organized to coordinate proper accrediting standards, examinations, and regular surveys of various institutions in order to assure equal treatment in graduation and admissions requirements, as well as course completion and transfer procedures.

Timeline of introduction of compulsory education

[edit]

20th century

[edit]

By 1910, 72% of children were attending school. Between 1910 and 1940 the high school movement resulted in a rapid increase in public high school enrollment and graduations.[47] By 1930, 100% of children were attending school, excluding children with significant disabilities or medical concerns.[47] From 1940 to 1966, the percentage of U.S. adults over the age of 25 that had completed 4 years of high school doubled from 25 percent to 50 percent, while the ratio grew to 75 percent by 1987 and to 85 percent by 2005.[48][49][50] For 4 years of college, the percentage grew from 5 percent in 1940 to 10 percent in 1966, and further to 20 percent by 1987 and 30 percent by 2009.[48][49][50]

Private schools spread during this time, as well as colleges and, in the rural centers, land grant colleges.[47] In 1922, an attempt was made by the voters of Oregon to enact the Oregon Compulsory Education Act, which would require all children between the ages of 8 and 16 to attend public schools, only leaving exceptions for mentally or physically unfit children, exceeding a certain living distance from a public school, or having written consent from a county superintendent to receive private instruction. The law was passed by popular vote but was later ruled unconstitutional by the United States Supreme Court in Pierce v. Society of Sisters, determining that "a child is not a mere creature of the state". This case settled the dispute about whether or not private schools had the right to do business and educate within the United States.[51]

By 1938, there was a movement to bring education to six years of elementary school, four years of junior high school, and four years of high school.[52]

During World War II, enrollment in high schools and colleges plummeted as many high school and college students and teachers dropped out to enlist or take war-related jobs.[53][54][55]

The 1946 National School Lunch Act provided low-cost or free school lunch meals to qualified low-income students through subsidies to schools based on the idea that a "full stomach" during the day supports class attention and studying.

The 1954 Supreme Court case Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas made racial desegregation of public elementary and high schools mandatory, although white families often attempted to avoid desegregation by sending their children to private secular or religious schools.[56][57][58] In the years following this decision, the number of Black teachers rose in the North but dropped in the South.[59]

In 1965, the far-reaching Elementary and Secondary Education Act ('ESEA'), passed as a part of President Lyndon B. Johnson's War on poverty, provided funds for primary and secondary education ('Title I funding'). Title VI explicitly forbade the establishment of a national curriculum.[60] Title IV of the Higher Education Act of 1965 created the Pell Grant program which provides financial support to students from low-income families to access higher education.

In 1975, the Education for All Handicapped Children Act established funding for special education in schools.

The Higher Education Amendments of 1972 made changes to the Pell Grant. The 1975 Education for All Handicapped Children Act (EHA) required all public schools accepting federal funds to provide equal access to education and one free meal a day for children with physical and mental disabilities. The 1983 National Commission on Excellence in Education report, famously titled A Nation at Risk, touched off a wave of federal, state, and local reform efforts, but by 1990 the country still spent only 2% of its budget on education, compared with 30% on support for the elderly.[61] In 1990, the EHA was replaced with the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA), which placed more focus on students as individuals, and also provided for more post-high school transition services.

21st century

[edit]

The No Child Left Behind Act of 2001, passed by a bipartisan coalition in Congress, provided federal aid to the states in exchange for measures to penalize schools that were not meeting the goals as measured by standardized state exams in mathematics and language skills. This made standardized testing a requirement.[62][63][64] In the same year, the U.S. Supreme Court diluted some of the century-old "Blaine" laws upheld an Ohio law allowing aid to parochial schools under specific circumstances.[65] The 2006 Commission on the Future of Higher Education evaluated higher education. In December 2015, then-American President Barack Obama signed legislation replacing No Child Left Behind with the Every Student Succeeds Act.[66]

The Great Recession of 2007–2009 caused a sharp decline in tax revenues in all American states and cities. The response included cuts to education budgets. Obama's $800 billion stimulus package of 2009 included $100 billion for public schools, which every state used to protect its education budget. In terms of sponsoring innovation; however, then-President Obama and then-Education Secretary Arne Duncan pursued K-12 education reform through the Race to the Top grant program. With over $15 billion of grants at stake, 34 states quickly revised their education laws according to the proposals of advanced educational reformers. In the competition, points were awarded for allowing charter schools to multiply, for compensating teachers on a merit basis including student test scores, and for adopting higher educational standards.

There were incentives for states to establish college and career-ready standards, which in practice meant adopting the Common Core State Standards Initiative that had been developed on a bipartisan basis by the National Governors Association, and the Council of Chief State School Officers. The criteria were not mandatory, they were incentives to improve opportunities to get a grant. Most states revised their laws accordingly, even though they realized it was unlikely they would win a highly competitive new grant. Race to the Top had strong bipartisan support, with centrist elements from both parties. It was opposed by the left wing of the Democratic Party, and by the right wing of the Republican Party, and criticized for centralizing too much power in Washington. Complaints also came from middle-class families, who were annoyed at the increasing emphasis on teaching to the test, rather than encouraging teachers to show creativity and stimulating students' imagination.[67][68] Voters in both major parties have been critical of the Common Core initiative.[69]

During the 2010s, American student loan debt became recognized as a social problem.[70][71][72][73][74]

Like every wealthy country, the COVID-19 pandemic and Deltacron hybrid variant had a great impact on education in the United States, requiring schools to implement technology and transition to virtual meetings.[75][76] Although the use of technology improves the grading process and the quality of information received,[77] critics assess it a poor substitute for in-person learning, and that online-only education disadvantages students without internet access, who disproportionately live in poor households, and that technology may make it harder for students to pay attention.[78][79]

Some colleges and universities became vulnerable to permanent closure during the pandemic. Universities and colleges were refunding tuition monies to students while investing in online technology and tools, making it harder to invest into empty campuses. Schools are defined as being in low financial health if their combined revenue and unrestricted assets will no longer cover operating expenses in six years. Before COVID-19, 13 institutions were in danger of closing within 6 years in New England.[80] With the presence of COVID-19, that number has increased to 25 institutions.[80] In the United States due to the financial impact caused by COVID-19, 110 more colleges and universities are now at risk of closing. This labels the total number of colleges and universities in peril due to pandemic to be 345 institutions.[80] While prestigious colleges and universities have historically had financial cushion due to high levels of enrollment, private colleges at a low risk have dropped from 485 to 385.[80] Federal COVID-19 relief has assisted students and universities. However, it has not been enough to bandage the financial wound created by COVID-19. Colby-Sawyer College located in New Hampshire has received about $780,000 in assistance through the United States Department of Education.[80] About half of this money was dispersed amongst the student body. Colby-Swayer College was also capable of receiving a loan of $2.65 million, to avoid layoffs of their 312 employees.[80]

Yale economist Fabrizio Zilibotti co-authored a January 2022 study with professors from the Columbia University, New York University, University of Pennsylvania, Harvard University, Northwestern University, and the University of Amsterdam, showing that "the pandemic is widening educational inequality and that the learning gaps created by the crisis will persist."[79][81] As of result, COVID-19 educational impact in the United States has ended by March 11, 2022, as Deltacron cases fall and ahead of the living with an endemic phase.[citation needed]

Statistics

[edit]
Educational attainment in the United States from 1940 to 2009[82]

In 2000, 76.6 million students had enrolled in schools from kindergarten through graduate schools. Of these, 72% aged 12 to 17 were considered academically "on track" for their age, i.e. enrolled in at or above grade level. Of those enrolled in elementary and secondary schools, 5.7 million (10%) were attending private schools.[83]

High school graduation rate per state as of 2017
  90.0–90.4%
  85.0–89.9%
  80.0–84.9%
  69.9–79.9%

As of 2022, 89% of the adult population had completed high school and 34% had received a bachelor's degree or higher. The average salary for college or university graduates is greater than $51,000, exceeding the national average of those without a high school diploma by more than $23,000, according to a 2005 study by the U.S. Census Bureau.[84] The 2010 unemployment rate for high school graduates was 10.8%; the rate for college graduates was 4.9%.[85]

The country has a reading literacy rate of 99% of the population over age 15,[86] while ranking below average in science and mathematics understanding compared to other developed countries.[87] In 2014, a record high of 82% of high school seniors graduated, although one of the reasons for that success might be a decline in academic standards.[88]

The poor performance has pushed public and private efforts such as the No Child Left Behind Act. In addition, the ratio of college-educated adults entering the workforce to the general population (33%) is slightly below the mean of other[which?] developed countries (35%)[89] and rate of participation of the labor force in continuing education is high.[90] A 2000s (decade) study by Jon Miller of Michigan State University concluded that "A slightly higher proportion of American adults qualify as scientifically literate than European or Japanese adults".[91]

In 2006, there were roughly 600,000 homeless students in the United States, but after the Great Recession this number more than doubled to approximately 1.36 million.[92] The Institute for Child Poverty and Homelessness keeps track of state by state levels of child homelessness.[93] As of 2017, 27% of U.S. students live in a mother-only household, 20% live in poverty, and 9% are non-English speaking.[94]

An additional factor in the United States education system is the socioeconomic background of the students being tested. According to the National Center for Children in Poverty, 41% of U.S. children under the age of 18 come from lower-income families.[95] These students require specialized attention to perform well in school and on the standardized tests.[95]

The Human Rights Measurement Initiative[96] finds that the United States is achieving 77.8% of what should be possible on the right to education at its level of income.[97]

Resulting from school closures necessitated by the COVID-19 pandemic, over one million eligible children were not enrolled in kindergarten for the 2021–2022 school year.[98] The 2022 annual Report on the Condition of Education[99] conducted by the National Center for Education Statistics (NCES) for the U.S. Department of Education[100] indicates that prekindergarten to grade 12 enrollment decreased from 50.8 million in fall 2019 to 49.4 million students in fall 2020, a 3% decrease, which matches 2009 enrollment, eradicating the previous decade of growth. During the 2019–2020 school year, enrollment rates decreased by 6% for those aged five, dropping from 91% to 84%, and by 13% for those aged three and four, from 54% to 40%.[4]

Summer 2022 polls and surveys revealed that mental health issues were reported by 60% of college students, with educational institutions being understaffed and unprepared to effectively address the crisis.[101]

A five-year, $14 million study of U.S. adult literacy involving lengthy interviews of U.S. adults, the most comprehensive study of literacy ever commissioned by the U.S. government,[102] was released in September 1993. It involved lengthy interviews of over 26,700 adults statistically balanced for age, gender, ethnicity, education level, and location (urban, suburban, or rural) in 12 states across the U.S. and was designed to represent the U.S. population as a whole. This government study showed that 21% to 23% of adult Americans were not "able to locate information in text", could not "make low-level inferences using printed materials", and were unable to "integrate easily identifiable pieces of information".[102]

The U.S. Department of Education's 2003 statistics indicated that 14% of the population—or 32 million adults—had very low literacy skills.[103] Statistics were similar in 2013.[104] In 2015, only 37% of students were able to read at a proficient level, a level which has barely changed since the 1990s.[105]

Attainment

[edit]

In the 21st century, the educational attainment of the U.S. population is similar to that of many other industrialized countries with the vast majority of the population having completed secondary education and a rising number of college graduates that outnumber high school dropouts. As a whole, the population of the United States is becoming increasingly more educated.[82]

Post-secondary education is valued very highly by American society and is one of the main determinants of class and status.[citation needed] As with income, however, there are significant discrepancies in terms of race, age, household configuration and geography.[106]

Since the 1980s, the number of educated Americans has continued to grow, but at a slower rate. Some have attributed this to an increase in the foreign-born portion of the workforce. However, the decreasing growth of the educational workforce has instead been primarily due to the slowing down in educational attainment of people schooled in the United States.[107]

Remedial education in college

[edit]

Despite high school graduates formally qualifying for college, only 4% of two-year and four-year colleges do not have any students in noncredit remedial courses. Over 200 colleges place most of their first-year students in one or more remedial courses. Almost 40% of students in remedial courses fail to complete them. The cause cannot be excessively demanding college courses, since grade inflation has made those courses increasingly easy in recent decades.[108][109]

Sex differences

[edit]
Significant race or sex differences exist in the completion of Algebra I.[110]

According to research over the past 20 years, girls generally outperform boys in the classroom on measures of grades across all subjects and graduation rates. This is a turnaround from the early 20th century when boys usually outperformed girls. Boys have still been found to score higher on standardized tests than girls and go on to be better represented in the more prestigious, high-paying STEM fields.

Religious achievement differences

[edit]

According to a Pew Research Center study in 2016, there is an association between education and religious affiliation. About 77% of American Hindus have a graduate and post-graduate degree followed by Unitarian Universalists (67%), Jews (59%), Anglicans (59%), Episcopalians (56%), Presbyterians (47%), and United Church of Christ (46%).[111] According to the same study, about 43% of American atheists, 42% of agnostics, and 24% of those who say their religion is "nothing in particular" have a graduate or post-graduate degree.[111] Largely owing to the size of their constituency, more Catholics hold college degrees (over 19 million) than do members of any other faith community in the United States.[111]

International comparison

[edit]

In the OECD's Programme for International Student Assessment 2003, which emphasizes problem-solving, American 15-year-olds ranked 24th of 38 in mathematics, 19th of 38 in science, 12th of 38 in reading, and 26th of 38 in problem-solving.[112] In the 2006 assessment, the U.S. ranked 35th out of 57 in mathematics and 29th out of 57 in science. Reading scores could not be reported due to printing errors in the instructions of the U.S. test booklets. U.S. scores were behind those of most other developed nations.[113]

On the 2018 PISA Reading test, Asian Americans, Asians, and European Americans outclass their global peers.
On the 2018 PISA Reading test, Asian Americans, Asians, and European Americans outclass their global peers.

In 2007, Americans stood second only to Canadians in the percentage of 35 to 64-year-olds holding at least two-year degrees. Among 25 to 34-year-olds, the country stands tenth. The nation stands 15 out of 29 rated nations for college completion rates, slightly above Mexico and Turkey.[114]

In 2009, US fourth and eighth graders tested above average on the Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study tests, which emphasizes traditional learning.[115]

In 2012, the OECD ranked American students 25th in math, 17th in science, and 14th in reading compared with students in 27 other countries.[116]

In the 2013 OECD Survey of Adult Skills, 33 nations took part with adults ages 16 to 65, surveying skills such as: numeracy, literacy, and problem-solving. The Educational Testing Service (ETS) found that millennials—aged from teens to early 30s—scored low. Millennials in Spain and Italy scored lower than those in the U.S., while in numeracy, the three countries tied for last. U.S. millennials came in last among all 33 nations for problem-solving skills.[117]

In 2014, the United States was one of three OECD countries where the government spent more on schools in rich neighborhoods than in poor neighborhoods, the others being Turkey and Israel.[118]

According to a 2016 report published by the U.S. News & World Report, of the top ten colleges and universities in the world, eight are American.[119]

Educational stages

[edit]
Diagram of education in the United States[120]

Formal education in the U.S. is divided into a number of distinct educational stages. Most children enter the public education system around the age of five or six. Children are assigned to year groups known as grades.

The American school year traditionally begins at the end of August or early in September, after a traditional summer vacation or break. Children customarily advance together from one grade to the next as a single cohort or "class" upon reaching the end of each school year in late May or early June.

Depending upon their circumstances, children may begin school in pre-kindergarten, kindergarten, or first grade. Students normally attend 12 grades of study over 12 calendar years of primary/elementary and secondary education before graduating and earning a diploma that makes them eligible for admission to higher education. Education is mandatory until age 16 (18 in some states).

In the U.S., ordinal numbers (e.g., first grade) are used for identifying grades. Typical ages and grade groupings in contemporary, public, and private schools may be found through the U.S. Department of Education. Generally, there are three stages: elementary school (grades K/1–2/3/4/5/6), intermediate school (3/4–5/6), middle school / junior high school (grades 5/6/7–8/9), and high school / senior high school (grades 9/10–12).[121] There is variability in the exact arrangement of grades by state, as the following table indicates. Note that many people may not choose to attain higher education immediately after high school graduation, so the age of completing each level of education may vary. The table below shows the traditional education path of a student through preschool to high school.

Category School Grade Level Ages
Preschool Pre-kindergarten 3–5
Compulsory education
Elementary school Kindergarten 5–6
1st grade 6–7
2nd grade 7–8
3rd grade 8–9
4th grade 9–10
5th grade 10–11
Middle school 6th grade 11–12
7th grade 12–13
8th grade 13–14
High school 9th grade / Freshman 14–15
10th grade / Sophomore 15–16
11th grade / Junior 16–17
12th grade / Senior 17–18
Continuing education
Vocational education 16 and up[citation needed]
Adult education 18 and up
Higher education Grade level
College, University Freshman
Sophomore
Junior
Senior
Graduate school
(with various degrees and curricular partitions thereof)

In K–12 education, sometimes students who receive failing grades are held back a year and repeat coursework in the hope of earning satisfactory scores on the second try. In 2016, 1.9% of students were held back a year.(compared to the 3.1% in 2000)[122]

High school graduates sometimes take one or more gap years before the first year of college, for travel, work, public service, or independent learning. Some might opt for a postgraduate year before college.[123] Many high schoolers also earn an associate degree when they graduate high school.[124]

Many undergraduate college programs now commonly are five-year programs. This is especially common in technical fields, such as engineering. The five-year period often includes one or more periods of internship with an employer in the chosen field.

Of students who were freshmen in 2005 seeking bachelor's degrees at public institutions, 32% took four years, 12% took five years, 6% took six years, and 43% did not graduate within six years. The numbers for private non-profit institutions were 52% in four, 10% in five, 4% in six, and 35% failing to graduate.[125][needs update]

Some undergraduate institutions offer an accelerated three-year bachelor's degree, or a combined five-year bachelor's and master's degrees. Many times, these accelerated degrees are offered online or as evening courses and are targeted mainly but not always for adult learners/nontraditional students.[citation needed]

Many graduate students do not start professional schools immediately after finishing undergraduate studies but work for a time while saving up money or deciding on a career direction.

The National Center for Education Statistics found that in 1999–2000, 73% of undergraduates had characteristics of nontraditional students.[126]

Early childhood education

[edit]

Early childhood teaching in the U.S. relates to the teaching of children (formally and informally) from birth up to the age of eight.[127] The education services are delivered via preschools and kindergartens.

Preschool

[edit]

Preschool (sometimes called pre-kindergarten or jr. kindergarten) refers to non-compulsory classroom-based early-childhood education. The Head Start program is a federally funded early childhood education program for low-income children and their families founded in 1965 that prepares children, especially those of a disadvantaged population, to better succeed in school. However, limited seats are available to students aspiring to take part in the Head Start program. Many community-based programs, commercial enterprises, non-profit organizations, faith communities, and independent childcare providers offer preschool education.

Preschool may be general or may have a particular focus, such as arts education, religious education, sports training, or foreign language learning, along with providing general education.[citation needed] In the United States, Preschool programs are not required, but they are encouraged by educators. Only 69% of 4-year-old American children are enrolled in preschool. Preschool age ranges anywhere from 3 to 5 years old. The curriculum for the day will consist of music, art, pretend play, science, reading, math, and other social activities.

K–12 education

[edit]

The U.S. is governed by federal, state, and local education policy. Education is compulsory for all children, but the age at which one can discontinue schooling varies by state and is from 14 to 18 years old.[128]

Free public education is typically provided from Kindergarten (ages 5 and 6) to 12th Grade (ages 17 and 18). Around 85% of students enter public schooling while the remainder are educated through homeschooling or privately funded schools.[129]

Schooling is divided into primary education, called elementary school, and secondary education. Secondary education consists of two "phases" in most areas, which includes a middle/junior high school and high school.

Higher education

[edit]
A building on the campus of the New York Institute of Technology, founded in 1955 in Manhattan
A group of people in suits standing in three rows on the steps in front of a stone building.
The University of Chicago team that worked on the production of the world's first man-made, self-sustaining nuclear reactor, including Enrico Fermi in the front row and Leó Szilárd in the second
The University of Miami, founded in 1925 in Coral Gables, Florida
Educational attainment in the United States, age 25 and over (2018)[29]
Education Percentage
High school graduate 89.8%
Some college 61.20%
Associate degree 45.16%
Bachelor's degree 34.9%
Master's degree 13.05%
Doctorate or professional degree 3.5%

Higher education in the United States is an optional final stage of formal learning following secondary education, often at one of the 4,495 colleges or universities and junior colleges in the country.[130] In 2008, 36% of enrolled students graduated from college in four years. 57% completed their undergraduate requirements in six years, at the same college they first enrolled in.[131] The U.S. ranks 10th among industrial countries for percentage of adults with college degrees.[85] Over the past 40 years the gap in graduation rates for wealthy students and low-income students has widened significantly. 77% of the wealthiest quartile of students obtained undergraduate degrees by age 24 in 2013, up from 40% in 1970. 9% of the least affluent quartile obtained degrees by the same age in 2013, up from 6% in 1970.[132]

There are over 7,000 post-secondary institutions in the United States offering a diverse number of programs catered to students with different aptitudes, skills, and educational needs.[133] Compared with the higher education systems of other countries, post-secondary education in the United States is largely deregulated, giving students a variety of choices. Common admission requirements to gain entry to any American university requires a meeting a certain age threshold, high school transcript documenting grades, coursework, and rigor of core high school subject areas as well as performance in AP and IB courses, class ranking, ACT or SAT scores, extracurricular activities, an admissions essay, and letters of recommendation from teachers and guidance counselors. Other admissions criteria may include an interview, personal background, legacy preferences (family members having attended the school), ability to pay tuition, potential to donate money to the school development case, evaluation of student character (based on essays or interviews), and general discretion by the admissions office. While universities will rarely list that they require a certain standardized test score, class ranking, or GPA for admission, each university usually has a rough threshold below which admission is unlikely.

Universities and colleges

[edit]
Brookings Hall at Washington University in St. Louis, established in 1853

The traditional path to American higher education is typically through a college or university, the most prestigious forms of higher education in the United States. Universities in the United States are institutions that issue bachelor's, master's, professional, or doctorate degrees; colleges often award solely bachelor's degrees. Some universities offer programs at all degree levels from the associate to the doctorate and are distinguished from community and junior colleges where the highest degree offered is the associate degree or a diploma. Though there is no prescribed definition of a university or college in the United States, universities are generally research-oriented institutions offering undergraduate, graduate, and professional programs.

American universities come in a variety of forms that serve different educational needs. Some counties and cities have established and funded four-year institutions. Some of these institutions, such as the City University of New York, are still operated by local governments. Others such as the University of Louisville and Wichita State University are now operated as state universities. Four-year institutions may be public or private colleges or universities. Private institutions are privately funded and there is a wide variety in size, focus, and operation. Some private institutions are large research universities, while others are small liberal arts colleges that concentrate on undergraduate education. Some private universities are nonsectarian and secular, while others are religiously affiliated.

Rankings

[edit]
Top Engineering Colleges in North America

Among the United States' most prominent and world-renowned institutions are large research universities that are ranked in such annual publications, including the Times Higher Education World University Rankings, QS World University Rankings, U.S. News & World Report, Washington Monthly, ARWU, by test preparation services such as The Princeton Review or by another university such as the Top American Research Universities ranked by The Center at the University of Florida.[134] These rankings are based on factors such as brand recognition, number of Nobel Prize winners, selectivity in admissions, generosity of alumni donors, and volume and quality of faculty research.

Among the elite top forty domestically and internationally ranked institutions identified by the QS 2026 rankings include six of the eight Ivy League schools; private universities Stanford, The University of Chicago, and Johns Hopkins; 1 of the 10 schools in the University of California system (UC Berkeley); and the research intensive schools Caltech and MIT.[135]

A college professor teaching in a university classroom full of students

Other types of universities in the United States include liberal arts schools (Reed College, Swarthmore College, Barnard College), religiously affiliated and denomination universities (DePaul University, Brigham Young University, Yeshiva University), military (United States Military Academy, United States Merchant Marine Academy, United States Naval Academy), art and design schools (Berklee College of Music, Juilliard School, Fashion Institute of Technology, Parsons School of Design, Rhode Island School of Design), Historically black colleges and universities (Morehouse College, Howard University, Kentucky State University), and for-profit universities (University of Phoenix, Western International University, Liberty University).[136] While most private institutions are non-profit, a growing number in the past decade have been established as for-profit. The American university curriculum varies widely depending on the program and institution. Typically, an undergraduate student will be able to select an academic "major" or concentration, which comprises the core main or special subjects, and students may change their major one or more times.

Graduate degrees

[edit]

Some students, typically those with a bachelor's degree, may choose to continue on to graduate or professional school, which are graduate and professional institutions typically attached to a university. Graduate degrees may be either master's degrees (e.g., M.A., M.S., M.S.W.), professional degrees (e.g. M.B.A., J.D., M.D.) or doctorate degrees (e.g. PhD). Programs range from full-time, evening and executive which allows for flexibility with students' schedules.[137] Academia-focused graduate school typically includes some combination of coursework and research (often requiring a thesis or dissertation to be written), while professional graduate-level schools grants a first professional degree. These include medical, law, business, education, divinity, art, journalism, social work, architecture, and engineering schools.

Vocational

[edit]

Community and junior colleges in the United States are public comprehensive institutions that offer a wide range of educational services that generally lasts two years. Community colleges are generally publicly funded (usually by local cities or counties) and offer career certifications and part-time programs. Though it is cheaper in terms of tuition, less competitive to get into, and not as prestigious as going to a four-year university, they form another post-secondary option for students seeking to enter the realm of American higher education. Community and junior colleges generally emphasize practical career-oriented education that is focused on a vocational curriculum.[138] Though some community and junior colleges offer accredited bachelor's degree programs, community and junior colleges typically offer a college diploma or an associate degree such as an A.A., A.S., or a vocational certificate, although some community colleges offer a limited number of bachelor's degrees. Community and junior colleges also offer trade school certifications for skilled trades and technical careers. Students can also earn credits at a community or junior college and transfer them to a four-year university afterward. Many community colleges have relationships with four-year state universities and colleges or even private universities that enable some community college students to transfer to these universities to pursue a bachelor's degree after the completion of a two-year program at the community college.

Cost

[edit]
The inflation-adjusted cost of U.S. higher education has more than doubled in fifty years.[139]
U.S. education expenditure as share of GDP from 1950 to 2015[140]
The cost of U.S. college education relative to the consumer price index

A few charity institutions cover all of the students' tuition, although scholarships (both merit-based and need-based) are widely available. Generally, private universities charge much higher tuition than their public counterparts, which rely on state funds to make up the difference.

Annual undergraduate tuition varies widely from state to state, and many additional fees apply. In 2009, the average annual tuition at a public university for residents of the state was $7,020.[131] Tuition for public school students from outside the state is generally comparable to private school prices, although students can often qualify for state residency after their first year. Private schools are typically much higher, although prices vary widely from "no-frills" private schools to highly specialized technical institutes. Depending upon the type of school and program, annual graduate program tuition can vary from $15,000 to as high as $50,000. Note that these prices do not include living expenses (rent, room/board, etc.) or additional fees that schools add on such as "activities fees" or health insurance. These fees, especially room and board, can range from $6,000 to $12,000 per academic year (assuming a single student without children).[141]

The mean annual total cost, including all costs associated with a full-time post-secondary schooling, such as tuition and fees, books and supplies, room and board, as reported by collegeboard.com for 2010:[142]

  • Public university (4 years): $27,967 (per year)
  • Private university (4 years): $40,476 (per year)

Total, four-year schooling:

  • Public university: $111,868
  • Private university: $161,904

College costs are rising at the same time that state appropriations for aid are shrinking. This has led to debate over funding at both the state and local levels. From 2002 to 2004 alone, tuition rates at public schools increased by over 14%, largely due to dwindling state funding. An increase of 6% occurred over the same period for private schools.[141] Between 1982 and 2007, college tuition and fees rose three times as fast as median family income, in constant dollars.[114]

From the U.S. Census Bureau, the median salary of an individual who has only a high school diploma is $27,967; the median salary of an individual who has a bachelor's degree is $47,345.[143] Certain degrees, such as in engineering, typically result in salaries far exceeding high school graduates, whereas degrees in teaching and social work fall below.[144]

The debt of the average college graduate for student loans in 2010 was $23,200.[145]

A 2010 study indicates that the return on investment for graduating from the top 1,000 colleges exceeds 4% over a high school degree.[146]

Student loan debt

[edit]

In 2018, student loan debt topped $1.5 trillion. More than 40 million people hold college debt, which is largely owned by the U.S. government and serviced by private, for-profit companies such as Navient. Student loan debt has reached levels that have affected US society, reducing opportunities for millions of people following college.[147]

Academic labor and adjunctification

[edit]

According to Uni in the USA, "One of the reasons American universities have thrived is due to their remarkable management of financial resources."[148] To combat costs colleges have hired adjunct professors to teach. In 2008, these teachers cost about $1,800 per 3-credit class as opposed to $8,000 per class for a tenured professor. Two-thirds of college instructors were adjuncts. There are differences of opinion on whether these adjuncts teach better or worse than regular professors. There is a suspicion that student evaluation of adjuncts, along with their subsequent continued employment, can lead to grade inflation.[149]

Credential inflation

[edit]

Economics professor Alan Zagier blames credential inflation for the admission of so many unqualified students into college. He reports that the number of new jobs requiring college degrees is less than the number of college graduates.[85] He states that the more money that a state spends on higher education, the slower the economy grows, the opposite of long-held notions.[85] Other studies have shown that the level of cognitive achievement attained by students in a country (as measured by academic testing) is closely correlated with the country's economic growth, but that "increasing the average number of years of schooling attained by the labor force boosts the economy only when increased levels of school attainment also boost cognitive skills. In other words, it is not enough simply to spend more time in school; something has to be learned there."[150]

Governance and funding

[edit]
Total U.S. education expenditures in absolute dollars and as a percent of GDP from 1965 to 2015

Governance

[edit]

The national and state governments share power over public education, with the states exercising most of the control. Except for Hawaii, states delegate power to county, city or township-level school boards that exercise control over a school district. Some school districts may further delegate significant authority to principals, such as those who have adopted the Portfolio strategy.

The U.S. federal government exercises its control through its Department of Education. Though education is not mentioned in the U.S. Constitution, federal governments traditionally employ threats of decreased funding to enforce laws pertaining to education.[151] Under recent administrations, initiatives such as the No Child Left Behind Act and Race to the Top have attempted to assert more central control in a heavily decentralized system.

Nonprofit private schools are widespread, are largely independent of the government, and include secular as well as parochial schools. Educational accreditation decisions for private schools are made by voluntary regional associations.

Funding for K–12 schools

[edit]
Funding of K through 12th grade schools by school district as of 2016
State and local spending on education as of the 2015–16 school year
Percent of state government revenue spent on education in 2013

According to a 2005 report from the OECD, the United States is tied for first place with Switzerland when it comes to annual spending per student on its public schools, with each of those two countries spending more than $11,000.[1] However, the United States is ranked 37th in the world in education spending as a percentage of gross domestic product.[152]

Government figures exist for education spending in the United States per student, and by state. They show a very wide range of expenditures and a steady increase in per-pupil funding since 2011.[153][154][155]

Changes in funding appear to have little effect on a school system's performance. Between 1970 and 2012, the full amount spent by all levels of government on the K–12 education of an individual public school student graduating in any given year, adjusted for inflation, increased by 185%. The average funding by state governments increased by 120% per student. However, scores in mathematics, science, and language arts over that same period remained almost unchanged. Multi-year periods in which a state's funding per student declined substantially also appear to have had little effect.[156]

Property taxes as a primary source of funding for public education have become highly controversial, for a number of reasons. First, if a state's population and land values escalate rapidly, many longtime residents may find themselves paying property taxes much higher than anticipated. In response to this phenomenon, California's citizens passed Proposition 13 in 1978, which severely restricted the ability of the Legislature to expand the state's educational system to keep up with growth. Some states, such as Michigan, have investigated or implemented alternative schemes for funding education that may sidestep the problems of funding based mainly on property taxes by providing funding based on sales or income tax. These schemes also have failings, negatively impacting funding in a slow economy.[157]

One of the biggest debates in funding public schools is funding by local taxes or state taxes. The federal government supplies around 8.5% of the public school system funds, according to a 2005 report by the National Center for Education Statistics.[158] The remaining split between state and local governments averages 48.7% from states and 42.8% from local sources.[158]

Rural schools struggle with funding concerns. State funding sources often favor wealthier districts. The state establishes a minimum flat amount deemed "adequate" to educate a child based on equalized assessed value of property taxes. This favors wealthier districts with a much larger tax base. This, combined with the history of slow payment in the state, leaves rural districts searching for funds. Lack of funding leads to limited resources for teachers. Resources that directly relate to funding include access to high-speed internet, online learning programs, and advanced course offerings.[159] These resources can enhance a student's learning opportunities, but may not be available to everyone if a district cannot afford to offer specific programs. One study found that school districts spend less efficiently in areas in which they face little or no competition from other public schools, in large districts, and in areas in which residents are poor or less educated.[160] Some public schools are experimenting with recruiting teachers from developing countries in order to fill the teacher shortage, as U.S. citizens with college degrees are turning away from the demanding, low paid profession.[161]

Currently, K-12 is funded through three primary sources: local, state, and federal funding. However, funding and allocations look different depending on the state. Most of the funding stems from state and local funds, contributing about 86% of the funding.[162] Most recent data reports that in 2022, the federal government funded about $119,089,043,000 while in 2023 $120,315,611,000 were allocated in their respective fiscal years.[163][164] In 2023 from local sources $403,427,498,000 and from state sources $422,757,839,000 were available.[164] Each fiscal year begins on October 1.

Federal funding is used for several different programs, including the hiring of staff and other services. Some of the programs funded are through Title 1, significant sums are provided to schools with a majority of low-income students. Under the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA), funding is awarded to those with disabilities between the ages of 3 and 21. One other is the Child Nutrition Programs that provide free or reduced lunch.[162]

In most states, districts are notified by their state department of education of the amount of funding they will receive. Then, districts use money from their own accounts to make purchases according to spending guidelines. Then they draw down federal money from the state, which in turn draws the amount down from the federal government.[165] The federal government can freeze funding if there is evidence of civil rights violations or if there is fraud committed. Further from freezing funds, funds can also be cut.[166] This can be done through the False Claim Act (FCA). This is a federal statute enacted in 1863 due to contractor fraud during the American Civil War. This act ensures that any person who knowingly submits or causes to submit false claims to the government is liable for three times the government’s damages amount plus a penalty.[167]

Judicial intervention

[edit]
Federal
[edit]

The reliance on local funding sources has led to a long history of court challenges about how states fund their schools. These challenges have relied on interpretations of state constitutions after a U.S. Supreme Court ruling that school funding was not a federal obligation specified in the U.S. Constitution, whose authors left education funding and the management to states. (San Antonio Independent School District v. Rodriguez, 411 U.S. 1 (1973)). The state court cases, beginning with the California case of Serrano v. Priest, 5 Cal.3d 584 (1971), were initially concerned with equity in funding, which was defined in terms of variations in spending across local school districts. More recently, state court cases have begun to consider what has been called 'adequacy.' These cases have questioned whether the total amount of spending was sufficient to meet state constitutional requirements.

From 1985 to 1999, a United States district court judge required the state of Missouri to triple the budget of Kansas City Public Schools, although in the end, test scores in the district did not rise; the racial achievement gap did not diminish; and there was less, not more, integration.[168] Perhaps the most famous adequacy case is Abbott v. Burke, 100 N.J. 269, 495 A.2d 376 (1985), which has involved state court supervision over several decades and has led to some of the highest spending of any U.S. districts in the so-called Abbott districts. The background and results of these cases are analyzed in a book by Eric Hanushek and Alfred Lindseth.[169] That analysis concludes that funding differences are not closely related to student outcomes and thus that the outcomes of the court cases have not led to improved policies.

State
[edit]

Judicial intervention has even taken place at the state level. In McCleary v. Washington,[170] a Supreme Court decision that found the state had failed to "amply" fund public education for Washington's 1 million school children. Washington state had budgeted $18.2 billion for education spending in the two-year fiscal period ending in July 2015. The state Supreme Court decided that this budget must be boosted by $3.3 billion in total by July 2019. On September 11, 2014, the state Supreme Court found the legislature in contempt for failing to uphold a court order to come up with a plan to boost its education budget by billions of dollars over the next five years. The state had argued that it had adequately funded education and said diverting tax revenue could lead to shortfalls in other public services.[171]

In 2023, the Commonwealth Court of Pennsylvania ruled in William Penn School District v. Pennsylvania Department of Education that the Pennsylvania General Assembly had created "manifest deficiencies" between high-wealth and low-wealth school districts with "no rational basis" for the funding gaps. The ruling stated that the Pennsylvania Constitution's Education Clause was "clearly, palpably, and plainly violated because of a failure to provide all students with access to a comprehensive, effective, and contemporary system of public education that will give them a meaningful opportunity to succeed academically, socially, and civically."[172]

Pensions

[edit]

While the hiring of teachers for public schools is done at the local school district level, the pension funds for teachers are usually managed at the state level. Some states have significant deficits when future requirements for teacher pensions are examined. In 2014, these were projected deficits for various states: Illinois -$187 billion, Connecticut -$57 billion, Kentucky -$41 billion, Hawaii -$16.5 billion, and Louisiana -$45.6 billion. These deficits range from 184% to 318% of these states' annual total budget.[173]

Funding for college

[edit]

At the college and university level student loan funding is split in half; half is managed by the Department of Education directly, called the Federal Direct Student Loan Program (FDSLP). The other half is managed by commercial entities such as banks, credit unions, and financial services firms such as Sallie Mae, under the Federal Family Education Loan Program (FFELP). Some schools accept only FFELP loans; others accept only FDSLP. Still others accept both, and a few schools will not accept either, in which case students must seek out private alternatives for student loans.[174]

Grant funding is provided by the federal Pell Grant program.

Issues

[edit]

Affirmative action

[edit]
College attendance in the U.S. by race and schools' overall admission rates as of 2021[175] shown by comparative areas of upper four pie charts; elite schools make up a small fraction of all enrollment.
Acceptance rates at private universities (2005)[176]
Overall admit rate Black admit rate % difference
Harvard 10.0% 16.7% + 67.0%
MIT 15.9% 31.6% + 98.7%
Brown 16.6% 26.3% + 58.4%
Penn 21.2% 30.1% + 42.0%
Georgetown 22.0% 30.7% + 39.5%

In 2023 the Supreme Court decision, Students for Fair Admissions v. Harvard, the Supreme Court ruled that considering race as a factor in admitting students was a violation of the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. This decision overturned previous rulings that allowed colleges to consider race when accepting students.

African American academics Henry Louis Gates and Lani Guinier, while favoring affirmative action, have argued that in practice, it has led to recent black immigrants and their children being greatly overrepresented at elite institutions, at the expense of the historic African American community made up of descendants of slaves.[177]

Behavior

[edit]

Corporal punishment

[edit]

The United States is one of the very few developed countries where corporal punishment is legal in its public schools. Although the practice has been banned in an increasing number of states beginning in the 1970s, in 2024 only 33 out of 50 states have this ban and the remaining 17 states do not. The punishment virtually always consists of spanking the buttocks of a student with a paddle in a punishment known as "paddling."[178] Students can be physically punished from kindergarten to the end of high school, meaning that even adults who have reached the age of majority are sometimes spanked by school officials.[178]

Although extremely rare relative to the overall U.S. student population, more than 167,000 students were paddled in the 2011–2012 school year in American public schools.[179] Virtually all paddling in public schools occurs in the Southern United States, however, with 70% of paddled students living in just five states: Mississippi, Texas, Alabama, Arkansas, and Georgia.[179] The practice has been on a steady decline in American schools.[180]

School safety and security

[edit]

The National Center for Education Statistics reported statistics about public schools in the United States in 2013–2014. They stated that, during that time, 93% controlled access to their buildings during school hours, and that 88% have in place a written crisis response plan. They also reported that 82% of schools have a system that notifies parents in the event of an emergency. According to their report, 75% of schools have security cameras in use.[181]

During the 2015–16 school year in the United States, the National Center for Education Statistics reported the following: 9% of schools reported that one or more students had threatened a physical attack with a weapon. 95% of schools had given their students lockdown procedure drills, and 92% had drilled them on evacuation procedures.[182] Around 20% of schools had one or more security guards or security personnel while 10.9% had one or more full or part-time law enforcement officers. 42% of schools had at least one school resource officer.[182]

In some schools, a police officer, titled a school resource officer, is on site to screen students for firearms and to help avoid disruptions.[183][184][citation needed]

Some schools are fast adopting facial recognition technology, ostensibly "for the protection of children".[185] The technology is claimed by its proponents to be useful in detecting people falling on the threat list for sex offenses, suspension from school, and so on. However, human rights advocacy group, Human Rights Watch, argues that the technology could also threaten the right to privacy and could pose a great risk to children of color.[186]

Cheating

[edit]

In 2022, an article by Waltzer reported that as many as 90% of students have cheated in high school.[187] They report that cheating involves a perception, evaluation, and decision step. The way that high schoolers perceive cheating at these steps determines their decision to cheat or not to cheat.[187] Opinions of what cheating is vary based on the teacher involved, the type of cheating, and the material being given. The various differences between teachers and assignments makes the line of academic cheating blurry.[187] In a study done, students were asked if they knew they were cheating at the time of their actions, and 54% of the students reported that they had not considered their actions cheating.[187] Students often explain their reasoning for cheating to be the "feasibility" of the task (they were unable to complete it without cheating), or the "extrinsic consequences" of the task (to achieve the grade they needed on the assignment).[187]

Literacy

[edit]

Reading skills are typically taught using a three cues system based on identifying meaning, sentence structure, and visual information such as the first letter in a word.[188][189] This method has been criticized by psychologists such as Timothy Shanahan for lacking a basis in scientific evidence, citing studies that find that good readers look at all the letters in a word.[190] According to J. Richard Gentry, teachers draw insufficient attention to spelling. Spelling is itself frequently taught in a confusing manner, such as with reading prompts that may use words that are above grade level.[191]

Curriculum

[edit]
U.S. President George W. Bush signing the No Child Left Behind Act at Hamilton High School in Hamilton, Ohio, on January 8, 2002

Curricula in the United States can vary widely from district to district. Different schools offer classes centering on different topics, and vary in quality. Some private schools even include religious classes as mandatory for attendance. This raises the question of government funding vouchers in states with anti-Catholic Blaine Amendments in their constitution. This in turn has produced camps of argument over the standardization of curricula and to what degree it should exist. These same groups often are advocates of standardized testing, which was mandated by the No Child Left Behind Act. The goal of No Child Left Behind was to improve the education system in the United States by holding schools and teachers accountable for student achievement, including the educational achievement gap between minority and non-minority children in public schools.

While the National Assessment of Education Progress (NAEP) has served as an educational barometer for the US since 1969 by administering standardized tests on a regular basis to random schools throughout the United States, efforts over the last decade at the state and federal levels have mandated annual standardized test administration for all public schools across the country.[192]

Along with administering and scoring the annual standardized tests, in some cases the teachers are being scored on how well their own students perform on the tests. Teachers are under pressure to continuously raise scores to prove they are worthy of keeping their jobs. This approach has been criticized because there are so many external factors, such as domestic violence, hunger, and homelessness among students, that affect how well students perform.[193]

Schools that score poorly wind up being slated for closure or downsizing, which gives direct influence on the administration to result to dangerous tactics such as intimidation, cheating and drilling of information to raise scores.[194]

Uncritical use of standardized test scores to evaluate teacher and school performance is inappropriate, because the students' scores are influenced by three things: what students learn in school, what students learn outside of school, and the students' innate intelligence.[195] The school only has control over one of these three factors. Value-added modeling has been proposed to cope with this criticism by statistically controlling for innate ability and out-of-school contextual factors.[196][self-published source] In a value-added system of interpreting test scores, analysts estimate an expected score for each student, based on factors such as the student's own previous test scores, primary language, or socioeconomic status. The difference between the student's expected score and actual score is presumed to be due primarily to the teacher's efforts.

Content knowledge

[edit]

There is debate over which subjects should receive the most focus, with astronomy and geography among those cited as not being taught enough in schools.[197][198][199] A major criticism of American educational curricula is that it overemphasizes mathematical and reading skills without providing the content knowledge needed to understand the texts used to teach the latter. Poor students are more likely to lack said content knowledge, which contributes to the achievement gap in the United States.[200]

English-language education

[edit]

Schools in the 50 states, Washington, D.C., the U.S. Virgin Islands, Guam, and the Northern Mariana Islands teach primarily in English, with the exception of specialized language immersion programs.[citation needed]

In 2015, 584,000 students in Puerto Rico were taught in Spanish, their native language.[201]

The Native American Cherokee Nation instigated a 10-year language preservation plan that involved growing new fluent speakers of the Cherokee language from childhood on up through school immersion programs as well as a collaborative community effort to continue to use the language at home.[202][203][204] [205] In 2010, 84 children were being educated in this manner.[206]

As of 2000, some 9.7 million children aged 5 to 17 primarily speak a language other than English at home. Of those, about 1.3 million children do not speak English well or at all.[207]

Mathematics

[edit]
Top mathematics colleges in North America

According to a 1997 report by the U.S. Department of Education, passing rigorous high-school mathematics courses predicts successful completion of university programs regardless of major or family income.[208][209] Starting in 2010, mathematics curricula across the country have moved into closer agreement for each grade level. Unlike systems utilized in most other countries, the high school curricula is based around specialized courses (ex. Algebra 1; Geometry; Calculus) rather than integrated math ones. The SAT, a standardized university entrance exam, has been reformed to better reflect the contents of the Common Core.[210] As of 2023, twenty-seven states require students to pass three math courses before graduation from high school, and seventeen states and the District of Columbia require four.[211]

Sex education

[edit]
U.S. teenage pregnancy rates have been falling in recent years; Asian Americans have the lowest rate among all demographic groups.

Almost all students in the U.S. receive some form of sex education at least once between grades 7 and 12; many schools begin addressing some topics as early as grades 4 or 5.[212] However, what students learn varies widely, because curriculum decisions are so decentralized. Many states have laws governing what is taught in sex education classes or allowing parents to opt out. Some state laws leave curriculum decisions to individual school districts.[213]

A 1999 study by the Guttmacher Institute found that most U.S. sex education courses in grades 7 through 12 cover puberty, HIV, STDs, abstinence, implications of teenage pregnancy, and how to resist peer pressure. Other studied topics, such as methods of birth control and infection prevention, sexual orientation, sexual abuse, and factual and ethical information about abortion, varied more widely.[214]

However, according to a 2004 survey, a majority of the 1,001 parent groups polled wants complete sex education in schools. The American people are heavily divided over the issue. Over 80% of polled parents agreed with the statement "Sex education in school makes it easier for me to talk to my child about sexual issues", while under 17% agreed with the statement that their children were being exposed to "subjects I don't think my child should be discussing". 10% believed that their children's sexual education class forced them to discuss sexual issues "too early". On the other hand, 49% of the respondents (the largest group) were "somewhat confident" that the values taught in their children's sex ed classes were similar to those taught at home, and 23% were less confident still. (The margin of error was plus or minus 4.7%.)[215]

According to The 74, an American education news website, the United States uses two methods to teach sex education. Comprehensive sex education focuses on sexual risk reduction. This method focuses on the benefits of contraception and safe sex. The abstinence-emphasized curriculum focuses on sexual risk avoidance, discouraging activity that could become a "gateway" to sexual activities.[216]

LGBT curriculum laws

[edit]

At least 20 states have had their legislatures introduce derivative bills of the Florida Parental Rights in Education Act, including Arizona,[217] Georgia,[218] Iowa,[219][220] Kentucky, Louisiana, Michigan,[221] Missouri,[222] Ohio,[223] Oklahoma,[224] Tennessee, and South Carolina.[225][226]

In April 2022, Alabama became the second state to pass a similar bill, with governor Kay Ivey signing House Bill 322, legislation which additionally requires all students to use either male or female bathrooms in Alabama public schools based on their sex. Some states have had similar provisions to Florida's law since the 1980s, though they have never gained the name of "Don't Say Gay" bills by critics until recently.[227][228]

Textbook review and adoption

[edit]

In some states, textbooks are selected for all students at the state level, and decisions made by larger states, such as California and Texas, that represent a considerable market for textbook publishers and can exert influence over the content of textbooks generally, thereby influencing the curriculum taught in public schools.[229]

In 2010, the Texas Board of Education passed more than 100 amendments to the curriculum standards, affecting history, sociology, and economics courses to 'add balance' given that academia was 'skewed too far to the left'.[230] One specific result of these amendments is to increase education on Moses' influence on the founding of the United States, going as far as calling him a "founding father".[231] A critical review of the twelve most widely used American high school history textbooks argued that they often disseminate factually incorrect, Eurocentric, and mythologized views of American history.[232]

As of January 2009, the four largest college textbook publishers in the United States were: Pearson Education (including such imprints as Addison-Wesley and Prentice Hall), Cengage Learning (formerly Thomson Learning), McGraw-Hill Education, Houghton Mifflin Harcourt.[citation needed] Other U.S. textbook publishers include: Abeka, BJU Press, John Wiley & Sons, Jones and Bartlett Publishers, F. A. Davis Company, W. W. Norton & Company, SAGE Publications, and Flat World Knowledge.

Immigrant students and grade placement

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The method of placing students in a specific grade based on birthday cut-off dates has often been used with immigrant children. A study conducted by Dylan Conger on the effects of grade placement on English learners found that schools are often rushed to make a decision on what grade an incoming student should be placed in, so they base their decision on the child's birthday.[233] Unfortunately, teachers and staff are not always able to test the child's knowledge to determine what grade level would be better for the students based on what they already know.[233] This can cause some difficulties for immigrant students.

A study conducted on teacher expectations of Somali Bantu refugee students found that teachers can hold expectations for students to already know certain material when they enter their classroom, such as how to use a computer or how to behave in a classroom.[234] When these students learned something that the teacher already expected them to know, it was not given the same importance compared to learning something that was being taught in that grade level, such as math proficiency or computer use.[234] Things can become more difficult for students when entering in the middle of the academic year. A study focused on the impact of late arrivals for immigrant students found that, due to constant moving, students entering in the middle of the academic year encountered material they were not familiar with or ended up repeating material they had already learned.[235]

There is still limited research that has been conducted in the United States on the effects of placing immigrant students in a specific grade based on birthday cut-off dates. A study on Thailand's education policy on children of migrants, where students under seven years were enrolled in kindergarten and older students in first grade, found that even though older students placed in first-grade classrooms were more obedient, the students had trouble connecting with their classmates, and teachers had to address them differently due to their age.[236]

While data supports the theory that English-language (EL) literacy interventions are beneficial for students of all grade levels and socioeconomic status, including disadvantaged immigrant students, poor implementation of EL instruction has contributed to downward assimilation and long-term or permanent Limited English Proficiency (LEP) status for many immigrant youths.[237] LEP status serves as a nonacademic factor for student course enrollment, negatively affecting immigrant student learning opportunities by separating English-learning from other coursework.[238] Focus on English literacy, and organizational constraints such as immigrant student population, may take away needed resources from challenging academic courses, such as math and science courses that are less English-dependent, thereby impeding LEP students' educational opportunities and post-secondary education preparation.

Inequality

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Racial achievement differences

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NAEP reading long-term trends for ages 9 (light gray), 13 (dark gray), and 17 (black) from 1970 to 2000

The racial achievement gap in the U.S. refers to the educational disparities between Black and Hispanic students compared with Asian and Caucasian students.[239] This disparity manifests itself in a variety of ways: African-American and Hispanic students are more likely to receive lower grades, score lower on standardized tests, drop out of high school, and are less likely to enter and complete college.[240]

Several reasons have been suggested for these disparities. One explanation is the disparity in income that exists between African Americans and Whites. This school of thought argues that the origin of this "wealth gap" is the slavery and racism that made it extremely difficult for African-Americans to accumulate wealth for almost 100 years after slavery was abolished. A comparable history of discrimination created a similar gap between Hispanics and Whites. This results in many minority children being born into low socioeconomic backgrounds, which in turn affects educational opportunities.[241]

Another explanation has to do with family structure. Professor Lino Graglia has suggested that Blacks and Hispanics are falling behind in education because they are increasingly raised in single-parent families.[242][243] Other scholars, meanwhile, have long and continuously argued against this myth of the black family, pointing instead to class and race-based oppressions along social and economic lines, as discussed below.[244][245][246][247][248]

Other explanations offered for the racial achievement gap include: social class, institutional racism, lower quality of schools and teachers in minority communities, and civil injustice. Most authors mention several such factors as influential on outcomes, both in the United States[249] and worldwide.[250]

Economic impact

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Current education trends in the United States represent multiple achievement gaps across ethnicities, income levels, and geography. In an economic analysis, consulting firm McKinsey & Company reports that closing the educational achievement gap between the United States and nations such as Finland and Korea would have increased US GDP by 9–16% in 2008.[251]

Narrowing the gap between white students and black and Hispanic students would have added another 2–4% GDP, while closing the gap between poor and other students would have yielded a 3–5% increase in GDP, and that of under-performing states and the rest of the nation another 3–5% GDP. In sum, McKinsey's report suggests, "These educational gaps impose on the United States the economic equivalent of a permanent national recession."[251]

The households and demographics featuring the highest educational attainment in the United States are also among those with the highest household income and wealth. Thus, while the population of the U.S. is becoming increasingly educated on all levels, a direct link between income and educational attainment remains.[106]

ACT Inc. reports that 25% of US graduating high school seniors meet college-readiness benchmarks in English, reading, mathematics, and science.[252] Including the 22% of students who do not graduate on time, fewer than 20% of the American youth, who should graduate high school each year, do so prepared for college.[253] The United States has fallen behind the rest of the developed world in education, creating a global achievement gap that alone costs the nation 9–16% of potential GDP each year.[254]

School to prison pipeline

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The school-to-prison pipeline (SPP) is the disproportionate tendency of minors and young adults from disadvantaged backgrounds to become incarcerated, because of increasingly harsh school and municipal policies which mirror law enforcement methods. This inhibits many of these young adults from going to college.[255][256][257]

Standardized testing

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Requiring students to take standardized tests (everyone takes the same test under reasonably equal circumstances, and gets scored the same way) for college admissions is a controversial topic. These tests can create unequal opportunities for students based on their economic status, race, and ability status. For example, students with dyslexia may not, through no fault of their own, read the test material as quickly or easily as students without dyslexia. Similarly, impoverished students who are hungry when they take the test due to food insecurity, or who did not sleep well due to noisy, overcrowded housing, often do not score as well as students who are healthy, well-nourished, and well-rested. Students in under-funded, low-income schools often have the disadvantage of larger class sizes taught by teachers with less experience. It is therefore common for students of color, those with disabilities, and those from low-income communities to have lower scores on academic tests. While these lower scores may accurately reflect the individual student's performance, the lower performance is most likely due to "generations of exclusionary housing, education, and economic policy", rather than anything an individual student could remedy on their own.[258] These achievement gaps aren't a new concept. In 1991, the gap between the average scores of white students and those of black students was 0.91 standard deviations, while in 2020, the gap had decreased to 0.79 standard deviations.[258]

Standardized test scores vary across racial, socioeconomic status, and gender groups. Some studies have observed that standarized test results often reflect broader systemic inequities, rather than purely academic ability.[259]Community-level socioeconomic conditions and racial segregation have been shown to contribute to disparities in student achievement.[260] Standardized tests may also reflect cultural bias, favoring students from higher-income backgrounds with greater access to resources and test preparation.[261] Even when testing conditions are uniform, the content and design of tests can still reflect social or cultural assumptions.[262] Critics like these caution against using standardized tests for high-stakes decisions such as college admissions or graduation requirements. Others argue that when tests are carefully designed and aligned to instructional goals, they can produce valid and objective measures of student achievement.[263]

Cost of taking tests

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Taking university admissions tests can be costly for students, both in terms of optional test preparation programs and in the cost of registering for and attending test. The ACT and SAT can cost $55–$70 and $52–$68 respectively.[264] Many wealthier students voluntarily take the tests multiple time to see the best score[265] they can get, and will submit "super-scores", or a score consisting of their best scores from each section. Students from low-income families cannot afford to take the test multiple times.

Students in low-income communities oftentimes do not have the same resources for test prep that their peers from more affluent backgrounds do. This discrepancy in resources available causes there to be a significant difference in the scores of students from different racial backgrounds. One study found that 59% of white students and 80% of Asian test takers are deemed "college ready"[266] by the SAT standards in comparison to the under 25% of Black students and under 33% of Hispanic/Latino students who are deemed "college ready". While the College Board reports that socioeconomic factors do not directly impact a student's performance, it can indirectly impact it through the course of access to prep courses and better schooling – experiences outside the test itself that can heavily affect test scores.

Teacher shortage

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In more recent years, high teacher turnover and low teacher retention have combined in American public schools to create a teacher shortage. In the transition from 2021 to 2022 school year to the 2023–2024 school year, statistics found for 8 states that teacher turnover (amount of teachers who either leave the profession or move between schools) was in between 14%-16%, which is around 2% higher than average in pre-pandemic years.[267] Many accredit the higher teacher turnover rate to be because of low salaries,[268][269] low job satisfaction,[270][271] and moonlighting, or the tendency for educators to have multiple jobs outside of teaching, that leads to exhaustion and burnout.[272]

Teacher pay

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According to data from the National Teacher and Principal Survey, the average base salary for public school teachers in 2020–21 was $61,600, but this number varied significantly from state to state.[273] Teachers in New York had the highest average base salary at $90,222, while teachers in Mississippi had the lowest at $46,862. Additionally, teachers earn lower weekly wages and receive lower overall compensation for their work than similar college-educated peers, a phenomenon known as the "pay penalty."[273] More than 95% of primary and secondary teachers have a bachelor's degree, and over half of primary teachers and 58% of secondary teachers have a graduate degree. However, they earn less than similarly educated peers in different professional fields.[269] The difference of salary has also grown over time, with teachers earning only around 8% less than similarly educated peers in 1998, but 17% less on average in 2015.[268] Federal legislation proposed in December 2022 and endorsed February 2023 by Senate Finance Committee chair Bernie Sanders would set a minimum salary of $60,000 per year for teachers.[273][274]

Attractiveness of profession

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Teaching salary and the "pay penalty" are factors that are contributing to the lack of educators coming into the teaching field. In a 2006 sample, only 10% of high school students reported that they aspired to go into the teaching profession.[275] Research has also found that student achievement has a negative correlation with aspiring to be a teacher. This is because students who are higher achieving believe they can acquire a job that has better pay and better working conditions than teaching.[275] This is leading to potentially lower achieving students going into the teaching profession, which in turn is affecting the quality of education students are receiving throughout America.[275]

Moonlighting and burnout

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A significant number of teachers have to work extra hours or other jobs to make up for low pay, with nearly 17% of teachers having a job outside the school system in 2020–21. Public school teachers also work more than the required 39.4 hours a week, with an average of 52 hours worked per week, only 25.2 of which is spent on teaching. This idea of teachers working extra hours or jobs has been named "teacher moonlighting". Moonlighting can consist of tutoring, coaching, freelance work, or any other job outside of the schooling system. Around 44% of teachers in America participate in some type of moonlighting to supplement their income.[272] Motivation for moonlighting was perceived to be pursuing interests, passions, or developing professionally, but the main reason for moonlighting was the view that the teacher salary was too low. The expense of living may exceed the teaching salary, and this causes educators to search for supplementary income to lower financial stress.[272] However, the stress of another job may lead to teacher burnout, which is classified as emotional exhaustion, depersonalization, and reduced personal accomplishment.[276]

Solutions

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To lessen the teacher shortage, educational institutions need to lower the turnover rate while keeping the retention rate of teachers steady. Researchers have found that teachers who have a better ability to regulate their emotional state are less prone to burnout and find more job satisfaction within the teaching profession.[276] Educators who have a higher ability to recognize their own emotions, regulate them, and recognize them in others may be less likely to burnout, and therefore better suited for the teaching profession.[276] If potential educators recognize these qualities within themselves before they enter the profession, it may improve retention rates. Support systems for educators within schools are also important to retain teachers and prevent burnout. Studies have found that teachers in high poverty schools who also have strong relationships with administrators and mentors are more incentivized to stay at a school than teachers at low poverty schools with sub-par relationships within the school community.[271] Teachers with positive support systems and community within their profession are less likely to leave the profession.[271] Teachers with mentors, or more senior teachers and administrators who are available resources for advice and support also have been found to lower teacher attrition rates.[271] A study done with high schoolers also found that societies in which teachers are held in higher respect have a higher retention and lower attrition rate.[275]

Reading and writing habits

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The interior of Berkeley Heights Public Library in Berkeley Heights, New Jersey in June 2012

Libraries have been considered essential to educational goals.[277] Library books are more readily available to Americans than to people in Germany, the United Kingdom, France, the Netherlands, Austria, and all the Mediterranean nations. The average American borrowed more library books in 2001 than his or her peers in Germany, Austria, Norway, Ireland, Luxembourg, France, and throughout the Mediterranean.[278] Americans buy more books than Europeans do.[278]

Teachers have been frustrated with the lack of parent involvement in the learning process, particularly in the earlier grades. Children spend about 26% of their time in school, sleep 37%, leaving about 37% of their time left over.[279] Teachers believe that parents are not supervising their children's free time to encourage the learning process, such as basic literacy, which is crucial not only to later success in life but also to keep them out of prison.[280]

The 2003 National Adult Literacy Survey indicated that 70% of inmates in American prisons cannot read above a fourth grade level, which notes a "link between academic failure and delinquency, violence and crime is welded to reading failure."[281]

School meals

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Map of US states with universal school meal programs
Universal school meal programs in the United States
  Permanent universal school meal program
  Former temporary universal school meal program
  No universal school meal program

See also

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References

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Further reading

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Education in the United States consists of a decentralized, multilevel system of public and private institutions delivering formal instruction from through postsecondary and graduate studies, with compulsory schooling typically required from ages 5 or 6 to 16, 17, or 18 depending on the state. The framework divides into elementary (grades K-5 or K-6), secondary (grades 6-12 or 7-12), and higher education, administered primarily by over 13,000 local school districts under state oversight, with minimal direct federal control beyond funding incentives and civil rights enforcement. In fall 2023, public elementary and secondary schools enrolled about 49.5 million students, comprising the bulk of the nation's roughly 50 million K-12 pupils, while postsecondary enrollment exceeded 19 million undergraduates and graduates combined in 2024. The system allocates substantial resources, expending approximately $15,500 per student in elementary and —38 percent above the average—primarily through local property taxes (about 45 percent of funding), state appropriations, and federal contributions. Despite this investment, which ranks among the highest globally on a per-pupil basis, U.S. 15-year-olds scored below the mean in the 2022 PISA assessments across (465 points), reading (504), and (499), positioning the nation mid-tier among participating economies and highlighting deficiencies in core competencies. literacy data reveal further challenges, with 79 percent possessing medium to high English skills sufficient for basic tasks, yet recent surveys indicate 54 percent of adults aged 16-74 read below sixth-grade proficiency, and proficiency rates have declined since 2017. Higher education stands as a defining strength, hosting world-leading research universities that propel technological and scientific advancement, though enrollment has trended downward from pandemic-era peaks amid rising costs and questions of value. Notable controversies encompass racial and socioeconomic achievement gaps, disputes over standards and content, teacher certification rigor, and the efficacy of interventions like standardized testing and charter schools, all underscored by stagnant or regressing national proficiency metrics despite escalating expenditures.

Historical Development

Colonial and Early Republic Foundations

In colonial America, education was predominantly a familial and religious obligation rather than a state-mandated system, with parents responsible for instructing children in basic and moral virtues to ensure they could read the and contribute to community stability. In , Puritan settlers placed particular emphasis on as a defense against spiritual ignorance, leading to early legislative efforts to enforce rudimentary schooling. The enacted the first such measure in 1642, requiring heads of households to ensure that children and apprentices could read and understand the principles of religion, under penalty of fines if neglected. This initiative culminated in the 1647 Old Deluder Satan Act, which mandated that towns with at least 50 families appoint a to teach reading and writing, while those with 100 or more families establish a for Latin and classical studies to prepare ministers and leaders; the law explicitly aimed to thwart "that old deluder, ," whose chief aim was to prevent knowledge of the Scriptures. Enforcement was inconsistent, relying on local selectmen, and attendance was not , but these laws marked the earliest organized push for community-supported instruction in the English colonies, influencing later precedents despite their limited scope to white male children of sufficient means. Regional variations were stark: prioritized private tutoring for planter elites, with plantation-based schooling for enslaved children focused on practical skills rather than literacy, while like saw sporadic Quaker-inspired efforts, including a 1683 law for that went largely unenforced. Overall, colonial education reached only a fraction of the population—estimated literacy rates hovered around 60-70% for white men in by the late 1700s, far lower elsewhere—and excluded enslaved Africans, Native Americans, and most females beyond basic domestic training. The American Revolution shifted educational priorities toward fostering republican virtues, with leaders arguing that an informed citizenry was essential to sustain self-government against tyranny or ignorance. The of 1787 enshrined this ideal federally by stipulating that "religion, morality, and knowledge, being necessary to good government and the happiness of mankind, schools and the means of education shall forever be encouraged," while reserving sections of public land in new territories for school support, establishing a precedent for public funding without direct compulsion. , in his 1779 "Bill for the More General Diffusion of Knowledge" proposed during Virginia's constitutional reforms, advocated a tiered public system: free three-year elementary schooling for all free white children in local wards, funded by local taxes and lotteries, with merit-based advancement to grammar schools and a state university for the talented few, aiming to identify and cultivate natural aristocracy for public service. Though defeated amid postwar fiscal constraints and opposition from vested interests, Jefferson's framework influenced subsequent state efforts, emphasizing education's role in moral and civic formation over mere vocational training. Implementation in the early republic remained patchwork and elite-driven, with classical curricula—Latin, Greek, , and moral philosophy—dominating for the affluent, as exemplified by the Founding Fathers' own schooling, while broader access lagged due to decentralized governance and economic priorities. By 1800, only a handful of states like had expanded free schooling modestly, often tied to religious instruction, setting uneven foundations for later movements amid persistent exclusions based on race, class, and .

19th Century Common School Movement

The Common School Movement arose in the early 1830s amid industrialization, immigration, and concerns over social order, advocating for state-funded, tuition-free elementary schools open to all white children to instill republican values, basic literacy, and moral discipline. Reformers argued that widespread education would mitigate pauperism, crime, and class conflict by equipping the populace for self-governance and economic utility, drawing on Enlightenment ideals of progress through knowledge dissemination. In Massachusetts, Horace Mann, appointed secretary of the newly formed state board of education in 1837, championed these principles through annual reports documenting school conditions and pushing for professional teacher training via normal schools established starting in 1839. Mann's efforts emphasized non-sectarian curricula centered on the "three Rs" (reading, writing, arithmetic) supplemented by moral lessons often aligned with Protestant ethics, such as temperance and obedience, which he promoted via the Common School Journal launched in to disseminate best practices among educators. By 1848, mandated a minimum of six months of schooling annually and raised the school fund through property taxes, increasing average school terms from 4 to 7 months and enrollment rates among eligible children to over 80% by the 1850s. Similar reforms spread under Henry Barnard in , who from organized teachers' institutes and published reports influencing state policies, though progress varied by region due to rural-urban divides and fiscal constraints. Opposition emerged principally from Catholic communities, who objected to the schools' implicit Protestant bias—evident in Bible reading practices favoring non-Catholic interpretations—and sought exemptions or parochial alternatives, fueling nativist tensions and the rise of sectarian schooling in immigrant-heavy areas. Local taxpayers and private academy proponents resisted centralized taxation and oversight, viewing them as encroachments on parental and autonomy, while southern states largely rejected the model amid agrarian economies and slavery-dependent labor systems that prioritized minimal for enslaved populations. Despite these hurdles, the movement's institutional framework—state boards, graded schools, and compulsory elements—propelled northern adoption, with 34 states enacting free school laws by 1870 and laying the basis for nationwide public systems post-Civil .

20th Century Standardization and Expansion

The early 20th century marked a shift toward greater uniformity in American public education, building on the graded systems established in the late , with states increasingly adopting standardized curricula to accommodate growing urban populations and industrial demands for literate workers. By 1918, all 48 states had enacted compulsory laws, typically requiring children aged 7 to 14 or 16 to attend for at least 120–180 days annually, up from just 34 states in 1900; these laws, enforced more rigorously after through officers and court rulings, boosted elementary enrollment rates from about 68% in 1900 to over 80% by 1940. This expansion was driven by local and state initiatives rather than federal mandates, reflecting a consensus on education's role in assimilation amid waves of European immigration, which peaked at over 8 million arrivals between 1900 and 1914. A pivotal development was the "high school movement" from 1910 to 1940, during which secondary enrollment surged from roughly 200,000 students in 1900 (about 7% of 14–17-year-olds) to over 6.6 million by 1940 (nearly 50% of the age group), quadrupling between 1900 and 1920 alone. This grassroots phenomenon, concentrated in Midwestern and heartland states, resulted from thousands of independent local decisions to fund free public high schools via property taxes and bonds, rather than centralized planning; enrollment rates varied regionally, with leading at over 30% by 1910, while the South lagged below 10%. Economic factors, including declining child labor opportunities after Progressive-era reforms like the Keating-Owen Act of 1916 (though later struck down), and rising parental demand for skills in a mechanizing economy, propelled this growth without significant federal involvement. Standardization efforts intensified with the proliferation of achievement tests; by 1918, over 100 such instruments existed for elementary and secondary subjects like arithmetic and , pioneered by researchers including at , enabling systematic assessment of student progress and teacher effectiveness. The National Education Association's Committee of Ten, reporting in 1892 but influencing early 20th-century practices, advocated a core high school curriculum emphasizing liberal arts and sciences for college-bound students, while vocational tracks emerged to serve the majority, aligning education with industrial needs. Overall public school enrollment climbed from 15.5 million in 1900 to 25.7 million by 1940, supported by increased state funding—rising from $15 per pupil in 1910 to $50 by 1940 (in constant dollars)—and school consolidation, reducing the number of districts from over 130,000 in 1917 to about 100,000 by 1930. These changes fostered a more hierarchical "educational ladder," though disparities persisted, particularly in rural and Southern areas where per-pupil spending remained 20–30% below national averages.

Post-1945 Mass Higher Education and Federal Involvement

The Servicemen's Readjustment Act of 1944, commonly known as the , provided veterans with tuition payments, book allowances, and monthly living stipends for up to four years of higher education, resulting in over 2 million veterans enrolling in colleges and universities by the late 1940s. This legislation dramatically expanded access beyond traditional elites, with veterans comprising nearly half of all college students by 1947 and contributing to a surge in total undergraduate enrollment from approximately 1.5 million in 1940 to 2.7 million by 1949. The GI Bill's emphasis on practical benefits like counseling and unemployment support facilitated this shift toward mass higher education, enabling socioeconomic mobility for working-class and minority veterans, though implementation varied by institution due to local biases in admissions. Postwar demographic pressures, including the baby boom, compounded this expansion, with undergraduate enrollments rising 45 percent between 1945 and 1960 before doubling again by 1970 amid state investments in public universities and community colleges. Federal involvement intensified in response to concerns, as exemplified by the of 1958, enacted after the Soviet launch of Sputnik, which authorized the first federal program—low-interest loans for undergraduates in fields critical to defense, such as , , and foreign languages—along with grants for teacher training and . This act marked a precedent for direct federal capitalization of loans via Treasury funds, prioritizing merit-based aid to bolster U.S. competitiveness without broad entitlements. The further entrenched federal oversight by establishing guaranteed student loans (later the ), work-study opportunities, and institutional aid, aiming to strengthen college resources and provide financial assistance through need-based formulas. Building on this, the Basic Educational Opportunity Grant program—renamed Pell Grants in 1972 after Senator —introduced non-repayable aid for low-income students, initially serving 170,000 recipients in 1973-74 and expanding to support over 80 million students cumulatively by enabling access to postsecondary institutions regardless of family wealth. These measures correlated with enrollment growth to 8 million students by and sustained mass participation rates exceeding 50 percent of high school graduates by the late 20th century, though federal aid's shift toward loans in subsequent decades amplified debt burdens alongside expanded capacity.

Late 20th to 21st Century Reforms and Stagnation

The 1983 report , commissioned by the Reagan administration, warned of declining U.S. student performance relative to international peers and historical benchmarks, attributing issues to lax standards and curriculum dilution, which spurred a standards-based reform movement emphasizing accountability and core academics. This led to state-level adoption of standardized testing and content standards in the , though implementation varied widely due to local control. The (NCLB) of 2001, signed by President , federally mandated annual testing in reading and math for grades 3-8 and once in high school, requiring schools to achieve 100% student proficiency by 2014 or face sanctions, while tying funding to compliance. NCLB increased transparency on achievement gaps and expanded charter schools, but critics noted it narrowed curricula toward tested subjects and failed to meet proficiency goals, with only marginal gains in low-performing subgroups before the 2008 recession. Under President Barack Obama, the 2009 Race to the Top program offered $4.35 billion in competitive grants to states adopting common standards and teacher evaluations, accelerating the 2010 Common Core State Standards initiative, developed by state education chiefs to align curricula across math and English language arts. By 2013, 45 states and D.C. had adopted Common Core, aiming for consistent rigor and college readiness, but opposition grew over federal overreach and implementation costs, leading to revisions or abandonments in several states by 2019. The Every Student Succeeds Act (ESSA) of 2015, enacted under President Obama, replaced NCLB by devolving more authority to states for accountability plans, retaining testing requirements but reducing federal penalties and emphasizing multiple measures beyond test scores. ESSA aimed to address NCLB's rigidity, yet early analyses showed persistent inequities in teacher assignments and uneven state progress in closing gaps. Despite these reforms, U.S. student outcomes exhibited stagnation, with (NAEP) long-term trend data showing minimal gains since the 1970s: for 9-year-olds, math scores rose 15 points from 1973 to 2022 but reading scores remained flat, while scores for 13- and 17-year-olds showed little to no improvement over decades. Program for International Student Assessment (PISA) results similarly indicated U.S. performance hovering around the average since 2000, with no significant upward trajectory in reading, math, or science despite reform efforts. Inflation-adjusted per-pupil spending in public K-12 schools surged from about $5,500 in 1980 to over $15,000 by 2021, a roughly 170% increase, yet this failed to translate into proportional achievement gains, suggesting inefficiencies in rather than mere funding shortfalls. Empirical patterns point to structural factors contributing to stagnation, including resistance to merit-based teacher evaluations, union-influenced tenure protections, and bureaucratic expansions that absorbed funds without enhancing instruction, as evidenced by stagnant proficiency rates amid rising administrative costs. Reforms like NCLB and yielded some pre-2008 progress for disadvantaged students but plateaued thereafter, with post-2020 NAEP declines exacerbating long-term flatlines, underscoring that top-down mandates alone have not overcome entrenched incentives misaligned with performance. International comparisons reinforce this, with U.S. students underperforming high-spending peers like in efficiency metrics, implying causal links to decentralized governance yielding inconsistent quality.

Educational Structure and Stages

Early Childhood and Preschool

Early childhood education in the United States typically includes programs for children from birth to age 5, with preschool targeting ages 3 to 5 to foster cognitive, social, and emotional development prior to formal schooling. These programs operate through a mix of public, private, and nonprofit providers, including center-based preschools, family child care homes, and informal arrangements. In 2022, approximately 59 percent of 3- to 5-year-olds were enrolled in preprimary education, with 39 percent in public programs and 20 percent in private settings; enrollment for 3- and 4-year-olds rebounded to around 46.7 percent nationally, though it remained below pre-pandemic levels for many groups. Access disparities persist, particularly by income and race: low-income families face barriers due to cost and availability, while non-Hispanic Black children showed higher enrollment rates (61.7 percent in 2022) compared to overall averages, though geographic and socioeconomic factors exacerbate gaps in rural and minority communities. Federal involvement centers on programs like Head Start, launched in 1965 to serve low-income children with comprehensive services including education, health, and nutrition. Head Start enrolled about 833,000 children in 2023, primarily those from families below the poverty line, but rigorous evaluations reveal mixed outcomes: participants show short-term gains in vocabulary and literacy (11 to 19 percentile points higher after one year), yet these often fade by third grade, with limited evidence of sustained academic impacts in large-scale studies. Some analyses indicate long-term benefits for disadvantaged subgroups, such as a 2.7 percent increase in high school completion and reduced juvenile arrests, though critics note selection biases and inconsistent replication across sites. State-funded pre-K programs have expanded significantly, enrolling 1.75 million children in 2023-2024—a 7 percent increase—with total spending reaching $13.6 billion, including federal relief funds. These initiatives, available in over 30 states, often target 4-year-olds and prioritize low-income or at-risk families, but per-child varies widely (from under $5,000 to over $11,000), influencing quality. High-quality programs demonstrate medium-term reductions in placement (up to 8 percent lower) and grade retention, alongside long-term gains in high school graduation (11 percent higher), particularly for children from low-socioeconomic backgrounds; however, broader reviews highlight fade-out of cognitive effects by elementary school and variability due to implementation differences. Private and informal care fills gaps but raises concerns over regulation and quality, with workforce issues like low wages (exacerbating racial pay gaps, e.g., educators earning 76 percent of white counterparts' pay) contributing to turnover and inconsistent standards. Overall, while programs correlate with improved school readiness for participants, causal evidence underscores the primacy of program intensity, qualifications, and factors over mere enrollment, with persistent racial and income disparities in access amplifying achievement gaps from the outset.

Elementary and Secondary (K-12) Education

Elementary and secondary education in the United States, known as K-12, comprises through grade 12, generally serving students from age 5 to 18 across elementary (typically grades K-5), middle (grades 6-8), and high school (grades 9-12) levels. Compulsory school attendance laws mandate enrollment starting between ages 5 and 7 and continuing until ages 16 to 18, varying by state; for instance, 31 states require attendance until age 18, while others allow exit at 16 with conditions like or . In fall 2023, public elementary and secondary schools enrolled 49.5 million students in through grade 12, with 32.5 million in kindergarten through grade 8 and 15.5 million in grades 9-12. Public schools dominate K-12 enrollment, accounting for approximately 90% of students, while private schools serve about 9% or 4.7 million in kindergarten through grade 12 as of fall 2021. Within public options, schools enrolled 3.7 million students by fall 2021, representing 8% of public schools and showing growth from 1.8 million in 2010 due to demand for alternatives amid dissatisfaction with traditional district performance. has also expanded post-pandemic, though precise national figures remain elusive; estimates suggest it serves 3-5% of school-age children, often driven by parental concerns over academic quality, safety, and content in public systems. Curriculum standards emphasize core subjects including English language arts, , , and , with many states adopting or adapting the State Standards initiative launched in 2010; by 2025, around 41 states retain versions of these benchmarks for math and English, though states like , , and never adopted them, and others such as and have since repealed or significantly revised them in favor of customized frameworks. Instruction occurs under state and local control, with federal influence via laws like the Every Student Succeeds Act (2015), which requires annual testing in reading and math for grades 3-8 and once in high school, alongside science testing triennially. Student performance, as measured by the (NAEP), reveals persistent challenges: in 2022, only 33% of fourth-graders and 31% of eighth-graders scored proficient or above in reading, with similar rates (33% and 26%) in , reflecting declines of 3 points in reading since 2019 and larger drops post-pandemic. Internationally, U.S. 15-year-olds scored 465 in on the 2022 (PISA), below the OECD average of 472 and ranking 34th among 81 participants, with comparable underperformance in reading (504 vs. 476 average) and science. These outcomes persist despite per-pupil spending exceeding $14,000 annually in public K-12, suggesting inefficiencies in and instructional methods rather than funding shortages as primary causal factors. Achievement gaps exacerbate overall mediocrity, with racial and socioeconomic disparities evident in NAEP data: for instance, in 2022, 52% of white fourth-graders reached proficiency in reading versus 18% of students and 20% of students. High school completion rates hover around 86% via traditional diplomas, but functional remains low, with estimates indicating one-third of students fail to achieve basic proficiency by , correlating with downstream economic costs including reduced productivity. Reforms emphasizing phonics-based reading, explicit math instruction, and have shown promise in select districts and states, underscoring the role of evidence-based over ideologically driven approaches in driving causal improvements.

Higher Education Institutions

Higher education institutions in the United States comprise approximately 5,819 entities eligible for federal Title IV student aid programs as of the 2023–24 academic year, reflecting a 2 percent decline from the prior year amid ongoing closures, particularly among smaller private colleges. These institutions enroll roughly 18 million students, with undergraduate enrollment reaching 15.3 million in spring 2025, though total figures remain below pre-pandemic peaks due to demographic shifts and economic factors. The system emphasizes decentralized governance, with institutions varying widely in mission, from vocational training to research-intensive doctoral programs, and awarding credentials such as associate degrees (typically two years), bachelor's degrees (four years), master's degrees, and doctorates. Two-year institutions, predominantly public community colleges, focus on associate degrees, certificates, and transferable credits toward baccalaureate programs, serving as accessible entry points for preparation or further study. There are over 900 community colleges nationwide, enrolling about 40 percent of undergraduates and emphasizing affordability, with average in-state tuition under $4,000 annually. Four-year colleges and universities, numbering around 2,691 in 2023–24, dominate degree conferral, with 817 public four-year institutions showing a 1.7 percent increase year-over-year through conversions of some two-year schools. These include liberal arts colleges emphasizing broad undergraduate curricula and research universities classified under frameworks like the Carnegie system, where R1-designated institutions (about 146 as of 2025) prioritize high-volume doctoral output and federal research funding exceeding $50 billion annually. Public institutions, funded largely by state appropriations and tuition, constitute about one-third of the total but educate over 70 percent of students, exemplified by state university systems like the (10 campuses) and SUNY (64 campuses). Private nonprofit colleges, such as liberal arts institutions and elite research universities, rely on endowments, philanthropy, and tuition, often featuring higher selectivity; for instance, Ivy League schools admit fewer than 10 percent of applicants. Private for-profit entities, which peaked pre-2010 but now represent a shrinking segment amid regulatory scrutiny, target career-oriented programs but have faced higher default rates on federal loans, contributing to their decline from over 2,000 institutions in 2010 to under 1,000 today. Specialized institutions include (HBCUs, 107 total), tribal colleges (32 serving Native American communities), and Hispanic-serving institutions (over 500), which address demographic needs but often operate with constrained resources compared to majority-white peers. Land-grant universities (106 public institutions established under 1862 and 1890 Morrill Acts) mandate extension services and applied research in , , and sciences, bolstering regional economies. Overall, the sector's diversity fosters but grapples with stratification, where top-tier schools capture disproportionate resources and prestige, while lower-ranked ones face enrollment pressures and challenges.

Vocational and Alternative Pathways

Vocational education in the United States, often delivered through Career and Technical Education (CTE) programs, equips students with practical skills for specific trades and occupations, contrasting with the general academic focus of traditional curricula. In 2019, approximately 85 percent of high school graduates had completed at least one CTE course across 12 subject areas, including , , and sciences. Over 90 percent of public high schools offer CTE, with more than one in five students pursuing four or more such courses before graduation, reflecting broad accessibility at the secondary level. These programs, funded in part by the Carl D. Perkins Career and Technical Education Act, emphasize concentrators—students completing structured sequences—who demonstrate higher rates of postsecondary enrollment in vocational fields and improved labor market entry compared to non-participants. Postsecondary vocational pathways expand through community colleges and proprietary trade schools, offering certificates and associate degrees in fields like , assistance, and . Community colleges design as integrated sequences of remedial, technical, and work-based training, enabling progression from entry-level jobs to advanced credentials without a four-year degree. In 2021-22, 51 percent of secondary CTE concentrators were students of color, indicating growing diversity in participation. Empirical studies link vocational to sustained earnings gains, with no over time and particularly strong benefits for lower-performing students who might otherwise disengage from traditional academics. Registered apprenticeships represent a hybrid model combining paid with classroom instruction, typically spanning one to six years depending on the . In , the had about 680,000 active apprentices, marking a 114 percent increase from prior baselines and reflecting policy efforts to scale programs in sectors like , , and healthcare. Despite this growth—from around 360,000 in 2015 to over 667,000 by —apprenticeships remain a small fraction (about 0.3 percent) of the working-age population, concentrated in traditional trades though expanding into emerging fields. Completion yields credentials equivalent to an in many cases, with apprentices earning while learning and achieving wage premiums post-training. Alternative pathways outside formal vocational tracks include and high school equivalency programs, addressing dissatisfaction with standardized ing. enrolled an estimated 3.7 million K-12 students in 2024, comprising about 6.73 percent of school-age children, following a surge from pre-2019 levels due to disruptions and parental concerns over and . This growth persisted into 2023-24, with rates varying by state—higher in places like and —often incorporating vocational elements through customized apprenticeships or online trade courses. The General Educational Development (GED) certificate serves as a high school equivalency, with 70.2 percent of test-takers completing all modules and 85.3 percent passing among completers. Nationally, 93.3 percent of 18- to 24-year-olds not in high school held a or equivalency like the GED in 2017, supporting access to vocational training or . These routes enable flexible skill acquisition, though outcomes depend on individual motivation and local opportunities, with GED holders earning roughly $9,600 more annually than non-completers.

Governance and Administration

Federal Oversight and Mandates

The federal government exercises limited direct authority over education in the United States, as the neither grants nor prohibits such power, leaving primary responsibility to the states under the Tenth Amendment. Instead, federal oversight occurs primarily through conditional , comprising approximately 8 to 13 percent of total K-12 expenditures, which states accept in exchange for compliance with mandates on standards, testing, and reporting. This approach, administered by the U.S. Department of Education (ED), established as a cabinet-level agency by the Department of Education Organization Act signed on October 17, 1979, and operational from 1980, aims to promote student achievement, ensure equal access, and enforce civil rights without dictating curriculum or instruction. The Elementary and Secondary Education Act (ESEA) of 1965 forms the cornerstone of federal K-12 involvement, authorizing aid to disadvantaged students via programs like Title I while requiring states to develop accountability systems. Reauthorized as the (NCLB) in 2001 under President , it intensified mandates by requiring annual standardized testing in reading and math for grades 3-8 and once in high school, with schools facing sanctions for failing to meet adequate yearly progress (AYP) targets disaggregated by subgroups such as race, income, and disability. The NCLB era correlated with narrowed racial achievement gaps in early grades but also with and persistent overall stagnation in national scores, as evidenced by flat (NAEP) results despite doubled per-pupil spending since 1970. In 2015, the Every Student Succeeds Act (ESSA) replaced NCLB, signed by President , shifting greater flexibility to states for designing assessments and interventions while retaining requirements for challenging standards—often aligned with in practice—and annual testing, with ED approving state plans. ESSA emphasizes support for low-performing schools but reduces federal prescriptive power compared to NCLB, though critics argue it perpetuates a compliance-oriented that diverts resources from instruction without commensurate gains in outcomes like graduation rates or international competitiveness. Additional mandates include the (IDEA), ensuring for students with disabilities, and enforcement by ED's Office for Civil Rights of laws like (prohibiting sex discrimination) and Title VI (), which have expanded to address issues like but face accusations of overreach in areas such as athletics and admissions. Federal higher education oversight centers on financial aid administration, including Pell Grants established in 1972 and student loans under the , which total over $1.6 trillion in outstanding debt as of 2023 and impose mandates like rules for for-profit institutions to curb defaults. These mechanisms, while increasing access, have coincided with tuition inflation outpacing inflation by over 200 percent since 1980, prompting debates on whether mandates exacerbate costs without improving completion rates, which hover around 60 percent for four-year degrees within six years. Overall, empirical data indicate that federal interventions have supported targeted equity goals but failed to reverse broader trends of declining proficiency, with NAEP long-term scores showing minimal progress in math and reading since the 1970s amid rising mandates and spending.

State and Local Control Mechanisms

Public education in the United States is primarily a state responsibility under the Tenth Amendment to the U.S. , which reserves powers not delegated to the federal government to the states or the people. As education is not enumerated in the , states hold plenary authority to establish, fund, and regulate K-12 systems, with each state's constitution mandating a public school system. State legislatures enact laws on compulsory —typically requiring schooling from ages 6 to 16 or 18, varying by state—and delegate to state education agencies. State departments of education, often led by elected or appointed boards and chief officers, oversee compliance with standards, including academic content frameworks, teacher , and accountability measures like standardized testing. For instance, states determine requirements, such as credits in core subjects, and manage licensure for educators, ensuring minimum qualifications like bachelor's degrees and training. Funding allocation occurs through state formulas distributing revenues—primarily from sales, income, and property taxes—to based on enrollment, needs, or metrics, though formulas differ widely, with some states emphasizing equity adjustments for low-income areas. Governors influence policy via appointments and budgets, while legislatures approve reforms like expansions or voucher programs in 32 states as of 2023. Local control operates through approximately 13,000 independent school districts, each governed by elected boards with statutory authority in 48 states to set policies, oversee operations, and manage budgets within state constraints. These boards hire superintendents, approve curricula aligned to state standards, handle personnel decisions, and levy property taxes—contributing about 45% of K-12 funding nationally as of 2022. Districts implement daily functions, including scheduling, extracurriculars, and facility maintenance, allowing adaptation to community needs but subject to state veto on core standards. Exceptions include centralized systems like Hawaii's single statewide district, which consolidates local authority under state oversight. This decentralization fosters variation in practices, such as school choice options, but can exacerbate inequities tied to local tax bases.

Role of School Districts and Private Options

School districts serve as the primary local administrative entities responsible for managing elementary and in the United States, operating under state oversight while exercising significant autonomy in day-to-day operations. As of the 2020-21 school year, there were approximately 13,452 regular public school districts, serving over 47 million students across roughly 98,000 schools. Each district is typically governed by an elected school board that sets policies, approves budgets, and hires a superintendent to oversee implementation, hiring, facility maintenance, and student services such as transportation and . This decentralized structure stems from the 10th Amendment's reservation of powers to states and localities, resulting in districts varying widely in size—from large urban systems like New York City Public Schools (enrolling over 800,000 students) to small rural ones with fewer than 100. Funding for districts derives mainly from local property taxes (about 44% of total revenue), state appropriations (46%), and federal sources (10-11%), which often perpetuates funding disparities tied to local property values, with wealthier districts spending up to twice as much per pupil as poorer ones despite state equalization efforts. Private educational options complement public school districts by offering alternatives outside government-operated systems, enrolling about 9% of K-12 students, or roughly 4.7 million in recent years. These include religiously affiliated schools (primarily Catholic and Protestant, comprising over 70% of private enrollment), nonsectarian independent schools, and specialized institutions focused on Montessori or Waldorf methods, which operate with greater flexibility in and admissions but receive no direct unless through emerging programs. represents another private pathway, with an estimated 3.1 million K-12 students (about 6% of the total) in the 2021-22 school year, driven by parental preferences for customized instruction, , or dissatisfaction with public school environments; this figure has grown post-2020 due to pandemic-related shifts and policy changes easing regulations in most states. schools, while funded and tuition-free, function as district-independent alternatives authorized by states or universities, enrolling 3.7 million students (8% of enrollment) as of fall 2021; they emphasize innovation and accountability via performance contracts, often outperforming traditional district schools in urban low-income settings according to some analyses, though results vary. School mechanisms increasingly bridge public districts and options, allowing taxpayer funds to follow students to approved alternatives. As of 2024, 15 states offer universal programs via vouchers, education savings accounts (ESAs), or tax-credit scholarships, enabling over 1 million students to access or homeschool settings, with expansions in states like , , and prioritizing low-income or all families regardless of . These programs, funded through diverted per-pupil allocations (typically 5,0005,000-10,000 annually), aim to foster and improve outcomes, though critics argue they drain district resources without proportional benefits; empirical evidence from states like shows participating schools yielding higher graduation rates, but selection effects complicate causal attribution. responses to include targeted reforms, yet the fragmented underscores ongoing debates over equity, with rural areas facing fewer viable alternatives due to population sparsity.

Funding and Resource Allocation

K-12 Funding Sources and Distribution

Public K-12 education in the United States is funded primarily through state and sources, which together account for approximately 89 percent of total revenues, with the federal government contributing the remaining 11 percent based on fiscal year 2020-21 data. In that year, total public school revenues reached $954 billion, including $101 billion (11 percent) from federal sources, $437 billion (46 percent) from state sources, and $416 billion (44 percent) from sources. More recent estimates for fiscal year 2022 indicate a slightly higher federal share of about 13.6 percent, reflecting temporary increases from relief funds such as those under the American Rescue Plan, though the baseline federal contribution remains under 10 percent absent such interventions. Local funding, derived predominantly from property taxes levied by school districts and municipalities, constitutes the largest single category in many states and enables districts to supplement state allocations based on local voter-approved millage rates. This reliance on property values creates funding disparities, as affluent areas generate higher revenues per pupil—up to several thousand dollars more than in low-wealth districts—despite state equalization efforts. State contributions, drawn from general revenue streams including sales taxes, income taxes, and occasionally dedicated sources like proceeds, aim to offset local inequities through formulas that provide higher aid to districts with lower property tax bases or greater student needs. For instance, states like and New York employ progressive funding models that weight allocations for English learners, low-income students, and , distributing funds via foundation grants or tiered systems to achieve targeted per-pupil amounts. Federal funding, totaling about $2,400 per pupil in recent years, is allocated through formula-based grants under programs like Title I of the , which directs over 90 percent of federal K-12 dollars to high-poverty districts and schools for supplemental services. Additional federal streams support via the (IDEA), school nutrition, and vocational programs, but these are categorical and restricted in use, comprising less than 15 percent of total district budgets even at peak. Distribution occurs through pass-through to states and districts, with about 90 percent as formula grants tied to poverty metrics or enrollment, and the rest via competitive discretionary awards.
Funding SourcePercentage of Total (FY 2020-21)Approximate Amount ($ billions)Primary Mechanisms
Federal11%101Formula grants (e.g., Title I, IDEA); targeted to needs like and disabilities
State46%437General revenue equalization; weighted student funding in some states
Local44%416Property taxes; voter-approved levies
Overall per-pupil current expenditures averaged $15,633 in 2022, up 8.9 percent from the prior year, with distributions prioritizing instructional costs (about 60 percent) followed by support services and administration. State-specific variations persist, with per-pupil spending ranging from under $10,000 in to over $25,000 in New York, driven by local economic conditions and policy choices rather than uniform national standards.

Higher Education Costs and Debt Dynamics

Tuition and fees at U.S. higher education institutions have increased at rates exceeding general for decades. From 1980 to 2020, the average cost of tuition, fees, and for undergraduate degrees rose 169%, compared to a increase of approximately 120% over the same period. Annual tuition averaged 5.8% since 1983, far outstripping typical household expenses. For the 2024-25 , average published tuition and fees at public four-year in-state institutions reached $11,610, a 2.7% nominal increase from 2023-24, while out-of-state public tuition averaged $30,780, up 3.1%. Private nonprofit four-year institutions charged an average of $42,160 in tuition and fees, with total costs including , board, and supplies exceeding $38,000 annually across all sectors when adjusted for living expenses. These figures reflect prices before ; net costs after grants average lower, at about $16,000 for public in-state students, but still contribute to borrowing needs. Several factors drive these cost escalations, with expansions implicated in enabling price inflation via the Bennett Hypothesis, which posits that increased availability of subsidized loans and grants shifts demand upward without corresponding supply responses, allowing institutions to raise prices. Empirical studies provide mixed but supportive evidence: for instance, analyses of loan limit increases show colleges raising posted tuition at higher rates, particularly at public flagships and for-profits, where effects on net prices are also observed. Barriers to new institutional entry, regulatory opacity in pricing, and perceptions of college as essential for further insulate markets from competition, sustaining high costs. Declines in state appropriations per student—down 13% in real terms from 2008 to 2018—have shifted burdens to tuition, though this interacts with aid policies to amplify rather than restrain hikes. Administrative expenditures, including non-instructional staff growth, have also ballooned, comprising over 25% of spending at many universities by 2020, often funding amenities like luxury facilities that compete for enrollment rather than core education. Student debt dynamics reflect these cost pressures, with total outstanding federal and private loans reaching approximately $1.64 trillion as of Q2 2025, held by over 42 million borrowers. Federal loans dominate at $1.661 trillion, fueled by programs like Direct Loans that cover up to the full cost of attendance. Repayment challenges have intensified post the COVID-19 forbearance pause ending in 2023; by Q1 2025, 7.74% of aggregate student debt was 90+ days delinquent, surging to 10.2% seriously delinquent by mid-2025 amid resumed collections. Cohort default rates for federal loans averaged 6.24% historically, with for-profit borrowers facing rates up to three times higher than public institution peers. These burdens delay milestones like homeownership and family formation, with indebted graduates holding 20-30% less net worth into their 30s compared to debt-free peers, though causal links to degree non-completion and low-value programs exacerbate defaults. Proposed forgiveness measures, while politically debated, have not demonstrably curbed underlying cost drivers, as institutions retain pricing power absent reforms to aid structures or market entry.

Spending Efficiency and Per-Pupil Outcomes

In 2022-23, K-12 schools in the United States expended an average of $16,281 per pupil, adjusted for fall enrollment, marking a 3 percent increase from $15,808 the prior year. This figure encompasses current expenditures on instruction, support services, and administration, with total national K-12 education outlays reaching approximately $857 billion. Adjusted for inflation to 2022-23 dollars, per-pupil spending rose 13 percent from $14,453 in 2010-11 to $16,280 in 2020-21, reflecting sustained growth amid policy initiatives like school finance reforms. Despite these investments, student outcomes remain stagnant or underwhelming relative to expenditures. (NAEP) scores in reading and mathematics for fourth and eighth graders showed no significant improvement from 2019 to 2022, with post-pandemic declines persisting in many states. High school graduation rates hovered around 86 percent in 2021-22, but proficiency levels in core subjects lag, with only 33 percent of eighth graders proficient in math per standards. Internationally, the U.S. ranked 28th in mathematics out of 37 countries on the 2022 (PISA), scoring 465 against an average of 472, despite per-pupil spending of about $15,000—30 percent above the median. Empirical analyses reveal a weak or inconsistent link between per-pupil spending increases and improved outcomes. A review of 187 studies by economist Eric Hanushek found no strong systematic relationship between school expenditures and student performance, with only 20 percent of analyses showing positive effects after controlling for factors like . State-level data similarly indicate that while some finance reforms correlate with modest gains in attainment for low-income students, overall productivity—measured as outcomes per dollar—has not kept pace with spending growth. Countries like and outperform the U.S. on in reading and math while allocating fewer resources per pupil, suggesting structural efficiencies rather than raw funding drive results. Contributing to inefficiency, administrative and non-instructional costs have ballooned, diverting funds from classrooms. Public school administrative positions grew 702 percent from 1950 to recent decades, compared to a 96 percent rise in student enrollment, comprising up to 3.5 percent of budgets while instructional spending's share has declined. This bloat, alongside rising and support services, explains why only 52-60 percent of expenditures reach , per district-level audits. Such patterns persist despite calls for targeted allocations, underscoring causal factors like bureaucratic expansion over evidence-based reforms in explaining suboptimal returns on .

Enrollment, Attainment, and Demographics

Public school enrollment in through 12th grade stood at 49.5 million students in fall 2023, marking a decline from 50.8 million in fall 2019, a drop of 1.2 million students or 2.5 percent. This trend persisted into 2024, with nationwide public schools losing over 102,000 students compared to 2023, affecting 39 states. Factors contributing to the decline include falling birth rates, which have reduced the pool of school-age children since the early , and a post-pandemic shift away from traditional public schooling. Projections indicate further decreases, with traditional public school enrollment potentially falling to between 41.16 million and 43.90 million by 2025. Alternative enrollment options have seen gains amid the contraction. rose to 5.2 percent of K-12 students in 2022-23, up from 3.7 percent in 2018-19, with 3.4 percent fully homeschooled and 2.5 percent in full-time virtual instruction; estimates place the homeschool population at 3.7 to 4.6 million students in 2024. Growth continued in 2023-24, with 90 percent of reporting states showing increases, reversing a brief post-pandemic dip and driven by parental preferences for customized over institutional models. enrollment remained stable at approximately 4.7 million students in fall 2021, comprising 9 percent of total K-12 enrollment, with a 5 percent increase from 2011 levels and reports of growth in 40 percent of private schools from 2023-24 to 2024-25. These shifts reflect broader parental dissatisfaction with public school performance and policies, accelerating since 2020. Higher education enrollment has followed a longer-term downward trajectory, with undergraduate numbers falling by 3.2 million from fall 2010 to fall 2023. Total postsecondary enrollment increased 3.2 percent in spring 2025 compared to spring 2024, reaching levels buoyed by gains in undergraduate (3.5 percent) and sectors, though overall predictions point to declines starting in 2025 due to demographic slowdowns and rising costs. Fall 2025 data show mixed results, with some institutions reporting records in health sciences and programs, but persistent challenges from enrollment cliffs and selective shifts toward higher-quality providers.
SectorFall 2019 EnrollmentFall 2023 EnrollmentChange
Public K-1250.8 million49.5 million-2.5%
Homeschooled K-12~3.7% of total~5.2% of total+40.5% share
Private K-12N/A (stable trend)4.7 millionStable at ~9%
Undergraduate Higher EdPeak pre-declineDown 3.2M from 2010Ongoing decline

Educational Attainment Rates

Educational attainment rates in the United States, measured as the percentage of the population aged 25 and older holding specific credentials, have shown gradual improvement over recent decades, driven primarily by younger cohorts entering adulthood with higher completion levels. For young adults aged 25 to 29, the proportion completing at least high school increased from 89% in 2010 to 95% in 2022, reflecting broader access to secondary education and alternative credentialing pathways like the GED. Concurrently, the adjusted cohort graduation rate (ACGR) for public high schools, which tracks on-time completion of a regular diploma, rose to 87% in the 2021–22 school year from 80% a decade earlier, though this metric excludes later completions and equivalency diplomas. Postsecondary attainment among the same young adult group advanced from 41% holding an associate's degree or higher in 2010 to 49% in 2022, with or higher attainment climbing from 32% to 40%. Across the broader adult population aged 25 and older, approximately 35% held a or higher as of 2024, with rates varying significantly by age: 42.8% for those 25 to 39, compared to lower figures for older groups reflecting historical access disparities. U.S. Census Bureau data further indicate that nearly 50% of adults 25 and older possess some form of postsecondary , including certificates alongside degrees, though traditional degree attainment has grown more modestly amid debates over credential value and labor market returns.
Educational Level (Aged 25–29)2010 (%)2022 (%)
At least high school8995
Associate's or higher4149
Bachelor's or higher3240
These trends underscore persistent upward mobility in attainment but highlight plateaus in overall adult metrics, as older generations with lower completion rates remain in the population base; causal factors include expanded K-12 accountability measures post-No Child Left Behind and subsidized postsecondary access, though recent disruptions like the may temper future gains.

Demographic and Socioeconomic Variations

Educational outcomes in the United States vary significantly by (SES), with students from higher-SES families demonstrating substantially higher rates of high school completion, enrollment, and degree attainment. For instance, individuals from the top family are approximately eight times more likely to earn a by age 24 compared to those from the bottom , based on U.S. Census Bureau data reflecting disparities in access to resources, , and stable home environments that correlate with academic persistence. Low-SES students, often defined by eligibility for free or reduced-price lunch or parental education levels, exhibit lower proficiency on national assessments; the (NAEP) shows that students in the lowest SES score 20-30 points below those in the highest in both reading and at grade 8, gaps equivalent to 2-3 grade levels. These differences persist even after accounting for school funding variations, highlighting the role of non-school factors such as family stability and parental involvement in shaping trajectories.
SES Quartile (Parental Income/Education Proxy)High School Rate (2021-22)College Enrollment Rate (18-24 Year-Olds, 2022)Bachelor's Attainment by Age 25-34 (Latest)
Lowest~80%~25%~10%
Highest~95%~80%~70%
Data derived from NCES aggregates; low-SES groups face compounded barriers including higher dropout risks due to economic pressures and limited access to advanced coursework. Racial and ethnic demographics reveal persistent disparities in educational metrics, with Asian students consistently outperforming other groups, followed by Whites, while Blacks and Hispanics lag behind. In 2021-22, the national adjusted cohort graduation rate (ACGR) for public high schools was 87 percent overall, but reached 94 percent for Asian/Pacific Islander students, approximately 90 percent for Whites, 82 percent for Hispanics, and 80 percent for Blacks. College enrollment rates among 18- to 24-year-olds in 2022 similarly diverged: 61 percent for Asians, 41 percent for Whites, 33 percent for Hispanics, 37 percent for Blacks, and 28 percent for American Indians/Alaska Natives. For young adults aged 25-29 in 2023, bachelor's degree attainment stood at around 60 percent for Asians, 40 percent for Whites, 25 percent for Hispanics, and 26 percent for Blacks, per NCES tabulations of Census data. Achievement gaps on NAEP assessments underscore these patterns, with the White-Black reading gap at grade 4 widening to 28 points in 2022 from 25 points in 2011, and similar disparities in math; White-Hispanic gaps narrowed slightly to 22 points in reading but remain substantial. Even after adjusting for SES, racial gaps persist—White-Black differences shrink but do not eliminate, indicating influences beyond income such as cultural factors, family structure, and environments that empirical studies link to outcomes. These variations have narrowed modestly since the 1970s due to rising minority scores, yet socioeconomic and demographic intersections amplify inequities, as low-SES and students face compounded deficits in proficiency and attainment.

Academic Performance and Assessment

The (NAEP), often termed the Nation's , measures student performance in core subjects through nationally representative samples, including grade-based assessments for 4th, 8th, and 12th graders since 1990 and long-term trend assessments tracking ages 9, 13, and 17 in and reading from the early . These assessments report average scale scores (ranging from 0 to 500) and classify performance into levels: below basic, basic, proficient, and advanced, with proficient indicating competency over challenging subject matter. Long-term trends reveal modest gains in average scores from the through the late , followed by stagnation and recent declines, particularly acute among lower-performing students. In mathematics, long-term trend data for 9-year-olds show average scores rising from 219 in 1973 to a peak of 241 in 2012, stabilizing around 234-240 through 2020 before dropping to 229 in —a 5-point decline from 2020 and the lowest since 1990. For 13-year-olds, scores increased from 263 in 1973 to 280 in 2012, held steady into 2020 at 278, but fell to 271 in 2023, with the largest drops (up to 13 points) at lower percentiles, indicating disproportionate impacts on struggling students. Grade-based assessments mirror this: 4th-grade math scores rose from 213 in 1990 to 237 in 2019 but declined to 232 in 2022 and partially recovered to 234 in 2024, remaining below pre-pandemic levels; 8th-grade scores followed a similar trajectory, peaking at 282 in 2019 before falling to 274 in 2022 and 276 in 2024. Proficiency rates, which hovered around 35-40% for 4th graders and 30-35% for 8th graders in the , dropped to 34% and 26% respectively by 2022, with minimal rebound in 2024. Reading trends exhibit parallel patterns but with less overall progress: for 9-year-olds, scores edged up from 208 in 1971 to 221 in 2020 before slipping to 216 in ; 13-year-olds saw gains from 255 in 1971 to 260 in 2020, then a drop to 256 in 2023. In the 2024 grade-based assessments, 4th-grade reading averages fell 2 points to 217 from 2022 (and 5 points below 2019's 222), while 8th-grade scores declined 2 points to 259 (6 points below 2019). Proficiency percentages, consistently below 40% since the , reached new lows of 33% for 4th graders and 30% for 8th graders in 2024, with 60% of 4th graders at or above basic—down 2 points from 2022—and steeper declines for the lowest achievers, where scores hit historic lows not seen since the . These patterns persist across demographics, though gaps widened post-2020, with and students experiencing larger absolute declines in both subjects.

Literacy and Numeracy Proficiency

In the United States, and proficiency among K-12 students is primarily assessed through the (NAEP), which measures reading for literacy and for numeracy at grades 4, 8, and 12. NAEP achievement levels include "Below Basic" (little to no mastery), "Basic" (partial mastery of fundamentals), "Proficient" (solid academic performance over challenging content), and "Advanced" (superior performance). These standards are set by the National Assessment Governing Board to reflect rigorous expectations aligned with grade-level demands, rather than mere functional skills. National results from the 2022 NAEP main assessments reveal that a minority of students achieve Proficient or higher. For reading, 33% of fourth-graders and 31% of eighth-graders scored at or above Proficient, with 37% of fourth-graders and 30% of eighth-graders below Basic. In , 36% of fourth-graders and 26% of eighth-graders reached Proficient or above, reflecting declines of 5 percentage points for fourth-graders from 2019. Twelfth-grade data from the 2024 NAEP show similar patterns, with nearly half of seniors below Basic in both subjects.
GradeReading: % at or above Proficient (2022)Math: % at or above Proficient (2022)
4th33%36%
8th31%26%
These figures indicate that most students do not demonstrate the competency expected for their grade, with scores correlating to challenges in handling complex texts or problem-solving. Long-term NAEP trends show modest gains in average scores from the 1970s to 2020, particularly for lower-performing students, but stagnation in recent decades followed by sharp post-2020 declines. For ages 9 and 13, reading scores dropped 5 and 3 points, respectively, from 2020 to 2022, while math fell 7 and 5 points—the largest single declines since assessments began. Reading scores continued to decline by 2 points nationally for fourth- and eighth-graders from 2022 to 2024, with no states posting gains. Math saw slight fourth-grade recovery to 39% Proficient or above in 2024 but remained below pre-pandemic levels. Such trends precede adult outcomes, where the 2017 Program for the International Assessment of Adult Competencies (PIAAC) found 19% of U.S. adults at the lowest levels (Level 1 or below), equating to in everyday tasks, and 34% lacking skills for basic quantitative reasoning. These student deficiencies persist despite high per-pupil spending, underscoring inefficiencies in translating resources to skill mastery.

International Benchmarks (PISA, TIMSS)

The (PISA), coordinated by the (OECD), evaluates the competencies of 15-year-old students in reading, , and every three years, with a focus on applying knowledge to real-world contexts rather than rote mastery. In the 2022 administration, which involved 81 countries and economies and approximately 690,000 students worldwide, U.S. performance declined notably in —the primary focus domain—scoring 465 points, 13 points lower than in 2018 and below the OECD average of 472; this placed the below many peer nations such as (497) and (510), though above the overall international average. Reading scores held steady at 504, exceeding the OECD average of 476 and ranking among the higher performers, while scores at 499 aligned closely with the OECD average of 485. These results reflect a post-pandemic exacerbation of prior trends, with only 23% of U.S. students reaching proficiency in (Level 2 or higher), compared to 29% across OECD countries.
PISA 2022 DomainU.S. ScoreOECD AverageChange from 2018
Mathematics465472-13
Reading5044760
Science499485-2
The Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS), conducted by the International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement (IEA) every four years, measures fourth- and eighth-grade students' mastery of and curricula across 64 countries and benchmarking entities in 2023, providing trend data since 1995. U.S. fourth-graders scored 517 in , above the international centerpoint average of 503 but 18 points below their 2019 score of 535; eighth-graders averaged 511, a 27-point drop from 535, with declines concentrated among lower-achieving students (e.g., the bottom fell 37 points). In , fourth-grade scores were 528 (above average, down 7 points from 2019) and eighth-grade 522 (above average, down 7 points). The United States ranked above the international average overall but trailed leaders like (fourth-grade math: 607) and showed widening gaps at the lower end, with 20% of eighth-graders below basic benchmarks in math.
TIMSS 2023 Grade and DomainU.S. ScoreInternational AverageChange from 2019
Fourth Math517503-18
Eighth Math511488-27
Fourth Science528524-7
Eighth Science522514-7
Long-term trends across both assessments position the in the middle of participating nations, consistently outperformed by East Asian systems (e.g., , ) and select European countries, despite higher per-pupil spending; PISA's emphasis on problem-solving yields lower relative U.S. math rankings than TIMSS's curriculum-aligned approach, highlighting potential discrepancies in instructional focus. Post-2019 declines in both—averaging 15-20 points in core areas—align with domestic NAEP drops and are linked to school closures, though pre-pandemic stagnation suggests deeper structural issues like implementation and teacher preparation.

Recent Declines and Causal Factors

U.S. students' performance on the (NAEP) long-term trend assessments for ages 9 and 13 showed significant declines between 2020 and 2022, with average scores dropping 7 points and reading scores falling 5 points for age 9 students—the largest declines since assessments began in 1990. These losses were widespread across racial/ethnic groups and socioeconomic levels, though most pronounced among lower-performing students. Pre-pandemic NAEP data from 2013 to 2019 indicated stagnation in average scores but accelerating declines for low-achieving students, particularly in , suggesting underlying issues predating disruptions. The 2024 NAEP results for grades 4 and 8 revealed further reading score drops of 2 points nationally from 2022, with no state recording gains, while grade 12 and reading scores reached historic lows. International assessments corroborated these trends. On the 2022 (), U.S. 15-year-olds' scores fell 13 points from 2018 to 465, placing the U.S. below the average and reflecting broader declines in reading and as well. The Trends in International and Study (TIMSS) from 2019 to 2023 showed U.S. fourth-grade scores dropping 18 points to 517 and eighth-grade scores plummeting 27 points, the lowest since 1995, with similar declines driven by losses among low performers. These patterns indicate not only pandemic-era setbacks but a failure to recover, with achievement gaps widening between top and bottom performers. Disruptions from school closures and remote learning contributed substantially to acute losses, as empirical analyses link extended virtual instruction—particularly in districts delaying in-person reopening—to persistent deficits in foundational skills, equivalent to months of lost learning. However, mainstream attributions emphasizing effects alone overlook pre-2020 deteriorations, which analyses trace to multifaceted causes including rising chronic absenteeism and behavioral disengagement that predated 2020. Family structure emerges as a key empirical driver, with students from intact two-biological-parent households outperforming peers from single-parent or arrangements by significant margins in standardized tests, a gap persisting after controlling for income and linked to greater parental involvement and stability. Excessive outside school hours correlates with reduced academic outcomes, as studies associate high recreational use—averaging over 7 hours daily for teens—with diminished spans, lower reading proficiency, and multitasking distractions during study, effects amplified post-2010 proliferation. Pedagogical shifts toward inquiry-based and "discovery" methods in and reading, often at the expense of explicit instruction in basics like and arithmetic facts, have yielded inferior results in controlled trials compared to traditional direct approaches, potentially exacerbating declines amid uneven implementation. Sources attributing declines primarily to socioeconomic factors or testing artifacts, common in academia, warrant scrutiny given their alignment with institutional incentives to deflect from instructional and cultural failings. Recovery requires addressing these root causes through evidence-based reforms prioritizing content mastery and family-supportive policies over expanded social programming.

Curriculum Content and Pedagogical Approaches

Core Academic Standards and Subjects

In the United States, K-12 education standards are primarily established and enforced by individual states, reflecting the decentralized nature of the system under the Tenth Amendment, which reserves powers not delegated to the federal government to the states. Consequently, the United States lacks a true national curriculum, resulting in significant variations in pacing and content delivery across states, districts, schools, and even within schools via different student tracks (e.g., gifted programs versus standard tracks). These variations often reflect differing priorities, such as acceleration for high-achieving students, greater depth in core subjects, or enhanced inclusivity to address diverse learner needs. Federal involvement is limited to incentives through legislation such as the Every Student Succeeds Act (ESSA) of 2015, which requires states to adopt challenging academic standards in reading, mathematics, and science, while allowing flexibility in other subjects. These standards specify the knowledge and skills students are expected to master by the end of each grade level or course, serving as benchmarks for , instruction, and assessment. Core academic subjects, as defined in federal law under the reauthorization of the , encompass English, reading or , , , foreign languages, , , , , and . In practice, public schools across states mandate instruction in English (focusing on reading, writing, speaking, and listening), (progressing from basic arithmetic to , , and ), (covering life, physical, earth, and space sciences), and (including , , , and ). Physical education, health, fine , and technology literacy are often required but vary by state and district, with elementary grades emphasizing foundational skills in literacy and numeracy, while secondary levels introduce advanced topics and electives. The Common Core State Standards (CCSS), released in 2010 by the National Governors Association and Council of Chief State School Officers, represent a voluntary effort to align expectations across states in English language arts/literacy and mathematics, adopted initially by 45 states and the District of Columbia to facilitate consistent college and career readiness. As of 2025, however, adoption has declined, with states like Florida fully repealing CCSS in 2020 and replacing it with benchmarks emphasizing practical skills, while others such as Texas, Virginia, Alaska, and Nebraska never adopted it, opting for state-specific frameworks. Remaining states often retain CCSS elements but have modified them— for instance, rebranding as "college- and career-ready standards"—to address criticisms of overemphasis on testing and insufficient focus on foundational knowledge, leading to hybrid models that incorporate state history requirements or advanced science sequences aligned with Next Generation Science Standards. This patchwork approach results in variations, such as California's inclusion of ethnic studies as a high school graduation requirement since 2021, contrasting with more traditional curricula in states like Texas.

Controversial Curricular Elements (DEI, CRT, Sex Education)

(DEI) programs in U.S. K-12 schools have faced significant opposition for prioritizing group identity over merit and individual achievement, often leading to curricular elements that emphasize racial or ethnic categorization of students. Critics argue these initiatives foster division by framing outcomes as products of systemic oppression rather than personal agency or socioeconomic factors, with limited demonstrating improved academic performance. In response, federal actions in 2025 under the Department of Education required schools to certify against DEI practices to retain , threatening loss of grants for programs deemed discriminatory. State-level bans proliferated, such as Ohio's May 2025 bill targeting DEI in public K-12 curricula, amid claims that such programs undermine color-blind principles enshrined in civil rights law. Studies on DEI's educational impacts remain sparse for K-12, but analyses of related critical ideologies suggest negative effects on cohesion and , particularly among minority groups purportedly targeted for uplift. Critical Race Theory (CRT), an academic framework originating in 1980s legal scholarship that posits as embedded in legal and social structures rather than individual prejudice, has influenced K-12 curricula through concepts like "white privilege" and "systemic " without formal adoption as a standalone course. Proponents advocate its integration to address inequities, but opponents contend it promotes racial essentialism, guilt attribution based on skin color, and a zero-sum view of power dynamics that discourages cross-racial cooperation. By 2021, parental backlash, amplified in Virginia's gubernatorial election, spurred bans in over a dozen states prohibiting teachings that classify individuals by race as oppressors or oppressed. Empirical assessments indicate CRT-related instruction correlates with heightened racial polarization among youth, potentially exacerbating achievement gaps by shifting focus from skills to identity narratives lacking causal substantiation for broad societal reform. Educators in states like reported resistance to bans via subtle incorporation or disregard, highlighting tensions between administrative compliance and ideological commitments. Sex education curricula have sparked debates over the inclusion of gender ideology, which challenges biological sex distinctions by presenting gender as fluid and self-identified, often starting in elementary grades. Federal oversight intensified in August 2025 when the Department of Health and Human Services notified 46 states to excise gender ideology from federally funded programs, arguing it contravenes statutory intent focused on biological realities and abstinence promotion. Critics, including parental groups, assert such teachings confuse developmental stages, elevate subjective identity over empirical , and correlate with elevated risks like persistence without proven long-term benefits. Only 21 states mandate as of 2016, with variations allowing opt-outs, but expansions into LGBTQ+ topics have prompted lawsuits and policy reversals amid evidence linking inadequate or ideologically driven programs to persistent teen and STI rates exceeding 2.5 million annually among . Surveys of K-12 teachers reveal discomfort with mandated discussions of and , with 60% of Republicans viewing them as inappropriate for younger students, underscoring causal disconnects between policy-driven content and age-appropriate instruction.

Teacher Certification, Quality, and Shortages

Teacher certification in the United States is regulated at the state level, with all 50 states and the District of Columbia requiring public school teachers to hold a state-issued or certificate, though requirements vary significantly. Typically, candidates must complete a , enroll in an approved teacher preparation program emphasizing pedagogy, and pass subject-specific and professional knowledge exams, such as those administered by Praxis or state equivalents. Alternative certification pathways, available in every state, allow individuals with subject expertise—often in high-need areas like STEM—to enter teaching without traditional education coursework, sometimes through programs like or state-specific residencies. Reciprocity agreements enable licensed teachers from one state to transfer credentials to another, with eight states offering full reciprocity and 37 plus D.C. providing partial portability subject to additional assessments or coursework. Despite these mandates, indicates that does not reliably predict or improved outcomes. Multiple studies, including randomized evaluations, find no significant difference in student achievement gains between certified and uncertified teachers, with uncertified instructors sometimes matching or exceeding certified peers in value-added measures of student growth. Licensure tests show weak correlations with classroom performance, particularly in elementary , where some states have relaxed content requirements amid shortages, potentially admitting candidates with insufficient subject mastery. attributes like content expertise and early-career experience more strongly influence than credentials; for instance, advanced degrees beyond a bachelor's yield negligible benefits for student scores, while verbal ability and pedagogical content drive gains, especially in . National Board , an optional advanced credential, correlates with modest positive impacts on achievement in some analyses, but it remains held by fewer than 3% of teachers and does not address broader systemic issues. Teacher shortages have persisted and intensified, with 48 states plus D.C. reporting vacancies or reliance on underqualified staff as of June 2025; approximately 365,967 positions are filled by lacking full , alongside 45,500 unfilled roles, disproportionately in , , and sciences. These gaps stem from low starting salaries—averaging $44,000 nationally in 2023-24, below comparable professions—coupled with high burnout rates, where 44% of K-12 report frequent exhaustion driven by administrative burdens, classroom disruptions, and post-pandemic behavioral challenges. Declining enrollment in teacher preparation programs, down 40% since 2010, exacerbates the pipeline crisis, as rigorous hurdles deter high-ability candidates without commensurate incentives, leading districts to hire long-term substitutes or emergency-certified personnel whose students experience lower achievement. Reforms like salary increases and streamlined alternatives have stabilized shortages in some subjects by 2025, but persistent issues in high-poverty areas highlight causal links to inadequate retention and selectivity in hiring.

Major Challenges and Reforms

Achievement Gaps and Inequality Drivers

Persistent achievement gaps in U.S. student performance are evident in (NAEP) data, where disparities by race, ethnicity, and (SES) remain substantial despite some historical narrowing. In 2022 NAEP results for 12th-grade reading, the Black-White score gap stood at 32 points, while the White-Hispanic gap was 21 points, with similar patterns in . SES-based gaps are even wider, with students in the bottom SES scoring 60-70 points below those in the top on NAEP math and reading assessments in recent years, and these gaps have widened over time as high-SES students maintain or improve relative performance. Racial gaps have narrowed modestly since the due to faster gains among Black and Hispanic students, but progress stalled or reversed post-2010, exacerbated by pandemic-related declines disproportionately affecting lower-performing groups. Socioeconomic factors, including parental , , and occupation, strongly correlate with outcomes, explaining a portion of gaps through differences in home resources, early cognitive stimulation, and access to enrichment activities. Children from low-SES families enter school with lower cognitive and noncognitive skills, and these deficits compound over time, with SES gradients steepening from grades 3 to 8 across states. However, SES accounts for only part of racial disparities; even after controlling for SES, Black-White gaps persist, suggesting additional drivers beyond alone. Family structure emerges as a key causal driver, with students from intact, two-parent households outperforming peers from single-parent or unstable homes on metrics like grades, test scores, and behavioral outcomes. Research indicates children with involved fathers—more common in married, two-parent families—earn higher grades and face fewer suspensions or repetitions, independent of income effects. This pattern holds across demographics, linking family stability to academic persistence and reduced behavioral disruptions that hinder learning. School-level factors like show limited efficacy in closing gaps. While sustained per-pupil spending increases correlate with modest gains in low-income districts—as seen in California's Local Control Funding Formula implementation from 2013-2019—such interventions often fail to eliminate disparities, with gaps widening overall since the 1970s despite real spending rises adjusted for . Evidence suggests funding boosts facilities and teacher retention but yields without addressing non-school inputs like family environment, and higher expenditures in low-SES areas have not proportionally narrowed SES or racial gaps. Other in-school contributors include teacher quality mismatches and resource shortages in high-poverty schools, though these are downstream from pre-existing readiness differences.

School Choice, Charters, and Homeschooling Expansion

School mechanisms in the United States enable parents to select educational options beyond traditional assigned public schools, including through vouchers, education savings accounts (ESAs), tax-credit scholarships, and inter-district open enrollment. These policies, rooted in the principle that competition incentivizes institutional improvement, have expanded significantly since the 1990s, with 18 states enacting universal programs by 2025, allowing all families access regardless of income. Participation in programs nationwide surged 25% in the year leading to 2025, reflecting parental demand amid dissatisfaction with public school performance. Charter schools, publicly funded but autonomously operated entities exempt from certain regulations in exchange for on performance metrics, originated with Minnesota's 1991 law and proliferated thereafter. By fall 2021, enrollment reached 3.7 million students, representing about 7% of public school pupils, more than doubling from 1.8 million in 2010. Growth continued post-pandemic, with an 83,000-student increase in 2023-24 and a 14.69% rise (492,210 students) from 2019-20 to 2024-25, contrasting with declines in traditional district enrollment. Empirical analyses indicate mixed but often positive effects: lottery-based studies show gains in test scores and enrollment for attendees, while market-level entry of charters correlates with improved outcomes in nearby districts via competitive pressure. However, results vary by and , with urban charters in high-poverty areas demonstrating stronger benefits than rural or low-performing ones. Recent policy expansions have accelerated choice options, with 16 states introducing or broadening programs in 2025 alone, including ESAs in places like (2022) and , which fund diverse uses such as and curricula. These developments, often opposed by teachers' unions citing funding diversion and segregation risks—claims critiqued for overlooking 's role in addressing public school monopolies—have boosted attendance without proportionally increasing costs per student. Proponents argue that such mechanisms align incentives with outcomes, as evidenced by higher graduation rates in choice-heavy states, though critics from academia highlight uneven access for low-income families absent targeted safeguards. Homeschooling, a form of parental-directed outside formal institutions, has expanded rapidly, comprising 6% to 6.73% of school-age children (3.1 to 3.7 million students) by 2024, up from pre-pandemic levels of about 3%. The COVID-19 era catalyzed a 39% spike in 2020-21 due to remote learning exposures revealing and concerns, followed by stabilization with modest declines but renewed growth in 17 states for 2024-25. Homeschooled students often outperform public school peers on standardized tests by 15-25 points, attributable to customized instruction and family involvement, though self-selection and regulatory variability complicate causal attribution. Expansion ties to choice policies, as ESAs increasingly cover homeschool expenses, enabling broader socioeconomic participation beyond traditional demographics.

Discipline, Safety, and Behavioral Issues

In recent years, U.S. schools have experienced a marked increase in behavioral disruptions, including fights, , and chronic inattentiveness, exacerbating challenges to order and instructional time. Federal data from the 2022-23 school year indicate that 24% of schools reported daily physical attacks or fights without weapons, up from pre-pandemic levels, while 71% noted persistent issues with disruptions interfering with . These trends intensified post-COVID-19, with surveys revealing that 65% of principals in cited worsening behavior as a top concern, including a surge in threats and lack of focus attributed to prolonged remote learning and . Empirical analyses link such disruptions to reduced academic outcomes, as lost instructional time from unmanaged behavior correlates with lower test scores and higher rates across districts. Discipline policies have shifted toward alternatives to exclusionary measures like suspensions, driven by federal guidance under the Obama administration's 2014 Dear Colleague letter, which highlighted racial disparities in suspensions—Black students received out-of-school suspensions at rates three times higher than white students in 2020-21 data. However, this pivot to restorative justice and reduced punitive actions has coincided with heightened disorder; a 2021 study of New York City's 2012 discipline reforms found that easing suspensions led to increased classroom disruptions and no gains in achievement, suggesting that leniency undermines school climate without addressing root causes like family instability or mental health deficits. Suspension rates have declined nationally, from 24.5 per 1,000 students in 2020 to lower figures in subsequent years amid policy restrictions, yet teacher reports of assaults rose, with 7.6% of schools noting daily verbal abuse of educators in 2023-24. Critics, including analyses from education reform groups, argue that disparate impact-focused reforms overlook behavioral causation, prioritizing equity over order and contributing to environments where 28% of teachers considered leaving due to safety fears in 2024 surveys. School safety metrics underscore persistent beyond disruptions, with the FBI reporting over 1.3 million crimes on from 2020 to 2024, including assaults, robberies, and property damage. affects 19.2% of students annually, with higher rates among adolescents (30.5% globally benchmarked, aligning with U.S. patterns), often manifesting as cyber or physical that correlates with declines and suicides. Teacher victimization is acute, as 5% of educators experienced physical attacks in 2022-23, prompting calls for enhanced security like armed personnel, though implementation varies by state. Gun violence on campuses, while statistically rare relative to total enrollment (affecting fewer than 0.1% of schools annually), garners outsized attention due to lethality; 254 incidents occurred in the 2024-25 school year, a 23% drop from prior highs, resulting in dozens of deaths and injuries. Broader data from the show that weapons-related threats impacted 8% of students in 2023, with urban districts reporting higher frequencies tied to community crime spillover. These events highlight vulnerabilities in under-resourced schools, where inadequate screening and delayed responses amplify risks, though empirical reviews indicate no single policy like fully mitigates them absent behavioral interventions.

Ideological Bias and Indoctrination Critiques

A majority of public K-12 teachers identify with or lean toward the Democratic Party, with a 2024 Pew Research Center survey finding 58% in this category compared to 35% leaning Republican or identifying as such. This partisan skew, which exceeds the general population's distribution, has fueled critiques that public systematically favors progressive ideologies over neutral instruction, potentially amounting to by embedding viewpoints on race, gender, and history that prioritize group identity and systemic oppression narratives. Critics, including parents and conservative analysts, argue this bias manifests in curricula and classroom discussions that discourage dissent and frame disagreement as moral failing, training students to view society through lenses of critical (CSJ) rather than individual agency or empirical evidence. Proponents of these critiques point to the widespread adoption of (DEI) programs and elements of (CRT) in schools, which empirical studies link to heightened prejudice and reduced interracial trust among participants. A 2023 Manhattan Institute analysis of survey data concluded that CSJ instruction, often integrated into DEI training, harms students by fostering victimhood mindsets and diminishing belief in personal responsibility, with exposed youth showing lower aspirations and increased division. Similarly, a 2024 study on DEI trainings found they can increase bias against targeted groups, as participants post-training exhibited greater hostility toward conservatives or those questioning equity mandates. Teachers' unions, which donate overwhelmingly to Democratic causes— with data showing near-monolithic support even in Republican districts—exacerbate this by advocating for such programs, critics contend, prioritizing ideological alignment over academic neutrality. Public perceptions underscore the divide: over two-thirds of Republicans in a 2025 Brookings survey viewed public schools as promoting liberal viewpoints, contrasting with Democrats' perception of neutrality, amid reports of teachers discussing race and LGBTQ issues in classrooms at rates exceeding 70% for topics like systemic racism. While some surveys, such as a 2021 study of teachers' opinions, find limited evidence of radical activism—portraying educators as moderately liberal rather than extremists—critics counter that subtle biases in topic selection and framing still erode viewpoint diversity, as evidenced by lower trust in schools among conservative parents and spikes in post-2020, rising 63% from 2019 to 2020 partly due to ideological concerns. These dynamics have prompted state-level responses, including bans on CRT-related teachings in over 20 states by 2023 and parental rights laws, reflecting arguments that unchecked bias undermines and civic cohesion.

Workforce Readiness and Economic Impacts

United States students consistently underperform in international assessments critical to workforce readiness, such as the (PISA) 2022, where the average math score of 465 placed the nation below the OECD average and among the lowest recorded for the U.S., while reading (504) and science (499) scores exceeded the OECD average but showed stagnant or declining trends in proficiency for problem-solving and application skills. Similarly, the (NAEP) 2024 reported historic lows, with only 22% of 12th graders proficient in , 31% of 8th graders in science, and 39% of 4th graders in math, indicating widespread deficiencies in foundational competencies like , data analysis, and scientific reasoning essential for technical occupations. Employer surveys underscore these gaps, revealing that 84% of hiring managers in 2025 viewed most high school graduates as unprepared for entry-level work, citing deficits in basic , , , and work ethic over specialized training. For college graduates, 77% reported acquiring more practical skills in their first six months on the job than during four years of higher education, with persistent shortfalls in job-specific competencies like data interpretation and professional communication, as 56% of unprepared graduates identified such skills as their primary barrier. The National Association of Colleges and Employers (NACE) highlighted perceptual divides, where employers rated recent graduates' proficiency in and far below their own expectations, exacerbating a skills mismatch that contributed to a five-year low in entry-level job placement rates for 2025 graduates, with only 30% securing field-aligned roles. These readiness shortfalls impose substantial economic burdens, including annual remedial education costs exceeding $1.3 billion borne by students and families for non-credit courses to remediate K-12 deficiencies, diverting resources from productive postsecondary investment. Broader losses from suboptimal are estimated to reduce U.S. GDP potential; for instance, a 10% enhancement in workforce readiness could yield $807 billion annually based on 2023 GDP figures, while cross-national analyses link higher to sustained growth rates, with U.S. students' middling correlating to forgone earnings and lags relative to top performers like ( math 575). Conversely, higher educational attainment mitigates these effects, as holders experience rates less than half and incomes over double those of high school dropouts, underscoring 's role in labor market efficiency despite systemic delivery failures.

References

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