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Sama–Bajaw languages
Sama–Bajaw languages
from Wikipedia
Sama–Bajaw
Geographic
distribution
Sulu Archipelago and Capul, between the Philippines , Borneo, Sulawesi, Indonesia
Linguistic classificationAustronesian
Proto-languageProto-Sama–Bajaw
Language codes
Glottologsama1302
The Sinama speakers of Semporna, Malaysia are known as Bajau. This Bajau woman wears "borak", the traditional sun protection.
Rowing out from Tinutuꞌ Village, a Sama village outside of Sulu where several Central Sinama dialects are spoken. Most notably Sinama Musuꞌ and Sinama Silumpak.

The Sama–Bajaw languages are a well-established group of languages spoken by the Sama-Bajau peoples (Aꞌa sama) of the Philippines, Indonesia, and Malaysia. In Indonesia, these languages reflect a long-standing maritime heritage, illustrating the historical mobility of coastal peoples whose navigation across the Sulawesi, Flores, and Banda Seas helped define cultural and linguistic exchange within the archipelago.[1]

Languages

[edit]

Grimes (2003) identifies nine Sama–Bajaw languages.

  1. Balangingi (Bangingiꞌ; Northern Sama)
  2. Central Sama (Siasa Sama)
  3. Southern Sama (Sinama)
  4. Pangutaran Sama (Siyama)
  5. Mapun (Kagayan)
  6. Yakan
  7. Abaknon (Inabaknon)
  8. Indonesian Bajau
  9. West Coast Bajau

The first six are spoken in the Sulu region of the southern Philippines. Indonesian Bajau is spoken mainly in Sulawesi and West Coast Bajau in Sabah, Borneo. Several dialects of the languages can be identified.[2]

Blust (2006)[3] states that lexical evidence indicates that Sama–Bajaw originated in the Barito region of southeast Borneo, although not from any established group of Barito languages. Ethnologue has followed, calling the resulting group 'Greater Barito'.

Classification

[edit]

Pallesen (1985:18) classifies the Sama–Bajaw languages as follows.

  • Sama-Bajaw
    • Abaknon
    • Yakan: Northern Yakan, Southern Yakan
    • Sibuguey (Sama Batuan)
    • Sulu-Borneo
      • Western Sulu: Sama Pangutaran, Sama Ubian
      • Inner Sulu
        • Northern Sulu: Tagtabun Balangingiq, Tongquil Balangingiq, Linungan, Panigayan Balangingiq, Landang-Guaq, Mati, Sama Daongdong, Kawit Balangingiq, Karundung, Pilas
        • Central Sulu: Sama Kaulungan, Sama Dilaut, Sama Kabingan, Sama Musuq, Sama Laminusa, Sama Balimbing, Sama Bannaran, Sama Bangaw-Bangaw, South Ubian
        • Southern Sulu: Sama Tanduq-baas, Sama Simunul, Sama Pahut, Sama Sibutuq, Sama Sampulnaq
        • Sama Lutangan, Sama Sibukuq
      • Borneo Coast
        • Jama Mapun
        • Sabah Land Bajaw: Kota Belud Bajaw, Kawang Bajaw, Papar Bajaw, Banggi Bajaw, Putatan Bajaw
        • Indonesian Bajaw: Sulamu, Kajoa, Roti, Jaya Bakti, Poso, Togian 1, Wallace, Togian 2, Minahasa

The Ethnologue divides Sinama into seven languages based on mutual intelligibility. The seven Sinama languages are Northern Sinama, Central Sinama, Southern Sinama, Sinama Pangutaran from the island of Pangutaran off of Jolo island, Mapun, Bajau West Coast of Sabah and Bajau Indonesia. Jama Mapun, a language from the island of Mapun, formerly known as Cagayan de Sulu, is a related language and sometimes also referred to as Sinama. These classifications are rarely recognized by Sama themselves who instead classify their Sinama by the village or island it originates from. The emic classification of a Sama person's language e.g. Silumpak, Laminusa, Tabawan generally form the different dialects of the seven Sinama or Bajau languages.

Together, West Coast Bajau, Indonesian Bajau, and Mapun comprise a Borneo Coast Bajaw branch in Ethnologue.

Dialects

[edit]

The following is a list of Sama-Bajaw dialects. Locations and demographics are from Palleson (1985)[4] and Ethnologue (individual languages with separately assigned ISO codes highlighted in bold).

  • West Coast Bajau
  • Indonesian Bajau
  • Inabaknon: Capul Island, off the coast of northwestern Samar, central Philippines
  • Yakan: eastern Basilan Island, southern Zamboanga Peninsula. 60,000 speakers.
    • Northern Yakan:[4] northern part of eastern Basilan Island
    • Southern Yakan:[4] southern part of eastern Basilan Island
  • Pangutaran Sama (Western Sulu Sama branch)
    • Sama Pangutaran:[4] Pangutaran Island, 50 km northwest of Jolo City. 12,000 speakers. Some live in Palawan
    • Sama Ubihan:[4] North Ubian Island, a few miles southwest of Pangutaran. 2,000 speakers. Also called aꞌa ubian, aꞌa sowang bunaꞌ 'people of Bunaꞌ channel'.
  • Inner Sulu Sama branch
    • Northern Sama (Northern Sulu in Pallesen (1985))
      • Lutangan (Lutango): mainland of Mindanao opposite Olutanga Island
      • Sibuco-Vitali (Sibukuꞌ): inland area across the Zamboanga Peninsula, 50 km north of Zamboanga City. 11,000 speakers. Also called sama bitaliꞌ, sama nawan.
      • Sibuguey (Batuan): Kulasihan River on the eastern side of Sibuguey Bay between Olutanga Island and the head of the bay
      • Balangingi
      • Daongdung (Sama Daongdong): Daongdong Island, off the southeast coast of Jolo Island
      • Kabingaꞌan
      • Tagtabun Balangingiꞌ:[4] Tagtabun Island, just east of Zamboanga City. Regular population of 300 as of 1972. Also called bahasa bāngingi' (bāngingiꞌ, aꞌa tagtabun).
      • Tongquil Balangingiꞌ:[4] Tongquil Island in the Samales group, east of Jolo Island. 8,000 speakers. Also called sama tongkil.
      • Linungan:[4] Linungan (Linongan) or Cocos Island, off the northeast coast of Basilan Island
      • Panigayan Balangingiꞌ:[4] Malamawi Island, just off the west coast of Basilan Island. Several hundred speakers. Also called bahasa balangingiꞌ (sama bāngingiꞌ).
      • Landang-Guaꞌ:[4] Sakol or Landang Island, just east of Zamboanga City, north of Tagtabun Island. Also called aꞌa landang-guaꞌ ('Landang-Guaꞌ people').
      • Mati:[4] Mati, Davao Oriental, just east of the San Agustin Peninsula
      • Kawit Balangingiꞌ:[4] Kawit, 10 km west of Zamboanga City
      • Karundung:[4] Karundung, on the southeast coast of Jolo Island
      • Pilas:[4] Pilas Islands, 15 km west of Basilan Island
    • Central Sama
      • Sama Deya
      • Sama Dilaut: throughout Sulu, but especially in Zamboanga City, in Siasi, and in Sitangkai, south of Tawi-Tawi Island. 80,000 speakers in the Philippines. Also called sama toꞌongan 'genuine Sama'; sama pagūng 'floating Sama'; sama palaꞌu 'boat-dwelling Sama'.
      • Sama Siasi
      • Sama Laminusa: Laminusa Island, just off the north coast of Siasi Island. 5,000 speakers.
      • Sama Tabawan
      • Sama Kaulungan:[4] Kaulungan Island, just off the eastern end of Basilan Island. At least 1,000 speakers.
      • Sama Musuꞌ:[4] south coast of Siasi Island. 3,000 speakers. Intermarriage with Sama Dilaut. Also called Sama Lipid (Littoral Sama) by the Sama Dilaut (Sea Sama).
      • Sama Balimbing:[4] Balimbing, on the east coast of Tawi-Tawi Island (listed as part of Southern Sama in Ethnologue)
      • Sama Bannaran:[4] Bannaran Island, Sapa-Sapa, Tawi-Tawi.
      • Sama Bangaw-Bangaw:[4] near Sandakan on the northeast coast of Sabah
      • South Ubihan:[4] South Ubian Island, east of the northeast end of Tawi-Tawi Island. Census figure of 27,000, including the population of Tandubas.
    • Southern Sama
      • Sibutuꞌ (Sama Sibutu): Sibutu Island, southwest of Bongao Island. About 10,000 speakers.
      • Simunul: Simunul Island, south of Bongao Island. 10,000 speakers. Also called sama səddopan.
      • Tandubas (Tanduꞌ-baas): Tandubas Island, just of the northeastern point of Tawi-Tawi Island. Census figure of 27,000, including the population of Tandubas. Also called aꞌa tanduꞌ-bās 'people of Tandu-Bas', aꞌa ungus matata 'people of Ungus Matata'. The Sama of central Sulu call them obian, ubian, sama sꞌddopan 'Southern Sama'.
      • Obian
      • Bongao
      • Sitangkai
      • Languyan
      • Sapa-Sapa
      • Sama Pahut:[4] Bongao Island. About 1,000 speakers.
      • Sama Sampulnaꞌ:[4] Semporna, east Sabah
      • Berau, East Kalimantan about 46,000 speakers.
  • Mapun: 43,000 in the Philippines; 15,000 Mapun people in Sabah, Malaysia (2011 SIL)
  • Bajau West Coast Sabah
  • Bajau Indonesia
Sama–Bajaw dialects
Northern Sinama Central Sinama Southern Sinama Sinama Pangutaran Sinama Mapun Bajau West Coast Sabah Bajau Indonesia
Tagtabun Balangingiꞌ Sama Kaulungan Simunul Pangutaran Kota Belud Torosiaje
Tonquil Balangingiꞌ Sama Dilaut Sibutuꞌ Ubian (North) Tuaran
Linungan Musuꞌ Tandubas Kudat
Panigayan Balangingiꞌ Laminusa Sitangkai Pitas
Landang-Guaꞌ Balimbing Ubian (South)
Sama Daongdong Bannaran Languyan
Kawit Balangingiꞌ Bangaw-Bangaw Sapa-Sapa
Karundung Tabawan Bongao/Sanga-Sanga/Pahut
Pilas Manubal Berau East Kalimantan
Silumpak
Kabingaꞌan

Distribution

[edit]

West Coast Bajau (Borneo Coast Bajau) is distributed in the following locations of Sabah, Malaysia (Ethnologue).

  • scattered along the west coast from Papar district to Kudat district, mainly in Tuaran and Kota Belud towns
  • Telutuꞌ village, Banggi Island, Kudat district
  • Pitas district: along the west coast and Mengkubau Laut, Mengkapon, Dalimaꞌ, Mapan-Mapan, Pantai Laut, Layag-Layag, Mausar, Jambangan, Sibayan Laut, and Kanibungan villages

Indonesian Bajau is widely distributed throughout Sulawesi and Nusa Tenggara. It is also located throughout Maluku Utara Province in the Bacan Islands, Obi Islands, Kayoa, and Sula Islands, which are located to the southwest of Halmahera Island (Ethnologue).

Mapun is spoken on Cagayan de Sulu (Mapun) island, Tawi-Tawi, Philippines.

Ethnologue provides the following location information for various Sama languages.

Northern Sama is located in western Mindanao, the Sulu archipelago northeast of Jolo, Zamboanga coast peninsula and islands, and Basilan island.

  • Northern Sama dialect: White Beach near Subic Bay, Luzon
  • Lutangan dialect: Olutanga Island. Possibly also in Luzon and Palawan.

Central Sama is located in:

Southern Sama is located in Tawi-Tawi Island Province (in Tawi-Tawi, Simunul, Sibutu, and other major islands) and East Kalimantan (Berau)

Pangutaran Sama is spoken on Pangutaran Island, located to the west of Jolo; and in Cagayan de Tawi-Tawi, southern Palawan

Yakan is spoken in Basilan and small surrounding islands; Sakol island; and the eastern coast of Zamboanga. Yakan tends to be concentrated away from the coast.

Inabaknon is spoken on Capul Island, Northern Samar Province. Capul Island is located in the San Bernardino Strait, which separates Samar from the Bicol Peninsula of Luzon.

Bajau West Coast Sabah is spoken in Kota Belud, Kudat, and Tuaran which is on mutual intelligibility with Bajau East Coast of Sabah.

Population

[edit]

Ethnologue lists the following population statistics for Borneo Coast Bajau.

Grammar

[edit]

Voice

[edit]

Western Austronesian languages are characterised by symmetrical voice alternations. These differ from asymmetrical voice alternations, such as active and passive, since the voices can be considered equally transitive.[5] Hence, the terms actor voice and undergoer voice are sometimes used.

  • Actor voice (AV) refers to the construction in which the actor or agent-like argument is mapped to subject.
  • Undergoer voice (UV) refers to the construction in which the undergoer or patient-like argument is mapped to subject.

The voice construction is signalled through morphological marking on the verb.

Western Austronesian languages are typically subdivided into Philippine-type and Indonesian-type languages on the basis of the voice system:[6]

Philippine-type Indonesian-type
Multiple Undergoer Voices that map different semantic roles to subject Two symmetrical voices: Actor Voice and Undergoer Voice
AV has lower transitivity True passive construction
Case marking of nominal arguments Applicative suffixes

The voice alternations in Sama–Bajaw languages have some characteristics of Philippine-type languages and some characteristics of Indonesian-type languages.[2]

Miller (2014) says that there are three main voice alternations in Sama-Bajaw:[7]

  • An AV construction marked with a nasal prefix.
  • A transitive non-AV construction with the bare verb.
  • Another non-AV construction with morphological marking on the verb and case marking on the agent.

In many Philippine languages, the UV construction is said to be basic. This has led people to analyse the languages as syntactically ergative.[8] This analysis has been proposed for Sama Southern,[9] Yakan,[10] Sama Bangingiꞌ,[11] and Sama Pangutaran.[12] These languages are said to have Philippine-type voice systems.

West Coast Bajau, however, is said to have an Indonesian-type voice system because there are two transitive voices; a true passive construction (-in-) and an applicative suffix (-an).[2] This makes West Coast Bajau more similar to the languages of Sarawak and Kalimantan than the other languages of Sabah.[13]

Indonesian Bajau also has an Indonesian-type voice system as illustrated below:[14]

Actor voice

ng-ita

AV-see

uggoꞌ

pig

aku

1SG

ng-ita uggoꞌ aku

AV-see pig 1SG

'I saw the pig'

Bare undergoer voice

kita-ku

see-1SG

uggo'

pig

kita-ku uggo'

see-1SG pig

'I saw the pig'

Passive

di-kita-ku

PASS-see-1SG

uggoꞌ

pig

di-kita-ku uggoꞌ

PASS-see-1SG pig

'The pig was seen by me'

Accidental passive

ta-kita

ACC.PASS-see

uggoꞌ

pig

ma

OBL

aku

1SG

ta-kita uggoꞌ ma aku

ACC.PASS-see pig OBL 1SG

'The pig was accidentally seen by me'

In some Sama–Bajau languages there are restrictions on how the non-AV actor is realised. For example, in Sama Bangingiꞌ the non-AV actor is typically a pronominal clitic in first or second person.[7]

The voice alternations in Sama–Bajau languages can also be accompanied by a change in the case-marking of pronouns and a change in word-order.[2]

Case marking

[edit]

Sama–Bajau languages do not have case-marking on nominal arguments.

Nonetheless, pronouns have different forms depending on their grammatical function. Like the languages of Sarawak,[15] West Coast Bajau has two different pronoun sets:[2]

  • Set 1: non-subject actors
  • Set 2: all other pronouns

In contrast, most of the languages of Sabah have three sets of pronouns:[2]

  • Set 1: non-subject actors
  • Set 2: subjects
  • Set 3: non-subject, non-actors

In West Coast Bajau, the non-subject undergoer can be optionally realised using both the Set 1 and the Set 2 pronouns.[2]

Zero anaphora is possible for highly topical arguments, except the UV actor, which cannot be deleted.[2] This is common across Western Austronesian languages.[16]

Word order

[edit]

Like the languages of the Philippines, the Sama–Bajaw languages in the Sulu tend to be verb-initial.[7] However, in most languages word order is flexible and depends on the voice construction. In the Sulu, SVO is only found in the context of preposed negatives and aspect markers. In West Coast Bajau, on the other hand, SVO word-order is also found in pragmatically neutral contexts.[7] This, again, makes West Coast Bajau more similar to the languages of Sarawak than the other languages of the Sama-Bajaw group.

Verheijen (1986) suggests that the Bajau language spoken in the Lesser Sunda Islands has no fixed position of the subject but is fixed VO. The language has several properties that are said to correlate with VO word-order:[17]

  • Prepositions
  • Noun‑Genitive
  • Noun-Relative
  • Noun-Adjective
  • Noun-Demonstrative
  • Preverbal negatives
  • Initial subordinators

The preferred word-orders for five Sama–Bajau languages are shown below. The word order is represented in terms of the semantic roles: actor (A) and undergoer (U).[7]

AV word order Zero UV word order Affixed non-AV word order
Sama Bangingiꞌ V A U
Central Sama V A U (if A = pronoun)

V U A (if A = full noun)

V A U V U A or V A U
Southern Sama V A U (if A = pronoun)

V U A (if A = full noun)

V A U V U A (V A U also possible)
Pangutaran Sama V A U V A U V A U or V U A
West Coast Bajau A V U V A U or U V A U V A (less often V A U)

In all Sama–Bajau languages, the position of the actor is fixed, directly following the verb in the zero UV construction. Elsewhere, the order of actor and undergoer depends on the animacy of the arguments.[7] This could be seen to follow the Philippine tendency to place actors first in the clause.[18]

If we rephrase these orders in terms of grammatical function, a number of Sama–Bajau languages could be said to be VOS languages. S is equivalent to the actor in AV and the undergoer in UV. O is equivalent to the non-subject core argument.

Word order and information structure

[edit]

Variant word-orders are permitted in Sama–Bajau languages. The different word-orders have different information structure interpretations. This differs depending on the voice of the clause.

Miller (2007) suggests that verb-initial order in West Coast Bajau UV clauses strongly correlates with foregrounding.[2] He argues that this is the basic word order given that the undergoer in final position does not have a specific pragmatic status. In contrast, fronted undergoers are highly active and accessible.[2] Both SVO and VOS orders occur with equal frequency in narrative texts, though VOS is highly preferred in foregrounded clauses.[2]

AV clauses are predominantly subject-initial regardless of grounding.[2] In fact, SVO is the only word-order permitted in subordinate clauses. Where verb-initial clauses in AV do occur, however, they typically represent key sequences of action in the storyline.[2]

There are also specificity effects in AV verb-initial word order. VOS is acceptable when the non-subject undergoer is non-specific, but sometimes considered unacceptable if the undergoer is specific.[2] The same is true for definite undergoers.[2] However, the effects are not found when the word-order is VSO and the undergoer is in final position. In this case, the structure is grammatical regardless of whether the undergoer is definite/specific or not.

Topic and focus

[edit]

In West Coast Bajau, it is possible for subjects, obliques and adjuncts to appear pre-verbally. Only non-subject arguments cannot appear in this position. Miller (2007: 193) suggests that there are two positions pre-verbally: topic and focus. Topic represents presupposed information whilst focus represents new information. In both AV and UV clauses, the preverbal subjects can be either topic or focus. Obliques, on the other hand, are always focus.

Consequently, Miller (2007: 211) analyses the clause structure of West Coast Bajau as follows:[2]

Pragmatic structure of West Coast Bajau

FOCUS TOPIC PRED

The preverbal focus position can be followed by focus particles such as no.[2]

Phonology

[edit]

Sinama

[edit]
A reading poster for the Sinama language created by Kauman Sama Online for free use.
This woman making a traditional mat is a Sama from Siasi who now lives in Semporna, Malaysia.

Sinama languages have 21 to 24 phonemes. All Sinama languages[specify] have 17 consonants. Each language has from five to seven vowels.[citation needed]

Consonants

[edit]
Consonants of Sibutu Sama[19]
Labial Alveolar Palatal Velar Glottal
Nasal m n ɲ ŋ
Plosive voiceless p t k ʔ
voiced b d ɡ
Fricative s h
Lateral l
Semivowel w j

The consonants of the Sinama languages are represented by the letters b, d, g, h, j, k, l, m, n, ng, p, r, s, t, w, y and '.

Representation of the glottal stop in Sinama has not yet reached a consensus among Sinama speakers. Linguists have suggested the use of an apostrophe-like character (⟨ꞌ⟩) for word final glottal stops. Central Sinama has adopted this for glottal stops in between vowels as well (i.e. aꞌa, the Sinama word for 'human'). Other Sinama languages have chosen to follow Tagalog orthography and to leave this vowel medial glottal stop ambiguous. Sinama speakers often spell the word final glottal stop with an h at the end. Sinama speakers in Malaysia may also spell it with a ⟨k⟩ following the vowel softening patterns of Bahasa Melayu.

In certain dialects of Sinama /b/ becomes [β] and /ɡ/ becomes [ɣ] when found between two vowels. Allophones of /d, s, l/ are heard as [ɾ, ʃ, ɭ].[19]

Vowels

[edit]

The vowels a, e, i, o, and u are found in all Sinama languages and dialects. In addition to these five vowels, ə and ɤ are found in one or more Sinama language.

  a e i o u ə ɤ
Northern[20] a e i o u
Central[21] a e i o u
Southern[22] a e i o u
Pangutaran[23] a e i o u ō
Jama Mapun[24] a e i o u

Allophones of /i, e, a, o, u/ are heard as [ɪ, ɛ, ʌ, ɔ, ʊ].

Many of the Sinama languages have contrastive vowel lengthening. This is represented by a macron over the vowel (⟨ā ē ī ō ū⟩).

Stress

[edit]

Sinama pronunciation is quite distinct from other nearby languages such as Tausug and Tagalog in that all of the Sinama languages primary stress occurs on the penultimate syllable of the word.[4]: 124  Stress will remain on the penultimate syllable even with the addition of suffixes including enclitic pronouns. In Northern Sinama (Balanguingiꞌ) the stress will shift to the ultima when the penult is the mid central vowel /ə/.

Enclitic pronouns

[edit]

The 1st, 2nd, and 3rd singular pronouns -ku, -nu and -na respectively, the 1st plural inclusive pronouns -ta and -tam, as well as the 2nd plural pronoun -bi are all enclitics.[25] These enclitic pronouns change the pronunciation by shifting the stress of a word through the addition of a syllable; a verb or noun combined with a suffixed one syllable enclitic pronoun. Some Sinama orthographies represent this by writing both noun/verb and pronoun as one word e.g. lumaꞌta for 'our house' in Central Sinama. Other orthographies represent this with a hypen e.g. lumaꞌ-ta for 'our house' in Southern Sinama. Still others write this keeping the noun/verb separate from the prounoun e.g. lumaꞌ ta for 'our house' in Northern Sinama.

West Coast Bajau

[edit]

Consonants

[edit]

The following are the sounds of West Coast Bajau:

Labial Alveolar Palatal Velar Glottal
Nasal m n ɲ ŋ
Plosive voiceless p t k ʔ
voiced b d ɡ
Fricative s
Rhotic r
Lateral l
Semivowel w j
  • Stop sounds /p t k/ when in word-final position are heard as unreleased [p̚ k̚], as is the case with the voiced stop sounds /b d ɡ/ as [b̚ ɡ̚].
  • /l/ can be heard as a retroflex lateral [ɭ] in word-final position.
  • /r/ can be heard as a flap [ɾ] when in intervocalic position.

Vowels

[edit]
Front Central Back
Close i u
Close-mid e o
Mid ə
Open a

The vowel sounds /i u e/ are heard as ʊ ɛ] within closed syllables.[26]

Reconstruction

[edit]

Proto-Sama-Bajaw is reconstructed in Pallesen (1985). Pallesen (1985) considers the homeland of Proto-Sama-Bajaw to be in the Basilan Strait area, around 800 AD.

Cultural references

[edit]

References

[edit]

Bibliography

[edit]

Further reading

[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
The Sama–Bajaw languages (also known as Samalan or Bajau languages) form a closely related of the Austronesian language family, spoken by approximately 1 million people of the Sama-Bajau ethnic group, a traditionally maritime nomadic people now largely settled in coastal communities across . These languages, numbering around 9 distinct languages with numerous dialects, are characterized by their phylogenetic unity despite geographic dispersal and exhibit features such as a seven-vowel system in many members, final devoicing, and a rich voice system distinguishing actor, patient, instrumental, and locative roles in verb morphology. Linguistically classified within the Western Malayo-Polynesian branch of Austronesian, the Sama–Bajaw languages are considered intrusive to the , originating from the Barito River basin in southeast rather than evolving as part of the core Philippine subgroup. Major languages include Yakan (spoken by approximately 211,000 people as of 2020 primarily on Island), Central Sama (with around 410,000 speakers as of 2023 in the and ), Mapun, Southern Sama, West Coast Bajau, and Indonesian Bajau, alongside Inabaknon on Island. The subgroup's diversification is estimated to have begun around 800 CE in the Zamboanga-Basilan area, driven by maritime trade networks involving Srivijayan Malay influences, which introduced significant loanwords related to navigation, commerce, and . Geographically, Sama–Bajaw languages are distributed across the and southern , the east coast of in , and eastern including , , and the Moluccas, reflecting the Sama-Bajau's historical role as sea traders and fishers. Notable phonological traits include the shift of proto-Austronesian *R to /h/ and heavy borrowing from Malay (e.g., compass directions) and neighboring , while syntactic patterns often align with verb-initial structures and focus systems typical of the region. Despite their speakers' in the 15th century and integration into modern nation-states, as of 2023 many varieties remain underdocumented but show resilience and ongoing research amid contact with dominant languages like Malay, Tagalog, and Cebuano.

Classification

Internal Structure

The internal structure of the Sama–Bajaw languages is characterized by a hierarchical phylogeny that diverges from Proto-Sama-Bajaw around 800 CE in the , with early branches and subsequent core groups defined by shared innovations. According to Pallesen's (1985) , the splits initially into Inabaknon and Yakan as the earliest offshoots, followed by a core cluster encompassing the remaining Sama and Bajau varieties, though Blust (2007) proposes Yakan as the first branch with Inabaknon diverging later. This structure reflects gradual diversification driven by cultural contact and geographic spread, with Inabaknon showing assimilation influences from neighboring Visayan languages and Yakan associated with sedentary farming communities. The core Sama–Bajaw languages further branch into six major groups: , Central Sama, Southern Sama, Pangutaran Sama, West Coast Bajau, and Eastern Indonesian Bajau, alongside the aforementioned early branches. occupies an intermediate position in the - region, while Central Sama includes subgroups like Balangingi with dialects such as Nuclear Balangingi. Southern Sama forms a across the islands, encompassing varieties like and , and Pangutaran Sama represents a distinct transitional subgroup. The Bajau branches divide into West Coast Bajau along coastal (e.g., ) and Eastern Indonesian Bajau in areas like and the Moluccas, the latter exhibiting low internal diversity with approximately 90% among varieties. Subgrouping within these major groups often manifests as dialect continua, such as the three Inner Sama dialects under Central Sama and the three Borneo Coast Bajau varieties within West Coast Bajau, where decreases with distance but shared features persist. Criteria for these subgroupings rely on shared innovations, including lexical items (e.g., Proto-Sama-Bajaw *takuluk for 'head' from Pre-Proto-Malayo-Polynesian *qulu), phonological developments like vowel mergers in a seven-vowel (/a, e, o, i, u, ə, ʉ/) and final devoicing, and morphological retentions such as the , , and locative voice s with applicative suffixes (e.g., *-an). These innovations distinguish the groups from broader Austronesian patterns while highlighting internal convergence.

External Affiliations

The Sama–Bajaw languages form a primary branch within the Malayo-Polynesian subgroup of the , specifically classified under Western Malayo-Polynesian. Their position reflects a distinct phylogenetic unity separate from the Philippine subgroup, with lexical and structural evidence linking them more closely to the of southeastern than to neighboring Philippine varieties. Linguistic reconstructions suggest an origin in the Barito river basin of southeastern around the CE, from which Sama–Bajaw speakers migrated northward via maritime routes, establishing communities in the and beyond. Key evidence for this affiliation includes shared retentions from Proto-Malayo-Polynesian (PMP), such as the four-way voice system distinguishing actor, patient, instrumental, and locative voices, which Sama–Bajaw languages have preserved and in some cases elaborated (e.g., into a five-way system in Central Sinama). Innovations supporting their independent development include the sound change PMP *R > Proto-Sama-Bajaw *h, as seen in reflexes like Proto-Sama-Bajaw *hatus 'hundred' from PMP *Ratus. These features, combined with lexical parallels to (e.g., shared terms for local and ), underscore their Bornean roots while distinguishing them from sedentary Philippine groups. Debates surrounding Sama–Bajaw's external affiliations often center on their dispersed , resulting from a maritime nomadic lifestyle that contrasts sharply with the more contiguous distribution of . This migration pattern, likely driven by trade and seafaring from , has led to proposals of alternative origins, such as in the Johore region of the , though Bornean evidence remains predominant based on shared innovations and cultural traditions. The nomadic dispersal complicates genetic subgrouping, as extensive contact has introduced areal influences without altering core phylogenetic ties. In relation to neighboring groups, Sama–Bajaw languages exhibit contact-induced features but maintain genetic distinctness; for instance, Abaknon shows borrowing of a ma- prefix for from Central Philippine languages, reflecting prolonged interaction in the Visayan region. Similarly, varieties display bidirectional lexical and syntactic influence with Tausug (a Central Philippine ), including shared terms for and , yet they remain unrelated to Tausug or Cebuano at the level. These influences highlight Sama–Bajaw's role in maritime networks without implying closer affiliation to Philippine branches.

Languages and Varieties

Major Languages

The Sama–Bajaw language family includes several major languages spoken primarily by the Sama-Bajau peoples across the , , and . These languages exhibit distinct phonological, lexical, and sociolinguistic profiles shaped by their geographic isolation and contact with neighboring linguistic groups. Key representatives are outlined below, highlighting their speaker populations and notable characteristics. Inabaknon is spoken on Capul Island in , , by approximately 26,000 people (as of ). It features a reduced three-vowel system (/a, i, u/) influenced by contact with Central Philippine languages like Boholano, and notably lacks loanwords due to its early separation from Islamic influences in the region. Mapun (also known as Jama Mapun) is a sedentary variety spoken on Mapun Island in Tawi-Tawi, Philippines, and parts of Sabah, Malaysia, with around 43,000 speakers in the Philippines and 15,000 in Malaysia (total ~58,000 as of 2010s). It maintains a more conservative phonological inventory compared to other Sama varieties and is used by a settled fishing and farming community. Yakan is the language of highland communities in Basilan and Zamboanga Peninsula, Philippines, spoken by about 110,000 individuals (as of 2020s). As a sedentary farming language, it shows unique phonological traits such as vowel reduction to [ɛ] before stressed syllables and deletion of intervocalic /l/, reflecting its inland adaptation distinct from maritime Sama varieties. Central Sama (often called Sinama) is widely spoken in the , , and coastal , , by roughly 240,000 speakers (as of ). It possesses a six-vowel system and serves as a central cluster for maritime groups, including boat-dwelling subgroups like the Sama Dilaut; most varieties are assessed as stable. Southern Sama is used in southern Sulu areas, such as and , , with approximately 266,000 speakers in the (total ~287,000 as of 2020s). This variety exhibits strong Tausug influence in its lexicon and phonology, marking its position in a diverse southern phylogenetic cluster. Pangutaran Sama is spoken on Pangutaran Island and southern , , by about 54,000 people (as of 2020s). It represents a western extension of Sama varieties, with some Palawan-specific adaptations due to migration. West Coast Bajau is a prominent variety along the west coast of , , spoken by approximately 60,000 individuals (as of ). It features a subject-verb-object and is associated with semi-nomadic coastal communities. Indonesian Bajau encompasses variants in and eastern , such as those in Jampea and , with an estimated 150,000–230,000 speakers (as of ). These show heavy Malay influence in vocabulary and are spoken by diverse Bajau subgroups, including settled and nomadic populations.

Dialects and Subgroups

The Sama–Bajaw languages exhibit complex dialect chains, particularly in the and along the coast, where varieties form continua of among neighboring communities but diverge more sharply across broader geographic separations. In the region, these chains are often divided into Inner Sulu varieties, centered around the and central islands, and Outer Sulu varieties along the peripheral islands; for instance, Inner Sulu includes dialects such as those of Sibutu and Balangingi Sama, which feature a five- or six- system with pre-tonic vowel neutralization, while Outer Sulu dialects show similar phonological patterns but greater lexical borrowing from Tausug due to prolonged contact. Along the coast, the Bajau varieties form another chain, exemplified by the dialects (also known as Jama Mapun), which extend from into northern and incorporate unique manner adverb formations using the prefix pa-. Mutual intelligibility varies significantly within and across these chains, with higher levels among closely related core Sama dialects in the Inner area—often reaching 75% or more based on lexical cognacy tests—allowing speakers of neighboring varieties like Sibutu and Balangingi to communicate effectively. In contrast, intelligibility drops between broader Sama and Bajau branches, with only about 13 out of 66 tested pairings across the family exceeding 75% cognacy, indicating levels as low as 50-70% or less in many cases, particularly between Sulu Sama and Bajau varieties. Eastern Indonesian Bajau dialects, such as those spoken on and Kangean islands, demonstrate notably high within their subgroup, with approximately 90% , reflecting tighter cohesion despite dispersal. Subgroup-specific features further highlight this variation; for example, Eastern Indonesian Bajau dialects exhibit phonological simplifications, such as reduced codas involving sounds like /l/, /r/, and /s/, alongside substrate influences from local Austronesian languages that introduce areal lexical and syntactic traits not prominent in or varieties. Coast Bajau, including , allows for definite actor-voice objects and prefers SVO word order, distinguishing it from the more flexible alignments in Sama. These dialectal patterns are largely shaped by the Sama–Bajau peoples' maritime mobility, which has historically led to isolated settlements across chains, fostering divergence through limited contact while maintaining chain-like continuity in coastal trading routes. This nomadic seafaring lifestyle, spanning the , , and , has resulted in over 44 documented dialects across ten major groupings, with variation amplified by bidirectional in multilingual maritime environments.

Distribution and Speakers

Geographic Areas

The Sama–Bajaw languages are primarily distributed across , with their core areas centered in the of the southern , including islands such as , , and Samal, where the greatest phylogenetic diversity is found. This region, encompassing the Basilan Strait and adjacent , served as the homeland for Proto-Sama–Bajaw speakers around 800–1000 AD, facilitating early settlements and linguistic diversification. To the southwest, the languages extend along the coastal zones of in eastern , particularly around and the west coast, where West Coast Bajau varieties are concentrated in both rural and increasingly urban settings like . Further dispersal reaches northern and eastern , as well as the Moluccas in , including sites like Kayoa Island off , reflecting the family's involvement in historical maritime trade networks. Scattered communities of Sama–Bajaw speakers occupy more isolated locations beyond these cores, such as Pulau Laut off southern , where coastal settlements maintain distinct varieties linked to the family's probable Barito River origins in southeast . Additional outposts include Kangean Island near Madura, western (including ), and parts of the , often resulting from secondary migrations tied to sea-nomadic lifestyles. These fragmented distributions underscore the languages' discontiguous spread across hundreds of island communities in the , , and , driven by historical patterns of boat-dwelling and resource-seeking voyages. Migration patterns trace back to an initial dispersal from the area circa 800 AD, where Proto-Sama–Bajaw speakers, possibly originating from Borneo's Barito basin, expanded northward into the and southward along Borneo's coasts amid interactions with Srivijayan trade influences. This outward movement, facilitated by maritime expertise in routes connecting eastern to and beyond, led to fragmented settlements as groups adapted to coastal and island environments, with some branches like Yakan becoming more land-oriented in . By the medieval period, further dispersals along northern (via and ) and southern (toward and ) routes solidified the family's wide-ranging footprint. In modern times, concentrations of Sama varieties persist along the coastal , particularly in the and Zamboanga regions, supporting semi-nomadic and settled communities. Meanwhile, West Coast Bajau speakers have increasingly shifted to urban areas in , such as around and , blending traditional maritime practices with contemporary livelihoods. These patterns highlight ongoing adaptations to geopolitical boundaries while preserving the languages' maritime essence across their expansive island domain.

Demographic Data

The Sama–Bajaw languages are collectively spoken by an estimated 1.0 to 1.3 million people across as of 2025, with figures varying due to the dispersed and semi-nomadic nature of many communities. This total encompasses approximately nine distinct languages and numerous dialects within the subgroup. Speaker numbers break down unevenly by country, reflecting historical settlement patterns. In the , around 500,000 individuals speak Sama varieties, concentrated in the and Zamboanga regions. hosts about 460,000 speakers, primarily of West Coast Bajau in . has roughly 345,000 speakers of Bajau varieties, mainly along the coasts of , Maluku, and . These estimates draw from compilations (2023 edition) and field surveys, as national censuses like the ' 2020 of and provide broader data without always disaggregating Sama–Bajaw specifics. Demographic trends indicate increasing urban migration among Sama–Bajau populations, driven by economic pressures, government resettlement policies, and environmental factors such as and , which are diminishing traditional nomadic boat-dwelling practices. This shift correlates with varying intergenerational transmission rates: robust in rural core areas like Central Sama communities (where most children acquire the language as a first tongue), but declining in urban and peripheral Indonesian varieties due to education in national languages and multilingual environments. Overall, these patterns highlight a transition toward settled lifestyles while maintaining cultural linguistic ties in many households.

Phonology

Proto-Phonology

The phonological system of Proto-Sama-Bajaw (PSB) has been reconstructed using the , drawing on lexical and phonological correspondences across daughter languages such as Sinama, Bajau, and Yakan. The inventory of PSB consists of 17 phonemes: *p, *t, *k, *ʔ, *b, *d, *j, *g, *m, *n, *ŋ, *h, *s, *l, *r, *w, *y. This system reflects regular developments from Proto-Malayo-Polynesian (PMP), including the merger of *l and *r in some positions, post-schwa of onsets, and the shift of PMP *R to *h. The vowel system comprises seven phonemes: *a, *e, *o, *i, *u, *ə, *. The central vowels *ə and * arose from a phonemic split of PMP *ə, likely conditioned by stress placement, with * occurring in stressed syllables and *ə in unstressed ones; these are not always contrastive in all environments across reflexes. Key sound changes in the development from PSB to daughter languages include final devoicing of obstruents (e.g., PMP *palaj > PSB *palat 'fly'), the regular outcome of *R as *h (e.g., PMP *daRaq > PSB *raha 'blood'), and minor affecting suffixes in some varieties, where high vowels may raise or central vowels adjust to match stem features. PSB prosody features right-aligned trochaic stress, typically falling on the penultimate , with iterative secondary stresses in some longer forms; the lacks tone, relying instead on stress for rhythmic prominence. These reconstructions are primarily based on Pallesen's (1985) comparative analysis of over 2,500 lexical items across Sama-Bajaw , supplemented by Blust's (2007) evaluation of sound correspondences and subgrouping evidence.

Language-Specific Features

The Sama–Bajaw languages exhibit notable phonological diversity across their varieties, particularly in and , structure, and prosodic features influenced by affixation. In Central Sinama, the comprises 17 phonemes: /p, t, k, b, d, g, ʔ, m, n, ŋ, s, h, l, r, w, j/, where voiced stops /b, d, g/ surface as fricatives [β, ɾ, ɣ] intervocalically, and voiceless stops /p, t, k/ are unreleased in coda position. The system includes 5–7 phonemes, typically /i, e, ə, a, o, u/, with length distinctions on non-schwa vowels creating minimal pairs such as /bida/ 'split' versus /biːda/ 'divide'. Stress is non-phonemic and predictably falls on the penultimate , shifting with suffixes to maintain this pattern; for example, in longer words, secondary stress may appear on the antepenultimate . West Coast Bajau shares a similar consonant inventory to Central Sinama but features a six-vowel system /i, e, ə, a, o, u/, reflecting a merger of Proto-Sama–Bajaw *ʉ to /u/ and retention of /ə/ without pretonic neutralization in most contexts. Some dialects exhibit loss or reduction of word-final stops, leading to devoicing or glottalization, as in forms where underlying /t/ or /k/ surfaces as [ʔ] or zero in coda position. Phonotactics in West Coast Bajau adhere to a basic (C)V(C) template, permitting geminates and limited clusters like nasal-stop sequences across syllable boundaries, but avoiding complex onsets. Other variations highlight further divergence; Abaknon maintains 17 consonants akin to Central Sinama but reduces the vowel system to a minimal three-phoneme inventory /i, a, u/, a pattern influenced by prolonged contact with Central Philippine languages and resulting in mergers of mid and central vowels. In Indonesian Bajau varieties, the consonant set expands to include /f/, borrowed from Malay loans and integrated into native phonotactics, appearing in words like /fasi/ 'want' from Malay *fasa. Across these languages, syllable structure follows a CV(C) pattern, with open syllables predominant and codas restricted to nasals, liquids, fricatives, and glottals; vowel harmony operates in affixes, particularly prefixes, where vowel quality assimilates to the root, as in Central Sinama *ma- + asu → /maasu/ 'dog-related'. Enclitic pronouns in languages like Central Sinama and West Coast Bajau impact by incorporating into the stress domain, effectively lengthening the prosodic word and altering ; for instance, genitive enclitics like -ku 'my' cause stress retraction, as in /bahi-ku/ [baˈhiku] 'my house', where the syllable gains secondary prominence. This integration prevents resyllabification issues and maintains the CV(C) template across boundaries.

Grammar

Morphology

The Sama–Bajaw languages exhibit limited nominal morphology, with case marking primarily achieved through prepositions rather than inflectional affixes. Common prepositions include ni for genitive relations, indicating possession or association (e.g., ni Juan "of Juan"), and si for nominative marking, especially with proper nouns (e.g., si Maria "Maria"). Other prepositions such as leʔ for agents or reasons, ma for locations, min for sources, and maka for instrumentals or comitatives handle additional relational functions, directly preceding noun phrases. Nouns lack gender or number inflection, relying instead on context, quantifiers, or reduplication for plurality indications, and derivation is possible through prefixes like ka- or paŋ- or suffixes like -an to form nominals from verbal roots. Verbal morphology in Sama–Bajaw languages is characterized by a symmetrical voice system, typically four-way, which aligns arguments through affixes on the verb stem to highlight different participants. The actor voice employs infixes like -um- or prefixes like aN- (e.g., amꞌlli "I buy" from bꞌlli "buy"), the patient voice uses -en or zero-marking (e.g., Ø-bꞌlla=na "s/he cooked" from bꞌlla "cook"), the locative voice applies -an (e.g., pamuwan "giving place"), and the instrumental voice prefixes i- (e.g., i-tullik "hide-and-seek"). Applicative constructions, often using -an, increase valency for benefactive purposes (e.g., bꞌllahan "cook for you"). Aspect is marked via , with CV- syllable indicating imperfective or progressive actions (e.g., bayaꞌ~mayaꞌ "be in love"). Some varieties extend this to a five-way system by distinguishing benefactive and locative voices separately. Pronominal systems consist of three sets: nominative (e.g., akū "I"), genitive/enclitic (e.g., =ku "my"), and oblique/independent (e.g., aku "me"). Third-person pronouns lack number or gender distinctions, uniformly using forms like siya for "he/she/it," with plurality sometimes innovated through compounds like sigala in Central Sinama. These pronouns cross-reference arguments in voice constructions, attaching as enclitics to verbs or prepositions. A distinctive feature is the leʔ construction, which conveys and agent focus by introducing the actor voice and marking the agent (e.g., leʔ ŋ-ajal leʔ ku manuk "I have cooked the ," where leʔ frames the event). This , possibly derived from a proto-serial involving PMP uliq "return," allows agent fronting in some dialects (e.g., leʔ ku ŋ-ajal manuk) and combines semantic roles without additional .

Syntax

Sama–Bajaw languages exhibit variation in basic across their subgroups, reflecting both areal influences and internal development. Philippine varieties, such as Yakan and Central Sinama, typically follow a predicate-initial pattern, with VSO or VOS order in neutral declarative clauses; for example, in Yakan, "pogpog aʔa sawe-hin" translates to "A person hit the snake," where the verb precedes the actor and undergoer. In contrast, Indonesian varieties like West Coast Bajau show SVO order, akin to Malay, as in "Endo=ku muan-an aku peranggi’" meaning "My wife gave me the pineapple," where the subject precedes the verb and object. This SVO preference in West Coast Bajau extends to pragmatically neutral contexts, distinguishing it from the more rigid verb-initial structures in Philippine Sama–Bajaw languages. Case marking in Sama–Bajaw languages operates through a split alignment system tied to voice morphology, without dedicated case particles on nominals. In actor voice constructions, an ergative pattern emerges, where the actor is marked (often via genitive pronouns as enclitics), while the undergoer remains unmarked; for instance, in Central Sinama actor voice, pronouns distinguish roles based on form. Undergoer voice shifts to absolutive alignment, treating the undergoer as the unmarked pivot and the actor as a core argument without special marking. Oblique roles, such as agents in passive-like constructions or locatives, are expressed via prepositional phrases; common prepositions include leʔ for agents or reasons (e.g., in serial-like structures), ma for locations, ni for goals, min for sources, and maka for instruments or comitatives across varieties. This system relies on word order and voice to signal grammatical relations, with no overt nominal case affixes. Information structure in Sama–Bajaw languages favors topic-comment organization, often achieved through left-dislocation or fronting of the topic element before the main clause. In Central Sinama, fronting of , , or obliques serves to highlight the topic, as seen in constructions where a nominative NP precedes the for emphasis. Focus is primarily encoded via voice alternation, allowing selection of , undergoer, or other arguments as the syntactic pivot to align with prominence; for example, voice promotes the agent as subject in Yakan transitive clauses. This voice-driven focus integrates with the system, where both and undergoer can function as without demoting the other core argument. Clause types in Sama–Bajaw languages show limited use of serial verb constructions, which are rare compared to other Austronesian groups, though preposition-like elements such as leʔ can function as auxiliaries in motion or causation chains, as in Manuk Mangkaw Sinama examples. Coordination of typically employs conjunctions borrowed or adapted from contact languages, such as Malay-influenced forms, or native linkers to join independent propositions while preserving actor or topic continuity. Subordinate , including relative and adverbial types, follow verb-initial order in Philippine varieties and integrate via postnominal relatives or initial subordinators, as in Bajau Sama.

Historical and Comparative Linguistics

Reconstruction

The reconstruction of Proto-Sama-Bajaw (PSB), the ancestor of the Sama–Bajaw languages, relies on the , analyzing over 1,000 cognates across daughter languages to identify regular sound correspondences and shared innovations. This approach, combined with , dates the diversification of PSB to approximately 800 CE. Key elements of the PSB have been reconstructed, reflecting inheritance from Proto-Malayo-Polynesian (PMP) with some maritime adaptations. Representative examples include *balaŋ for '' and *qitəm for 'black', both retaining core PMP forms while showing PSB-specific shifts. PSB morphology preserves the PMP voice system, including actor voice marked by maŋ- and Ø-, patient voice by -ən, and other voices such as instrumental (-an), locative (-an), and benefactive (-akən). Innovations include the expansion of applicative suffixes like *-an to increase valency in ditransitive constructions, alongside new prefixes such as *si- for reciprocals and *pa- for causatives or motion. Glottochronological analysis places the PSB homeland in the Strait region of the , supporting a scenario of early maritime dispersal from this area.

Language Contact

The Sama–Bajaw languages have undergone extensive contact with neighboring languages due to the maritime migrations of their speakers from a proposed proto-homeland in the Barito River basin of southeastern to the around 800 CE, fostering a effect in the region through interactions with Tausug and other Austronesian varieties. This historical dispersal led to bidirectional linguistic influences, particularly in the Sulu-Sibuguey Bay area, where Sama–Bajaw speakers engaged in trade and intermarriage, resulting in shared innovations such as maritime vocabulary and syntactic convergences with Tausug. Lexical borrowings reflect these interactions, with Arabic loanwords entering most Sama–Bajaw varieties via Malay mediation following Islamization around the 14th century CE, such as sapiʔ 'cow' from Arabic sāb through Malay. Malay influence is pervasive across Bajau languages, including terms like bajuʔ 'shirt' and kampung 'village', alongside navigational vocabulary such as compass directions (barat 'west', timur 'east'). In Philippine varieties like Abaknon, Spanish colonial contact introduced numerous loans (comprising about 27% of its lexicon), while English borrowings appear in modern contexts, as seen in mixed utterances incorporating terms from administration and daily life. Areal features demonstrate substrate and adstrate effects, notably shared prosodic features with Tausug in southern Sama languages, such as predictable penultimate stress, through prolonged contact. Abaknon, isolated in the Central , exhibits ergative alignment akin to regional , with agents marked in in patient-voice constructions (e.g., bakal - ∅ ko an bagas 'I bought the ', where ko is the ergative agent). In multilingual communities, between Sama–Bajaw varieties, Tausug, and Malay is common, serving as a communicative strategy in trade and social interactions, while toward dominant like Visayan (influencing Abaknon) occurs in isolated settings.

Documentation and Sociolinguistics

Writing Systems

The Sama–Bajaw languages predominantly use Latin-based orthographies, which have been developed and refined through collaborative linguistic efforts to facilitate , , and . These systems adapt the Roman alphabet to represent the phonological features unique to the , such as glottal stops, nasal consonants, and vowel qualities, while varying by region and dialect to align with local linguistic and cultural contexts. In Sinama languages, particularly Central Sinama, the practical orthography employs standard Latin letters with extensions for specific sounds: denotes the /tʃ/, represents the velar nasal /ŋ/, and <ꞌ> (or <'>) marks the , distinguishing words like badjuꞌ ('') from badju (''). Long vowels are indicated with a macron (e.g., <ā>, <ē>) to signal stress patterns, which typically fall on the penultimate , and the schwa (/ə/) is often represented as or omitted in unstressed positions. This system, promoted through workshops and publications, draws on comparisons with related languages like Tausug and Malay to ensure readability and consistency. The Summer Institute of Linguistics (SIL) has played a key role in its implementation, contributing to bilingual dictionaries that apply these conventions, such as the ongoing Central Sinama-English Dictionary and Sama Sibutu-English Dictionary. Standardization efforts differ across regions. In the Philippines, Sinama orthographies often follow national guidelines influenced by Filipino language policies, emphasizing phonetic transparency for educational materials. In Sabah, Malaysia, West Coast Bajau orthography was formalized during a 2004 workshop in , attended by approximately 30 community leaders and educators, which addressed representations of the , pepet vowel (/ə/), semivowels in glides (using and ), and long vowels to align closely with Malay conventions for broader accessibility. This resulted in publications like the Bajau Sama–Malay–English Basic Dictionary (2017), which applies the approved spelling system. Documentation of these orthographies is supported by key lexical and grammatical resources. For Inabaknon, a Sama-Bajaw spoken in the , SIL has produced a comprehensive featuring a typewritten wordlist with handwritten annotations, serving as a foundational tool for orthographic consistency and vocabulary preservation. and further exemplify these systems; Mark T. Miller's A of West Coast Bajau (2007) utilizes the Sabah-standardized to describe linguistic structures, while ongoing SIL works like the Central Sinama promote practical writing for community use.

Language Vitality

The Sama–Bajaw languages exhibit varying degrees of vitality across their geographic range, with classifications reflecting intergenerational transmission and institutional support. Central Sama, spoken primarily in the southern and parts of , , is assessed as a stable , used as a by all members of the ethnic community, though it lacks formal instruction in schools. In contrast, Abaknon, an isolate within the family spoken on the island of in the , is also stable and maintained as the primary among its speakers. However, several Indonesian varieties, such as Indonesian Bajau, are endangered, with full use by adults in ethnic communities but incomplete transmission to younger generations, signaling risks of decline. Major threats to these languages stem from rapid , into dominant languages like Malay in and or Tagalog in the , and persistently low rates, with studies showing proficiency in reading and writing as low as 15% among young adults in communities like , (as of 2023). Coastal development and economic pressures exacerbate these issues, pushing speakers toward sedentary lifestyles and reducing opportunities for traditional language use in maritime contexts. Parental perceptions that languages offer limited economic value further accelerate , particularly among youth in urbanizing areas of and eastern . Revitalization efforts are emerging, particularly in , where community-led programs in areas like emphasize cultural education to preserve linguistic heritage amid modernization, including calls for developing a corpus and school curricula (as of 2023). Digital resources, including detailed entries in , provide accessible documentation and support for researchers and speakers, facilitating broader awareness and potential corpus development. Linguistic fieldwork has intensified post-2020, with studies on and sociolinguistic dynamics in and the contributing to revitalization strategies through data on intergenerational patterns. Despite these initiatives, significant gaps persist in knowledge of certain varieties, such as Kangean Bajau in eastern , which remains under-documented due to limited surveys and the dispersed nature of communities. This scarcity hinders comprehensive vitality assessments and targeted preservation for less-studied dialects.

Cultural Significance

Role in Society

The languages play a central role in the social fabric of their communities, serving as vehicles for oral traditions that preserve and foster cultural continuity among these maritime peoples. Epic songs, known as iko-iko in Indonesian Bajo variants, function as historical narratives transmitted orally across generations, recounting origins, migrations, and communal values without reliance on written records. These epics, along with other song forms like poetry, reinforce social cohesion during gatherings and rituals, acting as a medium for entertainment, relaxation, and in both nomadic and settled settings. Additionally, the languages mark ethnic identity for sea nomads, distinguishing groups through dialectal variations that reflect shared Austronesian roots and dispersal patterns, despite low among the numerous distinct varieties. For interactions with non-Sama outsiders, communities often employ regional trade pidgins, such as Malay-based forms, to facilitate exchanges in , goods, and labor, highlighting the languages' adaptability in economic roles. Multilingualism is prevalent among Sama–Bajau speakers, with trilingual proficiency common in combinations of a native Sama–Bajau variety, Malay (or its dialects), Tagalog, and English, driven by historical trade, migration, and colonial influences. Within communities, the native languages remain the primary in-group medium for daily communication, discussions, and cultural expression, preserving intimacy and amid broader linguistic diversity. This pattern underscores the languages' function as ethnic boundaries, used exclusively among insiders while shifting to dominant tongues for external dealings. Community members maintain oral through and song transmission, thereby sustaining in domestic and communal spheres. In contrast, younger generations exhibit toward dominant languages like Malay, influenced by , , and socioeconomic pressures, which accelerates the transition away from native varieties in public and familial domains. Recent initiatives, such as 2025 storytelling programs by organizations like Scholars, aim to engage youth in preserving these traditions. Variations between nomadic and sedentary lifestyles are evident in dialectal specializations, where maritime forms among sea-nomadic Sama Dilaut incorporate terminology for , , and boat-dwelling, essential for their mobile subsistence. Sedentary groups, such as Yakan speakers in highland , adapt their dialects to agricultural contexts, emphasizing terms for farming and land-based livelihoods, reflecting integration into inland societies while retaining core linguistic features.

Representations in Media

The 2012 Philippine film Thy Womb (Sinapupunan), directed by , prominently features dialogue in Sama languages, particularly Central and Southern Sinama varieties spoken in the and regions. Set among the Sama Dilaut community, the film incorporates Sinama in everyday interactions, such as market scenes and family conversations, alongside Tagalog, Tausug, , and English, reflecting the multilingual environment of the area. Lead actress delivers key phrases in Sinama, including greetings and cultural terms like "ungsud" for , highlighting the languages' role in portraying authentic Sama cultural practices. Sama-Bajau oral traditions, including folktales and historical narratives, have been transcribed in linguistic and ethnographic works to preserve community heritage. These stories often recount maritime adventures, encounters, and ancestral migrations, serving as vehicles for cultural transmission. For instance, accounts of origins and voyages among the Sama Dilaut have been documented through interviews and recordings, providing insights into their without formal literary codification. Modern music among the Sama-Bajau incorporates lyrics in their languages within traditional kulintangan ensembles, which feature gongs, drums, and melodic chimes. Genres such as isun-isun (lullabies) use Sama-Bajau verses to narrate daily life, rituals, and emotions, often performed during celebrations or rites of passage. These ensembles blend vocal improvisation with instrumental rhythms, maintaining linguistic elements amid evolving musical influences. Sama-Bajau languages and cultures appear in post-2010 documentaries focused on "sea gypsies," emphasizing their nomadic seafaring lifestyle. National Geographic's coverage on Bajau diving adaptations underscores their integral role in maritime identity.

References

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