Recent from talks
Nothing was collected or created yet.
Koine Greek
View on Wikipedia| Koine Greek | |
|---|---|
| ἡ κοινὴ διάλεκτος | |
| Pronunciation | [(h)e̝ kyˈne̝ diˈalektos] |
| Region | Macedon, Ptolemaic Kingdom, Seleucid Empire and other Hellenistic Kingdoms, Roman Empire, Eastern Roman Empire By the Early Middle Ages, used in the Southern Balkans, Aegean Islands and Ionian Islands, Asia Minor, parts of Southern Italy and Sicily, Byzantine Crimea, the Levant, Egypt, Nubia, and the Kingdom of Aksum |
| Ethnicity | Greeks |
| Era | 300 BC – 600 AD (Byzantine official use until 1453); developed into Medieval Greek, survives as the liturgical language of the Greek Orthodox and the Greek Catholic churches[1] |
Early forms | |
| Greek alphabet | |
| Language codes | |
| ISO 639-2 | grc |
| ISO 639-3 | (a proposal to use ecg was rejected in 2023[2]) |
grc-koi | |
| Glottolog | koin1234 |
Koine Greek[a] (ἡ κοινὴ διάλεκτος, hē koinḕ diálektos, lit. 'the common dialect'),[b] also variously known as Hellenistic Greek, common Attic, the Alexandrian dialect, Biblical Greek, Septuagint Greek or New Testament Greek, was the common supra-regional form of Greek spoken and written during the Hellenistic period, the Roman Empire, and the early Byzantine Empire. It evolved from the spread of Greek following the conquests of Alexander the Great in the fourth century BC, and served as the lingua franca of much of the Mediterranean region and the Middle East during the following centuries. It was based mainly on Attic and related Ionic speech forms, with various admixtures brought about through dialect levelling with other varieties.[6]
Koine Greek included styles ranging from conservative literary forms to the spoken vernaculars of the time.[7] As the dominant language of the Byzantine Empire, it developed further into Medieval Greek, which then turned into Modern Greek.[8]
Literary Koine was the medium of much post-classical Greek literary and scholarly writing, such as the works of Plutarch and Polybius.[6] Koine is also the language of the Septuagint (the 3rd century BC Greek translation of the Hebrew Bible), the Christian New Testament, and of most early Christian theological writing by the Church Fathers. In this context, Koine Greek is also known as "Biblical", "New Testament", "ecclesiastical", or "patristic" Greek.[9] The Roman Emperor Marcus Aurelius wrote his private thoughts in Koine Greek in a work that is now known as Meditations.[10] Koine Greek continues to be used as the liturgical language of services in the Greek Orthodox Church and in some Greek Catholic churches.[11]
Name
[edit]The English-language name Koine is derived from the Koine Greek term ἡ κοινὴ διάλεκτος (hē koinḕ diálektos), meaning "the common dialect".[5] The Greek word κοινή (koinḗ) itself means "common". The word is pronounced /kɔɪˈneɪ/, /ˈkɔɪneɪ/, or /kiːˈniː/ in US English and /ˈkɔɪniː/ in UK English. The pronunciation of the word koine itself gradually changed from [koinéː] (close to the Classical Attic pronunciation [koi̯.nɛ̌ː]) to [cyˈni] (close to the Modern Greek [ciˈni]). In Modern Greek, the language is referred to as Ελληνιστική Κοινή, "Hellenistic Koiné", in the sense of "Hellenistic supraregional language").[12]
Ancient scholars used the term koine in several distinct senses. In the 2nd century, scholars such as Apollonius Dyscolus and Aelius Herodianus maintained the term koine to refer to the Proto-Greek language, while others used it to refer to any vernacular form of Greek speech which differed somewhat from the literary language.[13]
When Koine Greek became a language of literature by the 1st century BCE, some people distinguished two forms: written as the literary post-classical form (which should not be confused with Atticism) and the vernacular.[13] Others chose to refer to Koine as "the dialect of Alexandria" or "Alexandrian dialect" (ἡ Ἀλεξανδρέων διάλεκτος), or even the universal dialect of its time.[14] Modern classicists have often used the former sense.
Origins and history
[edit]
Koine Greek arose as a common dialect within the armies of Alexander the Great.[13] Under the leadership of Macedon, their newly formed common variety was spoken from the Ptolemaic Kingdom of Egypt to the Seleucid Empire of Mesopotamia.[13] It replaced existing ancient Greek dialects with an everyday form that people anywhere could understand.[15] Though elements of Koine Greek took shape in Classical Greece, the post-Classical period of Greek is defined as beginning with the death of Alexander the Great in 323 BC, when cultures under Greek sway in turn began to influence the language.
In its eastern provinces, the Roman Empire communicated almost exclusively in Greek, even in areas where Greek was not the dominant spoken language. Local elites and communities, including those in Asia Minor, Arabia, Judaea, Syria, and Egypt, used Greek in inscriptions, documents, and official announcements.[16]
The passage into the next period, known as Medieval Greek, is sometimes dated from the foundation of Constantinople by Constantine the Great in 330 AD, but often only from the end of late antiquity. The post-Classical period of Greek thus refers to the creation and evolution of Koine Greek throughout the entire Hellenistic and Roman eras of history until the start of the Middle Ages.[13]
The linguistic roots of the Common Greek dialect had been unclear since ancient times. During the Hellenistic period, most scholars thought of Koine as the result of the mixture of the four main Ancient Greek dialects, "ἡ ἐκ τῶν τεττάρων συνεστῶσα" (the composition of the Four). This view was supported in the early twentieth century by Paul Kretschmer in his book Die Entstehung der Koine (1901), while Ulrich von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff and Antoine Meillet, based on the intense Ionic elements of the Koine – σσ instead of ττ and ρσ instead of ρρ (θάλασσα – θάλαττα, 'sea'; ἀρσενικός – ἀρρενικός, 'potent, virile') – considered Koine to be a simplified form of Ionic.[13]
The view accepted by most scholars today was given by the Greek linguist Georgios Hatzidakis, who showed that despite the "composition of the Four", the "stable nucleus" of Koine Greek is Attic. In other words, Koine Greek can be regarded as Attic with the admixture of elements especially from Ionic, but also from other dialects. The degree of importance of the non-Attic linguistic elements on Koine can vary depending on the region of the Hellenistic world.[13]
In that respect, the varieties of Koine spoken in the Ionian colonies of Anatolia (e.g. Pontus, cf. Pontic Greek) would have more intense Ionic characteristics than others and those of Laconia and Cyprus would preserve some Doric and Arcadocypriot characteristics, respectively. The literary Koine of the Hellenistic age resembles Attic in such a degree that it is often mentioned as Common Attic.[13]
Sources
[edit]
The first scholars who studied Koine, both in Alexandrian and Early Modern times, were classicists whose prototype had been the literary Attic Greek of the Classical period and frowned upon any other variety of Ancient Greek. Koine Greek was therefore considered a decayed form of Greek which was not worthy of attention.[13]
The reconsideration on the historical and linguistic importance of Koine Greek began only in the early 19th century, where renowned scholars conducted a series of studies on the evolution of Koine throughout the entire Hellenistic period and Roman Empire. The sources used on the studies of Koine have been numerous and of unequal reliability. The most significant ones are the inscriptions of the post-Classical periods and the papyri, for being two kinds of texts which have authentic content and can be studied directly.[13]
Other significant sources are the Septuagint (the Greek translation of the Hebrew Bible) and the Greek New Testament. The teaching of these texts was aimed at the most common people, and for that reason, they use the most popular language of the era.
Other sources can be based on random findings such as inscriptions on vases written by popular painters, mistakes made by Atticists due to their imperfect knowledge of Attic Greek or even some surviving Greco-Latin glossaries of the Roman period,[17] e.g.:
Καλήμερον, ἦλθες;
Bono die, venisti?
Good day, you came?Ἐὰν θέλεις, ἐλθὲ μεθ' ἡμῶν.
Si vis, veni mecum.
If you want, come with us.[c]Ποῦ;
Ubi?
Where?Πρὸς φίλον ἡμέτερον Λύκιον.
Ad amicum nostrum Lucium.
To our friend Lucius.Τί γὰρ ἔχει;
Quid enim habet?
Indeed, what does he have?
What is it with him?Ἀρρωστεῖ.
Aegrotat.
He's sick.
Finally, a very important source of information on the ancient Koine is the modern Greek language with all its dialects and its own Koine form, which have preserved some of the ancient language's oral linguistic details which the written tradition has lost. For example, Pontic and Cappadocian Greek preserved the ancient pronunciation of η as ε (νύφε, συνέλικος, τίμεσον, πεγάδι for standard Modern Greek νύφη, συνήλικος, τίμησον, πηγάδι etc.),[d] while the Tsakonian language preserved the long α instead of η (ἁμέρα, ἀστραπά, λίμνα, χοά etc.) and the other local characteristics of Doric Greek.[13]
Dialects from the southern part of the Greek-speaking regions (Dodecanese, Cyprus, etc.), preserve the pronunciation of the double similar consonants (ἄλ-λος, Ἑλ-λάδα, θάλασ-σα), while others pronounce in many words υ as ου or preserve ancient double forms (κρόμμυον – κρεμ-μυον, ράξ – ρώξ etc.). Linguistic phenomena like the above imply that those characteristics survived within Koine, which in turn had countless variations in the Greek-speaking world.[13]
Types
[edit]
Biblical Koine
[edit]Biblical Koine refers to the varieties of Koine Greek used in Bible translations into Greek and related texts. Its main sources are:
- The Septuagint, a 3rd century BC Greek translation of the Hebrew Bible (Old Testament) and texts not included in the Hebrew Bible;
- The Greek New Testament, composed originally in Greek.
Septuagint Greek
[edit]There has been some debate to what degree Biblical Greek represents the mainstream of contemporary spoken Koine and to what extent it contains specifically Semitic substratum features. These could have been induced either through the practice of translating closely from Biblical Hebrew or Aramaic originals, or through the influence of the regional non-standard Greek spoken by originally Aramaic-speaking Hellenized Jews.
Some of the features discussed in this context are the Septuagint's normative absence of the particles μέν and δέ, and the use of ἐγένετο to denote "it came to pass". Some features of Biblical Greek which are thought to have originally been non-standard elements eventually found their way into the main of the Greek language.
H. St. J. Thackeray, in A Grammar of the Old Testament in Greek According to the Septuagint (1909), wrote that only the five books of the Pentateuch, parts of the Book of Joshua and the Book of Isaiah may be considered "good Koine". One issue debated by scholars is whether and how much the translation of the Pentateuch influenced the rest of the Septuagint, including the translation of Isaiah.[18]
Another point that scholars have debated is the use of ἐκκλησία ekklēsía as a translation for the Hebrew קָהָל qāhāl. Old Testament scholar James Barr has been critical of etymological arguments that ekklēsía refers to "the community called by God to constitute his People". Kyriakoula Papademetriou explains:
He maintains that ἐκκλησία is merely used for designating the notion of meeting and gathering of men, without any particular character. Therefore, etymologizing this word could be needless, or even misleading, when it could guide to false meanings, for example that ἐκκλησία is a name used for the people of God, Israel.[19]
New Testament Greek
[edit]The authors of the New Testament follow the Septuagint translations for over half their quotations from the Old Testament.[20]
The "historical present" tense is a term used for present tense verbs that are used in some narrative sections of the New Testament to describe events that are in the past with respect to the speaker. This is seen more in works attributed to Mark and John than Luke.[21] It is used 151 times in the Gospel of Mark in passages where a reader might expect a past tense verb. Scholars have presented various explanations for this; in the early 20th century some scholars argued that the use of the historical present tense in Mark was due to the influence of Aramaic, but this theory fell out of favor in the 1960s. Another group of scholars believed the historical present tense was used to heighten the dramatic effect, and this interpretation was favored in the New American Bible translation. In Volume II of the 1929 edition of A Grammar of the New Testament, W.F. Howard argues that the heavy use of the historical present in Herodotus and Thucydides, compared with the relatively infrequent usage by Polybius and Xenophon was evidence that heavy use of this verb tense is a feature of vernacular Koine, but other scholars have argued that the historical present can be a literary form to "denote semantic shifts to more prominent material."[22][23]
Patristic Greek
[edit]The term patristic Greek is sometimes used for the Greek written by the Greek Church Fathers, the Early Christian theologians in late antiquity. Christian writers in the earliest time tended to use a simple register of Koiné, relatively close to the spoken language of their time, following the model of the Bible. After the 4th century, when Christianity became the state church of the Roman Empire, more learned registers of Koiné also came to be used.[24]
Differences between Attic and Koine Greek
[edit]Koine period Greek differs from Classical Greek in many ways: grammar, word formation, vocabulary and phonology (sound system).[25]
Differences in grammar
[edit]Phonology
[edit]During the period generally designated as Koine Greek, a great deal of phonological change occurred. At the start of the period, the pronunciation was virtually identical to Ancient Greek phonology, whereas in the end, it had much more in common with Modern Greek phonology.
The three most significant changes were the loss of vowel length distinction, the replacement of the pitch accent system by a stress accent system, and the monophthongization of several diphthongs:
- The ancient distinction between long and short vowels was gradually lost, and from the second century BC all vowels were isochronic (having equal length).[26][13]
- From the second century BC, the Ancient Greek pitch accent was replaced with a stress accent.[27][13]
- Psilosis: loss of rough breathing, /h/. Rough breathing had already been lost in the Ionic Greek varieties of Anatolia and the Aeolic Greek of Lesbos.[13]
- The diphthongs ᾱͅ, ῃ, ῳ /aːi eːi oːi/ were respectively simplified to the long vowels ᾱ, η, ω /aː eː oː/.[13]
- The diphthongs αι, ει, and οι became monophthongs. αι, which had already been pronounced as /ɛː/ by the Boeotians since the 4th century BC and written η (e.g. πῆς, χῆρε, μέμφομη), became in Koine, too, first a long vowel /ɛː/ and then, with the loss of distinctive vowel length and openness distinction /e/, merging with ε. The diphthong ει had already merged with ι in the 5th century BC in Argos, and by the 4th century BC in Corinth (e.g. ΛΕΓΙΣ), and it acquired this pronunciation also in Koine. The diphthong οι fronted to /y/, merging with υ. The diphthong υι came to be pronounced [yj], but eventually lost its final element and also merged with υ.[28] The diphthong ου had been already raised to /u/ in the 6th century BC, and remains so in Modern Greek.[13]
- The diphthongs αυ and ευ came to be pronounced [av ev] (via [aβ eβ]), but are partly assimilated to [af ef] before the voiceless consonants θ, κ, ξ, π, σ, τ, φ, χ, and ψ.[13]
- Simple vowels mostly preserved their ancient pronunciations. η /e/ (classically pronounced /ɛː/) was raised and merged with ι. In the 10th century AD, υ/οι /y/ unrounded to merge with ι. These changes are known as iotacism.[13]
- The consonants also preserved their ancient pronunciations to a great extent, except β, γ, δ, φ, θ, χ and ζ. Β, Γ, Δ, which were originally pronounced /b ɡ d/, became the fricatives /v/ (via [β]), /ɣ/, /ð/, which they still are today, except when preceded by a nasal consonant (μ, ν); in that case, they retain their ancient pronunciations (e.g. γαμβρός > γαμπρός [ɣamˈbros], ἄνδρας > άντρας [ˈandras], ἄγγελος > άγγελος [ˈaŋɟelos]). The latter three (Φ, Θ, Χ), which were initially pronounced as aspirates (/pʰ tʰ kʰ/ respectively), developed into the fricatives /f/ (via [ɸ]), /θ/, and /x/). Finally ζ, which is still metrically categorised as a double consonant with ξ and ψ because it may have initially been pronounced as σδ [zd] or δσ [dz], later acquired its modern-day value of /z/.[13]
New Testament Greek phonology
[edit]The Koine-period Greek in the table is taken from a reconstruction by Benjamin Kantor of New Testament Judeo-Palestinian Koine Greek. The realizations of most phonemes reflect general changes around the Greek-speaking world, including vowel isochrony and monophthongization, but certain sound values differ from other Koine varieties such as Attic, Egyptian and Anatolian.[29]
More general Koine phonological developments include the spirantization of Γ, with palatal allophone before front-vowels and a plosive allophone after nasals, and β.[30] φ, θ and χ still preserve their ancient aspirated plosive values, while the unaspirated stops π, τ, κ have perhaps begun to develop voiced allophones after nasals.[31] Initial aspiration has also likely become an optional sound for many speakers of the popular variety.[32][e] Monophthongization (including the initial stage in the fortition of the second element in the αυ/ευ diphthongs) and the loss of vowel-timing distinctions are carried through. On the other hand, Kantor argues for certain vowel qualities differing from the rest of the Koine in the Judean dialect. Although it is impossible to know the exact realizations of vowels, it is tentatively argued that the mid-vowels ε/αι and η had a more open pronunciation than other Koine dialects, distinguished as open-mid /ɛ/ vs. close-mid /e/,[33] rather than as true-mid /e̞/ vs. close-mid /e̝/ as has been suggested for other varieties such as Egyptian.[34] This is evidenced on the basis of Hebrew transcriptions of ε with pataḥ/qamets /a/ and not tsere/segol /e/. Additionally, it is posited that α perhaps had a back vowel pronunciation as /ɑ/, dragged backwards due to the opening of ε. Influence of the Aramaic substrate could have also caused confusion between α and ο, providing further evidence for the back vowel realization.[33]
| letter | Greek | transliteration | IPA |
|---|---|---|---|
| Alpha | α | a | /ɑ/ |
| Beta | β | b | /b/ ([b, β]) |
| Gamma | γ | g | /ɣ/ ([ɣ, g, ʝ]) |
| Delta | δ | d | /d/ |
| Epsilon | ε | e | /ɛ/ |
| Zeta | ζ | z | /z/ |
| Eta | η | ē | /e/ |
| Theta | θ | th | /tʰ/ |
| Iota | ι | i | /i/ |
| Kappa | κ | k | /k/ ([k, g]) |
| Lambda | λ | l | /l/ ([ʎ](?) |
| Mu | μ | m | /m/ |
| Nu | ν | n | /n/ ([n, m]) |
| Xi | ξ | x | /ks/ |
| Omicron | ο | o | /o̞/ |
| Pi | π | p | /p/ ([p, b]) |
| Rho | ρ | r | /r/ |
| Sigma | σ (-σ-/-σσ-) | s (-s-/-ss-) | /s/ ([s, z]) |
| Tau | τ | t | /t/ ([t, d]) |
| Upsilon | υ | y | /y/ |
| Phi | φ | ph | /pʰ/ |
| Chi | χ | ch | /kʰ/ |
| Psi | ψ | ps | /ps/ |
| Omega | ω | ō | /o/ |
| . | αι | ai | /ɛ/ |
| . | ει | ei | /i/ |
| . | οι | oi | /y/ |
| . | υι | yi | /yi/ (or /y/) |
| . | αυ | au | [ɑɸ(ʷ), ɑβ(ʷ)] |
| . | ευ | eu | [ɛɸ(ʷ), ɛβ(ʷ)] |
| . | ου | ou | /u/ |
| . | αι (ᾳ) | āi | /ɑ/ |
| . | ηι (ῃ) | ēi | /i/ |
| . | ωι (ῳ) | ōi | /o/ |
| . | ῾ | h | (/h/) |
Sample Koine texts
[edit]The following texts show differences from Attic Greek in all aspects – grammar, morphology, vocabulary and can be inferred to show differences in phonology.
The following comments illustrate the phonological development within the period of Koine. The phonetic transcriptions are tentative and are intended to illustrate two different stages in the reconstructed development, an early conservative variety still relatively close to Classical Attic, and a somewhat later, more progressive variety approaching Modern Greek in some respects.
Sample 1 – A Roman decree
[edit]The following excerpt, from a decree of the Roman Senate to the town of Thisbae in Boeotia in 170 BC, is rendered in a reconstructed pronunciation representing a hypothetical conservative variety of mainland Greek Koiné in the early Roman period.[35] The transcription shows raising of η to /eː/, partial (pre-consonantal/word-final) raising of ῃ and ει to /iː/, retention of pitch accent, and retention of word-initial /h/ (the rough breathing).
περὶ
peri
ὧν
hoːn
Θισ[β]εῖς
tʰizbîːs
λόγους
lóɡuːs
ἐποιήσαντο·
epojéːsanto;
περὶ
peri
τῶν
toːn
καθ᾿
katʰ
αὑ[τ]οὺς
hautùːs
πραγμάτων,
praːɡmátoːn,
οἵτινες
hoítines
ἐν
en
τῇ
tiː
φιλίᾳ
pʰilíaːi
τῇ
tiː
ἡμετέρᾳ
heːmetéraːi
ἐνέμειναν,
enémiːnan,
ὅπως
hópoːs
αὐτοῖς
autois
δοθῶσιν
dotʰôːsin
[ο]ἷς
hois
τὰ
ta
καθ᾿
katʰ
αὑτοὺς
hautùːs
πράγματα
práːɡmata
ἐξηγήσωνται,
ekseːɡéːsoːntai,
περὶ
peri
τούτου
túːtuː
τοῦ
tuː
πράγματος
práːɡmatos
οὕτως
húːtoːs
ἔδοξεν·
édoksen;
ὅπως
hópoːs
Κόιντος
ˈkʷintos
Μαίνιος
ˈmainios
στρατηγὸς
strateːɡòs
τῶν
toːn
ἐκ
ek
τῆς
teːs
συνκλήτου
syŋkléːtuː
[π]έντε
pénte
ἀποτάξῃ
apotáksiː,
οἳ
hoi
ἂν
an
αὐτῷ
autoːi
ἐκ
ek
τῶν
toːn
δημοσίων
deːmosíoːn
πρα[γμ]άτων
praːɡmátoːn
καὶ
kai
τῆς
teːs
ἰδίας
idíaːs
πίστεως
písteoːs
φαίνωνται.
pʰaínoːntai
Concerning those matters about which the citizens of Thisbae made representations. Concerning their own affairs: the following decision was taken concerning the proposal that those who remained true to our friendship should be given the facilities to conduct their own affairs; that our praetor/governor Quintus Maenius should delegate five members of the senate who seemed to him appropriate in the light of their public actions and individual good faith.
Sample 2 – Greek New Testament
[edit]The following excerpt, the beginning of the Gospel of John, is rendered in a reconstructed pronunciation representing a progressive popular variety of Koiné in the early Christian era.[36] Modernizing features include the loss of vowel length distinction, monophthongization, transition to stress accent, and raising of η to /i/. Also seen here are the bilabial fricative pronunciation of diphthongs αυ and ευ, loss of initial /h/, fricative values for β and γ, and partial post-nasal voicing of voiceless stops.
Ἐν
ˈen
ἀρχῇ
arˈkʰi
ἦν
in
ὁ
o
λόγος,
ˈloɣos,
καὶ
ke
ὁ
o
λόγος
ˈloɣos
ἦν
im
πρὸς
bros
τὸν
to(n)
θεόν,
tʰeˈo(n),
καὶ
ke
θεὸς
tʰeˈos
ἦν
in
ὁ
o
λόγος.
ˈloɣos.
οὗτος
ˈutos
ἦν
in
ἐν
en
ἀρχῇ
arˈkʰi
πρὸς
pros
τὸν
to(n)
θεόν.
tʰeˈo(n).
πάντα
ˈpanda
δι᾽
di
αὐτοῦ
aɸˈtu
ἐγένετο,
eˈʝeneto,
καὶ
ke
χωρὶς
kʰoˈris
αὐτοῦ
aɸˈtu
ἐγένετο
eˈʝeneto
οὐδὲ
ude
ἕν
ˈen
ὃ
o
γέγονεν.
ˈʝeɣonen.
ἐν
en
αὐτῷ
aɸˈto
ζωὴ
zoˈi
ἦν,
in,
καὶ
ke
ἡ
i
ζωὴ
zoˈi
ἦν
in
τὸ
to
φῶς
pʰos
τῶν
ton
ἀνθρώπων.
anˈtʰropon;
καὶ
ke
τὸ
to
φῶς
pʰos
ἐν
en
τῇ
di
σκοτίᾳ
skoˈtia
φαίνει,
ˈpʰeni,
καὶ
ke
ἡ
i
σκοτία
skoˈti(a)
αὐτὸ
a(ɸ)ˈto
οὐ
u
κατέλαβεν.
kaˈtelaβen
In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God. He was in the beginning with God. All things were made by Him; and without Him was not anything made that was made. In Him was life, and the life was the light of men. And the light shines in darkness; and the darkness comprehended it not (ESV translation uses alternate wording: "the darkness has not overcome it".)
References
[edit]Notes
[edit]- ^ Pronunciation: UK: /ˈkɔɪ.ni/ KOY-nee,[3] US: /ˈkɔɪ.neɪ/ KOY-nay or /kɔɪ.ˈneɪ/ koy-NAY.[4][5]
- ^ Pronunciation: [(h)e̝ kyˈne̝ diˈalektos], later [i cyˈni ðiˈalektos].
- ^ The Latin gloss in the source erroneously has "with me", while the Greek means "with us".
- ^ On the other hand, not all scholars agree that the Pontic pronunciation of η as ε is an archaism. Apart from the improbability that the sound change /ɛː/>/e̝(ː)/>/i/ did not occur in this important region of the Roman Empire, Horrocks notes that ε can be written in certain contexts for any letter or digraph representing /i/ in other dialects–e.g. ι, ει, οι, or υ, which were never pronounced /ɛː/ in Ancient Greek–not just η (cf. όνερον, κοδέσπενα, λεχάρι for standard όνειρο, οικοδέσποινα, λυχάρι.) He therefore attributes this feature of East Greek to vowel weakening, paralleling the omission of unstressed vowels. Horrocks (2010: 400)
- ^ For convenience, the rough breathing mark represents /h/, even if it was not commonly used in contemporary orthography. Parentheses denote the loss of the sound.
Citations
[edit]- ^ Demetrios J. Constantelos, The Greek Orthodox Church: faith, history, and practice, Seabury Press, 1967
- ^ "Change Request Documentation: 2009-060". SIL International. Retrieved 21 December 2023.
- ^ "Koine". Collins English Dictionary. HarperCollins. Retrieved 2014-09-24.
- ^ "Koine". Dictionary.com Unabridged (Online). n.d.
- ^ a b "Koine". Merriam-Webster.com Dictionary. Merriam-Webster.
- ^ a b Bubenik, V. (2007). "The rise of Koiné". In A. F. Christidis (ed.). A history of Ancient Greek: from the beginnings to late antiquity. Cambridge: University Press. pp. 342–345.
- ^ Horrocks, Geoffrey (1997). "4–6". Greek: a history of the language and its speakers. London: Longman.
- ^ Horrocks, Geoffrey (2009). Greek: A History of the Language and its Speakers. Wiley. p. xiii. ISBN 978-1-4443-1892-0.
- ^ Chritē, Maria; Arapopoulou, Maria (11 January 2007). A history of ancient Greek. Thessaloniki, Greece: Center for the Greek Language. p. 436. ISBN 978-0-521-83307-3.
- ^ "Maintenance". www.stoictherapy.com.
- ^ Makrides, Vasilios N; Roudometof, Victor (2013). Orthodox Christianity in 21st Century Greece: The Role of Religion in Culture, Ethnicity and Politics. Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. p. 8. ISBN 978-1-4094-8075-4. "A proposal to introduce Modern Greek into the Divine Liturgy was rejected in 2002"
- ^ Κοπιδάκης, Μ.Ζ. (1999). Ελληνιστική Κοινή, Εισαγωγή [Hellenistic Koine, Introduction]. Ιστορία της Ελληνικής Γλώσσας [History of the Greek Language] (in Greek). Athens: Ελληνικό Λογοτεχνικό και Ιστορικό Αρχείο. pp. 88–93.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t Andriotis, Nikolaos P. History of the Greek Language.[page needed]
- ^ Gilbert, R (1823). "The British Critic, and Quarterly Theological Review". St. John's Square, Clerkenwell: University of California at Los Angeles. p. 338.
- ^ Pollard, Elizabeth (2015). Worlds Together Worlds Apart. New York: W.W. Norton& Company Inc. p. 202. ISBN 978-0-393-91847-2.
- ^ Cotton, Hannah M. (2022-03-07), "Language Gaps in Roman Palestine and the Roman Near East", Roman Rule and Jewish Life, De Gruyter, p. 202, doi:10.1515/9783110770438-012, ISBN 978-3-11-077043-8, retrieved 2025-06-20
- ^ Augsburg.
- ^ Vergari, Romina (2015-01-12). "Aspects of Polysemy in Biblical Greek: the Semantic Micro-Structure of Kρισις". In Eberhard Bons; Jan Joosten; Regine Hunziker-Rodewald (eds.). Biblical Lexicology: Hebrew and Greek. Berlin, München, Boston: De Gruyter. ISBN 978-3-11-031216-4. Retrieved 2018-07-03.
- ^ Papademetriou, Kyriakoula (2015-01-12). "The dynamic semantic role of etymology in the meaning of Greek biblical words. The case of the word ἐκκλησία". In Eberhard Bons; Jan Joosten; Regine Hunziker-Rodewald (eds.). Biblical Lexicology: Hebrew and Greek. Berlin, München, Boston: De Gruyter. ISBN 978-3-11-031216-4. Retrieved 2018-07-03.
- ^ Evans, Craig A.; Tov, Emanuel (2008-10-01). "Introduction". Exploring the Origins of the Bible (Acadia Studies in Bible and Theology): Canon Formation in Historical, Literary, and Theological Perspective. Baker Academic. ISBN 978-1-58558-814-5.
- ^ Porter, Stanley E.; Pitts, Andrew (2013-02-21). "Markan Idiolect in the Study of the Greek New Testament". The Language of the New Testament: Context, History, and Development. Brill. ISBN 978-90-04-23477-2.
- ^ Osburn, Carroll D. (1983). "The Historical Present in Mark as a Text-Critical Criterion". Biblica. 64 (4): 486–500. JSTOR 42707093.
- ^ Strickland, Michael; Young, David M. (2017-11-15). The Rhetoric of Jesus in the Gospel of Mark. Fortress Press. ISBN 978-1-5064-3847-4.
- ^ Horrocks (1997: ch.5.11.)
- ^ A concise survey of the major differences between Attic and Koine Greek can be found in Reece, Steve, "Teaching Koine Greek in a Classics Department", Classical Journal 93.4 (1998) 417–429.
- ^ Horrocks, p. 122, 167
- ^ Horrocks, p. 122, 167
- ^ Horrocks (2010: 162)
- ^ Kantor 2023:345,764
- ^ Gignac, Francis T. (1970). "The Pronunciation of Greek Stops in the Papyri". Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association. 101: 185–202. doi:10.2307/2936047. JSTOR 2936047.
- ^ Horrocks (2010): 111, 170–1
- ^ Horrocks (2010): 171, 179.
- ^ a b Kantor 2023:613
- ^ In example, cf. Horrocks (2010), 167.
- ^ G. Horrocks (1997), Greek: A history of the language and its speakers, p. 87, cf. also pp. 105–109.
- ^ Horrocks (1997: 94).
Bibliography
[edit]- Abel, F.-M. Grammaire du grec biblique.
- Allen, W. Sidney, Vox Graeca: a guide to the pronunciation of classical Greek – 3rd ed., Cambridge University Press, 1987. ISBN 0-521-33555-8
- Andriotis, Nikolaos P. History of the Greek Language
- Buth, Randall, Ἡ κοινὴ προφορά: Koine Greek of Early Roman Period
- Bruce, Frederick F. The Books and the Parchments: Some Chapters on the Transmission of the Bible. 3rd ed. Westwood, NJ: Revell, 1963. Chapters 2 and 5.
- Conybeare, F.C. and Stock, St. George. Grammar of Septuagint Greek: With Selected Readings, Vocabularies, and Updated Indexes.
- Horrocks, Geoffrey C. (2010). Greek: A history of the language and its speakers (2nd ed.). Oxford: Blackwell.
- Weir, Herbert (1956), Greek Grammar, Harvard University Press, ISBN 978-0-674-36250-5
{{citation}}: ISBN / Date incompatibility (help) - Kantor, Benjamin (2023), he Pronunciation of New Testament Greek Judeo-Palestinian Greek Phonology and Orthography from Alexander to Islam, Eerdmans, ISBN 9780802878311.
- Smyth, Herbert Weir (1956), Greek Grammar, Harvard University Press, ISBN 978-0-674-36250-5
{{citation}}: ISBN / Date incompatibility (help).
Further reading
[edit]- Bakker, Egbert J., ed. 2010. A companion to the Ancient Greek language. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell.
- Blass, Friedrich, and Albert Debrunner. 1961. Greek grammar of the New Testament and other early Christian literature. Translated and revised by R. W. Funk. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
- Christidis, Anastasios-Phoivos, ed. 2007. A history of Ancient Greek: From the beginnings to Late Antiquity. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
- Colvin, Stephen C. 2007. A historical Greek reader: Mycenaean to the koiné. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
- Easterling, P. E., and Carol Handley. 2001. Greek Scripts: An Illustrated Introduction. London: Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies.
- Evans, T. V., and Dirk Obbink, eds. 2009. The language of the papyri. Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press.
- Gignac, Francis T. 1976–1981. A grammar of the Greek papyri of the Roman and Byzantine periods. 2 vols. Milan: Cisalpino-La Goliardica.
- Palmer, Leonard R. 1980. The Greek language. London: Faber & Faber.
- Stevens, Gerald L. 2009. New Testament Greek Intermediate: From Morphology to Translation. Cambridge, UK: Lutterworth Press.
- ––––. 2009. New Testament Greek Primer. Cambridge, UK: Lutterworth Press.
External links
[edit]- New Testament Greek Online by Winfred P. Lehmann and Jonathan Slocum, free online lessons at the Linguistics Research Center at the University of Texas at Austin
- Free Koine Greek Keyboard – A unicode keyboard originally developed by Char Matejovsky for use by Westar Institute scholars
- The Biblical Greek Forum – An online community for Biblical Greek
- Greek-Language.com – Dictionaries, manuscripts of the Greek New Testament, and tools for applying linguistics to the study of Hellenistic Greek
- Diglot Archived 2011-09-10 at the Wayback Machine A daily di-glot or tri-glot (Vulgate) reading
Koine Greek
View on GrokipediaName and Terminology
Etymology of "Koine"
The term "Koine" derives from the Ancient Greek adjective koinḗ (κοινή), meaning "common" or "shared," and was applied to the koinḗ diálektos (κοινὴ διάλεκτος), denoting a unified dialect accessible across regions.[5][6] This usage reflected its role as a standardized form of Greek, distinct from the regional dialects such as Attic, Ionic, Doric, and Aeolic, and was regarded in antiquity as one of the principal Greek varieties.[7] Ancient grammarians first employed the term koinḗ diálektos to describe this post-Classical vernacular, with early references appearing in the Hellenistic period through scholars like Aristarchus of Samothrace (2nd century BCE), who contrasted it with archaic Homeric diction as the contemporary spoken form.[7] By the 2nd century CE, grammarians such as Aelius Herodianus more explicitly codified it as the common dialect, treating it as a normative standard separate from classical varieties.[6][8] In this ancient context, "Koine" signified a specific linguistic entity, not merely any shared tongue. In modern linguistics, "Koine" specifically labels the historical dialect of the Hellenistic and Roman eras (ca. 300 BCE–300 CE), whereas the term has broader application to describe any lingua franca or simplified common language resulting from dialect mixing, such as in sociolinguistic studies of contact varieties.[5] This distinction underscores that ancient usage focused on Greek's internal standardization, while contemporary extensions apply "koine" generically across languages.[7] Historically, Koine Greek has been known by alternative designations, including "Hellenistic Greek" to emphasize its emergence after Alexander the Great's conquests, and "Common Attic" to highlight its primary foundation in the Attic dialect of classical Athens.[6] These names, alongside "Alexandrian dialect," arose in scholarly traditions to contextualize its development as a supra-regional form blending Attic with elements from other dialects.[9]Relation to Classical Dialects
Koine Greek emerged as a fusion dialect primarily rooted in the Attic-Ionic branch of ancient Greek dialects, which had already gained prominence through the cultural and political influence of Athens and the Ionian cities. Attic, the dialect of classical Athens, provided the core grammatical and lexical framework, while Ionic contributed elements from its eastern variants, fostering a hybrid form that bridged regional differences. This Attic-Ionic foundation positioned Koine as an evolution rather than a complete break from classical norms, serving as the linguistic backbone for broader Hellenistic expression.[10][11] The conquests of Alexander the Great in the late 4th century BC catalyzed the integration of influences from other classical dialects, including Doric from the Peloponnese and Aeolic from northern Greece and the Aegean islands, as Greek settlers, soldiers, and administrators intermixed across the vast empire from Egypt to Persia. This dialectal admixture arose from the practical need for mutual intelligibility in multicultural settings, transforming localized speech patterns into a more inclusive variety. The process exemplified koinéization, a contact-induced linguistic phenomenon where diverse dialects converge through prolonged interaction.[12][10] Dialectal convergence intensified during the 4th and 3rd centuries BC, immediately following Alexander's campaigns, as urban centers like Alexandria and Antioch became hubs for this blending, resulting in regional variants of Koine that retained traces of non-Attic-Ionic features. Early examples of this mixing include the incorporation of Ionic vocabulary into the predominantly Attic lexicon, such as terms related to maritime and intellectual concepts that persisted from Ionian literary traditions. These elements underscored Koine's role as a demotic evolution, simplified for accessibility among speakers of varying dialectal origins, prioritizing clarity over regional prestige.[11][10] The designation "Koine," meaning "common," aptly captures this dialect's unifying character amid classical diversity.[11]Historical Development
Origins in the Hellenistic Period
Koine Greek emerged during the Hellenistic period as a standardized dialect rooted briefly in the Attic-Ionic tradition, driven by the expansive conquests of Alexander the Great from 336 to 323 BC. These campaigns rapidly disseminated an Attic-based form of Greek across the Near East, from Egypt to Persia, establishing it as the dominant administrative language for governance and military communication in diverse conquered regions. This spread transformed local linguistic landscapes, positioning Greek as a unifying medium amid multicultural interactions.[11] Following Alexander's death, the fragmentation of his empire into successor states, notably the Ptolemaic Kingdom in Egypt and the Seleucid Empire in Asia Minor and the Levant, entrenched Koine Greek's utility. The Ptolemies, ruling from 305 BC, systematically increased Greek's role in central administration, including tax records and legal documents, while tolerating Demotic Egyptian locally to facilitate trade and economic integration. Similarly, the Seleucids promoted Koine for bureaucratic efficiency, commercial exchanges along trade routes, and elite education, fostering its adoption as a practical lingua franca beyond Greek settlers. These policies accelerated Koine's evolution from a dialectal base into a widespread tool for cross-cultural administration and commerce.[13][11] Major urban centers such as Alexandria in Egypt and Antioch in Syria functioned as vibrant melting pots, where settlers, merchants, and administrators from various Greek-speaking regions intermingled with local populations. In Alexandria, founded by Alexander in 331 BC, diverse dialects converged through scholarly institutions like the Mouseion, blending Attic-Ionic elements with regional influences to standardize Koine as an everyday vernacular. Antioch, as a Seleucid capital from the late 4th century BC, similarly catalyzed dialectal fusion via its role as a trade nexus, promoting Koine's accessibility for multicultural discourse. These cities exemplified the socio-political dynamics that homogenized Greek usage, distancing it from classical literary norms.[11] The earliest documentary evidence of Koine as a distinct vernacular appears in 3rd-century BC papyri from Ptolemaic Egypt, particularly the Zenon archive dating to around 257–240 BC, which records administrative and personal correspondence in a form diverging from Attic literary Greek. For example, over 70 letters attributed to Apollonios, the finance minister under Ptolemy II, exhibit standard Koine syntax and particle usage—such as δέ for contrast and οὖν for inference—reflecting educated yet practical prose suited to bureaucracy rather than classical rhetoric. Less fluent texts, like those from Egyptian scribes such as Horos, reveal variable mastery but consistent Koine features, underscoring its emergence as a spoken and written norm separate from elite literary traditions. This papyrological corpus, comprising nearly 40% of known 3rd-century Greek documents, illustrates Koine's role in everyday administration and trade, distinct from the stylized Classical Greek of earlier literature.[14]Evolution During the Roman Era
The Roman conquest of Greek territories, culminating in the destruction of Corinth in 146 BC by the forces of Lucius Mummius, solidified Rome's control over the Hellenistic world and elevated Koine Greek to the status of lingua franca across the Eastern Mediterranean.[15] This event, part of the Achaean War, dismantled the Achaean League and integrated Greece into the province of Macedonia, fostering widespread use of Koine for interregional communication amid Roman administrative integration.[15] Building on its Hellenistic foundations as a simplified dialect blend, Koine facilitated trade, governance, and cultural exchange in diverse provinces from Egypt to Asia Minor.[10] Under the early Empire, Roman authorities promoted Koine through official edicts, coinage, and bureaucratic practices to ensure effective rule in Hellenized regions. For instance, Augustus's reforms, such as the 9 BC calendar decree inscribed at Priene in Asia Minor, were issued in Koine to align provincial calendars with his birthday, demonstrating its role in imperial propaganda and synchronization. Provincial coinage in the East, including issues from cities like Corinth and Ephesus, routinely featured Koine legends alongside Roman iconography, reinforcing its administrative utility. This promotion standardized communication in edicts and records, where Koine served as the primary vehicle for Roman directives despite Latin's dominance in the West.[16] By the 1st and 2nd centuries AD, Koine evolved into a more uniform variety, often termed the imperial phase, characterized by stabilized phonological and grammatical features amid growing Roman influence. This period saw increased lexical borrowing from Latin, particularly in military, legal, and administrative domains—examples include kenturiōn (from Latin centurio, denoting a centurion) and kōnsul (from consul), reflecting integration into Roman structures.[17] Such loanwords, numbering in the hundreds by the 2nd century, entered via direct contact in provinces like Egypt and Greece, contributing to a homogenized lexicon suitable for empire-wide use. Koine reached its peak of usage and literary refinement in the 2nd and 3rd centuries AD, as evidenced in the works of historians like Plutarch, who blended Koine prose with classical Attic elements for educated audiences. Plutarch (c. 46–119 AD), in his Parallel Lives and Moralia, further exemplified this fusion, using Koine as the base while incorporating Attic idioms to evoke Greek heritage under Roman rule.[10] This era's texts highlight Koine's versatility, supporting both vernacular documentation and high literature across the Empire.[18]Transition to Medieval Greek
The rise of Christianity during the 4th century, culminating in Emperor Constantine's conversion around 312 AD and the founding of Constantinople as the new capital in 330 AD, profoundly influenced Koine Greek by accelerating its ecclesiastical standardization across the Eastern Roman Empire. As the primary language of Christian liturgy, scripture, and administration, Koine served as a unifying medium for theological discourse and imperial governance, integrating new ecclesiastical terminology while preserving its role as a prestige dialect among educated elites. This development reinforced Koine's dominance in Byzantine religious and cultural spheres, with the city's establishment as a Greek-speaking hub further solidifying its administrative use over Latin in the East.[1][19] From the 5th to 6th centuries, growing vernacular influences on spoken Koine introduced phonetic and morphological shifts that signaled its gradual evolution toward Byzantine Greek, diverging from more conservative literary forms. A prominent morphological change was the progressive loss of the dative case, which began declining by the 6th century and was often replaced by accusative or genitive constructions to express similar functions, as seen in everyday documentary texts. Evidence from Egyptian papyri and ostraca indicates that this syncretism intensified sociolinguistically between the 4th and 7th centuries, with less-educated scribes showing higher rates of variation, reflecting the spoken language's simplification amid broader diglossia between vernacular usage and Atticizing literary standards.[1][20] By the 6th and 7th centuries, transitional texts exemplified "Proto-Byzantine" characteristics, blending Koine's ecclesiastical framework with emerging vernacular traits. The writings of John of Damascus, composed in the early 8th century but rooted in late antique traditions, demonstrate this hybrid style through their use of simplified syntax and popular Koine elements in theological exposition, while retaining literary influences for doctrinal precision. These features highlight Koine's adaptability in sustaining Byzantine intellectual life during a period of flux.[1] The Slavic invasions of the Balkans, beginning in the mid-6th century and peaking with major assaults like the 597 AD Avaro-Slavic attack on Thessaloniki, alongside the Arab conquests from the 630s onward, severely restricted Koine's geographical extent by overrunning Greek-speaking regions in the eastern Mediterranean and Anatolia's fringes. These disruptions deracinated urban centers, isolated surviving Byzantine territories, and introduced cultural pressures that accelerated linguistic evolution, confining Koine primarily to core areas like Constantinople and western Anatolia where it matured into Medieval Greek.[21][1]Linguistic Features
Phonological Changes
Koine Greek's phonological system evolved notably from Classical Attic, influenced by its Attic base which shaped initial sound features like aspiration. The vowel inventory simplified through mergers, beginning with iotacism, where the diphthong ει raised to /i/ by the late 4th century BC, merging with ι, and the long η followed suit, coalescing into /i/ by the 2nd century CE in many regions (varying by dialect).[22][23] This process is evidenced in non-literary papyri, where substitutions like η for ι appear frequently in Egyptian documents from the Roman period.[22] Diphthongs underwent monophthongization, simplifying the system further. The diphthong αι contracted to /e/ (merging with ε) around the 3rd century BC, as indicated by inconsistent spellings in early Hellenistic inscriptions and papyri.[23] Similarly, ου stabilized as /u/ by the 2nd century BC, distinct from earlier Classical pronunciations, with examples like οὐρανός pronounced with a pure back rounded vowel.[23] These shifts contributed to a more uniform seven-vowel system, reducing the Classical distinctions in length and quality. Consonant developments included the loss of aspiration in voiceless stops. The sounds represented by φ, θ, and χ transitioned from aspirated plosives /pʰ/, /tʰ/, /kʰ/ to fricatives /f/, /θ/, /x/ through spirantization, starting in the 1st century BC in Egyptian Koine and spreading widely by the 1st century AD.[23] Papyrological evidence, such as substitutions of φ for Latin /v/ in loanwords (e.g., Φλαουβίου for Flavius), supports this change.[23] The rough breathing (/h/), a feature from Attic origins, weakened progressively, with complete loss in many dialects by the 2nd century AD, as shown by dropped h-initial in papyri spellings like εορτή for ἑορτή.[23] The accent system shifted from the Classical pitch accent to a dynamic stress accent during the Koine era, likely by the 2nd century AD. This transition is reconstructed from papyri, where unaccented syllables exhibit reductions like vowel shortening or syncope, for instance, in forms like ἄνθρωπος with stress on the first syllable leading to weaker pronunciation of subsequent vowels.[23] Such evidence from Egyptian documents highlights how stress influenced prosody, aligning Koine more closely with later Greek varieties.[23]Grammatical Simplifications
Koine Greek exhibited significant morphological simplifications compared to Classical Greek, particularly in the nominal system, where the traditional five-case declension (nominative, genitive, dative, accusative, vocative) was reduced in vernacular usage to three primary cases by the Hellenistic period, with the dative increasingly replaced by prepositional phrases involving the accusative.[10] This reduction streamlined noun endings, as seen in everyday papyri and inscriptions where genitive and dative forms often merged or were avoided in favor of simpler accusative constructions with prepositions like εἰς (eis, "into") or ἐν (en, "in").[10] Additionally, the dual number, which denoted pairs in Classical Greek, was entirely lost in Koine, with plural forms substituting for it across nouns, adjectives, and verbs, reflecting a broader trend toward analytic structures over synthetic ones.[24] In the verbal system, Koine Greek underwent contractions in tense formations, with mergers occurring between certain aorist and perfect stems in irregular verbs, leading to fewer distinct paradigms and greater reliance on context for interpretation.[10] The optative mood, used for wishes and potentialities in Classical Greek, largely disappeared, supplanted by subjunctives or indicatives, while periphrastic constructions proliferated, such as ἔχω (echō, "I have") followed by an infinitive to express future intent (e.g., ἔχω ποιῆσαι, "I have to do," implying "I will do").[25] These periphrases, drawn from auxiliary verbs like ἔχω or μέλλω (mellō, "I am about to"), allowed for more flexible expression of aspect and tense without complex synthetic forms, marking a shift toward a more analytic verbal morphology.[25] Syntactic shifts in Koine further emphasized analytic tendencies, with the definite article (ὁ, ἡ, τό, ho, hē, to) expanding beyond its Classical demonstrative role to mark specificity and generic references more consistently, often accompanying abstract nouns or proper names where it was absent in earlier Greek.[26] Prepositions also proliferated, overusing constructions to replace case inflections; for instance, the dative's locative or instrumental functions were frequently rendered by ἐν + dative or accusative, reducing the need for nuanced case endings.[10] These changes, aided briefly by phonological mergers like the loss of vowel length distinctions, facilitated grammatical ease in spoken and written vernaculars.[10] Evidence from Koine inscriptions illustrates these simplifications vividly. For example, in a 2nd-century BCE dedicatory inscription from Delos, the participle is simplified to a basic present form (ποιῶν, poiōn, "doing") without the Classical aorist or perfect variants, attached directly to the main verb for conciseness.[10] Similarly, subjunctives in Ptolemaic Egyptian papyri often replace optatives in purpose clauses, as in ἵνα γράψῃ (hina grapsē, "so that he might write"), using a straightforward subjunctive mood to express intent without additional modal nuance.[10] Such patterns in epigraphic material underscore Koine's practical adaptation for broader accessibility across the Hellenistic world.[10]Lexical Developments
Koine Greek witnessed significant lexical evolution as the language adapted to the multicultural Hellenistic world, incorporating internal innovations alongside external influences while gradually shedding some older elements. This period saw the vocabulary expand to accommodate administrative, commercial, and philosophical needs, resulting in a more versatile lexicon compared to Classical Attic. Semantic broadening was a prominent feature, where classical words acquired extended or specialized meanings to fit new contexts. For instance, λόγος, originally denoting "word" or "speech" in Classical Greek, broadened in Koine to encompass "reason" or "principle" in philosophical discourse, reflecting influences from Stoic and other intellectual traditions. Similarly, verbs like ὑπεραίρομαι shifted from a literal sense of "raise up" to a figurative "be puffed up" or arrogant, illustrating how everyday usage adapted classical roots to express emerging social concepts. These shifts often aligned with grammatical simplifications, such as increased reliance on prepositional phrases over genitives, which facilitated broader applications of existing terms. Coinages proliferated in Koine, particularly through compounding and suffixation, to denote novel ideas and objects. New compounds emerged for administrative purposes, such as πολιτογραφῶ ("to grant citizenship") and ὑπέρθεσις ("supersession"), highlighting the language's adaptability in bureaucratic settings. Diminutives also increased, formed with suffixes like -άριον or -ίον, as in θυγάτριον ("little daughter") from θυγάτηρ, adding nuance for affection or smallness in colloquial speech. Indefinite pronouns like κανείς ("anyone"), derived from καί ἄν + εἷς, exemplify innovative formations that filled gaps in expressing generality. These neologisms enriched the lexicon without relying heavily on foreign models.[27] Borrowings from non-Greek languages entered Koine via trade, conquest, and cultural exchange, particularly Semitic and Persian terms related to commerce and daily life. Semitic influences, stemming from Phoenician, Aramaic, and Hebrew contacts, introduced words like σάββατον ("Sabbath," from Hebrew šabbāṯ) for a day of rest, and κίτων (linen garment, from Phoenician k-t-n), reflecting Mediterranean trade networks. Persian loans, facilitated by Alexander's campaigns, included σίγλος (a coin type, from Old Persian *siglu-), adapted for economic terminology in the Hellenistic East. These integrations numbered in the dozens, primarily nouns for goods and concepts absent in native vocabulary, with estimates suggesting around 37 confirmed Semitic loans by the Hellenistic era.[28][28] Archaic vocabulary from earlier dialects diminished in everyday Koine usage, as the language prioritized accessibility over regional or poetic specificity, leading to the obsolescence of many specialized terms. Words like ἔχθος ("hatred," an epic variant) were largely replaced by more common synonyms such as ἔχθρα, streamlining the lexicon for broader communication. However, Atticisms—archaic or Attic-specific vocabulary—persisted in formal and literary writing to evoke classical prestige, as seen in the retention of terms like -ου genitives in official documents. This selective preservation contrasted with the natural attrition of obsolete forms, ensuring Koine remained rooted in its Attic base while evolving.Primary Sources
Literary and Documentary Texts
Koine Greek emerged as a unifying linguistic medium across the Hellenistic world, facilitating the production of diverse literary and documentary texts that reflect both elite and everyday usage.[29] In Hellenistic literature, Polybius' Histories, composed in the 2nd century BCE, serves as an early prose exemplar of Koine, characterized by syntactic features that align with broader Koine developments while incorporating some Attic influences for stylistic elevation.[30] Polybius' language demonstrates a transitional style, blending the vernacular accessibility of Koine with rhetorical elements suited to historical narrative.[18] Similarly, the New Comedy of Menander, dating to the late 4th and early 3rd centuries BCE, captures vernacular dialogue through its portrayal of everyday Athenian life, with phonological and morphological traits indicative of emerging Koine vocalism and simplification.[31] Menander's diction, including favored Hellenistic word types, underscores the shift toward a more uniform spoken Greek in dramatic contexts. During the Roman era, authors like Plutarch in his Lives (late 1st to early 2nd century CE) employed a Koine base infused with Atticizing elements to achieve a balanced prose style suitable for moral biography.[32] This blending reflects the Atticist movement's influence on Koine writers seeking classical prestige without fully abandoning contemporary syntax.[32] Epictetus' Discourses, recorded by Arrian around 108 CE, exemplify pure Koine in philosophical discourse, using the everyday form of the language to convey Stoic ethics through direct, conversational prose.[33] Similarly, Philo of Alexandria's philosophical treatises, such as On the Creation (early 1st century CE), illustrate Koine in Jewish-Hellenistic contexts, blending biblical exegesis with Greek philosophy. Flavius Josephus's Jewish Antiquities and The Jewish War (late 1st century CE) provide historical narratives in Koine, incorporating Semitic influences and colloquial elements alongside literary style. Documentary papyri from Egypt, spanning the 3rd century BCE to the 3rd century CE, provide extensive evidence of Koine in practical usage, including contracts for land leases and sales that reveal standardized legal phrasing adapted to local needs.[34] Private letters in these papyri exhibit orthographic variations and registers that mirror spoken Koine, from informal family correspondence to semi-formal business notes, highlighting the language's flexibility in non-literary contexts.[34][35] Administrative texts further attest to Koine's role in governance, as seen in Ptolemaic edicts from the 3rd to 1st centuries BCE, which promulgated royal decrees in a clear, accessible Koine to ensure comprehension across diverse subjects.[36] Roman census records from Egypt, such as declarations from the 1st century BCE onward, were routinely composed in Koine, documenting property and population data with formulaic precision that standardized bureaucratic communication.[36] These documents underscore Koine's efficiency in multicultural administration.[35]Epigraphic and Papyrological Evidence
Epigraphic evidence for Koine Greek primarily consists of non-literary inscriptions from the Hellenistic period, including dedications and administrative records from sites like Delos and Pergamon dating to the 3rd–1st centuries BC. These texts illustrate the language's role in civic and public administration, featuring standardized terms for governance, trade, and dedications that reflect Koine as a unifying dialect across diverse regions. For instance, Delos inscriptions document commercial transactions and sanctuary management, while Pergamon examples include decrees and building records that employ Koine syntax and vocabulary suited to official use.[37][38] In the Roman era, Koine continued in epigraphic contexts such as milestones along imperial roads in the eastern provinces, which marked distances and commemorated construction under Roman oversight from the 1st to 3rd centuries AD. These inscriptions, often bilingual with Latin but predominantly Greek in the East, provide snapshots of administrative continuity and local adaptations of Koine.[39] Papyrological evidence, particularly from the Oxyrhynchus corpus spanning the 1st–6th centuries AD, offers abundant non-literary texts in Koine, including private letters, business accounts, and school exercises that reveal everyday usage. Private letters, such as those exchanged among families or merchants, showcase informal phrasing and personal idioms, while accounts detail financial transactions with practical terminology, and school exercises demonstrate basic literacy training through copied phrases and compositions.[40][41] These sources are invaluable for reconstructing Koine, as they preserve spelling variations—like the interchange of η and ει or omission of movable nu—that indicate vernacular phonology and evolving pronunciation in spoken contexts, distinct from more formal literary styles. Such evidence highlights grammatical simplifications, such as reduced use of dual forms or optative mood, mirroring broader linguistic trends..pdf)[42] Geographically, the evidence exhibits a strong bias toward Egypt due to the arid preservation conditions favoring papyri survival, with Oxyrhynchus yielding over 500,000 fragments; however, inscriptions supplement this from Anatolia (e.g., Pergamon) and scattered Syrian sites, though fewer complete examples survive from the latter owing to climatic factors.[43][44]Biblical and Ecclesiastical Writings
The Septuagint (LXX), a translation of the Hebrew Bible into Koine Greek undertaken primarily in Alexandria between the 3rd and 2nd centuries BCE, represents one of the earliest and most extensive attestations of Koine in religious literature. This translation, attributed traditionally to seventy-two Jewish scholars, incorporates numerous Hebraisms that reflect the source language's influence, such as parataxis—characterized by frequent use of coordinating conjunctions like καί to mimic Hebrew waw consecutives—resulting in a more linear and repetitive sentence structure than classical Greek. For instance, in Genesis, hypotaxis occasionally translates sequential imperfects, but parataxis dominates to preserve the narrative flow of the Hebrew original. These features highlight Koine Greek's adaptability as a vehicle for Semitic thought, blending vernacular accessibility with fidelity to the Hebrew text.[45] The New Testament, composed in Koine Greek during the 1st century CE, exemplifies the language's colloquial and simplified syntax in Christian writings, particularly evident in the Gospels' straightforward constructions designed for oral proclamation and broad comprehension. Authors like the evangelists employed simple indicative verbs, periphrastic forms, and omitted copulas to convey immediacy, as seen in Mark's paratactic style (e.g., καὶ εὐθὺς, "and immediately," repeated for vividness). Idiomatic expressions, such as πνεῦμα ἅγιον ("Holy Spirit"), integrate Koine vocabulary with theological nuance, drawing from everyday speech while echoing Septuagintal phrasing. This vernacular quality, influenced by spoken Hellenistic Greek as documented in contemporary papyri, underscores the New Testament's role in disseminating Christian teachings across diverse audiences. Koine Greek's prevalence facilitated its adoption in early Christianity, enabling the rapid spread of the faith in the Mediterranean world.[46] The Apostolic Fathers' writings, dating from the late 1st to early 2nd centuries CE, illustrate a transitional phase of Koine Greek in ecclesiastical texts, bridging the New Testament's style and later patristic developments. Works such as the Epistle of Clement to the Corinthians (1 Clement) exhibit Koine features like increased use of compound verbs, periphrastic tenses, and idiomatic phrasing akin to the New Testament, yet with emerging complexities in syntax that foreshadow Byzantine Greek. For example, Clement's epistles employ simple participial constructions and connective particles (δέ, μέν) in exhortatory passages, reflecting a rhetorical adaptation of vernacular Koine for pastoral instruction. This corpus, including texts by Ignatius and Polycarp, serves as a key resource for studying Koine evolution in post-apostolic Christian literature.[47] Preservation of these Koine biblical and ecclesiastical texts is exemplified by early manuscripts like the Codex Sinaiticus, a 4th-century CE uncial codex produced in Greek-speaking monastic circles, containing the complete New Testament and substantial portions of the Septuagint. Written on vellum by multiple scribes, it attests to the enduring use of Koine orthography and script in Christian scriptural transmission, with corrections revealing textual scrutiny. As the oldest surviving complete New Testament manuscript, it provides critical evidence for the stability of Koine forms in religious copying traditions.[48]Variations and Subtypes
Regional Differences
Koine Greek, while serving as a unifying lingua franca across the Hellenistic and Roman worlds, exhibited regional variations shaped by local substrates and cultural contacts. These differences manifested in phonology, lexicon, and syntax, reflecting the diverse linguistic environments from Egypt to Anatolia and Syria, though overall dialectal leveling promoted a standardized form.[49] In Egypt, Koine Greek incorporated Hebraic influences, particularly evident in the Septuagint (LXX), the Greek translation of the Hebrew Bible produced in Alexandria during the 3rd–2nd centuries BCE. Features such as syntactic constructions mirroring Hebrew patterns, including redundant pronouns and paratactic structures, as well as lexical items like ἀμήν (amen) and ἁλληλουϊά (hallelujah) derived from Hebrew liturgical formulas, illustrate this substrate effect within the Jewish community.[50][51] In western areas like Asia Minor, Koine Greek showed earlier incorporation of Latin borrowings due to proximity to Roman administrative centers, contrasting with the eastern regions. Inscriptions from the 1st–2nd centuries CE record Latin terms for military and legal concepts, such as castra (camp) and legio (legion), integrated into Greek contexts sooner than in Egypt or Syria, reflecting intensified Roman influence post-Actium.[52] Comparative studies of 2nd-century CE texts, including papyri and inscriptions from multiple sites, reveal dialectal leveling toward a common Koine base but retention of local flavors, such as regional lexical preferences and minor phonological shifts. For instance, analyses of documentary Greek from Egypt versus Asia Minor highlight consistent simplification of cases alongside persistent substrate-induced variations in word order and vocabulary.[53]Chronological Phases
Koine Greek, emerging in the wake of Alexander the Great's conquests, underwent distinct chronological phases that reflect its evolution from a dialectal amalgam to a more unified vernacular, ultimately transitioning toward Byzantine forms. The early phase, spanning the 4th to 1st centuries BC, was characterized by heterogeneity, drawing heavily on an Attic base while incorporating regional and Ionic influences, as seen in administrative documents, technical prose, and edited literary texts. This period's linguistic diversity is evident in the editions of Aristarchus of Samothrace, who standardized Homeric and other classical works by blending Attic norms with emerging common elements to facilitate broader accessibility across the Hellenistic world.[54] By the classical phase, from the 1st to 3rd centuries AD, Koine had achieved greater standardization, particularly in formal written contexts, with purist tendencies influenced by Atticism during the Second Sophistic. Authors like Appian exemplified this "purist" approach in their historiographical works, adhering closely to classical Attic syntax and vocabulary while employing Koine as the medium for educated discourse in administration and literature. This standardization marked a high point of linguistic uniformity, reducing earlier dialectal variations and reflecting the spoken norms of urban elites in the Roman Empire.[54] In the late phase, covering the 4th to 6th centuries AD, Koine exhibited vernacular drift, with spoken forms increasingly diverging from written standards, as documented in hagiographical texts that captured popular religious narratives. Evidence of simplification appears in phenomena such as the loss of the definite article in casual speech and broader syntactic reductions, signaling a shift toward the emerging Byzantine Greek. Hagiographies, like those of Callinicus, illustrate this drift through their use of simpler clause structures and modal forms that mirrored everyday vernacular usage. Regional influences subtly modulated these changes, contributing to variations in pronunciation and syntax across the eastern Mediterranean.[54] Throughout these phases, key markers of progression included the intensification of itacism—vowel mergers such as the raising of /e:/ to /i:/ and the fronting of /ai/ to /e/—which became more pronounced from the early to late periods, alongside progressive case reduction, notably the decline of the dative in favor of prepositional constructions. These developments, observable in papyri and inscriptions, underscore Koine's adaptation to a widening speaker base, with phonological shifts like itacism evident by the 2nd century BC and accelerating into the 4th century AD, while case simplifications peaked in late vernacular texts.[54][55]Cultural and Religious Significance
Role in Hellenistic Administration
Koine Greek emerged as the lingua franca of Hellenistic administration after Alexander the Great's conquests, serving as the official language for governance in the successor kingdoms.[56] It was employed in royal decrees to proclaim policies and honors, exemplified by the Rosetta Stone's decree of 196 BC, which records Ptolemy V's benefactions to Egyptian temples and was inscribed in Greek to address the Ptolemaic rulers' Greco-Macedonian administrators.[57] Tax records preserved on papyri from Egypt and other regions document fiscal operations in Koine, while diplomatic exchanges between kingdoms relied on it to negotiate alliances and treaties across linguistic divides.[56] In the realm of education, Koine facilitated the spread of Hellenic paideia through gymnasia established in major cities like Alexandria and Antioch, where it was the medium for teaching rhetoric, philosophy, and literature to young men, including non-Greeks seeking integration into elite circles.[58] This institutional use promoted literacy and cultural assimilation, as gymnasia inscriptions and educational texts from the period consistently employ Koine forms.[56] Koine's practical utility extended to trade and commerce, appearing on amphorae stamps and labels that marked origins, contents, and producers, from Rhodian wine jars traded in the Aegean to vessels reaching the Black Sea and Indian Ocean ports.[59] Merchant contracts on papyri, such as those from the Fayum in Egypt, were drafted in Koine to standardize transactions across multicultural markets, underscoring its role in economic integration.[56] Socially, Koine bridged divides between Hellenistic elites and broader populations by simplifying classical dialects into a accessible common form, enabling communication that transcended regional barriers and fostered a shared cultural identity without erasing local vernaculars.[60] This leveling effect reduced linguistic exclusivity, allowing masses in urban centers to engage with administrative and commercial life more directly.[56]Influence on Early Christianity
Koine Greek served as the primary language for the New Testament due to its status as the lingua franca of the eastern Mediterranean following Alexander the Great's conquests, enabling the texts to reach a broad audience across the Roman Empire from Judea to Asia Minor and beyond.[61] This accessibility stemmed from Koine's widespread use in commerce, administration, and daily communication among diverse populations, including Jews and Gentiles, making it ideal for disseminating Christian teachings without the barriers of local dialects or Aramaic.[62] As a simplified form of classical Greek, it allowed authors to convey nuanced theological ideas effectively to non-native speakers.[61] The missionary efforts of early Christianity, particularly through the Apostle Paul, leveraged Koine Greek to connect with varied communities stretching from Jerusalem to Rome. Paul's epistles, composed in this common dialect, addressed multicultural churches in cities like Corinth, Thessalonica, and Ephesus, facilitating the rapid spread of the gospel to both Jewish and Gentile converts who were familiar with Greek as a second language.[62] This linguistic choice amplified the impact of his writings, which instructed and unified distant congregations on doctrine and ethics.[61] In liturgical practices, Koine Greek underpinned early creeds and hymns that helped standardize Christian beliefs among believers. Passages such as Philippians 2:6–11 and Colossians 1:15–20, embedded in New Testament letters, are recognized as pre-existing hymns recited in worship, articulating core doctrines like Christ's divinity and incarnation in a memorable, poetic form accessible to Greek-speaking assemblies.[63] These elements, drawn from oral traditions, reinforced orthodoxy during communal gatherings and missionary outreach.[64] Cultural adaptation was evident in the translation of Jewish concepts into Koine Greek idioms, aiding the conversion of Gentiles unfamiliar with Hebrew scriptures. The Septuagint, the Greek translation of the Hebrew Bible completed in the Hellenistic period, provided early Christians with a ready framework to interpret messianic prophecies and ethical teachings in terms relatable to Greek philosophical and cultural contexts, such as rendering "chesed" as "eleos" for mercy.[65] This approach bridged Jewish roots with Gentile audiences, promoting inclusivity in the faith's expansion.[66]Use in Patristic Literature
Patristic literature, spanning the writings of early Church Fathers from the 2nd to 5th centuries AD, extensively employed Koine Greek as the primary vehicle for theological discourse, pastoral exhortation, and doctrinal defense. Ignatius of Antioch, writing around 110 AD, exemplifies the use of simple, accessible Koine in his epistles, which serve as urgent exhortations to church communities on unity, orthodoxy, and martyrdom. His letters, preserved in Greek recensions, feature straightforward syntax and vocabulary drawn from everyday Hellenistic usage, making complex ecclesiastical instructions relatable to diverse audiences across Asia Minor and beyond.[67] In the 3rd and 4th centuries, figures like Origen of Alexandria and Athanasius of Alexandria adapted Koine Greek to integrate philosophical terminology, particularly in their apologetic and doctrinal works defending Christian faith against pagan and heretical critiques. Origen, in treatises such as Contra Celsum and De Principiis, blended Koine with concepts like hypostasis (for distinct subsistences) and homoousios (for consubstantiality), drawing from Platonic and Stoic traditions to articulate Trinitarian ideas while grounding them in scriptural exegesis.[68] Similarly, Athanasius employed Koine in his Orations Against the Arians to argue for the Son's full divinity, incorporating terms such as ousia (essence) to counter subordinationist views and emphasize soteriological implications.[69] A key theological innovation in this period involved the repurposing of Koine terms for precise doctrinal formulation, most notably in the Nicene Creed of 325 AD, where homoousios tō Patri ("of one substance with the Father") utilized ousia to affirm the shared divine essence of Father and Son. This term, rooted in Koine philosophical lexicon meaning "substance" or "being," marked a synthesis of biblical language and Hellenistic thought, influencing subsequent conciliar definitions. By the late 4th and early 5th centuries, later patristic authors like John Chrysostom exhibited a gradual shift toward emerging Byzantine Greek features within the Koine framework, including syntactic simplifications, increased periphrastic constructions, and vocabulary expansions reflective of Christian and imperial contexts. In his homilies and commentaries, Chrysostom's prose retained Koine's clarity for preaching but incorporated post-classical elements, such as novel compound words and relaxed case usage, signaling the transition to Medieval Greek.Examples and Texts
Inscriptional Samples
One prominent example of Koine Greek in official Roman-era decrees is the Priene Calendar Inscription, dated to 9 BC, which records a decision by the Greeks of Asia to reform the provincial calendar, aligning the new year with the birthday of Emperor Augustus on September 23.[70] This inscription, preserved in the Inschriften von Priene (no. 105) and Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae (OGIS 458), exemplifies administrative language used in Hellenistic cities under Roman rule.[71] A key excerpt from lines 30–41 highlights the rhetorical praise of Augustus:ἔδοξεν τοῖς ἐπὶ τῆς Ἀσίας Ἕλλησιν, γνώμῃ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως Ἀπολλωνίου τοῦ Μηνοφίλου Ἀζανίτου· ἐπεί ἡ πάντα διατάξασα τοῦ βίου ἡμῶν πρόνοια σπουδὴν εἰσενέγκαμένη καὶ φιλοτιμίαν τὸ τελειότατον τῷ βίῳ διεκόσμησεν ἐνενκαμένη τὸν Σεβαστόν, ὃν εἰς εὐεργεσίας ἀνθρώπων ἐπλήρωσεν ἀρετῇ, ὥσπερ ἡμῖν καὶ τοῖς μεθ’ ἡμᾶς σωτῆρα πέμψασα τὸν παύσοντα μὲν πόλεμον, κοσμήσοντα δὲ πάντα, φανεῖς δὲ ὁ Καῖσαρ τὰς ἐλπίδας τῶν προλαβόντων ὑπερέθηκεν, οὐ μόνον τοὺς πρὸ αὐτοῦ γεγονότας εὐεργέτας ὑπερβαλλόμενος, ἀλλ’ οὐδὲ ἐν τοῖς ἐσομένοις ἐλπίδα ὑπολιπὼν ὑπερβολῆς, ἦρξεν δὲ τῷ κόσμῳ τῶν δι’ αὐτὸν εὐαγγελίων ἡ γενέθλιος τοῦ θεοῦ.
ἔδοξεν τοῖς ἐπὶ τῆς Ἀσίας Ἕλλησιν, γνώμῃ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως Ἀπολλωνίου τοῦ Μηνοφίλου Ἀζανίτου· ἐπεί ἡ πάντα διατάξασα τοῦ βίου ἡμῶν πρόνοια σπουδὴν εἰσενέγκαμένη καὶ φιλοτιμίαν τὸ τελειότατον τῷ βίῳ διεκόσμησεν ἐνενκαμένη τὸν Σεβαστόν, ὃν εἰς εὐεργεσίας ἀνθρώπων ἐπλήρωσεν ἀρετῇ, ὥσπερ ἡμῖν καὶ τοῖς μεθ’ ἡμᾶς σωτῆρα πέμψασα τὸν παύσοντα μὲν πόλεμον, κοσμήσοντα δὲ πάντα, φανεῖς δὲ ὁ Καῖσαρ τὰς ἐλπίδας τῶν προλαβόντων ὑπερέθηκεν, οὐ μόνον τοὺς πρὸ αὐτοῦ γεγονότας εὐεργέτας ὑπερβαλλόμενος, ἀλλ’ οὐδὲ ἐν τοῖς ἐσομένοις ἐλπίδα ὑπολιπὼν ὑπερβολῆς, ἦρξεν δὲ τῷ κόσμῳ τῶν δι’ αὐτὸν εὐαγγελίων ἡ γενέθλιος τοῦ θεοῦ.
ΒΑΣΙΛΕΥΟΝΤΟΣ ΤΟΥ ΝΕΩΤΕΡΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΔΙΑΔΕΧΑΜΕΝΟΥ ΤΟΝ ΠΑΤΕΡΑ ΑΥΤΟΥ ΤΗΝ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΙΑΝ ΚΥΡΙΟΥ ΔΙΑΔΗΜΑΤΩΝ ΜΕΓΑΣΤΟΥ ΕΠΙΦΑΝΟΥΣ ΕΥΣΕΒΟΥΣ ΦΙΛΟΕΛΛΗΝΟΣ ΟΥ ΜΟΝΟΝ ΔΙΑ ΤΩΝ ΕΑΥΤΟΥ ΠΡΑΞΕΩΝ ΑΛΛΑ ΚΑΙ ΔΙΑ ΤΩΝ ΤΟΥ ΠΑΤΡΟΣ ΑΥΤΟΥ ΠΡΑΞΕΩΝ ΑΙΓΥΠΤΟΝ ΣΤΗΡΙΞΑΝΤΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΠΡΟΣ ΤΟΥΣ ΘΕΟΥΣ ΕΥΣΕΒΟΥΝΤΟΣ...
ΒΑΣΙΛΕΥΟΝΤΟΣ ΤΟΥ ΝΕΩΤΕΡΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΔΙΑΔΕΧΑΜΕΝΟΥ ΤΟΝ ΠΑΤΕΡΑ ΑΥΤΟΥ ΤΗΝ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΙΑΝ ΚΥΡΙΟΥ ΔΙΑΔΗΜΑΤΩΝ ΜΕΓΑΣΤΟΥ ΕΠΙΦΑΝΟΥΣ ΕΥΣΕΒΟΥΣ ΦΙΛΟΕΛΛΗΝΟΣ ΟΥ ΜΟΝΟΝ ΔΙΑ ΤΩΝ ΕΑΥΤΟΥ ΠΡΑΞΕΩΝ ΑΛΛΑ ΚΑΙ ΔΙΑ ΤΩΝ ΤΟΥ ΠΑΤΡΟΣ ΑΥΤΟΥ ΠΡΑΞΕΩΝ ΑΙΓΥΠΤΟΝ ΣΤΗΡΙΞΑΝΤΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΠΡΟΣ ΤΟΥΣ ΘΕΟΥΣ ΕΥΣΕΒΟΥΝΤΟΣ...
Literary Excerpts
One prominent example of Koine Greek in historical prose is found in Polybius' Histories, composed in the mid-2nd century BC, which chronicles the rise of Roman power. In Book 1, Chapter 1, Polybius introduces the scope of his work, emphasizing the unprecedented unification of the known world under Roman rule within a single generation. The following excerpt (1.1.1–1.1.5) illustrates Koine syntax with its straightforward sentence structure and increased use of the definite article for specificity, diverging from the more elaborate constructions of Classical Attic prose.[74] Greek Text:εἰ μὲν τοῖς πρὸ ἡμῶν ἀναγράφουσι τὰς πράξεις παραλελεῖφθαι συνέβαινε τὸν ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς τῆς ἱστορίας ἔπαινον, ἴσως ἀναγκαῖον ἦν τὸ προτρέπεσθαι πάντας πρὸς τὴν αἵρεσιν καὶ παραδοχὴν τῶν τοιούτων ὑπομνημάτων διὰ τὸ μηδεμίαν ἑτοιμοτέραν εἶναι τοῖς ἀνθρώποις διόρθωσιν τῆς τῶν προγεγενημένων πράξεων ἐπιστήμης. ἐπεὶ δʼ οὐ τινὲς οὐδʼ ἐπὶ ποσόν, ἀλλὰ πάντες ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν ἀρχῇ καὶ τέλει κέχρηνται τούτῳ, φάσκοντες ἀληθινωτάτην μὲν εἶναι παιδείαν καὶ γυμνασίαν πρὸς τὰς πολιτικὰς πράξεις τὴν ἐκ τῆς ἱστορίας μάθησιν, ἐναργεστάτην δὲ καὶ μόνην διδάσκαλον τοῦ δύνασθαι τὰς τῆς τύχης μεταβολὰς γενναίως ὑποφέρειν τὴν τῶν ἀλλοτρίων περιπετειῶν ὑπόμνησιν. δῆλον ὡς οὐδενὶ μὲν ἂν δόξαι καθήκειν περὶ τῶν καλῶς καὶ πολλοῖς εἰρημένων ταυτολογεῖν, ἥκιστα δʼ ἡμῖν. αὐτὸ γὰρ τὸ παράδοξον τῶν πράξεων ὑπὲρ ὧν προῃρήμεθα γράφειν, ἱκανόν ἐστι προκαλέσασθαι καὶ παρορμῆσαι πάντα καὶ νέον καὶ πρεσβύτερον πρὸς τὴν ἔντευξιν τῆς πραγματείας. τίς γὰρ οὕτως ὑπάρχει φαῦλος ἢ ῥᾳθυμος ἀνθρώπων ὃς οὐκ ἂν βούλοιτο γνῶναι πῶς καὶ τίνι γένει πολιτείας ἐπικρατηθέντα σχεδὸν ἅπαντα τὰ κατὰ τὴν οἰκουμένην οὐχ ὅλοις πεντήκοντα καὶ τρισὶν ἔτεσιν ὑπὸ μίαν ἀρχὴν ἔπεσε τὴν Ῥωμαίων, ὃ πρότερον οὐχ εὑρίσκεται γεγονός.[75] English Translation:
Had previous chroniclers neglected the praise of history, it perhaps would have been necessary to urge everyone toward the selection and acceptance of such memoirs, since no more ready correction of human knowledge of past events exists. But since not some to a degree but nearly all from beginning to end have employed this, saying that learning from history is the truest education and training for political actions, and that the remembrance of others' misfortunes is the clearest and only teacher for nobly enduring the changes of fortune, it is clear that no one would think it proper to repeat what is well said by many, least of all us. For the very paradoxical nature of the events we have chosen to write about is sufficient to challenge and stimulate every youth and elder toward engagement with this treatise. For who among men is so worthless or idle that he would not wish to know by what kind of constitution, having prevailed, nearly all things throughout the inhabited world fell under one rule, that of the Romans, in not quite fifty-three years—something which had never happened before. This passage exemplifies Koine innovations such as periphrastic constructions, where finite forms of εἰμί combine with participles to express aspect (e.g., the implied ongoing action in learning from history), a feature more common in Koine than in Classical Greek's synthetic perfects.[76] A contrasting example from dramatic literature appears in Menander's Dyskolos (The Grouch), produced in 316 BC, which showcases Koine in colloquial dialogue. Lines 50–60 feature a conversation between Sostratos and Khaireas, highlighting everyday speech patterns like contracted forms and simple interrogatives that reflect spoken vernacular. The snippet captures Sostratos' sudden infatuation, underscoring the play's comedic tone through informal exchanges. Greek Text:
ΧΑΙΡΕΑΣ
Τί φήις; Ἰδὼν ἐνθένδε παῖδ’ ἐλευθέραν
τὰς πλησίον Νύμφας στεφανοῦσαν, Σώστρατε,
ἐρῶν ἀπῆλθες εὐθύς;
ΣΩΣΤΡΑΤΟΣ
Εὐθύς.
ΧΑΙΡΕΑΣ
Ὡς ταχύ.
Ἦ τοῦτ’ ἐβεβούλευσ’ ἐξιών, ἐρᾶν τινος;
(full text in standard editions such as Sandbach).[77] English Translation:
KHAIREAS: What do you mean? Having seen from here a free girl garlanding the neighboring Nymphs, Sostratos, did you go away loving her at once?
SOSTRATOS: At once.
KHAIREAS: How quickly! Or was this what you intended when you went out, to fall in love with someone?[78] This dialogue employs colloquial vocabulary, such as the emphatic εὐθύς for "immediately," and simplified syntax with frequent particles like γὰρ and δέ, which facilitate natural flow in spoken Koine, differing from the more formal rhetoric of Classical tragedy.[3] In analysis, these excerpts contrast sharply with Classical Greek: Koine expands article usage, applying the definite article (ὁ, ἡ, τό) more broadly to abstract nouns and proper names for clarity (e.g., τὴν Ῥωμαίων in Polybius), whereas Classical Attic reserved it primarily for concrete referents. Tense forms simplify in Koine, with reduced optative mood and a shift toward periphrastic futures or aorists replacing complex subjunctives, promoting accessibility over stylistic variation—as seen in Menander's direct questions versus Thucydides' layered hypotaxis.[3][79] These literary samples hold significant pedagogical value for modern learners of Koine Greek, as they expose students to authentic vernacular prose and dialogue beyond ecclesiastical texts, fostering comprehension of idiomatic expressions and syntactic flexibility essential for reading diverse Hellenistic sources like papyri or inscriptions. By analyzing Polybius' narrative periphrasis and Menander's colloquialisms, learners develop skills in contextual interpretation, bridging the gap between simplified textbook grammar and the dynamic evolution of the language.[80]
Modern Learning Resources
Several free online resources facilitate the study of Koine Greek, especially Biblical Greek for reading the New Testament, complementing engagement with authentic texts:- BiblicalTraining.org offers free video courses such as the Biblical Greek series by Dr. William D. Mounce, including lectures covering grammar and reading, along with handouts and quizzes.[81]
- Daily Dose of Greek provides free daily short videos that translate and explain verses from the Greek New Testament, ideal for ongoing practice.[82]
- HellenisticGreek.com features a free introductory course with lessons on grammar, vocabulary, and reading Hellenistic/Koine Greek texts.[83]
- YouTube hosts free series, including the "Basics of Biblical Greek" video lectures by Bill Mounce and various other Koine Greek tutorials.[84]
