Hubbry Logo
Judaism and politicsJudaism and politicsMain
Open search
Judaism and politics
Community hub
Judaism and politics
logo
7 pages, 0 posts
0 subscribers
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Judaism and politics
Judaism and politics
Judaism and politics
View on Wikipedia
from Wikipedia

Part of a series on
Judaism
Star of David
Movements
Philosophy
Texts
Law
Holy cities/places
Important figures
Religious roles
Culture and education
Ritual objects
Prayers
Major holidays
Other religions
Related topics

The relationship between Judaism and politics is a historically complex subject, and has evolved over time concurrently with both changes within Jewish society and religious practice, and changes in the general society of places where Jewish people live. In particular, Jewish political thought can be split into four major eras: Biblical (prior to Roman rule), Rabbinic (from roughly the 100 BCE to 600 CE), Medieval (from roughly 600 CE to 1800 CE), and Modern (18th century to the present day).

Several different political models are described across its canon, usually composed of some combination of tribal federation, monarchy, a priestly theocracy, and rule by prophets. Political organization during the Rabbinic and Medieval eras generally involved semi-autonomous rule by Jewish councils and courts (with council membership often composed purely of rabbis) that would govern the community and act as representatives to secular authorities outside the Jewish community. Beginning in the 19th century, and coinciding with the expansion of the political rights accorded to individual Jews in European society, Jews would affiliate with and contribute theory to a wide range of political movements and philosophies.

Biblical models

[edit]

Stuart Cohen has pointed out that there are three separate power centers depicted in the Hebrew Bible: the priesthood, the royal throne, and the prophets.[1]

One model of biblical politics is the model of the tribal federation, where power is shared among different tribes and institutions. Another is the model of limited constitutional monarchy.[2]

The Hebrew Bible contains a complex chronicle of the Kings of Israel and Judah. Some passages of the Hebrew Bible contain intimate portrayals of the inner workings of the royal households of Saul, David, and Solomon; the accounts of subsequent monarchs are frequently more distanced and less detailed, and frequently begin with the judgement that the monarch "did evil in the sight of the Lord".[citation needed]

Daniel Elazar has argued that the concept of covenant is the fundamental concept in the biblical political tradition and in the later Jewish thought that emerges from the Bible.[2]

Outside of the Hebrew Bible, the ancient Jewish scribe, sage, and allegorist Ben Sira stated "A work is praised for the skill of the artisan; so a people’s leader is proved wise by his words. The loud of mouth are feared in their city, and the one who is reckless in speech is hated.[3] This was followed by "A wise magistrate educates his people, and the rule of an intelligent person is well ordered. As the people’s judge is, so are his officials; as the ruler of the city is, so are all its inhabitants. An undisciplined king ruins his people, but a city becomes fit to live in through the understanding of its rulers," implying the political leader's intelligence reflects the one of his people. This can be seen as an early example of Jewish political philosophy.[4]

Rabbinic period

[edit]

The Sanhedrin

[edit]

In Roman Judea, Jewish communities were governed by rabbinical courts known as Sanhedrin. Lesser Sanhedrins composed of 23 judges were appointed to each city, while a Great Sanhedrin with 71 judges was the highest authority, taking cases appealed from the lower courts. The Sanhedrin served as the leadership of the Jewish community under Roman rule, and served as emissaries to the imperial authorities in addition to overseeing religious practice and collecting taxes.[5] The Sanhedrin was the highest Jewish governing body of the Second Temple period.

Talmudic sources on political philosophy

[edit]

A statement by Judah bar Ilai in the Babylonian Talmud (Sanhedrin 20b) depicts monarchy as the ideal form of Jewish governance, following the Book of Deuteronomy statement that, "When you come into the land that the Lord your God is about to give you, and you take hold of it and dwell in it, and you say, 'Let me put a king over me like all the nations that are around me', you shall surely put over you a king whom the Lord your God chooses..." (Deut. 17:14–15).[6] But the Talmud also brings a different interpretation of this verse from Eleazar ben Arach, who is quoted as explaining that, "This section was spoken only in anticipation of their future murmurings, as it is written, and you say, Let me put a king over me..." (Sanhedrin 20b). In many interpretations, Rabbi Nehorai does not think of appointing a king as a strict obligation, but as a concession to later "murmurings" from Israel.[6]

In addition to imagining ideal forms of governance, the rabbis accept a principle to obey the government currently in power. The Talmud makes reference to the principle of dina de-malkhuta dina ("the law of the land is law"), a principle recognizing non-Jewish laws and non-Jewish legal jurisdiction as binding on Jewish citizens, provided that they are not contrary to any laws of Judaism.[7][8]

Medieval period

[edit]

The Qahal

[edit]

During the Middle Ages, some Ashkenazi Jewish communities were governed by qahal. The qahal had regulatory control over Jewish communities in a given region; they administered commerce, hygiene, sanitation, charity, Jewish education, kashrut, and relations between landlords and their tenants. It provided a number of community facilities, such as a rabbi, a ritual bath, and an interest-free loan facility for the Jewish community.[9][10] The qahal even had sufficient authority that it could arrange for individuals to be expelled from synagogues, excommunicating them.[9][11]

Medieval Jewish political philosophy

[edit]

Some medieval political theorists such as Maimonides and Nissim of Gerona saw kingship as the ideal form of government. Maimonides' views the commandment in Deuteronomy to appoint a king as a clear positive ideal, following the Talmudic teaching that "three commandments were given to Israel when they entered the land: to appoint a king, as it says, 'You shall surely put over you a king'..."[12] A large section of Maimonides' legal code, the Mishneh Torah, titled "The Laws of Kings and their Wars", deals with the ideal model of kingship, especially in the messianic era, and also concerning ruling over non-Jewish subjects through the Noachide laws.[citation needed] Other sections of Maimonides' Mishneh Torah (mostly also in the Book of Judges, where the laws of kingship are also found) is dedicated to the laws relating to legislators and judges.[citation needed]

Whereas Maimonides' idealized kingship, other medieval political theorists, such as Abravanel, saw kingship as misguided.[6] Later on, other Jewish philosophers such as Baruch Spinoza would lay the groundwork for the Enlightenment, arguing for ideas such as the separation of church and state. Spinoza's writings caused him to be excommunicated[13] from the Jewish community of Amsterdam, although his work and legacy has been largely rehabilitated, especially among secular Jews in the 20th and 21st centuries.[14]

Modern period

[edit]

With Jewish emancipation, the institution of the qahal as an autonomous entity was officially abolished. Jews increasingly became participants in the wider political and social sphere of larger nations. As Jews became citizens of states with various political systems, and argued about whether to found their own state, Jewish ideas of the relationship between Judaism and politics developed in many different directions.

In Europe

[edit]

In the nineteenth century and early twentieth century, when there was a large Jewish population in Europe, some Jews favored various forms of liberalism, and saw them as connected with Jewish principles. Some Jews allied themselves with a range of Jewish political movements. These included Socialist and Bundist movements favored by the Jewish left, Zionist movements, Jewish Autonomist movements, Territorialist movements, and Jewish Anarchism movements. Haredi Jews formed an organization known as World Agudath Israel which espoused Haredi Jewish political principles.

21st century

[edit]

In the 21st century, shifts are occurring. The Jewish community in Great Britain, one of the largest in the Jewish diaspora, is leaning conservative, as a poll published by the Jewish Chronicle in early 2015 shows. Of British Jews polled, 69% would vote for the Conservative Party, while 22% would vote for the Labour Party. This is in stark contrast to the rest of the voter population, which, according to a BBC poll, had Conservatives and Labour almost tied at about a third each. Jews have typically been a part of the British middle class, traditional home of the Conservative Party, although the number of Jews in working class communities of London is in decline. The main voting bloc of poorer Jews in Britain now, made up primarily of ultra-Orthodox, votes en masse for the Conservatives. Attitudes toward Israel influence the vote of three out of four of British Jews.[15][16] A shift toward conservatism has also been exhibited in France, where about half of the Jewish population is Sephardic. Jérôme Fourquet, director "Public opinion and corporate strategy" department at the polling organization IFOP, notes that there is a "pronounced preference" for right-wing politics among French Jews. During the 2007 election, Jews (Orthodox or not) represented the strongest pillar of support for Sarkozy after observant Catholics.[17]

In the United States

[edit]
See also: Jewish views and involvement in U.S. politics

19th century

[edit]
American Civil War
[edit]

During the American Civil War, Jews were divided in their views of slavery and abolition. Prior to 1861, there were virtually no rabbinical sermons on slavery. The silence on this issue was probably a result of fear that the controversy would create conflict within the Jewish community. Some Jews owned slaves or traded them. Most southern Jews supported slavery, and few Northern Jews were abolitionists, seeking peace and remaining silent on the subject of slavery. America's largest Jewish community, New York's Jews, were "overwhelmingly pro-southern, pro-slavery, and anti-Lincoln in the early years of the war". However, eventually, they began to lean politically toward Abraham Lincoln's Republican party and emancipation.[18]

Swedish born-rabbi Morris Jacob Raphall was one of the most vocal Jewish supporters of the institution of slavery. Mordecai Manuel Noah was against the expansion of slavery initially, but later became an opponent of emancipation. Isaac Mayer Wise followed a policy of silence on the issue when the war broke out.[19] Wise was a supporter of the Democratic Party, pro-slavery at that time.[20] Ernestine Rose was one Jewish opponent of slavery, as was Bernhard Felsenthal. Moses Mielziner opposed slavery on a Jewish religious argument, arguing that Mosaic law maintained a compassionate view toward the slave. Rabbi David Einhorn also invoked Jewish values against slavery. Rose and Einhorn were threatened with tar and feathering.[19]

20th and 21st centuries

[edit]
Further information: List of Jewish American politicians

While earlier Jewish immigrants tended to be politically conservative, the wave of Eastern European Jews starting in the early 1880s, were generally more liberal or left-wing, and became the political majority.[21] For most of the 20th century since 1936, the vast majority of Jews in the United States have been aligned with the Democratic Party. Supporters of the Jewish left have argued that left-wing values vis-à-vis social justice can be traced to Jewish religious texts, including the Tanakh and later texts, which include a strong endorsement of hospitality to "the stranger" and the principle of redistribution of wealth – as well as a tradition of challenging authority, as exemplified by the biblical prophets.[22][23]

American rabbinic leaders who have advanced a progressive political agenda grounded in Jewish principles have included:[citation needed]

Other prominent Jews who have argued based on Jewish principles for a progressive political agenda have included:

Towards the end of the 20th century, and at the beginning of the 21st century, Republicans began a platform that sought to take the Jewish vote away from the Democrats. While a solid majority of American Jews continues to be aligned with the Democratic Party, many have argued that there is increased Jewish support for political conservatism.

Rabbinic leaders who have advanced a conservative political agenda grounded in Jewish principles have included:

Other prominent Jews who have argued based on Jewish principles for a conservative political agenda have included:[24]

Jewish political philosophy in North America
[edit]

Significant Jewish political philosophers in North America have included:[citation needed]

In Israel

[edit]
Main article: Politics of Israel

The development of a political system in Israel drew largely on European models of governance, rather than on models from the Jewish political tradition.[25] Some political figures in Israel, however, have seen their principles as based in Judaism. This is especially pronounced in political parties that see themselves as religious parties, such as Shas, United Torah Judaism, and The Jewish Home.

Politics in Israel are dominated by Zionist parties. They traditionally fall into three camps, the first two being the largest: Labor Zionism, Revisionist Zionism and Religious Zionism. There are also several non-Zionist Orthodox religious parties, non-Zionist secular left-wing groups as well as non-Zionist and anti-Zionist Israeli Arab parties.

Recent interest in developing political theory grounded in Jewish sources has been spurred on by the activities of the neo-conservative Shalem Center.[26]

In Australia

[edit]
Further information: List of Jewish members of Australian parliaments

One example of a well-known Jew in Australian politics is Josh Frydenberg, a member of the centre-right, conservative Liberal Party, who (until 2022 served as Treasurer and was (before being unseated) the member of Kooyong, a wealthy Melbourne electorate.

Currently, there are four Jews in the Australian Parliament, all in the House of Representatives. These are Mark Dreyfus (the Labor member for Isaacs in Victoria since 2007), Mike Freelander (the Labor member for Macarthur in New South Wales since 2016), Julian Leeser (the Liberal member for Berowra in New South Wales since 2016) and Josh Burns (the Labor member for Macnamara in Victoria since 2019).

The four electorates with the highest Jewish populations are:[27]

Electorate City State Jewish population
Wentworth Sydney New South Wales 16.2%
Macnamara Melbourne Victoria 12.8%
Goldstein Melbourne Victoria 8.8%
Kingsford Smith Sydney New South Wales 6.0%

Many Australian Jews have been hostile to the progressive Australian Greens party due to its perceived support for the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement, a pro-Palestinian political movement opposed by both major parties (the Liberal Party and the Labor Party).[27]

There are currently three Jews in state parliaments of Australia: one in New South Wales (Ron Hoenig, the Labor member for electoral district of Heffron since 2012) and two in Victoria (David Southwick, the Liberal member for Caulfield since 2010; and Paul Hamer, the Labor member for Box Hill since 2018).

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Judaism and politics

View on Grokipedia
from Grokipedia
Judaism and politics examines the intersection of Jewish religious and ethical traditions with , power, and , spanning ancient biblical models of theocratic rule and prophetic calls for to modern nationalist movements and minority in democratic societies. This field lacks a centralized theology of statecraft due to prolonged and absence of , instead manifesting through adaptive communal strategies responsive to external threats and opportunities. Historically, Jewish political thought originates in scriptural narratives depicting covenantal authority, tribal confederations, and monarchic experiments critiqued for deviation from , fostering a legacy of discerning communal self-rule amid exile. In the , Jews navigated as a dispersed minority, prioritizing survival through alliances, legal accommodations, and internal , often aligning with liberal reforms that promised from discriminatory regimes. The 19th-century Zionist movement marked a causal shift, rejecting assimilationist passivity in favor of to reassert Jewish agency against pogroms and assimilation pressures, culminating in the 1948 establishment of as a Jewish blending democratic institutions with ethno-religious identity. In contemporary settings, Jewish political behavior exhibits context-dependent patterns: in Israel, debates center on balancing Jewish character with democratic pluralism amid security imperatives; in the United States, where Jews constitute approximately 2% of the population, they display pronounced liberal orientations, with roughly 70% affiliating with the Democratic Party and self-identifying as liberal at twice the conservative rate, while achieving disproportionate representation in Congress at about 6% of seats. Orthodox subgroups diverge, leaning conservative and Republican, reflecting tensions between tradition and secular progressivism. Empirical analyses frame this as threat-responsive adaptation, leveraging open political structures for influence on issues like civil rights and Israel support, though cross-national data remains sparse and potentially skewed by institutional biases in academia toward progressive narratives. Defining characteristics include a commitment to informing universalist ideals like (world repair), yet tempered by particularist priorities of group continuity, yielding achievements in democratic advocacy and alongside controversies over perceived overrepresentation in elite spheres and loyalty divides in foreign policy.

Foundational Texts and Principles

Biblical Political Models

The delineates political models rooted in , wherein functions as the supreme sovereign, with human governance as a delegated extension of divine through covenantal . This framework originates in the at Sinai (Exodus 19–24), establishing as the binding enforced by prophets, priests, and judges, rather than autonomous human legislation. Unlike contemporaneous Near Eastern systems featuring deified rulers or unchecked despots, biblical posits God's direct kingship, as articulated in texts like 1 Samuel 8:7, where the people's demand for a human king is framed as a rejection of divine rule. Pre-monarchic governance, spanning roughly 1200–1020 BCE after Joshua's conquest, operated as a decentralized tribal during the period of the judges. Leadership emerged charismatically through figures divinely appointed for response—such as deliverance from oppressors—without hereditary succession, standing armies, or centralized taxation, relying instead on ad hoc tribal militias and direct prophetic oracles. The depicts recurring cycles of , subjugation, divine raising of a , temporary restoration, and relapse, exemplified by leaders like , , and , underscoring a structure vulnerable to moral decay absent unified enforcement of (Judges 2:11–19; 21:25). This model preserved tribal autonomy under theocratic oversight but exposed inefficiencies prompting demands for . Prophets served as institutional checks, delivering oracles to validate or rebuke leaders, ensuring alignment with covenantal fidelity over expediency. From and through figures like , Nathan, , and , they anointed rulers (e.g., selecting and in 1 Samuel 9–10; 16), confronted abuses (e.g., Nathan's rebuke of in 2 Samuel 12), and critiqued policies fostering idolatry or injustice, such as 's opposition to Ahab's worship (1 Kings 18). This prophetic function mitigated absolutism, prioritizing ethical monotheism and social equity as divine imperatives. Monarchy, anticipated yet conditionally endorsed in Deuteronomy 17:14–20, imposed Torah-subordinate limits: the king must be a native selected by , barred from amassing horses (for foreign alliances), wives (risking ), or excessive wealth, and required to personally transcribe and daily study the to foster humility and legal adherence. Saul's (c. 1020 BCE) marked its inception, evolving under and into a centralized dynastic model with administrative divisions, but recurrent deviations—evident in the divided kingdoms of (northern, 922–722 BCE) and Judah (southern, 922–586 BCE)—triggered prophetic warnings and divine judgments, culminating in Assyrian and Babylonian exiles for covenant breach. This regulated kingship contrasted regional autocracies by embedding accountability to transcendent law, though historical implementation often faltered.

Talmudic and Rabbinic Political Philosophy

The Babylonian , redacted primarily between the 3rd and 6th centuries CE, develops through halakhic and aggadic deliberations on authority, justice, and governance, often interpreting biblical precedents amid Jewish exile under Persian and Roman rule. Tractate outlines the ideal judicial hierarchy, positing the Great Sanhedrin—a council of 71 ordained sages—as the supreme authority for capital cases, doctrinal disputes, and interpretation, with decisions binding under penalty of rebellion against divine law (Deuteronomy 17:8–13). This structure embodies a constitutional model prioritizing scholarly consensus over charismatic or monarchical fiat, reflecting rabbinic skepticism toward unchecked power as seen in prophetic critiques of ancient Israelite kings. Rabbinic discourse on kingship reconciles Deuteronomy 17's mandate for a Torah-subordinate with 's admonitions against tyranny in 1 Samuel 8, debating whether establishing a constitutes a positive commandment or a concession to human frailty. The in 20b permits a to override rabbinic courts in wartime exigencies but subordinates royal authority to halakhic limits, such as prohibitions on excess taxation or , to prevent emulation of despotism. This framework underscores a of , where political rule serves religious ends rather than divine right absolutism, as evidenced by aggadic narratives valorizing prophetic rebuke of kings like . In diasporic contexts, lacking sovereignty, rabbis adapted governance via the principle dina de-malkhuta dina ("the law of the kingdom is law"), formulated by the Babylonian amora (d. circa 257 CE) in tractates like Nedarim 28a and 10b. This doctrine obligates Jews to civil laws on taxation, contracts, and public order if they align with and do not contravene core prohibitions, grounded in implied covenantal consent to host-society norms ( 29:7). It enabled semi-autonomous kehillot (communal councils) under exilarchs and , who mediated between rabbinic jurisprudence and imperial edicts, fostering pragmatic realism over messianic revolt. Rabbinic texts thus prioritize halakhic supremacy and ethical kingship, viewing political stability as instrumental to observance rather than an end in itself.

Historical Jewish Political Institutions

Ancient Jewish Governance

In the period following the Israelite conquest of , circa 1200–1020 BCE, governance was decentralized and tribal, characterized by a confederation of twelve tribes led by charismatic judges (shofetim) who arose during crises to deliver the people from oppressors, as described in the . These leaders, such as , , and , exercised temporary military and judicial authority without establishing hereditary rule or centralized institutions, reflecting a system where authority derived from and tribal consensus rather than formal . Archaeological , including settlement patterns in the central highlands, supports the existence of a loose tribal federation during the and early , though no monumental structures indicate strong central control. The transition to monarchy began around 1020 BCE with Saul's anointing as the first king, marking a shift to centralized rule over a united Israel, followed by (c. 1000–970 BCE) and (c. 970–930 BCE), who expanded territory, built the First as a religious-political center, and imposed taxation and labor . 's administration included a , scribes, and a , while 's reign featured provincial governors and international , evidenced by structures like the six-chambered gates at Megiddo, Hazor, and attributed to his era. The (9th century BCE) provides extra-biblical confirmation of the "House of ," supporting the historical kernel of a Davidic dynasty, though the extent of the "united monarchy" remains debated due to limited contemporary inscriptions. Prophetic figures and priests influenced governance, with the king theoretically subordinate to Yahweh's law, though biblical accounts highlight tensions between royal absolutism and covenantal ideals. Following Solomon's death, the kingdom divided c. 930 BCE into the northern Kingdom of Israel (capital , 19 kings) and southern (capital , until 586 BCE), each with hereditary , assemblies of elders, and prophetic oversight. Israel's governance emphasized military alliances and idolatry, leading to Assyrian conquest in 722 BCE; Judah maintained temple-centered alongside , with reforms under kings like (c. 715–686 BCE) and (c. 640–609 BCE) enforcing Deuteronomic law. Babylonian destruction of and the Temple in 586 BCE ended independent , initiating exile. Post-exilic governance under Persian rule (538–333 BCE) reverted to theocratic administration, with as governor and as rebuilding the Second Temple (completed 516 BCE); by the BCE, s like Jaddua held primary authority as Persian appointees, managing a temple-state with Sanhedrin-like councils for judicial matters. Hellenistic Seleucid control (c. 200–167 BCE) imposed , sparking the (167–160 BCE), which established the . (r. 142–134 BCE) combined high priesthood, military leadership, and ethnarchy, evolving into a under (r. 134–104 BCE) and successors, who expanded territory and minted coins asserting independence until Roman intervention in 63 BCE. This period featured a blend of priestly rule, (elder council), and forced conversions, reflecting tensions between religious purity and expansionist policy.

Rabbinic Era Institutions

Following the destruction of the Second Temple in 70 CE by Roman forces, Jewish political institutions transitioned from Temple-centered priestly authority to rabbinic-led communal structures, emphasizing judicial, interpretive, and administrative functions under foreign dominion. Rabban Yochanan ben Zakkai, smuggled out of besieged , negotiated with Roman general to establish an academy at Yavneh, which became the nucleus of post-Temple Jewish governance and learning. This institution effectively relocated the Sanhedrin's operations, adapting its role to focus on halakhic adjudication and communal regulation without sovereign powers like , which required Roman ratification. The Yavneh academy, under leaders like Rabban Gamaliel II, standardized prayer and calendar observances, exerting influence over communities through scholarly consensus rather than coercive state mechanisms. The , reconstituted at Yavneh with 71 members comprising sages and elders, served as a for civil and religious disputes, issuing edicts on practices like to preserve Jewish identity amid Roman oversight. It relocated multiple times— to Usha, Shefaram, Beit Shearim, and —evading Roman suppression while maintaining semi-autonomy in internal affairs until its dissolution around 425 CE under Byzantine emperor , who abolished the office amid declining influence. These movements reflected the institution's adaptive strategy, prioritizing survival and dissemination over territorial control, with decisions binding on Jewish courts across the empire. In , the (Nesiut) emerged as a hereditary leadership role by the late second century CE, with Yehudah ha-Nasi (Judah the Prince, c. 135–217 CE) as its most prominent holder, recognized by Roman authorities as over . The nasi collected the tax from empire-wide, appointed judges, and represented the community in imperial dealings, wielding executive powers including and land grants, though rabbinic sources critique instances of overreach, such as disputes with independent sages. This office formalized rabbinic influence into a quasi-political , compiling the under Yehudah ha-Nasi to codify law for dispersed governance, but tensions arose between the patriarch's administrative clout and the academies' scholarly autonomy. Parallel to Palestinian structures, Babylonian Jewry developed under the Exilarchate (Reshut Galuta), a lineage tracing to King Jehoiachin's descendants, appointed by Parthian and later Sasanian rulers as head of the community from the third century BCE onward. The exilarch, residing in Nehardea or Pumbedita, administered justice via courts handling civil, criminal, and fiscal matters, collected taxes for Persian overlords, and maintained prisons and militias, exercising de facto sovereignty over an estimated 1 million Jews by the fourth century CE. Collaboration with geonim of the academies at Sura and Pumbedita balanced lay and rabbinic authority, with the exilarch convening assemblies for communal edicts, though rivalries occasionally surfaced, as in the deposition of Exilarch Huna bar Nathan around 460 CE by Sassanid king Yazdegerd II. This dual system sustained Jewish self-rule in exile, leveraging Persian tolerance for internal cohesion until the Islamic conquests of the seventh century.

Medieval Communal Autonomy

In medieval , Jewish communities organized as kehillot (singular: kehillah), semi-autonomous entities that managed internal religious, social, and civil affairs under charters granted by secular rulers. These communities emerged prominently from the onward in regions like the , where Jews were often designated as servi camerae regis (serfs of the royal chamber), affording them direct imperial protection in exchange for specified taxes and loyalty, while permitting in non-criminal matters. Foundational privileges included the 1084 charter issued by Bishop Rüdiger of on September 13, which invited Jewish settlement, guaranteed personal security and property rights, allowed internal by Jewish courts, and extended freedoms equivalent to those in other German cities, such as and capabilities. Emperor Henry IV reinforced this model in 1090 with charters for and Worms, exempting Jews from certain tolls, affirming their right to adjudicate intra-communal cases exclusively among themselves, and prohibiting non-Jewish interference in religious practices. Similar grants appeared in and , such as those under in 1070s , enabling kehillot to collect communal taxes for rulers while regulating their own levies for local needs. The kehillah structure typically featured an elected council of elders (parnasim) and rabbinic authorities who oversaw synagogues, Torah education, kosher supervision, charitable aid (tzedakah), and burial societies. Rabbinical courts (batei din) enforced halakhic rulings on marriage, divorce, inheritance, and contracts, drawing from Talmudic precedents, with enforcement backed by communal sanctions like herem (excommunication) rather than secular power. Economic roles, including lending and trade, fell under communal oversight to ensure compliance with Jewish law and royal quotas, fostering cohesion amid diaspora fragmentation. This autonomy was pragmatic rather than ideological, rooted in rulers' fiscal interests—Jews provided loans and revenue unavailable from ecclesiastical restrictions on Christians—and Jewish needs for halakhic continuity. However, it remained precarious: privileges were frequently revoked during crises, such as the 1096 amid the , when imperial protections failed against popular violence, leading to temporary expulsions or forced baptisms before renewals like Frederick I's 1157 Worms . In southern Europe under Muslim rule, parallel qehillah-like systems operated within frameworks, with greater judicial latitude but similar internal hierarchies. By the late , intensifying exclusions and blood libels eroded these structures in the , presaging broader declines with expulsions from (1290) and (1306).

Jewish Political Philosophy

Medieval and Early Modern Thinkers

Judah Halevi (c. 1075–1141), in his philosophical dialogue Kuzari, critiqued Aristotelian universalism and emphasized the particular divine election of the Jewish people through national revelation at Sinai, arguing that authentic prophecy and societal order derive from this unique historical event rather than individual rational attainment. Halevi posited an ideal polity requiring territorial centrality in the Land of Israel, with Temple rituals fostering collective divine influence, thereby subordinating rational governance to revealed particularism. Moses Maimonides (1138–1204) synthesized Aristotelian with Jewish law, viewing human societies as necessary for mutual aid and intellectual flourishing, with the 's commandments serving as a providential regime to cultivate moral habits and curb passions. In Mishneh Torah (completed 1180), he permitted but deemed non-essential a to enforce observance, wage defensive wars, and recover territories, drawing on Deuteronomy 17:14–20 to limit royal power through adherence. In Guide for the Perplexed (c. 1190), described the optimal ruler as a prophet-philosopher embodying intellectual perfection, where political authority facilitates the community's ascent to contemplative union with the divine . In the later medieval period, Joseph Albo (c. 1380–1444) in Sefer ha-Ikkarim (c. 1425) delineated political theory through a distinction between —universal principles of and enabling societal stability—and , with as the consummate form perfecting human utility amid exile's constraints. Albo argued that political authority rests on rational for common benefit, reflecting the distressed of Spanish Jewish communities under Christian rule. Don Isaac Abravanel (1437–1508), responding to Iberian expulsions, rejected ' endorsement of monarchy in commentaries on biblical texts, advocating instead an aristocratic republic modeled on the and tribal elders, with power diffused to prevent tyranny and echoing 1 Samuel 8's critique of kingship. Abravanel integrated Aristotelian , emphasizing decentralized governance and prophetic oversight to preserve liberty under divine law. Transitioning to early modern contexts, Simone Luzzatto (1583–1663) in Discorso circa lo stato degli Ebrei (1638) applied ragion di stato to defend Venetian ' residence, quantifying their mercantile contributions—such as financing 20% of state loans—and arguing outweighed confessional risks in a declining . Luzzatto skeptically balanced Machiavellian pragmatism with Jewish tradition, portraying utility as providential amid ghettoization. Menasseh ben Israel (1604–1657), in his 1655 petition to , invoked millenarian prophecies from Daniel and Romans alongside pragmatic utility, asserting Jewish readmission to would fulfill global dispersion prerequisites for messianic redemption while boosting commerce in a post-Civil War . Menasseh blended kabbalistic with reason-of-state arguments, influencing Cromwell's 1656 informal despite parliamentary opposition.

Enlightenment-Era and Modern Developments

The , or Jewish Enlightenment, emerging in the late 18th century amid broader European intellectual shifts, prompted Jewish thinkers to reconcile traditional religious authority with emerging concepts of civil equality and state . Maskilim advocated for Jews to engage in political action toward rather than passive messianic anticipation, emphasizing and societal integration as means to achieve legal rights without abandoning core beliefs. This movement influenced by portraying as compatible with rational governance, prioritizing ethical universalism over ritual particularism in public life. Moses Mendelssohn's 1783 treatise Jerusalem, or on Religious Power and exemplified this synthesis, arguing for a strict separation of and to prevent state coercion of conscience while affirming 's non-proselytizing nature as inherently tolerant of diverse polities. Mendelssohn contended that religious truth arises from rational conviction and divine , not enforced , thus supporting civic duties under non-Jewish states without compromising Jewish law's voluntary observance. His views, rooted in Enlightenment and critiques of Spinoza's , positioned as a model for harmonious coexistence in pluralistic societies, influencing debates in and beyond. In the 19th century, emancipation's uneven progress spurred divergent philosophical responses. , formalized through synods in (1845) and Breslau (1846), reconceived Jewish political identity as a universal ethical mission detached from national restoration or messianic nationalism, rejecting return to and bodily resurrection in favor of progressive adaptation to modern states. (1810–1874), a pivotal Reform theorist, viewed Judaism as an evolving civilization emphasizing prophetic moral imperatives over ceremonial law, aligning it with liberal and civic patriotism in . Geiger's historicist approach justified ritual reforms to facilitate Jewish participation in enlightened polities, prioritizing individual autonomy and as halakhic extensions. Orthodox counter-movements, such as Samson Raphael Hirsch's , rejected Reform dilutions while endorsing selective engagement with modernity via —harmonizing sacred law with cultural and civic responsibilities. Hirsch (1808–1888), advocating separatist communities in 19th-century , defended Orthodox autonomy against state-backed reforms, insisting halakhic supremacy precluded compromise yet permitted vocational and political involvement to demonstrate Judaism's viability in secular orders. His philosophy critiqued emancipation's assimilatory pressures, positing divine covenant as transcending temporal governance while enabling ethical citizenship. 20th-century developments reflected Holocaust-era ruptures and state formations, with thinkers like Leo Strauss (1899–1973) interrogating modernity's relativism through classical Jewish lenses, warning that liberal democracies risk eroding revelatory truths foundational to ordered liberty. Strauss's recovery of Maimonides emphasized natural right's tension with historicist progressivism, influencing neoconservative critiques of unchecked secularism in Jewish political thought. These strands persist in debates over religion-state relations, balancing particularist fidelity with universalist ethics amid diaspora pluralism and national sovereignty.

Modern Diaspora Politics

Emancipation and European Involvement

The in marked the gradual granting of to , beginning with the French Revolution's decree on September 27, 1791, which extended citizenship to as the first full emancipation by a , contingent on their adherence to civic duties and renunciation of separate judicial autonomy. This process accelerated during revolutionary upheavals, such as the revolutions across , where demands for Jewish equality aligned with broader liberal calls for constitutional governance, though setbacks occurred post-Congress of Vienna in 1815, which restored conservative monarchies and restricted Jewish rights in regions like the German states. By the mid-19th century, full emancipation was achieved in Britain via the Jews Relief Act of 1858, allowing to sit in , and in the by 1796; in , partial rights came in 1812, with fuller integration following German unification in 1871. lagged, with significant populations in the facing restrictions until the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution nominally abolished legal disabilities, though pogroms and quotas persisted. Post-emancipation, Jews integrated into European political life, often aligning with liberal and progressive movements that had championed their , as conservative forces historically tied to clerical and feudal structures opposed equality on religious grounds. In , emancipated Jews demonstrated patriotism through military service and civic participation, with over 100,000 German Jews serving in , comprising 12% of officers despite being 1% of the population, aiming to refute antisemitic stereotypes of disloyalty. Political representation grew: in France, Jews like advocated republicanism; in , figures such as Bloch entered parliaments defending Jewish interests within assimilationist frameworks. However, emancipation exposed Jews to modern political , fueled by nationalist ideologies viewing Jewish integration as a threat to ethnic homogeneity, as seen in the (1894–1906) in France, where fabricated treason charges against Captain galvanized both assimilationist defenses and emerging Zionist critiques of diaspora vulnerability. In , Jewish political involvement shifted toward socialist and autonomist ideologies amid persistent , with the General Jewish Labour Bund founded in in the promoting cultural rights and class struggle over assimilation or . Jews comprised disproportionate shares of revolutionary activists, such as in the 1905 Russian uprisings, where they formed about 10% of Social Democratic Party members despite being 4% of the urban population, driven by economic marginalization and tsarist pogroms like those of 1881–1882 affecting over 200 communities. This engagement, while advancing labor reforms, reinforced perceptions of Jewish overrepresentation in , exploited by right-wing movements; in interwar , Jews held 30–35% of seats in socialist parties by the , reflecting both ideological affinity and exclusion from conservative nationalism. Emancipation's uneven implementation thus fostered diverse political strands, from loyalist integration in the West to revolutionary activism in the East, tempered by recurring antisemitic backlash that questioned Jewish political agency.

Politics in the United States

have historically aligned predominantly with the Democratic Party, with approximately 70% identifying as or leaning Democratic as of 2021, compared to 26% Republican-leaning. This pattern persisted into the 2024 election, where Pew Research found 63% of Jewish voters supported over at 35%, marking the highest Republican share since Ronald Reagan's era, though still a Democratic majority. Variations exist by denomination: Orthodox Jews show stronger Republican support, with 75% leaning GOP in 2020 polls, driven by social conservatism on issues like and traditional family structures, while and secular Jews remain overwhelmingly liberal. Factors contributing to this leftward tilt include high , urban concentration in Democratic strongholds like New York and , and historical gratitude for Franklin D. Roosevelt's policies, which aided Jewish immigrants during the . Jewish involvement in U.S. politics dates to the colonial era, but intensified post-emancipation and mass immigration from Eastern Europe in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, when Jews gravitated toward progressive causes amid antisemitism and labor struggles. By the 1930s, Jews formed a core of the Democratic coalition, supporting civil rights legislation; Jewish activists co-founded and funded groups like the NAACP and participated prominently in the 1960s movement, viewing parallels between Black and Jewish struggles against discrimination. This activism extended to labor unions and anti-poverty initiatives, reinforcing a commitment to social justice rooted in prophetic ethics, though some historians note it also reflected pragmatic self-interest in combating domestic prejudice. Post-World War II, Jewish voters consistently backed Democrats, with margins exceeding 70% in presidential races from 1968 to 2008, though Israel-related concerns prompted modest Republican shifts, as seen in increased Orthodox support after the 1967 Six-Day War. In the 119th Congress (2025-2027), comprise 34 members—about 6% of the total 535 lawmakers—despite representing roughly 2% of the U.S. population, indicating significant overrepresentation relative to demographics. This includes 10 Jewish senators (9% of the ) and 24 in the , with a notable rise in Jewish Republicans, the largest since the , reflecting post-October 7, 2023, concerns over and campus unrest. Prominent figures include Senate Majority Leader (D-NY) and representatives like (D-FL), though bipartisan presence underscores influence on , particularly U.S.- relations. Key organizations amplify Jewish political voice: the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) lobbies for strong U.S.-Israel ties, influencing aid and sanctions through bipartisan advocacy, while the monitors and pushes civil rights legislation, though critics argue it sometimes conflates policy disagreement with bigotry. The promotes democratic values and combats extremism, often coordinating with federations on voter mobilization. These groups, alongside the Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations, facilitate access to policymakers, with AIPAC's spending millions in 2024 primaries to back pro-Israel candidates across parties. Despite Democratic dominance, rising Republican Jewish support signals evolving priorities, including security amid global threats.

Other Diaspora Contexts

In , the Jewish community, numbering approximately 100,000 as of recent estimates, has historically aligned with the center-left Labor Party but shows signs of shifting support amid rising and concerns over policy. In the 2022 federal election, electorates with high Jewish concentrations, such as those in Sydney's eastern suburbs, predominantly voted for Labor candidates, rejecting incumbents from the Liberal-National despite the latter's stronger pro- stance. However, post-October 7, 2023, events have prompted a reevaluation, with community organizations like the Australian Jewish Association advocating centre-right positions on and free speech, and polling indicating potential Liberal gains in reconnecting with voters alienated by perceived equivocation on . Jewish representation in parliament remains limited, with figures like (former Liberal Treasurer) highlighting influence in , though no dedicated Jewish parties exist. Canada's Jewish population of around 400,000 exhibits a traditionally liberal bent, with 46% supporting the Liberal Party and 43% the Conservatives in the 2019 election, concentrated in urban ridings like Toronto's Thornhill, which has returned Conservative MPs due to its 29.5% Jewish demographic. Recent surveys post-2023 show a marked shift, with 55% favoring Conservatives amid perceptions of Liberal tolerance for and strained Canada- relations, bolstered by advocacy from the Centre for and Jewish Affairs (CIJA), which lobbies across parties on communal security. Jewish MPs, such as those in the Conservative caucus, have amplified voices on these issues, though the community avoids monolithic bloc voting, prioritizing domestic concerns like legislation alongside support. In , home to Africa's largest Jewish community of over 60,000, political engagement has been shaped by apartheid's legacy, where disproportionately opposed the regime—estimated at two to three times their population share in anti-apartheid activism—despite early communal ambivalence under National Party rule from 1948. Today, the government's adversarial stance toward , including its 2023 case accusing of , has heightened Jewish caution and emigration, with the South African Jewish Board of Deputies (SAJBD) focusing lobbying on domestic rather than partisan alignment. The community remains largely apolitical in electoral terms, emphasizing and self-preservation amid post-apartheid economic decline and rising insecurity. Latin American Jewish communities, totaling about 450,000 with majorities in (around 150,000-175,000) and (92,000), have engaged politics through anti-dictatorship resistance and remembrance, as in 's exposure of Nazi fugitives during the . Under military regimes in the 1970s-1980s, Jews faced disproportionate targeting in 's "," prompting communal organizations to advocate human rights without strong partisan ties. Recent surges in antisemitic incidents post-October 7, 2023—up nearly tenfold in —have spurred defensive advocacy, such as adoption of the IHRA definition of antisemitism in and , though voting patterns remain diffuse, influenced by local economic priorities over unified Jewish platforms.

Zionism and Israeli Politics

Origins of Zionist Political Ideology

The ideological foundations of political emerged in the mid-19th century amid rising European nationalism and persistent , with early precursors advocating Jewish national revival. , a German-Jewish philosopher and socialist, articulated proto-Zionist ideas in his 1862 book Rome and Jerusalem, arguing that constituted a distinct requiring territorial to escape vulnerabilities, influenced by the . 's work prefigured later Zionist thought by linking to land and , though it gained limited traction initially due to prevailing assimilationist trends among Western . A pivotal catalyst occurred with the 1881-1882 , which killed dozens, injured thousands, and displaced over 200,000 Jews, exposing the fragility of emancipation and fueling demands for autonomy. Russian-Jewish physician responded with his 1882 pamphlet , diagnosing as an incurable "psychosis" necessitating Jewish self-liberation through mass settlement in rather than reliance on gentile goodwill. This led to the formation of Hibbat Zion () groups in 1881-1882, which organized waves, establishing agricultural colonies like in 1882 and in 1883, emphasizing practical settlement over abstract diplomacy. By 1890, these efforts coalesced into the Odessa Committee, coordinating proto-Zionist activities despite tsarist restrictions. Political crystallized with , an Austro-Hungarian journalist galvanized by the 1894 , which highlighted modern antisemitism's endurance in emancipated . In his 1896 pamphlet (The Jewish State), Herzl proposed a sovereign Jewish polity—potentially in or —secured via international diplomacy and Jewish capital, rejecting piecemeal settlement for statehood as the definitive antidote to persecution. Herzl convened the in , , on August 29-31, 1897, founding the and adopting the , which declared: "Zionism seeks to establish a home for the Jewish people in secured under public law." This marked the transition from proto-Zionist activism to a structured political , prioritizing legal recognition over cultural or religious revival, though it faced opposition from Orthodox Jews viewing it as secular heresy and assimilationists deeming it regressive.

Religion-State Dynamics in Israel

The religion-state dynamics in Israel originated with the "status quo" arrangements established in 1947 by David Ben-Gurion, then head of the Jewish Agency, in correspondence with Orthodox leaders, which were incorporated into state practices upon independence in 1948. These included observance of Shabbat as the official day of rest, enforcement of kashrut in public institutions such as the military, hospitals, and government offices, exclusive rabbinical jurisdiction over Jewish personal status matters like marriage and divorce, state funding for religious education, and exemptions from military service for full-time yeshiva students. This framework sought to balance Zionist secularism with religious demands to secure coalition support, reflecting Ben-Gurion's pragmatic view that religious symbols strengthened national unity despite his personal secularism. Personal status laws remain under the exclusive purview of rabbinical courts for , as codified in the 1953 Rabbinical Courts Jurisdiction (Marriage and Divorce) Law, which mandates that marriages and divorces for Jewish citizens or residents occur solely through Orthodox halakhic procedures, with no provision for within . This leads to approximately 10,000-15,000 Israelis annually traveling abroad for civil or Reform/Conservative ceremonies, whose recognition depends on rabbinical validation, often creating barriers for interfaith couples, converts, or those seeking egalitarian rites. Divorce requires a get (Jewish bill of divorce) issued by the husband, enabling phenomena like agunot (chained women) unable to remarry halakhically if refused, with rabbinical courts handling over 10,000 cases yearly but criticized for gender biases in asset division and custody. Public observance of is regulated by the 1951 Hours of Work and Rest Law, prohibiting most commercial activity and in Jewish areas, though exemptions exist for and tourism, with enforcement lax in secular cities like where violations occur in up to 89% of Jewish municipalities. Kashrut standards are imposed on state institutions by the Chief Rabbinate, which certifies compliance and supervises imports, affecting over 90% of processed food under its oversight, though private alternatives like Mehadrin or Badatz exist for stricter observance. Military service exemptions for Haredi men, initially limited to 400 students in 1948, expanded to tens of thousands by the , comprising about 13% of the Jewish population as of 2023, fueling political tensions as the ruled in June 2024 to mandate their enlistment, prompting coalition crises and Haredi protests. Ultra-Orthodox parties like and leverage their kingmaker status in fragmented coalitions—holding 18 seats in the 2022 —to block reforms, as seen in their threats to exit governments over draft laws, exacerbating fiscal burdens from and low workforce participation among Haredim. The 2018 Basic Law: Israel as the Nation-State of the Jewish People constitutionally affirmed 's role as the Jewish people's homeland, designating Hebrew as the sole , as the undivided capital, and Jewish settlement as a national value, without altering core elements but intensifying debates over democratic equality versus ethno-religious priority. These dynamics perpetuate friction between secular majorities seeking liberalization and religious minorities demanding preservation, with surveys indicating 75% public support for options yet persistent veto power by religious factions in coalitions. Ongoing judicial and legislative clashes, including 2023 reform attempts, highlight causal tensions from demographic shifts—Haredi growth projected to 25% by 2040—and the absence of a formal , leaving religion-state relations vulnerable to electoral volatility rather than settled principle.

Religious Parties and Influence

Religious parties in Israel, primarily representing ultra-Orthodox (Haredi) and national-religious Jewish communities, have exerted outsized influence on the country's politics due to the fragmented , where coalitions are essential for governance. These parties typically secure 15-20% of Knesset seats in elections, positioning them as pivotal kingmakers in forming governments, particularly under prime ministers reliant on right-wing alliances. Their demands often center on maintaining the Orthodox rabbinate's monopoly over personal status laws, such as marriage and conversion, funding for , enforcement of observance, and exemptions from for yeshiva students. Shas, founded in 1984 by Rabbi as a Sephardi and Mizrahi ultra-Orthodox alternative to Ashkenazi-dominated religious parties, advocates for socioeconomic welfare alongside strict religious observance, appealing to poorer communities through networks of synagogues and charities. With 11 seats in the November 2022 election, joined Benjamin Netanyahu's coalition, securing ministries like the Interior and Health to advance policies favoring Haredi interests, including subsidies for large families and resistance to reforms. United Torah Judaism (UTJ), an Ashkenazi Haredi alliance of and formed in 1992, prioritizes over secular pursuits and opposes , viewing as disruptive to religious life; it garnered 7 seats in 2022 and has historically negotiated budget allocations exceeding billions of shekels annually for yeshivas. UTJ's influence manifests in blocking legislation perceived as eroding religious authority, such as public transport on , while maintaining a pragmatic stance on security issues to sustain coalition stability. The party, rebranded in 2021 from earlier national-religious factions like Tkuma, blends with territorial maximalism, advocating settlement expansion in the and application of there; it achieved 14 seats in 2022 as part of a right-wing bloc, enabling allies like to oversee civilian administration in and . Unlike Haredi parties, supports mandatory but with religious accommodations, reflecting its Zionist ideology that integrates faith with state-building. A core leverage point for Haredi parties remains the military draft exemption for full-time students, codified since Israel's founding but increasingly contested amid demographic growth—the Haredi population, at about 13% of in 2023, relies on this policy affecting over 60,000 potential inductees annually. The Supreme Court's June 2024 ruling against indefinite blanket exemptions prompted coalition crises, with withdrawing from committee roles in October 2025 over stalled legislation and UTJ threatening similar action, underscoring how religious parties can destabilize governments to preserve exemptions.

Ideological Strains in Jewish Politics

Liberal and Left-Wing Tendencies

In the United States, have consistently demonstrated strong alignment with liberal and , with approximately 70% identifying with or leaning toward the Democratic Party as of , and half describing their views as liberal. This pattern is evident in presidential voting, where an average of 71% supported Democratic candidates from 1968 to recent elections, though Orthodox , comprising about 10% of the community, vote more conservatively. In the 2020 election, non-Orthodox backed at rates exceeding 70%, reflecting priorities on social welfare, civil rights, and —issues tied to historical Jewish experiences of . Historically, Jewish involvement in socialist and labor movements dates to the late 19th century, particularly among Eastern European immigrants arriving in the U.S. after 1880, who formed unions like the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union and the Workmen's Circle, advocating for workers' rights amid urban poverty and anti-immigrant sentiment. In Europe, Jews were pioneers in socialist groups such as Poland's Proletariat party in the 1880s and the Jewish Labour Bund, which by 1905 represented over 30,000 members focused on Yiddish-speaking workers' emancipation without assimilation. These movements appealed due to Jews' disproportionate presence in precarious trades like tailoring and the promise of class solidarity transcending ethnic exclusion, though participation often stemmed from pragmatic responses to pogroms and economic marginalization rather than doctrinal affinity. Scholarly analyses attribute these tendencies to factors including high — are the most educated U.S. religious group, correlating with liberal views on issues like and equality—and a cultural emphasis on universal derived from rabbinic traditions of , interpreted through modern lenses as support for progressive policies. Yet, this alignment is not uniform; it intensified post-Holocaust, with serving as a bulwark against authoritarian historically linked to , as seen in right-wing regimes. In contemporary , data is sparser, but surveys indicate elevated support for center-left parties; for instance, in the UK's 2024 , Jewish voters favored Labour over the national average, despite rising left-associated complicating alliances. Critics note that institutional left-wing biases in academia and media may overstate Jewish uniformity, overlooking conservative strains among religious subgroups, but empirical voting and affiliation data confirm the dominance of liberal orientations in secular and Jewish demographics, which constitute the majority. This pattern persists amid debates over whether it reflects enduring minority-group realism—favoring expansive state protections—or ideological overreach, as evidenced by Jewish overrepresentation in 20th-century leftist intellectual circles like the .

Conservative and Nationalist Perspectives

Orthodox Jews, who represent a religiously observant minority within the global Jewish population estimated at around 10-15% of US Jews, tend to espouse conservative political views emphasizing traditional family structures, , and resistance to secular progressive reforms such as expansive rights or LGBTQ+ policies in schools. This alignment manifests in electoral behavior, with Orthodox communities delivering overwhelming support to Republican candidates; in the 2024 US presidential election, approximately 73% of Orthodox voters chose , prioritizing issues like security and opposition to antisemitism on campuses over domestic social welfare expansions. Such patterns reflect a causal prioritization of communal survival and observance amid perceived cultural threats, contrasting with the broader Jewish tendency toward documented in surveys showing only 20% of Jews self-identifying as conservative. Jewish nationalist ideologies, historically crystallized in pioneered by in the 1920s, advocate for uncompromised Jewish sovereignty and territorial maximalism as essential defenses against existential threats, viewing assimilation as a dilution of collective vitality. Contemporary exponents like extend this framework into , arguing that ethno-cultural nations with defined borders—exemplified by Israel's —foster stability and moral order superior to liberal universalism, which they contend erodes group cohesion as evidenced by rising intermarriage rates exceeding 50% among non-Orthodox US Jews. In Israel, religious nationalist factions within parties like push for policies integrating halakhic principles into governance, including settlement expansion in and , justified by biblical claims and security imperatives following events like the October 7, 2023, attacks that killed over 1,200 Israelis. These perspectives critique globalist for enabling antisemitic resurgence, as seen in European migrant-related violence against Jews, urging Jews to champion nationalism reciprocally rather than unilateral openness. Empirical data underscores the resilience of these strains: Orthodox population growth via high fertility rates (averaging 4-6 children per family) projects them to comprise 25% of US Jews by 2050, amplifying conservative influence, while nationalist advocacy has solidified Israel's right-wing governance since 1977, with coalitions consistently prioritizing Jewish demographic majorities. Critics from liberal Jewish circles often dismiss these views as outlier extremism, yet proponents substantiate them through historical precedents like pre-state militias' role in Israel's founding and post-Holocaust imperatives for self-reliance.

Controversies and Criticisms

Dual Loyalty Charges

The charge of dual loyalty posits that maintain primary allegiance to , the Jewish people, or international Jewish interests over their obligations to the nation-state in which they reside, a accusation frequently levied in political discourse to question Jewish patriotism or influence. This trope has persisted for millennia, originating in antiquity when Roman authorities scrutinized communities for suspected divided loyalties during conflicts like the Jewish-Roman wars of the CE. In medieval , Christian doctrines portrayed as inherently disloyal, culminating in events like the expulsion of from in 1290 under claims of fealty to foreign or religious powers rather than . The motif intensified during the in (1894–1906), where Jewish army captain was falsely convicted of treason for allegedly spying for , with prosecutors emphasizing his Jewish heritage as evidence of inherent untrustworthiness. In the , allegations fueled Nazi , which depicted Jews as a undermining host nations from within, contributing to policies of exclusion and ; similar rhetoric appeared in the forged Protocols of the Elders of Zion (early 1900s), which claimed a global Jewish conspiracy transcending national borders. Post-World War II, the establishment of in 1948 amplified the charge, as Zionist affiliations were portrayed by critics in both the and Arab states as evidence of divided commitments; for instance, during the 1967 , some regimes expelled Jewish citizens suspected of covert support for . In Western contexts, the accusation resurfaced amid fears, with figures like U.S. Senator (1950s) occasionally invoking Jewish backgrounds in loyalty probes, though not exclusively. Contemporary instances in U.S. illustrate the charge's persistence across ideological lines. In February 2019, Representative (D-MN) tweeted that U.S. congressional support for was driven by AIPAC's financial influence, stating "It's all about the Benjamins baby," which critics interpreted as implying Jewish Americans exhibit by prioritizing Israeli interests through monetary leverage—a echoing historical blood libels and financial control myths. The responded with a resolution condemning , including tropes, on March 7, 2019, amid bipartisan rebuke; Omar later apologized but maintained her critique targeted lobbying, not ethnicity. Conversely, former President repeatedly accused Jewish Democrats of disloyalty, stating on August 20, 2019, that "any Jewish people that vote for a Democrat... it shows either a total lack of knowledge or great disloyalty," and reiterating in March 2024 that such voters "hate " and "their religion." These remarks drew condemnation from groups like the as invoking antisemitic narratives, though Trump framed them as prioritizing U.S.- over partisan voting. Defenders of the accused often cite empirical loyalty, such as disproportionate Jewish service in U.S. military conflicts (e.g., over 500,000 Jewish Americans served in ) and consistent civic participation, arguing the charge conflates legitimate policy advocacy with treasonous intent. Critics, however, point to Israel's 1950 , which facilitates dual citizenship for worldwide, and organizations like AIPAC's $100 million+ annual expenditures (as of 2023 FEC data), suggesting potential conflicts in cases of elected officials with strong ties—though no verified instances of policy subversion exist in peer-reviewed analyses. Jewish organizations classify the trope as antisemitic per the definition (adopted by 35+ countries by 2023), emphasizing its role in marginalizing minorities regardless of factual allegiance. In , parallel charges emerged in UK Labour Party scandals (2015–2020), where leader faced probes for tolerating rhetoric questioning Jewish loyalty amid critiques, leading to his 2020 suspension. Despite such defenses, the accusation endures, often amplified in populist discourses questioning foreign influence, with data from Pew Research (2021) showing 82% of U.S. feel strong attachment to but 71% prioritize American identity.

Influence and Overrepresentation Debates

Jews constitute approximately 2.4% of the U.S. adult population, yet they have comprised about 6% of members of in recent sessions, including the 119th (2025–2027), representing an overrepresentation by a factor of roughly three relative to their demographic share. This pattern holds across multiple cycles, with 33 Jewish members in the 118th (2023–2025) and similar proportions previously. Empirical analyses attribute such disparities partly to elevated , higher , and urban concentration in politically active areas, though discussions of underlying factors like cognitive selection from historical persecutions remain contentious and often sidelined in academic discourse due to associations with . Financial contributions amplify debates on influence, as Jewish donors have historically provided a disproportionate share of campaign funding; for instance, in 2016, they accounted for roughly half of donations to the Democratic Party and 25% to the . Prominent examples include billionaire donors such as (over $100 million to Republican causes in recent cycles) and (significant Democratic funding), alongside pro-Israel groups like the (AIPAC), which spent over $100 million in the 2024 elections, targeting critics of in primaries and contributing to the defeat of several incumbents. AIPAC's lobbying expenditures reached $3.3 million in 2024, focusing on bipartisan support for U.S. aid to , which totals about $3.8 billion annually. These patterns spark debates over whether overrepresentation equates to undue sway, particularly on toward , with critics arguing it distorts U.S. priorities through organized and donor pressure, as evidenced by AIPAC's role in shaping congressional resolutions and aid packages. Defenders counter that such involvement reflects legitimate by a high-achieving minority, comparable to other ethnic lobbies, and that mainstream analyses often underemphasize empirical on group strategies or evolutionary adaptations in favor of dismissing inquiries as conspiratorial, a tendency critiqued for evading causal explanations rooted in measurable traits like and cohesion. Scholarly treatments, such as those examining group evolutionary dynamics, posit that historical isolation and selection for verbal and skills contributed to success in domains, though these views face rejection in institutions prone to ideological biases against hereditarian accounts. The discourse remains polarized, with on outcomes—like consistent U.S. vetoes of UN resolutions critical of —fueling claims of asymmetric influence unchecked by proportional population size.

Internal Jewish Political Divisions

Jewish political divisions often align closely with levels of religious observance and denominational affiliation, creating significant internal cleavages within communities, particularly in the United States and . In the U.S., where the largest Jewish population resides, surveys reveal a pronounced partisan split: approximately 70% of Jewish adults identify with or lean toward the Democratic Party, while Orthodox Jews diverge sharply, with 75% aligning Republican or leaning Republican as of 2021, up from 57% in 2013. This shift among Orthodox Jews correlates with their self-description as conservative, with 60% holding such views, comparable to white evangelical Protestants. Non-Orthodox Jews, including those affiliated with (37% of U.S. Jews), Conservative (17%), or no denomination (32%), overwhelmingly support Democratic policies on social issues like and LGBTQ rights, reflecting broader liberal tendencies shaped by higher rates of and intermarriage. Orthodox communities, by contrast, prioritize traditional family structures, , and strong support for , leading to alignment with Republican stances on , welfare, and . These differences extend to intra-communal tensions, such as debates over public funding for religious schools (yeshivas) and accommodations for observance, where Orthodox advocacy clashes with secular Jews' emphasis on church-state separation. In , divisions manifest along religiosity lines, with Haredi (ultra-Orthodox) —comprising about 13% of the population—favoring right-wing coalitions that preserve exemptions from military service and subsidies for large families, often at odds with secular Israelis who constitute the majority and push for universal and reduced religious influence in . Religious Zionists, blending with , support settlement expansion and hawkish policies, differing from more secular left-leaning groups that advocate territorial compromises for . These fissures have intensified post-October 7, 2023, attacks, exacerbating debates over judicial reforms, laws, and national unity, as Haredi political parties like wield disproportionate influence in fragile coalitions. Globally, these internal rifts challenge unified Jewish advocacy, with secular Jews more prone to universalist and of Israeli policies, while religious subgroups emphasize particularist concerns like halakhic (Jewish law) observance and anti-assimilation efforts. Empirical data from surveys underscore that religiosity, rather than alone, drives these divides, as higher observance correlates with conservative across contexts.

References

  1. https://herzlinstitute.org/en/jewish-political-thought/
  2. https://oxfordre.com/politics/display/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.001.0001/acrefore-9780190228637-e-793
  3. https://pluralism.org/zionism-and-israel
  4. https://www.pewresearch.org/religion/2021/05/11/u-s-jews-political-views/
  5. https://www.pewresearch.org/religion/2025/01/02/faith-on-the-hill-2025/
  6. https://www.journalofdemocracy.org/articles/world-religions-and-democracy-judaism-and-political-life/
  7. https://bibleinterp.arizona.edu/articles/2017/09/mor418026
  8. https://www.galaxie.com/article/atj05-1-04
  9. https://www.biblegateway.com/resources/encyclopedia-of-the-bible/Period-Judges
  10. https://www.jesuswalk.com/gideon/0-gideon-intro.htm
  11. https://www.thecollector.com/role-of-prophets-ancient-israelite-politics/
  12. https://www.bibleodyssey.org/articles/the-rights-and-duties-of-kings-in-ancient-israel/
  13. https://www.thetorah.com/article/a-king-who-reads-torah
  14. https://aish.com/jewish-monarchy-to-lead-is-to-serve/
  15. https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/the-sanhedrin
  16. https://rabbisacks.org/covenant-conversation/shoftim/the-consent-of-the-governed/
  17. https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/25834198.pdf
  18. https://firstthings.com/a-king-in-israel/
  19. https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/dina-de-malkhuta-dina
  20. https://referenceworks.brill.com/view/entries/EJHC/COM-0182.xml
  21. https://rabbisacks.org/covenant-conversation/shoftim/the-three-crowns/
  22. https://bibleinterp.arizona.edu/articles/2001/politics
  23. https://dje.jcpa.org/articles/judges.htm
  24. https://www.biblearchaeology.org/research/judges-united-monarchy/3457-the-united-monarchy-under-david-and-solomon
  25. https://anetoday.org/david-and-solomons-kingdom/
  26. https://creation.com/david-and-solomon
  27. https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/biblical-times
  28. https://thedailyapologist.com/blog/evidence-for-kings
  29. https://www.thetorah.com/article/the-hasmonean-calendar-begins-with-the-rule-of-simon-the-high-priest-142-bce
  30. https://www.myjewishlearning.com/article/the-hasmonean-dynasty/
  31. https://jaha.org.ro/index.php/JAHA/article/view/1015
  32. https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/yochanan-ben-zakkai
  33. https://www.chabad.org/library/article_cdo/aid/6867596/jewish/One-Step-Ahead-of-the-Romans-The-Travels-of-the-Sanhedrin.htm
  34. https://www.biblicalarchaeology.org/daily/discovering-the-sanhedrin/
  35. https://www.ou.org/judaism-101/sanhedrin/
  36. https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/nasi
  37. http://noahbickart.fastmail.fm.user.fm/TRS319/Stern.Rabbi.pdf
  38. https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/exilarch
  39. https://www.chabad.org/library/article_cdo/aid/4451670/jewish/Who-Was-the-Exilarch-Reish-Galuta.htm
  40. https://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/jewish-exilarchate/
  41. https://referenceworks.brill.com/display/entries/EJIO/COM-0007510.xml?language=en
  42. https://faculty.history.umd.edu/BCooperman/HistJewsI/Marcus38Autonomy.pdf
  43. https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/cambridge-history-of-judaism/communal-and-religious-organization/5D9AD58056F387A1AE60614981053048
  44. http://www.inquiriesjournal.com/articles/551/jews-and-jewry-law-in-medieval-germany
  45. https://www.jewishencyclopedia.com/articles/13951-speyer
  46. https://www.laits.utexas.edu/bodian/me-bisopSpeyers.html
  47. https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/bishop-of-speyer-on-the-grant-of-lands-and-privileges-to-the-jews-1084
  48. https://www.encyclopedia.com/religion/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/henry-ivdeg
  49. https://publishing.cdlib.org/ucpressebooks/view?docId=ft709nb49x&chunk.id=s1.2.4&toc.id=&brand=ucpress
  50. https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/232710042.pdf
  51. https://www.jpost.com/opinion/op-ed-contributors/the-medieval-roots-of-the-modern-knesset-328560
  52. https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/halevi/
  53. https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/maimonides/
  54. https://iep.utm.edu/maimonid/
  55. https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/albo-joseph/
  56. https://jewishreviewofbooks.com/jewish-history/10855/the-court-jew-who-hated-kings/
  57. https://brill.com/downloadpdf/display/book/9789047425281/Bej.9789004171961.i-278_011.pdf
  58. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/01916599.2024.2378040
  59. https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/the-haskalah
  60. https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/mendelssohn/
  61. https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctv102bdm0
  62. https://www.britannica.com/topic/Reform-Judaism
  63. https://iupress.org/9780253111852/abraham-geigers-liberal-judaism/
  64. https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/abraham-geiger
  65. https://www.britannica.com/biography/Samson-Raphael-Hirsch
  66. https://www.myjewishlearning.com/article/samson-raphael-hirsch-the-father-of-neo-orthodoxy/
  67. https://claremontreviewofbooks.com/leo-strauss-and-modern-judaism/
  68. https://www.myjewishlearning.com/article/jewish-emancipation-in-western-europe/
  69. https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/emancipation
  70. https://www.copernico.eu/en/articles/jewish-history-eastern-europe-19th-century
  71. https://www.mahj.org/en/permanent-collection/12-jewish-intellectual-and-political-movements-europe-late-19th-and-early-20th
  72. https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10767-017-9252-z
  73. https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/cambridge-guide-to-jewish-history-religion-and-culture/european-jewry-18001933/5DB3C439902DDB12850F6B22C55FC69E
  74. https://encyclopedia.ushmm.org/content/en/article/antisemitism-in-history-the-era-of-nationalism-1800-1918
  75. https://www.facebook.com/haaretzcom/posts/a-pew-research-center-survey-finds-that-35-of-us-jewish-voters-backed-trump-in-2/1130837929078885/
  76. https://www.pewresearch.org/religion/2021/05/11/jewish-americans-in-2020/
  77. https://split-ticket.org/2025/02/18/the-jewish-american-vote/
  78. https://www.pbs.org/jewishamericans/jewish_life/activism.html
  79. https://rac.org/issues/civil-rights-voting-rights/brief-history-jews-and-civil-rights-movement-1960s
  80. https://www.gilderlehrman.org/history-resources/essays/role-jewish-americans-civil-rights-movement
  81. https://www.associationforjewishstudies.org/podcasts/why-most-american-jews-are-democrats-transcript
  82. https://www.jta.org/2024/12/11/politics/challenges-and-opportunities-for-the-jewish-members-of-the-119th-congress
  83. https://www.haaretz.com/news/2025-01-02/ty-article/.premium/congress-has-higher-percentage-of-jews-than-general-u-s-population-once-again/00000194-282f-d555-abbc-a86f57ab0000
  84. https://jweekly.com/2024/12/12/whats-ahead-for-the-34-jewish-members-of-the-next-congress/
  85. https://chosenpeople.com/top-organizations-fighting-antisemitism/
  86. https://www.facebook.com/AJCGlobal/posts/ajc-adl-aipac-conference-of-presidents-of-major-american-jewish-organizations-an/862574362581252/
  87. https://www.jewishelectorateinstitute.org/p7846
  88. https://www.abc.net.au/religion/the-jewish-vote-and-the-2022-federal-election-michael-easson/13951240
  89. https://www.australianjewishnews.com/the-jewish-vote-counted/
  90. https://www.aph.gov.au/DocumentStore.ashx?id=ccf01c54-435b-4f8f-8528-5f573e1d2f0f&subId=762225
  91. https://www.aph.gov.au/DocumentStore.ashx?id=4bd7f25d-4b5b-4ed4-b57c-84bf9305432a&subId=763503
  92. https://www.elections.ca/content.aspx?section=ele&dir=pas/43ge/jui&document=jew&lang=e
  93. https://www.sandfordborins.com/2025/04/09/should-jews-vote-liberal-or-conservative/
  94. https://www.cjpmemap.ca/2025_04_25_ai_globe_and_mail
  95. https://www.cija.ca/who_we_are
  96. https://www.tvo.org/article/analysis-are-canadian-jews-really-moving-to-the-conservatives
  97. https://www.brandeis.edu/tauber/publications/books/shimoni-conscience.html
  98. https://www.dw.com/en/south-africas-anti-israel-stance-alarms-countrys-jews/a-67610248
  99. https://www.sajbd.org/
  100. https://www.worldjewishcongress.org/en/about/communities/za
  101. https://www.worldjewishcongress.org/es/about/communities/BR
  102. https://nacla.org/brazilian-belonging-jewish-politics-in-cold-war-latin-america-review/
  103. https://blogs.uoregon.edu/jewishlatinamerica/dictatorships-and-desaparecidos/
  104. https://www.adl.org/resources/blog/jewish-issues-watch-latin-america-2022
  105. https://www.bnaibrith.org/living-as-jews-in-latin-america-after-oct-7/
  106. http://www.zionismontheweb.org/zionism_history.htm
  107. https://www.fpri.org/article/2015/01/origins-and-evolution-of-zionism/
  108. https://www.mdpi.com/2077-1444/13/1/52
  109. https://azm.org/wp-content/uploads/The_A_to_Z_of_Zionism.pdf
  110. https://resources.saylor.org/wwwresources/archived/site/wp-content/uploads/2011/06/History-of-Zionism.pdf
  111. https://www.historytoday.com/archive/feature/herzls-troubled-dream-origins-zionism
  112. https://www.gutenberg.org/files/25282/25282-h/25282-h.htm
  113. https://herzlinstitute.org/en/theodor-herzl/
  114. https://israeled.org/david-ben-gurion-and-the-status-quo-agreement-jewish-laws-to-be-protected-in-the-coming-state/
  115. https://www.masaisrael.org/resource/the-religion-state-status-quo-from-ben-gurion-to-today/
  116. https://www.quora.com/Why-did-Ben-Gurion-agree-to-abide-to-the-religious-status-quo-in-Israel
  117. https://main.knesset.gov.il/EN/about/history/documents/kns2_rabbiniccourts_eng.pdf
  118. https://djilp.org/the-israel-legal-system-and-its-effects-on-marriage/
  119. https://hiddush.org/subchannel-16-0-Divorce.aspx
  120. https://en.idi.org.il/articles/14015
  121. https://www.timesofisrael.com/israels-official-shabbat-rules-being-increasingly-broken-on-the-ground-research/
  122. https://lawoffices.co.il/en/kashrut-certificate/
  123. https://www.jpost.com/jerusalem-report/article-868798
  124. https://www.nytimes.com/2025/10/18/magazine/israel-haredi-draft-netanyahu-war.html
  125. https://www.timesofisrael.com/shas-quits-its-coalition-posts-to-protest-failure-to-legislate-haredi-draft-exemption/
  126. https://israelpolicyforum.org/2019/02/21/israels-ultra-orthodox-parties-explained/
  127. https://main.knesset.gov.il/EN/activity/documents/BasicLawsPDF/BasicLawNationState.pdf
  128. https://en.idi.org.il/articles/24241
  129. https://www.hoover.org/research/religion-and-politics-israel
  130. https://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/increasingly-right-stuff-religious-parties-israels-upcoming-election
  131. https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/shas-political-party
  132. https://www.britannica.com/topic/Shas
  133. https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/united-torah-judaism-political-party
  134. https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/tkuma-political-party
  135. https://goodauthority.org/news/israels-religious-zionists-gained-ground-in-the-november-election/
  136. https://www.ynetnews.com/article/rkjfxi30gx
  137. https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jewish-voting-record-in-u-s-presidential-elections
  138. https://ajpp.brandeis.edu/documents/2020/ajpp-politicalreport-natlsummary-050422.pdf
  139. https://www.myjewishlearning.com/article/jewish-socialism-in-the-united-states-1880-1920/
  140. https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/socialism
  141. https://www.marxists.org/subject/jewish/jewish-labor-socialism.pdf
  142. https://www.jstor.org/stable/2749579
  143. https://www.jstor.org/stable/194105
  144. https://www.jpr.org.uk/reports/jewish-voting-intentions-eve-2024-uk-general-election
  145. https://www.pewresearch.org/politics/2024/04/09/party-identification-among-religious-groups-and-religiously-unaffiliated-voters/
  146. https://ideas.tikvah.org/mosaic/observations/socialism-and-the-jews-a-brief-history
  147. https://www.jewishelectorateinstitute.org/p7830
  148. https://www.jewishdatabank.org/databank/search-results/study/1113
  149. https://www.aei.org/op-eds/yes-there-are-politically-conservative-jews-out-there/
  150. https://arcmag.org/the-mind-of-maga/
  151. https://jewishcurrents.org/light-among-the-nations
  152. https://www.npr.org/2024/03/07/1198908601/throughline-the-rise-of-the-right-wing-in-israel
  153. https://www.heritage.org/conservatism/commentary/jews-have-home-the-conservative-movement
  154. https://www.jns.org/column/american-jewry/23/8/30/314878/
  155. https://muse.jhu.edu/article/502/summary
  156. https://www.ajc.org/translatehate/dual-loyalty
  157. https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2019/03/ilhan-omar-and-ugly-history-dual-loyal-trope/584185/
  158. https://www.worldjewishcongress.org/en/news/defining-antisemitism-dual-loyalty
  159. https://www.worldjewishcongress.org/en/conspiracy-myths/the-myth-of-dual-loyalty
  160. https://besacenter.org/jews-dual-loyalty/
  161. https://www.adl.org/resources/article/straight-talk-charge-jewish-disloyalty
  162. https://www.npr.org/2019/03/07/700901834/minnesota-congresswoman-ignites-debate-on-israel-and-anti-semitism
  163. https://www.nytimes.com/2019/03/01/us/politics/ilhan-omar-israel.html
  164. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-49417157
  165. https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/donald-trump/trump-says-jews-vote-democrats-hate-israel-religion-rcna143988
  166. https://www.pewresearch.org/religion/2023/01/03/faith-on-the-hill-2023/
  167. https://www.jstor.org/stable/1455593
  168. https://www.jpost.com/us-elections/us-jews-contribute-half-of-all-donations-to-the-democratic-party-468774
  169. https://www.timesofisrael.com/meet-the-leading-jewish-political-donors-in-this-us-election-cycle/
  170. https://theintercept.com/2024/10/24/aipac-spending-congress-elections-israel/
  171. https://www.opensecrets.org/orgs/american-israel-public-affairs-cmte/summary?id=D000046963
  172. https://www.opensecrets.org/industries/contrib?cycle=2018&ind=Q05
  173. https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/article/2024/aug/16/congress-election-pro-Israel-lobby-aipac
  174. https://pol.illinoisstate.edu/downloads/student-life/conferences/AustinTanyaAIPAC05.pdf
  175. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC5942340/
  176. https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/29526014/
  177. https://www.aa.com.tr/en/analysis/opinion-aipac-s-influence-on-the-us-politics/3291116/
  178. https://www.jewishtogether.org/2020pewstudy
  179. https://www.aei.org/op-eds/the-divided-jewish-political-community-in-america/
  180. https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2016/03/08/key-findings-religion-politics-israel/
  181. https://www.salzburgglobal.org/news/topics/article/bordering-beliefs-israels-sociopolitical-divide-between-liberal-and-ultra-orthodox-values
  182. https://www.jstor.org/stable/26346567
Add your contribution
Related Hubs
User Avatar
No comments yet.