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Septuagint
Septuagint
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Key Information

The Septuagint (/ˈsɛptjuəɪnt/ SEP-tew-ə-jint),[1] sometimes referred to as the Greek Old Testament or The Translation of the Seventy (Koine Greek: Ἡ μετάφρασις τῶν Ἑβδομήκοντα, romanized: Hē metáphrasis tôn Hebdomḗkonta), and abbreviated as LXX,[2] is the earliest extant Greek translation of the Hebrew Bible from the original Biblical Hebrew.[3][4] The full Greek title derives from the story recorded in the Letter of Aristeas to Philocrates that "the laws of the Jews" were translated into the Greek language at the request of Ptolemy II Philadelphus (285–247 BC) by seventy-two Hebrew translators—six from each of the Twelve Tribes of Israel—though this story is considered to be pseudepigraphical by some scholars.[5][6][7]

Biblical scholars agree that the first five books of the Hebrew Bible were translated from Biblical Hebrew into Koine Greek by Jews living in the Ptolemaic Kingdom, centred on the large community in Alexandria, probably in the early or middle part of the 3rd century BC.[8] The remaining books were presumably translated in the 2nd century BC.[4][9][10] Some targums translating or paraphrasing the Bible into Aramaic were also made during the Second Temple period.[11]

Few people could speak and even fewer could read in the Hebrew language during the Second Temple period; Koine Greek[3][12][13][14] and Aramaic were the lingua francas at that time among the Jewish community. The Septuagint, therefore, satisfied a need in the Jewish community.[8][15]

Etymology

[edit]

The term "Septuagint" is derived from the Latin phrase Vetus Testamentum ex versione Septuaginta Interpretum ("The Old Testament from the version of the Seventy Translators").[16] This phrase in turn was derived from the Koine Greek: Ἡ μετάφρασις τῶν Ἑβδομήκοντα, romanized: hē metáphrasis tôn hebdomḗkonta, lit.'The Translation of the Seventy'.[17] It was not until the time of Augustine of Hippo (354–430 AD) that the Greek translation of the Jewish scriptures was called by the Latin term Septuaginta.[18] The Roman numeral LXX (seventy) is commonly used as an abbreviation,[2] in addition to or G.[19]

Composition

[edit]

Jewish legend

[edit]
Fragment of a Greek manuscript
Beginning of the Letter of Aristeas to Philocrates (Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 11th century)

According to tradition, Ptolemy II Philadelphus (the Greek Pharaoh of Egypt) sent seventy-two Hebrew translators—six from each of the Twelve Tribes of Israel—from Jerusalem to Alexandria to translate the Tanakh from Biblical Hebrew into Koine Greek, for inclusion in his library.[20] This narrative is found in the possibly pseudepigraphic Letter of Aristeas to his brother Philocrates,[21] and is repeated by Philo of Alexandria, Josephus (in Antiquities of the Jews),[22] and by later sources (including Augustine of Hippo).[23] It is also found in the Tractate Megillah of the Babylonian Talmud:

King Ptolemy once gathered 72 Elders. He placed them in 72 chambers, each of them in a separate one, without revealing to them why they were summoned. He entered each one's room and said: "Write for me the Torah of Moshe, your teacher". God put it in the heart of each one to translate identically as all the others did.[6]

Philo of Alexandria writes that the number of scholars was chosen by selecting six scholars from each of the twelve tribes of Israel. Caution is needed here regarding the accuracy of this statement by Philo of Alexandria, as it implies that the twelve tribes were still in existence during King Ptolemy's reign, and that the Ten Lost Tribes of the twelve tribes had not been forcibly resettled by Assyria almost 500 years previously.[24][better source needed] Although not all the people of the ten tribes were scattered, many peoples of the ten tribes sought refuge in Jerusalem and survived, preserving a remnant of each tribe and their lineages. Jerusalem swelled to five times its prior population due to the influx of refugees. According to later rabbinic tradition (which considered the Greek translation as a distortion of sacred text and unsuitable for use in the synagogue), the Septuagint was given to Ptolemy two days before the annual Tenth of Tevet fast.[15][25]

According to Aristobulus of Alexandria's fragment 3, portions of the Law were translated from Hebrew into Greek long before the well-known Septuagint version. He stated that Plato and Pythagoras knew the Jewish Law and borrowed from it.[26]

In the preface to his 1844 translation of the Septuagint, Lancelot Charles Lee Brenton acknowledges that the Jews of Alexandria were likely to have been the writers of the Septuagint, but dismisses Aristeas' account as a pious fiction. Instead, he asserts that the real origin of the name "Septuagint" pertains to the fact that the earliest version was forwarded by the authors to the Jewish Sanhedrin at Alexandria for editing and approval.[27]

The Jews of Alexandria celebrated the translation with an annual festival on the island of Pharos, where the Lighthouse of Alexandria stood—the location where the translation was said to have taken place. During the festival, a large gathering of Jews, along with some non-Jewish visitors, would assemble on the beach for a grand picnic.[28]

History

[edit]

The dating of the translation of the Pentateuch to the 3rd century BC is supported by a number of factors, including its Greek being representative of early Koine Greek, citations beginning as early as the 2nd century BC, and early manuscripts datable to the 2nd century BC.[29] After the Torah, other books were translated over the next two to three centuries. It is unclear which was translated when, or where; some may have been translated twice (into different versions), and then revised.[30] The quality and style of the translators varied considerably from book to book, from a literal translation to paraphrasing to an interpretative style.

The translation process of the Septuagint and from the Septuagint into other versions can be divided into several stages: the Greek text was produced within the social environment of Hellenistic Judaism, and completed by 132 BC. With the spread of Early Christianity, this Septuagint in turn was rendered into Latin in a variety of versions and the latter, collectively known as the Vetus Latina, were also referred to as the Septuagint[31][32][33] initially in Alexandria but elsewhere as well.[17] The Septuagint also formed the basis for the Slavonic, Syriac, Old Armenian, Old Georgian, and Coptic versions of the Christian Old Testament.[34]

Language

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The Septuagint is written in Koine Greek. Some sections contain Semiticisms, which are idioms and phrases based on Semitic languages such as Hebrew and Aramaic.[35] Other books, such as Daniel and Proverbs, have a stronger Greek influence.[20]

The Septuagint may also clarify pronunciation of pre-Masoretic Hebrew; many proper nouns are spelled with Greek vowels in the translation, but contemporary Hebrew texts lacked vowel pointing. However, it is unlikely that all Biblical Hebrew sounds had precise Greek equivalents.[36]

Canonical differences

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The Septuagint does not consist of a single, unified corpus. Rather, it is a collection of ancient translations of the Tanakh, along with other Jewish texts that are now commonly referred to as apocrypha. Importantly, the canon of the Hebrew Bible was evolving over the century or so in which the Septuagint was being written. Also, the texts were translated by many different people, in different locations, at different times, for different purposes, and often from different original Hebrew manuscripts.[8]

The Hebrew Bible, also called the Tanakh, has three parts: the Torah ("Law"), the Nevi'im ("Prophets"), and the Ketuvim ("Writings"). The Septuagint has four: law, history, poetry, and prophets. The books of the Apocrypha were inserted at appropriate locations.[3][4] Extant copies of the Septuagint, which date from the 4th century AD, contain books and additions[37] not present in the Hebrew Bible as established in the Jewish canon[38] and are not uniform in their contents. These copies of the Septuagint include books known as anagignoskomena in Greek and in English as deuterocanon (derived from the Greek words for "second canon"), books not included in the modern Jewish canon.[39][10] These books are estimated to have been written between 200 BC and 50 AD. Among them are the first two books of Maccabees; Tobit; Judith; the Wisdom of Solomon; Sirach; Baruch (including the Letter of Jeremiah), and additions to Esther and Daniel. The Septuagint version of some books, such as Daniel and Esther, are longer than those in the Masoretic Text, which were affirmed as canonical in Rabbinic Judaism.[40] The Septuagint Book of Jeremiah is shorter than the Masoretic Text.[41] The Psalms of Solomon, 1 Esdras, 3 Maccabees, 4 Maccabees, the Letter of Jeremiah, the Book of Odes, the Prayer of Manasseh and Psalm 151 are included in some copies of the Septuagint.[42]

The Septuagint has been rejected as scriptural by mainstream Rabbinic Judaism for a couple of reasons. First, the Septuagint differs from the Hebrew source texts in many cases (particularly in the Book of Job).[15] For example, according to Heinrich Guggenheimer, intentional mistranslations in Deuteronomy 6 make reference to ancient sources of the Passover Haggadah.[43] Second, the translations appear at times to demonstrate an ignorance of Hebrew idiomatic usage.[15] A particularly noteworthy example of this phenomenon is found in Isaiah 7:14, in which the Hebrew word עַלְמָה‎ ('almāh, which translates into English as "young woman") is translated into the Koine Greek as παρθένος (parthenos, which translates into English as "virgin").[44]

The Septuagint became synonymous with the Greek Old Testament, a Christian canon incorporating the books of the Hebrew canon with additional texts. Although the Catholic Church and the Eastern Orthodox Church include most of the books in the Septuagint in their canons, Protestant churches usually do not. After the Reformation, many Protestant Bibles began to follow the Jewish canon and exclude the additional texts (which came to be called the Apocrypha) as noncanonical.[45][46] The Apocrypha are included under a separate heading in the King James Version of the Bible.[47]

Deuterocanonical and apocryphal books in the Septuagint
Greek name[17][48][a] Transliteration English name
Προσευχὴ Μανασσῆ Proseuchē Manassē Prayer of Manasseh
Ἔσδρας Αʹ 1 Esdras 1 Esdras
Τωβίτ (called Τωβείτ or Τωβίθ in some sources) Tōbit (or Tōbeit or Tōbith) Tobit
Ἰουδίθ Ioudith Judith
Ἐσθήρ Esthēr Esther (with additions)
Μακκαβαίων Αʹ 1 Makkabaiōn 1 Maccabees
Μακκαβαίων Βʹ 2 Makkabaiōn 2 Maccabees
Μακκαβαίων Γʹ 3 Makkabaiōn 3 Maccabees
Μακκαβαίων Δ' Παράρτημα 4 Makkabaiōn Parartēma 4 Maccabees[49]
Ψαλμός ΡΝΑʹ Psalmos 151 Psalm 151
Σοφία Σαλομῶντος Sophia Salomōntos Wisdom or Wisdom of Solomon
Σοφία Ἰησοῦ Σειράχ Sophia Iēsou Seirach Sirach or Ecclesiasticus
Βαρούχ Barouch Baruch
Ἐπιστολὴ Ἰερεμίου Epistolē Ieremiou Letter of Jeremiah
Δανιήλ Daniēl Daniel (with additions)
Ψαλμοὶ Σαλομῶντος Psalmoi Salomōntos Psalms of Solomon[b]

Final form

[edit]

All the books in Western Old Testament biblical canons are found in the Septuagint, although the order does not always coincide with the Western book order. The Septuagint order is evident in the earliest Christian Bibles, which were written during the 4th century.[20]

Some books which are set apart in the Masoretic Text are grouped together. The Books of Samuel and the Books of Kings are one four-part book entitled Βασιλειῶν (Basileon, 'Of Reigns') in the Septuagint. The Books of Chronicles, known collectively as Παραλειπομένων (Paraleipoménon, 'Of Things Left Out') supplement Reigns. The Septuagint organizes the minor prophets in its twelve-part Book of Twelve, as does the Masoretic Text.[20]

Some ancient scriptures are found in the Septuagint, but not in the Hebrew Bible. The books are Tobit; Judith; the Wisdom of Solomon; Wisdom of Jesus son of Sirach;[c] Baruch and the Letter of Jeremiah, which became chapter six of Baruch in the Vulgate; the additions to Daniel (The Prayer of Azarias, the Song of the Three Children, Susanna, and Bel and the Dragon); the additions to Esther; 1 Maccabees; 2 Maccabees; 3 Maccabees; 4 Maccabees; 1 Esdras; Odes (including the Prayer of Manasseh); the Psalms of Solomon, and Psalm 151.

Fragments of deuterocanonical books in Hebrew are among the Dead Sea Scrolls found at Qumran. Sirach, whose text in Hebrew was already known from the Cairo Geniza, has been found in two scrolls (2QSir or 2Q18, 11QPs_a or 11Q5) in Hebrew. Another Hebrew scroll of Sirach has been found in Masada (MasSir).[51]: 597  Five fragments from the Book of Tobit have been found in Qumran: four written in Aramaic and one written in Hebrew (papyri 4Q, nos. 196-200).[51]: 636  Psalm 151 appears with a number of canonical and non-canonical psalms in the Dead Sea scroll 11QPs(a) (also known as 11Q5), a 1st-century AD scroll discovered in 1956.[52] The scroll contains two short Hebrew psalms, which scholars agree were the basis for Psalm 151.[51]: 585–586  The canonical acceptance of these books varies by Christian tradition.

Use

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Jewish use

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It is unclear to what extent Alexandrian Jews accepted the authority of the Septuagint. Manuscripts of the Septuagint have been found among the Dead Sea Scrolls, and were thought to have been in use among various Jewish sects at the time.[53]

Several factors led most Jews to abandon the Septuagint around the 2nd century AD. The earliest gentile Christians used the Septuagint out of necessity, since it was the only Greek version of the Bible and most (if not all) of these early non-Jewish Christians could not read Hebrew. The association of the Septuagint with a rival religion may have made it suspect in the eyes of the newer generation of Jews and Jewish scholars.[34] Jews instead used Hebrew or Aramaic Targum manuscripts later compiled by the Masoretes and authoritative Aramaic translations, such as those of Onkelos and Rabbi Yonathan ben Uziel.[54]

Perhaps most significant for the Septuagint, as distinct from other Greek versions, was that the Septuagint began to lose Jewish sanction after differences between it and contemporary Hebrew scriptures were discovered. Even Greek-speaking Jews tended to prefer other Jewish versions in Greek (such as the translation by Aquila), which seemed to be more concordant with contemporary Hebrew texts.[34]

Christian use

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The Early Christian church used the Greek texts,[15] since Greek was a lingua franca of the eastern parts of the Roman Empire at the time and the language of the Greco-Roman Church, while Aramaic was the language of Syriac Christianity. The relationship between the apostolic use of the Septuagint and the Hebrew texts is complicated. Although the Septuagint seems to have been a major source for the Apostles, it is not the only one. St. Jerome offered, for example, Matthew 2:15 and 2:23, John 19:37,[55] John 7:38,[56] and 1 Corinthians 2:9[57][58] as examples found in Hebrew texts but not in the Septuagint. Matthew 2:23 is not present in current Masoretic tradition either; according to Jerome, however, it was in Isaiah 11:1. The New Testament writers freely used the Greek translation when citing the Jewish scriptures (or quoting Jesus doing so), implying that Jesus, his apostles, and their followers considered it reliable.[59][35][15]

In the early Christian Church, the presumption that the Septuagint was translated by Jews before the time of Christ and that it lends itself more to a Christological interpretation than 2nd-century Hebrew texts in certain places was taken as evidence that "Jews" had changed the Hebrew text in a way that made it less Christological. Irenaeus writes about Isaiah 7:14 that the Septuagint clearly identifies a "virgin" (Greek παρθένος; bethulah in Hebrew) who would conceive.[60] The word almah in the Hebrew text was, according to Irenaeus, interpreted by Theodotion and Aquila (Jewish converts), as a "young woman" who would conceive. Again according to Irenaeus, the Ebionites used this to claim that Joseph was the biological father of Jesus. To him that was heresy facilitated by late anti-Christian alterations of the scripture in Hebrew, as evident by the older, pre-Christian Septuagint.[61]

Jerome broke with church tradition, translating most of the Old Testament of his Vulgate from Hebrew rather than Greek. His choice was sharply criticized by Augustine, his contemporary.[62] Although Jerome argued for the superiority of the Hebrew texts in correcting the Septuagint on philological and theological grounds, because he was accused of heresy he also acknowledged the Septuagint texts.[63] Acceptance of Jerome's version increased, and it displaced the Septuagint's Old Latin translations.[34]

The Eastern Orthodox Church prefers to use the Septuagint as the basis for translating the Old Testament into other languages, and uses the untranslated Septuagint where Greek is the liturgical language.

Critical translations of the Old Testament which use the Masoretic Text as their basis consult the Septuagint and other versions to reconstruct the meaning of the Hebrew text when it is unclear, corrupted, or ambiguous.[34] According to the New Jerusalem Bible foreword, "Only when this (the Masoretic Text) presents insuperable difficulties have emendations or other versions, such as the [...] LXX, been used."[64] The translator's preface to the New International Version reads, "The translators also consulted the more important early versions (including) the Septuagint [...] Readings from these versions were occasionally followed where the MT seemed doubtful"[65]

Textual history

[edit]
Books
Greek name[17][48][a] Transliteration English name
Law
Γένεσις Genesis Genesis
Ἔξοδος Exodos Exodus
Λευϊτικόν Leuitikon Leviticus
Ἀριθμοί Arithmoi Numbers
Δευτερονόμιον Deuteronomion Deuteronomy
History
Ἰησοῦς Iēsous Joshua
Κριταί Kritai Judges
Ῥούθ Routh Ruth
Βασιλειῶν Αʹ[d] 1 Basileiōn Kings I (I Samuel)
Βασιλειῶν Βʹ 2 Basileiōn Kings II (II Samuel)
Βασιλειῶν Γʹ 3 Basileiōn Kings III (I Kings)
Βασιλειῶν Δʹ 4 Basileiōn Kings IV (II Kings)
Παραλειπομένων Αʹ 1 Paraleipomenōn[e] Chronicles I
Παραλειπομένων Βʹ 2 Paraleipomenōn Chronicles II
Ἔσδρας Αʹ 1 Esdras 1 Esdras
Ἔσδρας Βʹ 2 Esdras Ezra-Nehemiah
Ἐσθήρ Esthēr Esther[f]
Ἰουδίθ Ioudith Judith
Τωβίτ[g] Tōbit[h] Tobit
Μακκαβαίων Αʹ 1 Makkabaiōn Maccabees I
Μακκαβαίων Βʹ 2 Makkabaiōn Maccabees II
Μακκαβαίων Γʹ 3 Makkabaiōn Maccabees III
Wisdom
Ψαλμοί Psalmoi Psalms
Ψαλμός ΡΝΑʹ Psalmos 151 Psalm 151
Προσευχὴ Μανασσῆ Proseuchē Manassē Prayer of Manasseh
Ὠδαί Odai Odes
Παροιμίαι Paroimiai Proverbs
Ἐκκλησιαστής Ekklēsiastēs Ecclesiastes
Ἆσμα Ἀσμάτων Asma Asmatōn Song of Songs or Song of Solomon or Canticle of Canticles
Ἰώβ Iōb Job
Σοφία Σαλομῶντος Sophia Salomōntos Wisdom or Wisdom of Solomon
Σοφία Ἰησοῦ Σειράχ Sophia Iēsou Seirach Sirach or Ecclesiasticus or Wisdom of Sirach
Prophets
Ὡσηέ Αʹ I. Hōsēe Hosea
Ἀμώς Βʹ II. Āmōs Amos
Μιχαίας Γʹ III. Michaias Micah
Ἰωήλ Δʹ IV. Iōēl Joel
Ὀβδιού Εʹ[i] V. Obdiou Obadiah
Ἰωνᾶς Ϛ' VI. Iōnas Jonah
Ναούμ Ζʹ VII. Naoum Nahum
Ἀμβακούμ Ηʹ VIII. Ambakoum Habakkuk
Σοφονίας Θʹ IX. Sophonias Zephaniah
Ἀγγαῖος Ιʹ X. Angaios Haggai
Ζαχαρίας ΙΑʹ XI. Zacharias Zachariah
Μαλαχίας ΙΒʹ XII. Malachias Malachi
Ἠσαΐας Ēsaias Isaiah
Ἱερεμίας Hieremias Jeremiah
Βαρούχ Barouch Baruch
Θρῆνοι Thrēnoi Lamentations
Ἐπιστολὴ Ἰερεμίου Epistolē Ieremiou Letter of Jeremiah
Ἰεζεκιήλ Iezekiēl Ezekiel
Δανιήλ Daniēl Daniel[j]
Appendix
Μακκαβαίων Δ' 4 Makkabaiōn Maccabees IV[k]
Ψαλμοὶ Σαλομῶντος Psalmoi Salomōntos Psalms of Solomon[l]

Textual analysis

[edit]
Diagram of relationships between manuscripts
The inter-relationship between significant ancient Old Testament manuscripts (some identified by their siglum). LXX denotes the original Septuagint.

Modern scholarship holds that the Septuagint was written from the 3rd through the 1st centuries BC, but nearly all attempts at dating specific books (except for the Pentateuch, early- to mid-3rd century BC) are tentative.[20] Later Jewish revisions and recensions of the Greek against the Hebrew are well-attested. The best-known are Aquila (128 AD), Symmachus, and Theodotion. These three, to varying degrees, are more-literal renderings of their contemporary Hebrew scriptures compared to the Old Greek (the original Septuagint). Modern scholars consider one (or more) of the three to be new Greek versions of the Hebrew Bible.

Although much of Origen's Hexapla (a six-version critical edition of the Hebrew Bible) is lost, several compilations of fragments are available. Origen kept a column for the Old Greek (the Septuagint), which included readings from all the Greek versions in a critical apparatus with diacritical marks indicating to which version each line (Gr. στίχος) belonged. Perhaps the Hexapla was never copied in its entirety, but Origen's combined text was copied frequently (eventually without the editing marks) and the older uncombined text of the Septuagint was neglected. The combined text was the first major Christian recension of the Septuagint, often called the Hexaplar recension. Two other major recensions were identified in the century following Origen by Jerome, who attributed these to Lucian (the Lucianic, or Antiochene, recension) and Hesychius  (the Hesychian, or Alexandrian, recension).[20]

Manuscripts

[edit]

The oldest manuscripts of the Septuagint include 2nd-century BC fragments of Leviticus and Deuteronomy (Rahlfs nos. 801, 819, and 957) and 1st-century BC fragments of Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, Deuteronomy, and the Twelve Minor Prophets (Alfred Rahlfs nos. 802, 803, 805, 848, 942, and 943). Relatively-complete manuscripts of the Septuagint postdate the Hexaplar recension, and include the 4th-century AD Codex Vaticanus and the 5th-century Codex Alexandrinus. These are the oldest-surviving nearly-complete manuscripts of the Old Testament in any language; the oldest extant complete Hebrew texts date to about 600 years later, from the first half of the 10th century.[34] The 4th-century Codex Sinaiticus also partially survives, with many Old Testament texts.[34]: 73 : 198  The Jewish (and, later, Christian) revisions and recensions are largely responsible for the divergence of the codices.[20] The Codex Marchalianus is another notable manuscript.

Differences from the Vulgate and the Masoretic Text

[edit]

The text of the Septuagint is generally close to that of the Masoretes and Vulgate. Genesis 4:1–6[66] is identical in the Septuagint, Vulgate and the Masoretic Text, and Genesis 4:8[67] to the end of the chapter is the same. There is only one noticeable difference in that chapter, at 4:7:[citation needed]

Genesis 4:7, LXX and English Translation (NETS) Genesis 4:7, Masoretic and English Translation from MT (Judaica Press) Genesis 4:7, Latin Vulgate and English Translation (Douay-Rheims)
οὐκ ἐὰν ὀρθῶς προσενέγκῃς, ὀρθῶς δὲ μὴ διέλῃς, ἥμαρτες; ἡσύχασον· πρὸς σὲ ἡ ἀποστροφὴ αὐτοῦ, καὶ σὺ ἄρξεις αὐτοῦ.

Have you not sinned if you have brought it righteously, but not righteously divided it? Be calm, to you shall be his submission, and you shall rule over him.
הֲלוֹא אִם תֵּיטִיב שְׂאֵת וְאִם לֹא תֵיטִיב לַפֶּתַח חַטָּאת רֹבֵץ וְאֵלֶיךָ תְּשׁוּקָתוֹ וְאַתָּה תִּמְשָׁל בּוֹ:

Is it not so that if you improve, it will be forgiven you? If you do not improve, however, at the entrance, sin is lying, and to you is its longing, but you can rule over it.
nonne si bene egeris, recipies : sin autem male, statim in foribus peccatum aderit? sed sub te erit appetitus ejus, et tu dominaberis illius.

If thou do well, shalt thou not receive? but if ill, shall not sin forthwith be present at the door? but the lust thereof shall be under thee, and thou shalt have dominion over it.

The differences between the Septuagint and the MT fall into four categories:[68]

  1. Different Hebrew sources for the MT and the Septuagint. Evidence of this can be found throughout the Old Testament. A subtle example may be found in Isaiah 36:11;[69] the meaning remains the same, but the choice of words evidences a different text. The MT reads "...al tedaber yehudit be-'ozne ha`am al ha-homa" [speak not the Judean language in the ears of (or—which can be heard by) the people on the wall]. The same verse in the Septuagint reads, according to the translation of Brenton: "and speak not to us in the Jewish tongue: and wherefore speakest thou in the ears of the men on the wall." The MT reads "people" where the Septuagint reads "men". This difference is very minor and does not affect the meaning of the verse.[citation needed] Scholars had used discrepancies such as this to claim that the Septuagint was a poor translation of the Hebrew original. This verse is found in Qumran (1QIsaa), however, where the Hebrew word "haanashim" (the men) is found in place of "haam" (the people). This discovery, and others like it, showed that even seemingly-minor differences of translation could be the result of variant Hebrew source texts.
  2. Differences in interpretation stemming from the same Hebrew text. An example is Genesis 4:7,[70] shown above.
  3. Differences as a result of idiomatic translation issues: A Hebrew idiom may not be easily translated into Greek, and some difference is imparted. In Psalm 47:10,[71] the MT reads: "The shields of the earth belong to God"; the Septuagint reads, "To God are the mighty ones of the earth."
  4. Transmission changes in Hebrew or Greek: Revision or recension changes and copying errors.

Dead Sea Scrolls

[edit]

The Biblical manuscripts found in Qumran, commonly known as the Dead Sea Scrolls (DSS), have prompted comparisons of the texts associated with the Hebrew Bible (including the Septuagint).[72] Emanuel Tov, editor of the translated scrolls,[73] identifies five broad variants of DSS texts:[74][75]

  1. Proto-Masoretic: A stable text and numerous, distinct agreements with the Masoretic Text. About 60 per cent of the Biblical scrolls (including 1QIsa-b) are in this category.
  2. Pre-Septuagint: Manuscripts which have distinctive affinities with the Greek Bible. About five per cent of the Biblical scrolls, they include 4QDeut-q, 4QSam-a, 4QJer-b, and 4QJer-d. In addition to these manuscripts, several others share similarities with the Septuagint but do not fall into this category.
  3. The Qumran "Living Bible": Manuscripts which, according to Tov, were copied in accordance with the "Qumran practice": distinctive, long orthography and morphology, frequent errors and corrections, and a free approach to the text. They make up about 20 per cent of the Biblical corpus, including the Isaiah Scroll (1QIsa-a).
  4. Pre-Samaritan: DSS manuscripts which reflect the textual form of the Samaritan Pentateuch, although the Samaritan Bible is later and contains information not found in these earlier scrolls, (such as God's holy mountain at Shechem, rather than Jerusalem). These manuscripts, characterized by orthographic corrections and harmonizations with parallel texts elsewhere in the Pentateuch, are about five per cent of the Biblical scrolls and include 4QpaleoExod-m.
  5. Non-aligned: No consistent alignment with any of the other four text types. About 10 per cent of the Biblical scrolls, they include 4QDeut-b, 4QDeut-c, 4QDeut-h, 4QIsa-c, and 4QDan-a.[74][76][m]

The textual sources present a variety of readings; Bastiaan Van Elderen compares three variations of Deuteronomy 32:43, the Song of Moses:[73][failed verification]

Deuteronomy 32.43, Masoretic Deuteronomy 32.43, Qumran Deuteronomy 32.43, Septuagint
.
.
1 Shout for joy, O nations, with his people
2 For he will avenge the blood of his servants
3 And will render vengeance to his adversaries
.
.
.
4 And will purge his land, his people.
.
1 Shout for joy, O heavens, with him
2 And worship him, all you divine ones
.
.
3 For he will avenge the blood of his sons
.
4 And he will render vengeance to his adversaries
.
5 And he will recompense the ones hating him
6 And he purges the land of his people.
.
1 Shout for joy, O heavens, with him
2 And let all the sons of God worship him
3 Shout for joy, O nations, with his people
4 And let all the angels of God be strong in him
5 Because he avenges the blood of his sons
.
6 And he will avenge and recompense justice to his enemies
.
7 And he will recompense the ones hating
.
8 And the Lord will cleanse the land of his people.
.
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The text of all print editions is derived from the recensions of Origen, Lucian, or Hesychius:

  • The editio princeps is the Complutensian Polyglot Bible. Based on now-lost manuscripts, it is one of the received texts used for the KJV (similar to Textus Receptus) and seems to convey quite early readings.[77]
  • The Brian Walton Polyglot [it] by Brian Walton is one of the few versions that includes a Septuagint not based on the Egyptian Alexandria-type text (such as Vaticanus, Alexandrinus and Sinaiticus), but follows the majority which agree (like the Complutensian Polyglot).
  • The Aldine edition (begun by Aldus Manutius) was published in Venice in 1518. The editor says that he collated ancient, unspecified manuscripts, and it has been reprinted several times.
  • The Roman or Sixtine Septuagint,[78] which uses Codex Vaticanus as the base text and later manuscripts for the lacunae in the uncial manuscript. It was published in 1587 under the direction of Antonio Carafa, with the help of Roman scholars Gugliemo Sirleto, Antonio Agelli and Petrus Morinus and by the authority of Sixtus V, to assist revisers preparing the Latin Vulgate edition ordered by the Council of Trent. It is the textus receptus of the Greek Old Testament and has been published in a number of editions, such as: those of Robert Holmes and James Parsons (Oxford, 1798–1827), the seven editions of Constantin von Tischendorf which appeared at Leipzig between 1850 and 1887 (the last two published after the death of the author and revised by Nestle), and the four editions of Henry Barclay Swete (Cambridge, 1887–95, 1901, 1909). A detailed description of this edition has been made by H. B. Swete in An Introduction to the Old Testament in Greek (1900), pp. 174–182.
  • Grabe's edition was published in Oxford from 1707 to 1720 and reproduced, imperfectly, the Codex Alexandrinus of London. For partial editions, see Fulcran Vigouroux, Dictionnaire de la Bible, 1643 and later.
  • Alfred Rahlfs' edition of the Septuagint. Alfred Rahlfs, a Septuagint researcher at the University of Göttingen, began a manual edition of the Septuagint in 1917 or 1918. The completed Septuaginta, published in 1935, relies mainly on the Vaticanus, Sinaiticus and Alexandrinus and presents a critical framework with variants from these and several other sources.[79]
  • The Göttingen Septuagint (Septuaginta: Vetus Testamentum Graecum), a critical version in multiple volumes published from 1931 to the present, is not yet complete; the largest missing parts are the historical books (Joshua, Judges, Samuel, Kings, Chronicles), Proverbs and Song of Songs, as well as a new edition of Psalms. Its two critical apparatuses present variant readings in the Old Greek text and variants of the other Greek recensions (i.e., the Hexapla, Theodotion, Symmachus, Aquilla, Lucian).[80]
  • In 2006, a revision of Alfred Rahlfs' Septuaginta was published by the German Bible Society. This revised edition includes over a thousand changes.[81] The text of this revised edition contains changes in the diacritics, and only two wording changes: in Isaiah 5:17 and 53:2, Is 5:17 ἀπειλημμένων became ἀπηλειμμένων, and Is 53:2 ἀνηγγείλαμεν became by conjecture ἀνέτειλε μένà.[82]
  • The Apostolic Bible Polyglot contains a Septuagint text derived primarily from the agreement of any two of the Complutensian Polyglot, the Sixtine, and the Aldine texts.[83]
  • Septuaginta: A Reader's Edition, a 2018 reader's edition of the Septuagint[84] using the text of the 2006 revised edition of Rahlf's Septuaginta.[85]

Onomastics

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One of the main challenges, faced by translators during their work, emanated from the need to implement appropriate Greek forms for various onomastic terms, used in the Hebrew Bible. Most onomastic terms (toponyms, anthroponyms) of the Hebrew Bible were rendered by corresponding Greek terms that were similar in form and sounding, with some notable exceptions.[86]

One of those exceptions was related to a specific group of onomastic terms for the region of Aram and ancient Arameans. Influenced by Greek onomastic terminology, translators decided to adopt Greek custom of using "Syrian" labels as designations for Arameans, their lands and language, thus abandoning endonymic (native) terms, that were used in the Hebrew Bible. In the Greek translation, the region of Aram was commonly labeled as "Syria", while Arameans were labeled as "Syrians". Such adoption and implementation of terms that were foreign (exonymic) had far-reaching influence on later terminology related to Arameans and their lands, since the same terminology was reflected in later Latin and other translations of the Septuagint, including the English translation.[87][88][89][90]

Reflecting on those problems, American orientalist Robert W. Rogers (d. 1930) noted in 1921: "it is most unfortunate that Syria and Syrians ever came into the English versions. It should always be Aram and the Aramaeans".[91]

English translations

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The first English translation (which excluded the apocrypha) was Charles Thomson's in 1808,[92] which was revised and enlarged by C. A. Muses in 1954 and published by the Falcon's Wing Press.[93]

The Septuagint with Apocrypha: Greek and English was translated by Lancelot Brenton in 1854. It is the traditional translation, and most of the time since its publication it has been the only one readily available. It has also been continually in print. The translation, based on the Codex Vaticanus, contains the Greek and English texts in parallel columns.[94] It has an average of four footnoted, transliterated words per page, abbreviated Alex and GK.[citation needed]

The Complete Apostles' Bible (translated by Paul W. Esposito) was published in 2007. Using the Masoretic Text in the 23rd Psalm (and possibly elsewhere), it omits the apocrypha.[citation needed]

A New English Translation of the Septuagint and the Other Greek Translations Traditionally Included Under that Title (NETS), an academic translation based on the New Revised Standard version (in turn based on the Masoretic Text) was published by the International Organization for Septuagint and Cognate Studies (IOSCS) in October 2007.[95]

The Apostolic Bible Polyglot, published in 2003, features a Greek-English interlinear Septuagint. It includes the Greek books of the Hebrew canon (without the apocrypha) and the Greek New Testament; the whole Bible is numerically coded to a new version of the Strong numbering system created to add words not present in the original numbering by Strong. The edition is set in monotonic orthography. The version includes a Bible concordance and index.[citation needed]

The Orthodox Study Bible, published in early 2008, features a new translation of the Septuagint based on the Alfred Rahlfs' edition of the Greek text. Two additional major sources have been added: the 1851 Brenton translation and the New King James Version text in places where the translation matches the Hebrew Masoretic text. This edition includes the NKJV New Testament and extensive commentary from an Eastern Orthodox perspective.[96]

Nicholas King completed The Old Testament in four volumes and The Bible.[97]

Brenton's Septuagint, Restored Names Version (SRNV) has been published in two volumes. The Hebrew-names restoration, based on the Westminster Leningrad Codex, focuses on the restoration of the Divine Name and has extensive Hebrew and Greek footnotes.[citation needed]

The Holy Orthodox Bible by Peter A. Papoutsis and The Old Testament According to the Seventy by Michael Asser are based on the Greek Septuagint text published by the Apostoliki Diakonia of the Church of Greece.[98][additional citation(s) needed]

In 2012, Lexham Press published the Lexham English Septuagint (LES), providing a literal, readable, and transparent English edition of the Septuagint for modern readers.[99] In 2019, Lexham Press published the Lexham English Septuagint, Second Edition (LES2), making more of an effort than the first to focus on the text as received rather than as produced. Because this approach shifts the point of reference from a diverse group to a single implied reader, the new LES exhibits more consistency than the first edition.[100] "The Lexham English Septuagint (LES), then, is the only contemporary English translation of the LXX that has been made directly from the Greek."[101]

Society and journal

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The International Organization for Septuagint and Cognate Studies (IOSCS), a non-profit learned society, promotes international research into and study of the Septuagint and related texts.[102] The society declared 8 February 2006 International Septuagint Day, a day to promote the work on campuses and in communities.[103] The IOSCS publishes the Journal of Septuagint and Cognate Studies.[104]

See also

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Notes

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References

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
The Septuagint (LXX), also known as the Greek , is the earliest complete translation of the into , produced primarily by Jewish scholars in , , between the third and first centuries BCE to serve the needs of Hellenistic Jewish communities who spoke Greek as their primary language. According to the legendary account in the Letter of Aristeas (circa BCE), the translation of the Pentateuch was commissioned by (r. 285–246 BCE) for the , involving 72 Jewish elders who completed the work in 72 days, a narrative later embraced by Jewish writers like Philo of Alexandria and to underscore its divine inspiration, though modern scholarship views it as a pious fiction emphasizing the translators' piety. The full corpus expanded gradually, with books like and the translated in the BCE, resulting in a collection that includes the 39 of the (Tanakh) alongside deuterocanonical works such as Tobit, Judith, Wisdom of Solomon, Sirach, Baruch, and additions to and , reflecting a broader Jewish scriptural tradition in the Hellenistic world. This translation not only bridged Hebrew sacred texts with Greek linguistic and cultural contexts but also exhibited varied translation philosophies, ranging from literal renderings to more interpretive approaches influenced by idioms, as seen in updates like rendering "shekel" as "didrachma" in Genesis 23:15 to suit contemporary coinage. For , the Septuagint facilitated the spread of Jewish thought in the but was gradually supplanted by Hebrew texts after the CE, leading to its eventual rejection in rabbinic tradition; in contrast, it held profound significance for , serving as the primary for Greek-speaking churches and directly quoted in approximately 300 instances in the , including pivotal passages like Isaiah 7:14 ("virgin" in the LXX, influencing Matthew 1:23's virgin birth prophecy). Its influence extended to , with texts like the Song of the Three Youths from Daniel used in early Christian hymns and prayers, and to doctrine, providing scriptural basis for concepts such as creation ex nihilo (2 Maccabees 7:28) and the preexistent (Proverbs 8:22 LXX). Transmitted through major uncial manuscripts like (4th century CE) and (4th century CE), the Septuagint remains a critical resource for of the , offering variant readings that sometimes preserve earlier Hebrew traditions lost in the , and continues to inform modern biblical scholarship and translations.

Origins

Etymology

The term "Septuagint" derives from the Latin septuaginta, meaning "seventy," a designation rooted in the ancient tradition attributing the Greek translation of the Hebrew Scriptures to seventy (or seventy-two) Jewish scholars. In American English, the term is commonly pronounced /sɛpˈtu.ə.dʒənt/ or /sɛpˈtju.ə.dʒənt/ (sep-TOO-uh-jint or sep-TYOO-uh-jint), with variants including /ˈsɛp.tə.wəˌdʒɪnt/ (SEP-tuh-wuh-jint). This nomenclature, often abbreviated as LXX—the Roman numeral for seventy—originated from accounts like the Letter of Aristeas, which describes seventy-two translators (six from each of the ) commissioned by to render the Pentateuch into Greek. Alternative designations include the "Translation of the Seventy" (translatio Septuaginta Interpretum in Latin) or simply the "Greek ," reflecting its role as the primary Greek version of the . Early Christian writers, such as in the fourth and fifth centuries CE, popularized the term, viewing the Septuagint as divinely inspired and authoritative for Greek-speaking communities, often citing it over the Hebrew text in theological disputes. By the patristic period, the usage had expanded beyond its initial focus on the Pentateuch to encompass the broader corpus of Greek translations, including prophetic and . In modern scholarship, "Septuagint" typically refers to this entire Greek scriptural collection, which incorporates not found in the Hebrew canon, though distinctions persist between the original Pentateuchal translation (sometimes called the "proto-Septuagint") and later additions by anonymous translators.

Translation Legend

The Translation Legend surrounding the Septuagint originates in the Letter of Aristeas, a pseudepigraphic work attributed to an official at the court of Ptolemy II Philadelphus, king of Egypt in the early third century BCE. In the narrative, Ptolemy II commissions the translation of the Jewish Torah into Greek to enrich the Library of Alexandria, advised by his librarian Demetrius of Phalerum. The king requests that Eleazar, the high priest in Jerusalem, select six elders from each of the twelve tribes of Israel—totaling 72 scholars renowned for their wisdom, piety, and knowledge of both Hebrew law and Greek philosophy—to undertake the task. Key elements of the story emphasize the sacred and miraculous nature of the endeavor. The translators arrive in bearing Hebrew scrolls and are quartered in isolation on the island of Pharos, divided into 36 pairs in separate cells to work independently over 72 days. Upon completion, collects their versions and discovers that all 72 translations agree verbatim, a attributed to divine inspiration that mirrors the sanctity of the original and prohibits any future alterations. The king then hosts banquets for the scholars, engaging them in philosophical discussions that highlight Jewish wisdom's superiority, before sending them home with honors. The legend's purpose was to legitimize the Greek Torah among Hellenistic Jews, portraying it as an authoritative, divinely endorsed scripture equivalent to the Hebrew original, thereby bridging Jewish tradition with Greek culture and affirming the Torah's universal wisdom. This narrative, composed around 150 BCE, served apologetic aims by elevating the Septuagint's status in the diaspora. The name "Septuagint," meaning "seventy" in Latin, derives from the tradition of these 72 translators. Scholars regard the Letter of Aristeas as pious fiction rather than historical fact, a "charter " crafted in the mid-second century BCE to retroactively sanctify the existing , with anachronisms such as the role of (exiled before II's reign) and exaggerated details undermining its veracity. It draws influences from Greek literary traditions, including historiographical styles and motifs of inspired collective authorship akin to , to lend authenticity in a Hellenistic context.

Historical Context

The Hellenistic in , which grew significantly following the Great's conquests in the late 4th century BCE, created a pressing need for a Greek translation of the Hebrew Scriptures. As became the of the under Ptolemaic rule, many in —estimated at over a million by of in the 1st century CE, though modern scholarship considers this figure exaggerated and suggests a of several hundred thousand—spoke Greek as their primary and required access to sacred texts in that tongue to maintain religious practice and . The translation process began with the (Pentateuch) around the 3rd to 2nd century BCE, likely in , to serve this community. Subsequent books, including the prophetic writings and other texts, were added during the 2nd to BCE, reflecting a gradual expansion as the need for a complete Greek Bible grew. While the Letter of Aristeas legend attributes the initial translation to a commission by (r. 285–246 BCE) for the , modern scholarship lacks definitive evidence for royal patronage and views the Septuagint as a community-driven effort by Hellenistic to meet their liturgical and educational needs, facilitating cultural synthesis while preserving amid Greek dominance. By the 1st century CE, the Septuagint's widespread use among Greek-speaking Jews is evidenced by references in Philo of , who frequently quotes it in his philosophical works and describes its revered status, and in , who recounts its origins and affirms its authority in Jewish communities across the .

Composition and Content

Linguistic Characteristics

The Septuagint is composed primarily in , the vernacular dialect of the Hellenistic era that served as the across the from the fourth century BCE onward. This everyday form of Greek, emerging from the Attic-Ionic base but simplified and democratized through Alexander the Great's conquests, starkly contrasts with the polished, literary of classical authors like and , featuring reduced complexity in syntax, vocabulary drawn from common speech, and avoidance of Attic's intricate particles and moods. Scholars recognize the Septuagint as one of the most extensive corpora exemplifying Koine, providing invaluable insights into its phonological, morphological, and lexical features during the Ptolemaic period in . Translation techniques in the Septuagint vary across its books, reflecting the diverse hands involved over centuries, with a general shift from literal fidelity in the to more interpretive freedom in the prophetic writings. The Pentateuch employs a predominantly word-for-word approach, preserving Hebrew structure even at the expense of natural Greek idiom, as seen in renderings like Genesis 1:1's en archē epoiēsen ho theos ton ouranon kai tēn gēn, which mirrors the Hebrew's verb-subject order atypically for Greek. In contrast, books such as and often adopt freer methods, paraphrasing for clarity or theological emphasis, such as expanding Hebrew metaphors to align with Hellenistic rhetorical styles while conveying intended meaning over strict equivalence. This spectrum, analyzed by scholars like Emanuel Tov, underscores the translators' balance between reverence for the source and accessibility to Greek-speaking audiences. Hebraisms abound in the Septuagint, manifesting as Greek expressions calqued directly from Hebrew syntax, idioms, and semantics, which impart a distinctive "Semitic" flavor to the text despite its Greek medium. Syntactic examples include the Hebrew construct chain rendered literally as genitive chains in Greek, such as eirēnēn tou polemou ("peace of the war") in 2 Kingdoms 11:7, evoking the Hebrew shalom ha-milchamah to convey ironic well-being amid conflict. Lexical Hebraisms involve Greek words adopting expanded Hebrew senses, like eirēnē extending beyond "peace" to include prosperity or welfare, influencing later Christian usage. These features, termed "Septuagintalisms" when they permeate Koine religious discourse, arise from the translators' immersion in both languages, as detailed in studies by James Barr and Henry St. John Thackeray. Dialectal variations in the Septuagint reveal influences from the Egyptian Koine spoken in and the , blending standard Hellenistic Greek with local phonetic, lexical, and orthographic traits attested in contemporary papyri. Egyptian loanwords appear in context-specific passages, such as kondy for a silver in Genesis 44:2 or bais for palm branches in 13:37, evoking the Egyptian setting of biblical narratives. Orthographic shifts, like kolphos instead of kolpos for "" or zytos for in 19:10, mirror Fayumic dialectal interchanges of lambda and rho, while administrative terms like epistratēgos reflect Ptolemaic bureaucratic Greek. Over time, later books show evolving influences, with prophetic texts incorporating more standardized Koine as the translation project expanded beyond initial Egyptian circles.

Canonical Variations

The Septuagint exhibits a broader canon than the as represented by the (MT), incorporating several books and additions not present in the proto-Masoretic tradition. These include the such as Tobit, Judith, , Sirach (Ecclesiasticus), Baruch, 1 and , along with expansions to existing books like the (including the Prayer of Azariah, Song of the Three Young Men, Susanna, and ) and to . However, the exact inclusion of these varied across Septuagint manuscripts, with some codices incorporating additional texts like , , or the . These texts, composed primarily in Hebrew or between the third and first centuries BCE, were translated into Greek and integrated into the Septuagint collection, reflecting a wider corpus of circulating in the Hellenistic . In terms of book order, the Septuagint diverges significantly from the tripartite structure of the MT (, , ). It organizes the books into a fourfold division: (Genesis to Deuteronomy), Historical Books (Joshua to Esther), Poetical Books (Job to Song of Solomon), and Prophetical Books (the Prophets, including to ). Notably, the are placed after the writings in the Septuagint, unlike the MT where prophets precede the , and books like Daniel are classified among the prophets rather than the writings. This arrangement influenced later Christian orders, such as in the . The deuterocanonical books, often termed Apocrypha in Protestant traditions, were regarded as scriptural by some Jewish communities in the Second Temple period and by all early Christian writers, who frequently quoted them alongside protocanonical texts. For instance, Philo of Alexandria and Josephus referenced similar literature, though later rabbinic Judaism, as codified in the Talmud around the second century CE, excluded them from the canon, favoring Hebrew originals. Early Church Fathers like Augustine affirmed their inspirational status, while others like Jerome distinguished them as edifying but not fully canonical. Certain books in the Septuagint display variations in content length compared to the MT, suggesting different textual traditions or translational choices. The Greek version of is approximately one-eighth shorter than the MT, omitting or rearranging sections such as parts of chapters 10, 33, and 39–44, and integrating Baruch and Lamentations differently. Similarly, the Septuagint's Job is about one-sixth shorter, roughly 400 lines less, primarily due to abridgments in the poetic discourses to adapt the Hebrew's stylistic complexity for Greek readers.

Structure and Final Form

The Septuagint organizes its contents into a fourfold structure that differs from the tripartite Hebrew canon of (Law), (Prophets), and (Writings), instead dividing the books into the Pentateuch, (from to ), poetic and wisdom literature (such as , Proverbs, and Job), and (with the followed by the , , and ). This arrangement reflects a progression through salvation history, from origins in the Pentateuch to eschatological fulfillment in the Prophets, and incorporates additional Greek sections with like Tobit, Judith, and 1 and 2 , which expand the historical and wisdom categories. For instance, in major codices, the often follow the historical narratives, creating a thematic bridge to the prophetic corpus. The compilation of the Septuagint unfolded gradually across centuries, starting with the Pentateuch's translation in during the early BCE under Ptolemaic patronage, and extending to the by the 1st century CE, with some translations possibly occurring in . Evidence from papyri and quotations, such as the translator of Sirach referencing prior Greek versions around 132 BCE, confirms this piecemeal assembly, where stylistic variations reflect diverse translators and regional influences. After the Roman destruction of the Second Temple in 70 CE, Jewish emphasis shifted toward Hebrew texts under emerging Rabbinic authority, leaving the Septuagint's ongoing copying and transmission predominantly to Christian communities by the 4th century CE. A pivotal step in standardizing the Septuagint came in the CE through of Alexandria's , a monumental six-column edition juxtaposing the Hebrew text, its Greek-letter , and four Greek versions—including Aquila, Symmachus, the Septuagint, and —to facilitate comparison and correction. revised the Septuagint column by inserting asterisks to denote additions from other Greek texts (often ) and obeli to mark suspected omissions relative to the Hebrew, aiming to produce a more accurate alignment without altering the core translation. This work, compiled over 28 years in Caesarea, influenced later editions like the Tetrapla (a four-column subset) and laid groundwork for the Septuagint's stabilization. By the CE, major uncial codices such as Vaticanus and Sinaiticus preserve complete or near-complete versions of the Greek in the fourfold structure with integrated . These codices, copied amid Christian scribal traditions, reflect Origen's revisions through marginal notations and consistent book sequencing, serving as the textual basis for subsequent Byzantine recensions.

Religious Usage

Adoption in Judaism

The Septuagint achieved early prominence within Hellenistic Jewish communities, particularly in the diaspora where Greek was the dominant language, serving as the standard text for liturgical readings and scholarly study in synagogues. This widespread adoption is evidenced by its use among Alexandrian Jews from the third century BCE onward, facilitating both religious practice and engagement with broader Greco-Roman culture. of Alexandria, a first-century BCE philosopher, frequently quoted and interpreted the Septuagint in his works, treating it as authoritative scripture that bridged Jewish tradition and . Similarly, the historian Flavius referenced the Septuagint extensively in his , drawing on it to narrate biblical history for a Greek-speaking audience and affirming its role in Jewish education and identity. The destruction of the Second Temple in 70 CE marked a pivotal shift in Jewish textual preferences, with the emerging emphasizing the Hebrew original—later standardized as the —as the sacred and authoritative version over the Greek Septuagint. This transition was driven by efforts to consolidate Jewish identity amid Roman persecution and the (132–135 CE), prioritizing Hebrew to preserve linguistic and cultural purity in the face of challenges. As rabbinic authorities sought to standardize scripture for and study, the Septuagint's divergences from the Hebrew, including interpretive freedoms in translation, contributed to its declining status within mainstream Jewish practice. Discussions at the rabbinic academy in Yavneh (Jamnia) around 90 CE, while not a formal council, were part of broader rabbinic efforts to define a unified Hebrew canon, contributing to the marginalization of the Septuagint in normative Judaism over time. This process was influenced by canonical variations in the Septuagint, such as the inclusion of deuterocanonical books absent from the Hebrew, and led to the promotion of new, more literal Greek translations like Aquila's (early 2nd century CE) to supplant the Septuagint in remaining Hellenistic Jewish contexts. Despite its broader decline, the Septuagint maintained lingering use among certain Eastern groups, particularly Byzantine communities, where Greek-speaking Jews continued employing it or related versions for religious and cultural purposes into the medieval period. Manuscript evidence from the sixth century onward, including palimpsests and fragments, attests to its transmission in these contexts, challenging assumptions of complete abandonment and highlighting its role in sustaining Jewish scriptural tradition amid ongoing .

Role in Christianity

The Septuagint served as the primary Old Testament text for the authors of the New Testament, with approximately two-thirds of the over 300 direct quotations from the Old Testament aligning closely with its Greek wording rather than the Hebrew Masoretic Text. This reliance is evident in passages such as Matthew 1:23, which quotes Isaiah 7:14 using the Septuagint's phrasing to affirm the virgin birth of Jesus. Early Christian writers, including the apostles, drew from the Septuagint's Hellenistic Jewish context, which was accessible to Greek-speaking audiences throughout the Roman Empire, thereby embedding its linguistic and interpretive traditions into nascent Christian scripture. Early Church Fathers demonstrated a strong preference for the Septuagint as the authoritative version of the , viewing it as divinely inspired and superior to the Hebrew text in transmission and clarity for Gentile converts. , in his (circa 155–160 CE), frequently cited the Septuagint to defend Christian interpretations against Jewish objections, emphasizing its role in revealing messianic prophecies. Similarly, of Lyons, in Against Heresies (circa 180 CE), relied on Septuagint readings, including from deuterocanonical books like , to support doctrines such as the and creation ex nihilo, integrating it into against Gnostic heresies. This patristic endorsement solidified the Septuagint's status as the scriptural foundation for early . The Septuagint exerted profound liturgical and doctrinal influence on Christianity, particularly in shaping Christological understandings through its interpretive choices. A pivotal example is Isaiah 7:14, where the Septuagint renders the Hebrew ‘almah (young woman) as parthenos (virgin), providing a textual basis for the doctrine of the virgin birth that diverges from the Masoretic Text's more neutral term. This translation, adopted in Matthew 1:23, facilitated early Christian exegesis linking the prophecy to Mary's conception of Jesus, influencing creedal formulations and Marian devotion in both Eastern and Western traditions. The Septuagint maintained dominance in Eastern Orthodox and , serving as the official version and informing into Slavonic, Arabic, and other languages used in divine services. In the early Western Church, it was equally central until the late fourth century, when Jerome's —a Latin drawing partly from Hebrew—gained prominence, gradually supplanting the Greek text in Latin rites while the East preserved its primacy. This enduring role underscores the Septuagint's foundational contribution to , bridging Jewish heritage with Greco-Roman dissemination.

Textual Tradition

Key Manuscripts

The key manuscripts of the Septuagint provide essential evidence for its textual transmission, with the most significant being a small number of ancient uncial codices and fragmentary papyri that have survived from antiquity. These artifacts, primarily originating from the 4th to 5th centuries CE for the uncials and even earlier for some papyri, offer insights into the Greek translation's early forms and regional variations. Among the major uncial manuscripts, Codex Vaticanus (B), dated to the 4th century CE, is considered the most important witness to the Septuagint, containing a nearly complete Old Testament in Greek along with the New Testament, though its Septuagint portion lacks parts of Genesis, Psalms, and other books due to damage. Housed in the Vatican Library since at least the 15th century, it exemplifies high-quality Egyptian production in uncial script, with minimal corrections indicating careful scribal work. Codex Sinaiticus (ℵ), also from the 4th century CE, includes the complete Septuagint Old Testament and New Testament, discovered in fragments at Saint Catherine's Monastery on Mount Sinai between 1844 and 1859 by Constantin von Tischendorf. This manuscript, likely produced in a Caesarean or Egyptian scriptorium, features uncial writing on vellum and shows some unique additions and omissions that reflect its textual tradition. Codex Alexandrinus (A), from the 5th century CE, preserves the majority of the Septuagint, including apocryphal books, alongside the New Testament, and was presented to the British Library in 1627 after originating in Alexandria, Egypt. Written in a somewhat later uncial style with occasional spaces between words, it demonstrates the ongoing evolution of Greek biblical codices in the Eastern Mediterranean. Early papyri fragments offer the oldest direct evidence of the Septuagint, predating the uncials by centuries. One prominent example is Rahlfs 801 (also known as 4QLXXLev^a), a 2nd-century BCE fragment of Leviticus from Cave 4, containing verses 26:2–16 and attesting to the translation's circulation in Palestinian Jewish communities. Other notable 2nd-century BCE papyri include Rahlfs 819 and 957, fragments of Deuteronomy discovered among the Dead Sea Scrolls and highlighting the Septuagint's use alongside Hebrew texts in the Judean Desert. These fragments, written in a pre-uncial Greek script on , provide glimpses of the translation's initial stages but are limited in extent due to the perishable nature of the material. The characteristics of these manuscripts reveal much about their production and transmission. All major uncials employ the uncial script—a majuscule style with large, rounded capital letters without word division or lowercase forms—facilitating their use in codex format on durable vellum, which allowed for multi-book compilations unlike earlier scrolls. They exhibit regional origins, with Vaticanus and Sinaiticus likely from Egyptian centers like Alexandria, showing a more literal translation style, while Alexandrinus also bears Alexandrian traits but with some later influences. Omissions and additions appear sporadically, often due to scribal errors or intentional harmonizations, as seen in Sinaiticus's inclusion of extra phrases in certain prophetic books. In contrast, the papyri fragments display simpler, more archaic scripts and suggest diverse textual streams, including Palestinian variants. Preservation of Septuagint manuscripts has been challenging, with the majority lost to environmental decay, wars, and religious over two millennia, leaving approximately 2,000 Greek Old Testament codices and fragments extant today. Key discoveries in the 19th and 20th centuries revitalized the field: Tischendorf's recovery of Sinaiticus portions between 1844 and 1859, the full publication of Alexandrinus in the early 1700s based on its 1627 arrival in , and the unearthing of papyri starting in 1947, which included Rahlfs 801 and revealed pre-Christian Septuagint evidence. These finds, preserved in monastic libraries and arid desert sites, underscore the manuscripts' role in stabilizing the Septuagint's final form through their enduring survival.

Recensions and Editions

The textual tradition of the Septuagint encompasses several major recensions, which represent deliberate revisions aimed at standardizing or aligning the Greek text with evolving standards. Origen's , compiled in the third century CE in , was a pioneering effort that arranged the Septuagint alongside the Hebrew text and other Greek versions (Aquila, Symmachus, and ) in six parallel columns to facilitate comparison and correction of the Greek toward the Hebrew. Aquila's version was a second-century CE Jewish translation from the Hebrew, offering a highly literal rendering that prioritized fidelity to the Hebrew consonants, often at the expense of Greek idiom, and was later endorsed by Justinian as an authorized alternative to the Septuagint proper. This work, though the original is lost, influenced subsequent transmissions through excerpts and marked the Septuagint with symbols like asterisks and obeli to indicate additions or omissions relative to the Hebrew. In the fourth century CE, Lucian's recension emerged in Antioch, producing the Antiochene text type characterized by smoother syntax, expansions for clarity (such as explicit proper nouns and subjects), and a more Atticizing style that built upon Origen's framework while adapting it for liturgical and exegetical use in the Eastern churches. Key manuscripts, including and fragments like 4QSam^a from the Dead Sea Scrolls, preserve traces of this , particularly in books like Samuel-Kings and the Prophets. Concurrently, the Hesychian , associated with and possibly linked to Hesychius of the early fourth century, focused on the Octateuch and but remains the least attested, with its existence inferred mainly from patristic references rather than direct evidence. The first printed editions of the Septuagint appeared in the early sixteenth century amid humanism's revival of classical and . The Complutensian Polyglot, sponsored by Cardinal Francisco Ximénez de Cisneros and printed between 1514 and 1517 at , , included the of the complete Septuagint in its third column alongside Hebrew and Latin texts, drawing from manuscripts sourced from and the Vatican. Although completed by 1517, papal approval delayed its release until 1521–1522, limiting its immediate influence. The Aldine edition, published in 1518 at by , followed as the first standalone printed Septuagint in a single folio volume, based primarily on Byzantine manuscripts and appended with the . Modern critical editions seek to reconstruct the earliest attainable Septuagint text through rigorous . Alfred Rahlfs's hand edition, published in 1935 by the Württemberg Bible Society, provides a semi-critical base text derived from major uncials like Vaticanus and Sinaiticus, with ongoing revisions including Robert Hanhart's 2006 update incorporating additional papyri and emendations. The Septuagint, initiated in 1931 under the Akademie der Wissenschaften zu , advances a comprehensive editio maior on a book-by-book basis, employing extensive apparatuses to document Old Greek variants and Hexaplaric influences, with volumes like Genesis (1974) and ongoing work on as exemplars of this methodical approach. Underlying these editions is the methodology of stemmatics, which applies genealogical analysis to trace manuscript filiation and reconstruct hypothetical archetypes by identifying shared errors and innovations among witnesses, thereby distinguishing recensions like the Lucianic from proto-Septuagint forms. This Lachmannian technique, adapted from classical , prioritizes internal evidence to posit the most parsimonious textual stemma, though its application to the Septuagint accounts for the version's decentralized transmission across regions.

Comparisons with Other Versions

The Septuagint (LXX) exhibits notable textual variants when compared to the (MT), the standardized tradition from the medieval period. One prominent difference is in the , where the LXX version is approximately one-eighth to one-fifth shorter than the MT, omitting certain passages such as oracles against nations and featuring a rearranged chapter order after 25. This shorter form reflects an earlier Hebrew textual tradition, as evidenced by fragments from that align more closely with the LXX than the expanded MT. In the Psalms, the LXX displays variations in verse order and numbering compared to the MT. For instance, Psalms 9 and 10 in the MT are combined into a single Psalm 9 in the LXX, resulting in a consistent offset of one in numbering from Psalm 10 (MT) equating to Psalm 9 (LXX) through Psalm 147 (MT) as Psalm 146 (LXX), after which the sequences align again. These discrepancies arise from the LXX translators' editorial decisions, such as treating certain elements or thematic units differently, which affects liturgical and interpretive use. A theological nuance appears in Genesis 4:8, where the LXX includes Cain's spoken words to Abel—"Let us go out to the field"—before the , providing explicit absent in the MT, which simply notes that Cain spoke without recording the content. This addition in the LXX emphasizes Cain's premeditation and aligns with interpretive traditions in other ancient versions like the . The , 's late-4th-century Latin translation, primarily follows the Hebrew (proto-MT) for the but incorporates LXX readings in several instances, particularly where the Greek offered clarity or aligned with quotations. explicitly preferred the Hebrew original over the LXX, criticizing the Greek version's deviations, yet he retained LXX-influenced renderings in books like (using the Gallican based on the LXX) and in prophetic passages to harmonize with Christian usage. This hybrid approach reflects 's scholarly method of consulting multiple sources while prioritizing the Hebrew, though his work preserved LXX elements that shaped Western biblical tradition. These variants carry implications for , as the LXX occasionally preserves readings closer to presumed pre-Masoretic Hebrew originals, offering insights into the Bible's fluid transmission before standardization around the 1st century CE. For example, the shorter and the Genesis 4:8 addition suggest the LXX drew from diverse Hebrew exemplars that diverged from the later MT expansions. Onomastic differences in the LXX arise from practices, adapting Hebrew proper names to Greek and morphology. Common examples include "Yehudah" (Judah) rendered as "Ioudas," "Mosheh" () as "Mousēs," and "Yisra'el" () as "Israel," often with added Greek endings for grammatical fit, such as "-os" for masculine nouns. These variations, while minor, influenced subsequent translations like the and highlight the LXX's role in standardizing Greek forms of biblical nomenclature across Hellenistic Jewish and early Christian communities.

Scholarly Study

Analysis of Variants

Modern textual criticism of the Septuagint employs eclectic methods that integrate internal evidence—such as stylistic preferences, translational tendencies, and contextual coherence—with external evidence, including manuscript age, geographical distribution, and quality of transmission, to evaluate and reconstruct the most likely original readings. This approach, advocated by scholars like Emanuel Tov, avoids rigid adherence to a single textual family and instead selects readings case-by-case, acknowledging the Septuagint's complex transmission history marked by multiple scribal interventions. Computer-assisted has revolutionized this process by enabling systematic alignment and comparison of variants across manuscripts; for instance, tools facilitate the identification of differences in , omissions, or additions by processing large datasets of Greek texts against Hebrew counterparts. A central in Septuagint studies concerns the original unity of the translation versus the hypothesis of multiple independent translations produced over centuries by diverse translators, with evidence suggesting the Pentateuch may stem from a more unified third-century BCE effort in , while prophetic and poetic books reflect later, varied hands exhibiting distinct linguistic styles and interpretive freedoms. Another key contention involves theological motivations behind variants, where translators occasionally altered Hebrew source texts to mitigate anthropomorphic depictions of —such as rendering divine "regret" as "consider" in Genesis 6:6—or to harmonize inconsistencies, reflecting Jewish interpretive traditions that prioritized doctrinal clarity over literal fidelity. These changes, while enriching theological nuance, complicate efforts to discern intentional from unintentional errors in transmission. Digital tools have enhanced variant analysis, including longstanding resources like the Computer Assisted Tools for Septuagint Studies (CATSS) project (initiated in the 1990s), which provides a parallel-aligned database of the Septuagint (Rahlfs edition) and , incorporating morphological tagging and variant modules to query phenomena like doublets, inversions, and translational deviations across books. CATSS enables researchers to perform concordances and pattern searches that reveal scribal habits or translational techniques, supporting eclectic reconstruction by quantifying differences in a way manual cannot. Genomic-style alignments, drawing from bioinformatics, apply sequence-matching algorithms to treat textual traditions as evolutionary lineages, allowing phylogenetic modeling of relationships and variant diffusion, though such methods remain more established in studies and are emerging for the Septuagint. Post-2020 research has introduced AI-driven approaches to variant detection in ancient manuscripts, such as models for identifying scribal hands in texts like the Dead Sea Scrolls; these methods aid in distinguishing intentional changes from copying errors and are being explored for , though validation against traditional philological methods is essential to avoid over-reliance on algorithmic assumptions. The ongoing Septuagint series exemplifies the challenges of variant analysis, with 26 of 36 planned volumes published as of 2025, leaving key books like Judges and incomplete due to the need for exhaustive of uncial and minuscule witnesses, which underscores persistent gaps in comprehensive critical editions. This incompleteness highlights the implications of unresolved variants for scholarly interpretations, as seen in brief references to discrepancies in major manuscripts like .

Evidence from Ancient Sources

The discovery of Greek fragments among the Dead Sea Scrolls provides direct evidence of early Septuagint-like translations circulating in Jewish communities before the Christian era. Notable examples include 4QLXXLeva (4Q119), a fragment of Leviticus from the late second or early first century BCE, and 8HevXII gr, the Greek Minor Prophets scroll from Hever dated to the first century BCE to first century CE, both preserving textual forms closely aligned with the Septuagint tradition. These fragments, found in and nearby sites, confirm the existence of Greek biblical translations as early as the third century BCE, predating widespread Christian use. Ancient Jewish authors frequently quoted from the Septuagint, attesting to its authoritative status in . of Alexandria (c. 20 BCE–50 CE) extensively cited the Greek translation in his philosophical works, such as On the Life of , treating it as the scriptural text for his exegesis. Similarly, Flavius (c. 37–100 CE) relied on the Septuagint for his retelling of biblical history in Jewish Antiquities, adapting its phrasing while occasionally consulting Hebrew sources. In the , over 300 quotations and allusions to the draw directly from the Septuagint, as seen in the and , indicating its prevalence among Greek-speaking Jewish and early Christian audiences. Rabbinic literature and Targums also reference Greek versions of scripture, reflecting awareness and occasional engagement with translations like the Septuagint. Midrashic texts, such as Genesis Rabbah (c. fourth–fifth century CE), mention Greek philosophical interpretations of biblical passages, implying familiarity with Hellenistic Jewish translations. The Targums, Aramaic paraphrases, incorporate Greek loanwords traceable to the Septuagint, suggesting indirect influence in post-exilic Jewish interpretive traditions. These references underscore the Septuagint's role in multicultural Jewish scholarship, though rabbinic authorities later emphasized Hebrew primacy. Early Christian writers further corroborate the Septuagint's wide circulation in the first and second centuries CE. (c. 60–130 CE), in his Expositions of the Sayings of the Lord, indirectly attests to scriptural traditions including Greek versions through his discussions of apostolic writings. Broader patristic evidence, such as Justin Martyr's (c. 155 CE), quotes the Septuagint extensively in debates with , confirming its established use in church contexts. Lists compiled by later fathers like in his (third century CE) document the Septuagint's variants and prominence among circulating biblical texts. These ancient sources collectively demonstrate that the Septuagint predates the Christian era and was actively used in Jewish settings, with the Dead Sea Scrolls revealing instances where its Greek renderings align more closely with pre-Masoretic Hebrew fragments than the later standardized . For example, in passages like , Hebrew variants support the Septuagint's reading over the Masoretic, highlighting textual diversity in the Second Temple period. This evidence validates the Septuagint as a faithful to an ancient Hebrew textual tradition.

Modern Translations and Resources

One of the earliest and most influential English translations of the Septuagint is Sir Lancelot Charles Lee Brenton's The Septuagint Version of the Old Testament, published in 1851, which primarily follows the Codex Vaticanus and remains widely available in public domain editions for study and comparison. A scholarly alternative is the New English Translation of the Septuagint (NETS), released in 2007 by Oxford University Press under the editorship of Albert Pietersma and Benjamin G. Wright, designed to convey the semantic and syntactic nuances of the Greek while respecting its Jewish interpretive traditions. The Orthodox Study Bible, published in 2008 by Thomas Nelson, integrates a Septuagint-derived Old Testament translation with the New King James Version for the New Testament, supplemented by patristic commentary to aid Eastern Orthodox readers. In other languages, French speakers have access to La Bible d'Alexandrie, a multi-volume project initiated in the 1980s by the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS), providing philologically precise renderings of the Greek text book by book, with nineteen volumes covering the full Septuagint by the early 2000s. For German, Septuaginta Deutsch (LXX.D), launched in 1999 and completed in 2009 under the editorship of Siegfried Kreuzer and others, offers the first full modern translation directly from the Old Greek, emphasizing readability and scholarly annotations for both academic and use. Digital resources have greatly enhanced accessibility to the Septuagint. The Thesaurus Linguae Graecae (TLG), a comprehensive digital library hosted by the University of California, Irvine, since 1972, includes the full Septuagint text alongside other ancient Greek literature, enabling advanced searches by lemma, morphology, and context for researchers. Online databases such as Septuagint.Bible, a collaborative platform by the Greek Orthodox Archdiocese of America and the Hellenic Bible Society launched in the 2010s, provide the Rahlfs-Hanhart Greek text with interlinear tools and export options. Mobile apps and software like Accordance Bible Software and Logos Bible Software facilitate parallel viewing of Septuagint Greek with modern translations, including morphological tagging and cross-references to printed critical editions such as Rahlfs-Hanhart. Despite these advances, gaps persist in comprehensive coverage, particularly for fully digitized critical apparatuses. In the 2020s, projects like the ongoing Septuagint edition continue to produce book-specific critical texts, while open-access initiatives such as the Scaife Viewer offer interactive editions of the based on Swete's 1887-1894 text, promoting broader scholarly collaboration. Efforts toward an Editio Critica Maior for the , initiated by the Academy of Sciences, address textual variants in key books to support future translations and analyses.

References

  1. https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/Septuagint
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