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Manx
Manx Gaelic
Gaelg, y Ghaelg
Gailck, y Ghailck
Pronunciation
Native toIsle of Man
EthnicityManx
Extinct27 December 1974, with the death of Ned Maddrell[1]
Revival
Early forms
Dialects
  • Northern
  • Southern
Official status
Official language in
Isle of Man
Regulated byCoonceil ny Gaelgey (Manx Language Advisory Council)
Language codes
ISO 639-1gv
ISO 639-2glv
ISO 639-3glv
ISO 639-6glvx (historical)
rvmx (revived)
Glottologmanx1243
ELPManx
Linguasphere50-AAA-aj
Manx is classified as Definitely Endangered by the UNESCO Atlas of the World's Languages in Danger (2010)
This article contains IPA phonetic symbols. Without proper rendering support, you may see question marks, boxes, or other symbols instead of Unicode characters. For an introductory guide on IPA symbols, see Help:IPA.
PersonManninagh
PeopleManninee
LanguageGaelg/Gailck
Glare Chowree
CountryIsle of Man (Mannin, Ellan Vannin)
A Manx speaker, recorded in the Isle of Man

Manx (endonym: Gaelg, y Ghaelg or Gailck, y Ghailck, pronounced [ɡilʲkʲ, ə ˈɣilʲkʲ]),[a][5] also known as Manx Gaelic, is a Gaelic language of the insular Celtic branch of the Celtic language family, itself a branch of the Indo-European language family. Manx is the heritage language of the Manx people.

Although few children native to the Isle of Man speak Manx as a first language, there has been a steady increase in the number of speakers since 1974, when Ned Maddrell, considered the last speaker to grow up in a Manx-speaking community environment, died. Despite this, the language has never fallen completely out of use, with a minority having some knowledge of it as a heritage language, and it is still an important part of the island's culture and cultural heritage.

Manx is often cited as a good example of language revitalization efforts; in 2015, around 1,800 people had varying levels of second-language conversational ability. Since the late 20th century, Manx has become more visible on the island, with increased signage, radio broadcasts and a Manx-medium primary school. The revival of Manx has been made easier because the language was well recorded, e.g. the Bible and the Book of Common Prayer had been translated into Manx, and audio recordings had been made of native speakers.

Names

[edit]

In Manx

[edit]

The endonym of the language is Gaelg/Gailck, which shares the same etymology as the word "Gaelic", as do the endonyms of its sister languages: Irish (Gaeilge; Gaoluinn, Gaedhlag and Gaeilic) and Scottish Gaelic (Gàidhlig). Manx frequently uses the forms y Ghaelg/y Ghailck (with definite article), as do Irish (an Ghaeilge) and Scottish Gaelic (a' Ghàidhlig).

To distinguish it from the two other forms of Gaelic, the phrases Gaelg/Gailck Vannin "Gaelic of Mann" and Gaelg/Gailck Vanninnagh "Manx Gaelic" are also used. In addition, the nickname Çhengey ny Mayrey, lit. "the mother's tongue" is occasionally used.

In English

[edit]

The language is usually referred to in English as "Manx". The term "Manx Gaelic" is often used, for example when discussing the relationship between the three Goidelic languages (Irish, Scottish Gaelic, and Manx) or to avoid confusion with Manx English, the form of English spoken on the island. A feature of Manx English deriving from Gaelic is the use of the definite article, e.g. "the Manx", "the Gaelic", in ways not generally seen in standard English.[6]

The word "Manx", often spelled historically as "Manks" (particularly by natives of the island), means "Mannish" and originates from Old Norse *manskr.[7] The Isle of Man is named after the Irish god Manannán mac Lir, thus Ellan Vannin ("Mannanán's Island", Irish: Oileán Mhannanáin "Mannanán's Island").[8]

History

[edit]
An ogham inscription on a stone in the Manx Museum written in Primitive Irish and which reads DOVAIDONA MAQI DROATA, "Of Dovaido, son of Droata"[9]
William Christian, better known as Illiam Dhone (Brown-haired William)
Lag ny Keeilley ("Hollow of the Church") on Cronk ny Arrey Laa ("Hill of the Day Watch"). The Manx language has had a substantial influence on the island's toponymy and nomenclature.

Manx is a Goidelic language, closely related to Irish and Scottish Gaelic. On the whole it is partially mutually intelligible with these, and native speakers of one find it easy to gain passive, and even spoken, competency in the other two.

It has been suggested that a little-documented Brythonic language (i.e. related to modern Welsh, Cornish and Breton) may have been spoken on the Isle of Man before the arrival of Christian missionaries from Ireland in the early Middle Ages.[10][failed verification] However, there is little surviving evidence about the language spoken on the island at that time.

The basis of the modern Manx language is Primitive Irish (like modern Irish and Scottish Gaelic). The island either lends its name to or takes its name from Manannán, the Brythonic and Gaelic sea god who is said in myth to have once ruled the island. Primitive Irish is first attested in Ogham inscriptions from the 4th century AD. These writings have been found throughout Ireland and the west coast of Great Britain. Primitive Irish transitioned into Old Irish through the 5th century. Old Irish, dating from the 6th century, used the Latin script and is attested primarily in marginalia to Latin manuscripts, but there are no extant examples from the Isle of Man.

Latin was used for ecclesiastical records from the establishment of Christianity in the Isle of Man in the 5th century AD. Many words concerning religion, writing and record keeping entered Manx at this time.

The Isle of Man was conquered by Norse Vikings in the 9th century. Although there is some evidence in the form of runic inscriptions that Norse was used by some of these settlers, the Vikings who settled around the Irish Sea and West Coast of Scotland soon became Gaelic speaking Norse–Gaels. During the 9th century AD, the Gaelic of the inhabitants of the Isle of Man, like those of Scotland and the North of Ireland, may have been significantly influenced by Norse speakers. While Norse had very little impact on the Manx language overall,[11][12] a small number of modern place names on the Isle of Man are Norse in origin, e.g. Laxey (Laksaa) and Ramsey (Rhumsaa). Other Norse legacies in Manx include loanwords and personal names.

By the 10th century, it is supposed that Middle Irish had emerged and was spoken throughout Ireland, Scotland and the Isle of Man.

The island came under Scottish rule in 1266, and alternated between Scottish and English rule until finally becoming the feudal possession of the Stanley family in 1405. It is likely that until that point, except for scholarly knowledge of Latin and courtly use of Anglo-Norman, Manx was the only language spoken on the island. Since the establishment of the Stanleys on the Isle of Man, first Anglo-Norman and later the English language have been the chief external factors in the development of Manx, until the 20th century, when Manx speakers became able to access Irish and Scottish Gaelic media.

17th to 19th centuries

[edit]

Manx had diverged considerably from the Gaelic languages of Scotland and Ireland between 1400 and 1900. The 17th century Plantation of Ulster, the decline of Irish in Leinster and the extinction of Galloway Gaelic led to the geographic isolation of Manx from other dialects of Gaelic. The development of a separate orthography also led Manx to diverge from Irish and Scottish Gaelic.[11]

In the 17th century, some university students left the Isle of Man to attend school in England. At the same time, teaching in English was required in schools founded by governor Isaac Barrow. Barrow also promoted the use of English in churches; he considered that it was a superior language for reading the Bible; however, because the majority of ministers were monolingual Manx speakers, his views had little practical impact.[11][12]

Thomas Wilson began his tenure as Bishop of Mann in 1698 and was succeeded by Mark Hildesley. Both men held positive views of Manx; Wilson was the first person to publish a book in Manx, a translation of The Principles and Duties of Christianity (Coyrie Sodjey), and Hildesley successfully promoted the use of Manx as the language of instruction in schools. The New Testament was first published in Manx in 1767. In the late 18th century, nearly every school was teaching in English. This decline continued into the 19th century, as English gradually became the primary language spoken on the Isle of Man.[11][12]

In 1848, J.G. Cumming wrote, "there are ... few persons (perhaps none of the young) who speak no English." Henry Jenner estimated in 1874 that about 30% of the population habitually spoke Manx (12,340 out of a population of 41,084). According to official census figures, 9.1% of the population claimed to speak Manx in 1901; in 1921 the percentage was only 1.1%.[13] Since the language was used by so few people, it had low linguistic "prestige", and parents tended not to teach Manx to their children, thinking it would be useless to them compared with English.[12]

According to Brian Stowell, "In the 1860s there were thousands of Manx people who couldn't speak English, but barely a century later it was considered to be so backwards to speak the language that there were stories of Manx speakers getting stones thrown at them in the towns."[14]

Revival

[edit]

Following the decline in the use of Manx during the 19th century, Yn Çheshaght Ghailckagh (The Manx Language Society) was founded in 1899. By the middle of the 20th century, only a few elderly native speakers remained (the last of them, Ned Maddrell, died on 27 December 1974), but by then a scholarly revival had begun and a few people had started teaching it in schools. The Manx Language Unit was formed in 1992, consisting of three members and headed by Manx Language Officer Brian Stowell, a language activist and fluent speaker, "which was put in charge of all aspects of Manx language teaching and accreditation in schools."[11] This led to an increased interest in studying the Manx language and encouraged a renewed sense of ethnic identity. The revival of Manx was aided by the recording work done in the 20th century by researchers. Most notably, the Irish Folklore Commission was sent in with recording equipment in 1948 by Éamon de Valera. Also important in preserving the Manx language was work conducted by the late Brian Stowell, who is considered personally responsible for the current revival of the Manx language.[15] The Manx Language Strategy was released in 2017, outlining a five-year plan for the language's continued revitalisation.[16][17] Culture Vannin employs a Manx Language Development Officer (Manx: Yn Greinneyder) to encourage and facilitate the use of the language.

In 2009, UNESCO's Atlas of the World's Languages in Danger declared Manx an extinct language, despite the presence of hundreds of speakers on the Isle of Man.[18] Historian and linguist Jennifer Kewley Draskau reacted to this declaration, saying that saying that "Unesco ought to know better than to declare Manx a dead language. There are hundreds of speakers of Manx and while people are able to have productive conversations in the language then it is very much alive and well."[19] Since then, UNESCO's classification of the language has changed to "critically endangered".[15]

In the 2011 census, 1,823 out of 80,398 Isle of Man residents, or 2.27% of the population, claimed to have knowledge of Manx,[20] an increase of 134 people from the 2001 census.[21] These individuals were spread roughly uniformly over the island: in Douglas 566 people professed an ability to speak, read or write Manx; 179 in Peel, 146 in Onchan, and 149 in Ramsey.[20]

Traditional Manx given names have experienced a marked resurgence on the island, especially Moirrey and Voirrey (Mary), Illiam (William), Orry (from the Manx king Godred Crovan of Norse origin), Breeshey/Breesha (Bridget), Aalish/Ealish (Alice), Juan (Jack), Ean (John), Joney (Joan), Fenella (Fionnuala), Pherick (Patrick) and Freya (from the Norse goddess) remain popular.[22]

Estimated number of speakers by year

[edit]

PopulationYear020,00040,00060,00080,000100,0001860189019201950198020102040PopulationSpeakersEstimated Manx speakers (since 1871)

Raw data
  Isle of Man population
  Manx speakers
Year Manx speakers Isle of Man
population
Ref.
Total Of Manx
population
1874 16,200 30% 54,000 (1871) [13]
1901 4,419 8.07% 54,752 [23]
1911 2,382 4.58% 52,016 [23]
1921 915 1.52% 60,284 [23]
1931 529 1.07% 49,308 [23]
1951 355 0.64% 50,253 [23]
1961 165 0.34% 48,133 [13]
1971 284 0.52% 54,481 [24]
1974 Last native speaker dies [13]
1991 643 0.90% 71,267 [25]
2001 1,500 1.95% 78,266 [26]
2011 1,650 1.97% 84,497 [27]
2015 1,800 2% 88,000 [15]
2021 2,223 2.64% 84,069 [28]

Status

[edit]

Manx is not officially recognised by any national or regional government, although its contribution to Manx culture and tradition is acknowledged by some governmental and non-governmental bodies.

The Standing Orders of the House of Keys provide that: "The proceedings of the House shall be in English; but if a Member at any point pronounces a customary term or sentence in Manx Gaelic or any other language, the Speaker may call upon the Member for a translation."[29] An example was at the sitting on 12 February 2019, when an MHK used the expression boghtnid,[30] stated to mean "nonsense".[31][32]

Manx is used in the annual Tynwald ceremony and Manx words are used in official Tynwald publications.[33]

For the purpose of strengthening its contribution to local culture and community, Manx is recognised under the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages and in the framework of the British-Irish Council.

The Isle of Man comprised the one site for the Manx language in the Atlas Linguarum Europae, a project that compared dialects and languages across all countries in Europe.[34]

Sign at the Bunscoill Ghaelgagh at St John's

Manx is taught as a second language at all of the island's primary and secondary schools. The lessons are optional and instruction is provided by the Department of Education's Manx Language Team which teach up to A Level standard.[35]

The Bunscoill Ghaelgagh, a primary school at St John's, has 67 children, as of September 2016, who receive nearly all of their education through the medium of the language. Children who have attended the school have the opportunity to receive some of their secondary education through the language at Queen Elizabeth II High School in Peel.

The playgroup organisation Mooinjer Veggey, which operates the Bunscoill Ghaelgagh, runs a series of preschool groups that introduce the language.

Use of Manx on the national museum, underneath the English

Bilingual road, street, village and town boundary signs are common throughout the Isle of Man. All other road signs are in English only.

Business signage in Manx is gradually being introduced but is not mandated by law; however, the 1985 Tynwald Report on the use of Manx states that signage should be bilingual except where a Manx phrase is the norm.

Classification and dialects

[edit]

Manx is one of the three daughter languages of Old Irish (via Middle Irish), the other two being Irish and Scottish Gaelic. It shares a number of developments in phonology, vocabulary and grammar with its sisters (in some cases only with certain dialects) and shows a number of unique changes. There are two attested historical dialects of Manx, Northern Manx and Southern Manx.[36] A third dialect may have existed in-between, around Douglas[citation needed].

Similarities to and differences from Irish and Scottish Gaelic

[edit]

Manx and Scottish Gaelic share the partial loss of phonemic palatalisation of labial consonants; while in Irish velarised consonants /pˠ w mˠ/ contrast phonemically with palatalised /pʲ mʲ/.[37] A consequence of this phonemic merger is that Middle Irish unstressed word-final [əβʲ] (-⟨(a)ibh, (a)imh⟩ in Irish and Gaelic) has merged with [əβ] (-⟨(e)abh, (e)amh⟩ in Irish and Gaelic), in Manx; both have become [u] (-⟨oo, u(e)⟩), e.g. shassoo "to stand" (Irish seasamh), credjue "religion" (Irish creideamh), nealloo "fainting" (Early Modern Irish i néalaibh, lit. in clouds), and erriu "on you (pl.)" (Irish oraibh).[38]

Medial and final *⟨bh, mh⟩ have generally become /u/ and /w/ in Manx, thus shiu 'you pl.' (Irish and Scottish Gaelic sibh; Lewis Gaelic siù), sharroo "bitter" (Scottish searbh /ˈʃɛɾˠɛv/, Irish searbh (Northern/Western) /ʃaɾˠu/, (Southern) /ʃaɾˠəβˠ/), awin "river" (Scottish abhainn /aviɲ/, Irish abhainn (Northern) /oːn̠ʲ/) (Western) /aun̠ʲ/ (Southern) /aunʲ/, laaue "hand" (Scottish làmh /l̪ˠaːvˠ/, Irish lámh (Northern) /l̪ˠæːw/, (Western) /l̪ˠɑːw/, (Southern) /l̪ˠɑːβˠ/), sourey "summer" (Scottish samhradh /saurəɣ/, Irish samhradh (Northern) /sˠauɾˠu/, (Western/Southern) /sˠauɾˠə/). Rare retentions of the older pronunciation of ⟨bh⟩ include Divlyn, Divlin "Dublin", Middle Irish Duibhlind /d̪uβʲlʲin̠ʲː/.

Moreover, similarly to Munster Irish, historical ⟨bh⟩ ([βʲ]) and ⟨mh⟩ (nasalised [βʲ]) tend to be lost word medially or finally in Manx, either with compensatory lengthening or vocalisation as [u] resulting in diphthongisation with the preceding vowel, e.g. geurey "winter" [ˈɡʲeurə, -uːrə] (Irish geimhreadh (Southern) [ˈɟiːɾʲə]) and sleityn "mountains" [ˈsleːdʒən] (Irish sléibhte (Southern) [ˈʃlʲeːtʲə]).[39] Another similarity to Munster Irish is the development of the Old Irish diphthongs [ai oi] before velarised consonants (⟨ao⟩ in Irish and Scottish Gaelic) to [eː], as in seyr "carpenter" [seːr] and keyl "narrow" [keːl] (Irish and Scottish saor and caol).[40]

Like Connacht and Ulster Irish (cf. Irish phonology) and most dialects of Scottish Gaelic, Manx has changed the historical consonant clusters /kn ɡn mn tn/ to /kr ɡr mr tr/, e.g. Middle Irish cnáid "mockery" and mná "women" have become craid and mraane respectively in Manx.[41] The affrication of slender "⟨d, t⟩" sounds is also common to Manx, Northern Irish, and Scottish Gaelic.[42]

Unstressed Middle Irish word-final syllable [iʝ] (-⟨(a)idh, (a)igh⟩) has developed to [iː] (-⟨ee⟩) in Manx, as in kionnee "buy" (cf. Irish ceannaigh) and cullee "apparatus" (cf. Gaelic culaidh),[43] like Northern/Western Irish and Southern dialects Scottish Gaelic (e.g. Arran, Kintyre).

Another property Manx shares with Ulster Irish and some dialects of Scottish Gaelic is that /a/ rather than /ə/ appears in unstressed syllables before /x/ (⟨agh⟩ in Manx), e.g. jeeragh "straight" [ˈdʒiːrax] (Irish díreach), cooinaghtyn "to remember" [ˈkuːnʲaxt̪ən] (Scottish Gaelic cuimhneachd).[44]

Like Southern and Western Irish and Northern Scottish Gaelic, but unlike the geographically closer varieties of Ulster Irish and Arran and Kintyre Gaelic, Manx shows vowel lengthening or diphthongisation before the Old Irish fortis and lenis sonorants, e.g. cloan "children" [klɔːn], dhone "brown" [d̪oːn] and eeym "butter" [iːᵇm] correspond to Irish/Scottish Gaelic clann, donn, and im respectively, which have long vowels or diphthongs in Western and Southern Irish and in the Scottish Gaelic dialects of the Outer Hebrides and Skye, thus Western Irish [klˠɑːn̪ˠ], Southern Irish/Northern Scottish [kl̪ˠaun̪ˠ], [d̪ˠaun̪ˠ]/[d̪ˠoun̪ˠ], [iːm]/[ɤim]), but short vowels and 'long' consonants in Ulster Irish, Arran, and Kintyre, [klˠan̪ːˠ], [d̪ˠon̪ːˠ] and [imʲː].[45]

Another similarity with Southern Irish is the treatment of Middle Irish word-final unstressed [əð] (-⟨(e)adh⟩ in Irish and Scottish Gaelic). In nouns (including verbal nouns), this became [ə] in Manx, as it did in Southern Irish, e.g. caggey "war" [ˈkaːɣə], moylley "to praise" [ˈmɔlə] (cf. Irish cogadh and moladh (Southern Irish) [ˈkɔɡə] and [ˈmˠɔl̪ˠə]).[46] In finite verb forms before full nouns (as opposed to pronouns) [əð] became [ax] in Manx, as in Southern Irish, e.g. voyllagh [ˈvɔlax] "would praise" (cf. Irish mholfadh (Southern Irish) [ˈβˠɔl̪ˠhəx]).[47]

Dialects

[edit]
Historical dialect map of Manx (boundaries are approximate)

Linguistic analysis of the last few dozen native speakers reveals a number of dialectal differences between the North and the South of the island. Northern Manx (Manx: Gaelg Hwoaie) was spoken from Maughold in the northeast to Peel on the west coast. Southern Manx was spoken in the sheading of Rushen. It is possible that written Manx represents a 'midlands' dialect of Douglas and surrounding areas.

In Southern Manx, older ⟨á⟩, and in some cases ⟨ó⟩, became [æː]. In Northern Manx the same happened, but ⟨á⟩ sometimes remained [aː] as well, e.g. laa "day" (cf. Irish ) was [læː] in the South but [læː] or [laː] in the North. Old ⟨ó⟩ is always [æː] in both dialects, e.g. aeg "young" (cf. Irish óg) is [æːɡ] in both dialects.[48] ⟨á, ó⟩ and lengthened ⟨a⟩ before ⟨rt, rd, rg⟩ became /œː/, as in paayrt '"part" /pœːrt/, ard "high" /œːrd/, jiarg "red" /dʒœːrɡ/, argid "money, silver" /œːrɡid/ and aarey "gold gen." /œːrə/.

In Northern Manx, older ⟨(e)a⟩ before ⟨nn⟩ in the same syllable is diphthongised, while in Southern Manx it is lengthened but remains a monophthong, e.g. kione "head" (cf. Irish ceann) is [kʲaun] in the North but [kʲoːn] in the South.[49]

Words with ⟨ua⟩, and in some cases ⟨ao⟩, in Irish and Scottish are spelled with ⟨eay⟩ in Manx. In Northern Manx, this sound was [iː], while in Southern Manx it was [ɯː], [uː], or [yː], e.g. geay "wind" (cf. Irish gaoth) is [ɡiː] in the north and [ɡɯː] in the South, while geayl "coal" (cf. Irish gual) is [ɡiːl] in the North and [ɡyːl], [ɡɯːl], or [ɡuːl] in the South.[50]

In both the North and the South, there is a tendency to insert a short [d] before a word-final [n] in monosyllabic words, as in [sleᵈn] for slane "whole" and [beᵈn] for ben "woman". This is known as pre-occlusion. In Southern Manx, however, there is also pre-occlusion of [d] before [l] and of [ɡ] before [ŋ], as in [ʃuːᵈl] for shooyl "walking" and [lɔᶢŋ] for lhong "ship". These forms are generally pronounced without pre-occlusion in the North. Pre-occlusion of [b] before [m], on the other hand, is more common in the North, as in trome "heavy", which is [t̪roᵇm] in the North but [t̪roː(ᵇ)m] in the South.[51] This feature is also found in Cornish.

Southern Manx tended to lose word-initial [ɡ] before [lʲ], which was usually preserved in the North, e.g. glion "glen" and glioon "knee" are and [lʲɔᵈn] and [lʲuːᵈn] in the South but [ɡlʲɔᵈn] and [ɡlʲuːn] in the North.[52]

In modern times, the small size of the island and the improvement in communications precludes any regional dialect variations.

Phonology

[edit]

Stress

[edit]

Stress generally falls on the first syllable of a word in Manx, but in many cases, stress is attracted to a long vowel in the second syllable.[53] Examples include:

  • buggane /bəˈɣæːn/ "sprite"
  • tarroogh /t̪aˈruːx/ "busy"
  • reeoil /riːˈoːl/ "royal"
  • vondeish /vonˈd̪eːʃ/ "advantage"

Consonants

[edit]

The consonant phoneme inventory of Manx:[54]

  Labial Dental Alveolar Post-
alveolar
Palatal Palato-
velar
Velar Glottal
Plosive p b () ()     ɡʲ k ɡ    
Fricative f v     s   ʃ       ç   x ɣ h  
Nasal   m   n   ()         ŋʲ   ŋ    
Trill           r                  
Lateral       l   ()                  
Semivowel                   j       w    

The voiceless plosives are aspirated. The dental, postalveolar and palato-velar plosives /t̪ kʲ/ affricate to [t̪͡θ d̪͡ð t͡ʃ d͡ʒ k͡xʲ] in many contexts.

Manx has an optional process of lenition of plosives between vowels, where voiced plosives and voiceless fricatives become voiced fricatives and voiceless plosives become either voiced plosives or voiced fricatives. This process introduces the allophones ð z ʒ]. The voiced fricative [ʒ] may be further lenited to [j], and [ɣ] may disappear altogether. Examples include:[55]

Voiceless plosive to voiced plosive:

  • /t̪/ > [d̪]: brattag [ˈbrad̪aɡ] "flag, rag"
  • /k/ > [ɡ]: peccah [ˈpɛɡə] "sin"

Voiceless plosive to voiced fricative:

  • /p/ > [v]: cappan [ˈkavan] "cup"
  • /t̪/ > [ð]: baatey [ˈbɛːðə] "boat"
  • /k/ > [ɣ]: feeackle [ˈfiːɣəl] "tooth"

Voiced plosive to voiced fricative:

  • /b/ > [v]: cabbyl [ˈkaːvəl] "horse"
  • /d̪/ > [ð]: eddin [ˈɛðənʲ] "face"
  • /dʲ/ > [ʒ]: padjer [ˈpaːʒər] "prayer"
  • /dʲ/ > [ʒ] > [j]: maidjey [ˈmaːʒə, -jə] "stick"
  • /ɡ/ > [ɣ]: ruggit [ˈroɣət] "born"

Voiceless fricative to voiced fricative:

  • /s/ > [ð] or [z]: poosit [ˈpuːðitʲ/ˈpuːzitʲ] "married"
  • /s/ > [ð]: shassoo [ˈʃaːðu] "stand"
  • /ʃ/ > [ʒ]: aashagh [ˈɛːʒax] "easy"
  • /ʃ/ > [ʒ] > [j]: toshiaght [ˈt̪ɔʒax, -jax] "beginning"
  • /x/ > [ɣ]: beaghey [ˈbeːɣə] "live"
  • /x/ > [ɣ] > ∅: shaghey [ʃaː] "past"

Another optional process is pre-occlusion, the insertion of a very short plosive before a sonorant consonant. In Manx, this applies to stressed monosyllabic words. The inserted consonant is homorganic with the following sonorant, which means it has the same place of articulation. Long vowels are often shortened before pre-occluded sounds. Examples include:[56]

  • /m/ > [ᵇm]: trome /t̪roːm/ > [t̪roᵇm] "heavy"
  • /n/ > [ᵈn]: kione /kʲoːn/ > [kʲoᵈn] "head"
  • /nʲ/ > [ᵈnʲ]: ein /eːnʲ/ > [eːᵈnʲ], [eᵈnʲ] "birds"
  • /ŋ/ > [ᶢŋ]: lhong /loŋ/ > [loᶢŋ] "ship"
  • /l/ > [ᵈl]: shooyll /ʃuːl/ > [ʃuːᵈl] "walking"

The trill /r/ is realised as a one- or two-contact flap [ɾ] at the beginning of syllable, and as a stronger trill [r] when preceded by another consonant in the same syllable. At the end of a syllable, /r/ can be pronounced either as a strong trill [r] or, more frequently, as a weak fricative [ɹ̝], which may vocalise to a nonsyllabic [ə̯] or disappear altogether.[57] This vocalisation may be due to the influence of Manx English, which is non-rhotic.[58] Examples of the pronunciation of /r/ include:

  • ribbey "snare" [ˈɾibə]
  • arran "bread" [ˈaɾan]
  • mooar "big" [muːr], [muːɹ̝], [muːə̯], [muː]

Vowels

[edit]

The vowel phoneme inventory of Manx:[59]

Front Central Back
Short Long Short Long Short Long
Close i u
Mid e ə øː o
Open æ æː a ɔ ɔː

The status of [æ] and [æː] as separate phonemes is debatable, but is suggested by the allophony of certain words such as ta "is", mraane "women", and so on. An alternative analysis is that Manx has the following system, where the vowels /a/ and /aː/ have allophones ranging from [ɛ]/[ɛː] through [æ]/[æː] to [a]/[aː]. As with Irish and Scottish Gaelic, there is a large amount of vowel allophony, such as that of /a/, /aː/. This depends mainly on the 'broad' and 'slender' status of the neighbouring consonants:

Manx vowel phonemes and their allophones
Phoneme "Slender" "Broad"
/i/, /iː/ [i], [iː] [ɪ], [ɪː]
/e/, /eː/ [e]/[eː] [ɛ]/[ɛː]
/a/, /aː/ [ɛ~æ]/[ɛː~æː] [a]/[aː]/[øː]
/ə/ [ɨ] [ə]
/əi/ (Middle Gaelic) [iː] [ɛː], [ɯː], [ɪː]
/o/, /oː/ [o], [oː] [ɔ], [ɔː]
/u/, /uː/ [u], [uː] [ø~ʊ], [uː]
/uə/ (Middle Gaelic) [iː], [yː] [ɪː], [ɯː], [uː]

When stressed, /ə/ is realised as [ø].[60]

Manx has a large inventory of diphthongs and triphthongs, some of which tended to merge or monophthongise in Late Manx.

Centring diphthongs[61]
Front Central Back
High ɨә
Fronting diphthongs and triphthongs[62]
Front Central Back
High (ɨəi) ui uːi uəi
Mid-high ei eːi əi əːi oːi
Mid-low ɛːi
Low ai
Backing diphthongs and triphthongs[62]
Front Central Back
High iu iːu iəu
Mid-high eu eːu əu oːu
Mid-low ɛːu
Low au

Grammar

[edit]

Syntax

[edit]

Like most Insular Celtic languages, Manx is a VSO language.[63] However, most finite verbs are formed periphrastically, using an auxiliary verb in conjunction with the verbal noun. In this case, only the auxiliary verb precedes the subject, while the verbal noun comes after the subject. The auxiliary verb may be a modal verb rather than a form of bee ("be") or jannoo ("do"). Particles like the negative cha ("not") precede the inflected verb. Examples:

main verb

Hug

put-PRET

 

yn

the

subject

saggyrt

priest

 

e

his

direct object

laue

hand

 

urree.

on her

{main verb} {} subject {} {direct object} {}

Hug yn saggyrt e laue urree.

put-PRET the priest his hand {on her}

"The priest put his hand on her."[64]

aux. verb

Va

were

 

ny

the

subject

eayin

lambs

main verb

gee

eat-V.N.

 

yn

the

direct object

conney.

gorse

{aux. verb} {} subject {main verb} {} {direct object}

Va ny eayin gee yn conney.

were the lambs eat-V.N. the gorse

"The lambs used to eat the gorse."[65]

 

Cha

not

modal verb

jarg

can

subject

shiu

you-PL

main verb

fakin

see-V.N.

direct object

red erbee.

anything

{} {modal verb} subject {main verb} {direct object}

Cha jarg shiu fakin {red erbee.}

not can you-PL see-V.N. anything

"You can't see anything."[66]

When the auxiliary verb is a form of jannoo ("do"), the direct object precedes the verbal noun and is connected to it with the particle y:

aux. verb

Ren

did

subject

ad

they

direct object

my choraa

my voice

 

y

PTCL

main verb

chlashtyn.

hear-V.N.

{aux. verb} subject {direct object} {} {main verb}

Ren ad {my choraa} y chlashtyn.

did they {my voice} PTCL hear-V.N.

"They heard my voice."[67]

As in Irish (cf. Irish syntax#The forms meaning "to be"), there are two ways of expressing "to be" in Manx: with the substantive verb bee, and with the copula. The substantive verb is used when the predicate is an adjective, adverb, or prepositional phrase.[68] Examples:

t'

is

eh

it

agglagh

awful/frightening

t' eh agglagh

is it awful/frightening

"It is awful/frightening."

t'

is

eh

he

dy mie

well

t' eh {dy mie}

is he well

"He is well"

t'

is

eh

he

ayns

in

y

the

thie-oast

house-ale

t' eh ayns y thie-oast

is he in the house-ale

"He is in the ale-house (pub)."

Where the predicate is a noun, it must be converted to a prepositional phrase headed by the preposition in ("in") + possessive pronoun (agreeing with the subject) in order for the substantive verb to be grammatical:

t'

is

eh

he

ny

in-his

wooinney

man

mie

good

t' eh ny wooinney mie

is he in-his man good

"He is a good man" (lit. "He is in his good man")[69]

Otherwise, the copula is used when the predicate is a noun. The copula itself takes the form is or she in the present tense, but it is often omitted in affirmative statements:

She

COP

Manninagh

Manxman

mish

me

She Manninagh mish

COP Manxman me

"I am a Manxman."[70]

Shoh

this

'n

the

dooinney

man

Shoh 'n dooinney

this the man

"This is the man."[67]

In questions and negative sentences, the present tense of the copula is nee:

Cha

not

nee

COP

mish

me

eh

him

Cha nee mish eh

not COP me him

"I am not him."[67]

Nee

COP

shoh

this

'n

the

lioar?

book

Nee shoh 'n lioar?

COP this the book

"Is this the book?"[67]

Morphology

[edit]

Initial consonant mutations

[edit]

Like all modern Celtic languages, Manx shows initial consonant mutations, which are processes by which the initial consonant of a word is altered according to its morphological and/or syntactic environment.[71] Manx has two mutations: lenition and eclipsis, found on nouns and verbs in a variety of environments; adjectives can undergo lenition but not eclipsis. In the late spoken language of the 20th century the system was breaking down, with speakers frequently failing to use mutation in environments where it was called for, and occasionally using it in environments where it was not called for.

Initial consonant mutations in Manx
Unmutated Lenition Eclipsis
Sp. IPA Sp. IPA Sp. IPA
p /p/ ph /f/ b /b/[72]
t(h) /t̪/ h /h/, /x/ d(h) /d̪/
çh /tʲ~tɕ/ h /h/, /xʲ/ j /dʲ/[72]
c, k /kʲ/ ch /xʲ/ g /ɡʲ/[72]
c, k
qu
/k/
/kw/
ch
wh
/x/, /h/
/hw/
g
gu
/ɡ/
b
bw
/b/
/bw/
b
w
/v/
/w/
m
mw
/m/[72]
/mw/[72]
d(h) /d̪/ gh /ɣ/, /w/ n /n/[72]
j /dʲ~dʑ/ gh, y /ɣʲ/, /j/ n /nʲ/
g /ɡʲ/ gh, y /ɣʲ/, /j/ ng /ŋ/?[72]
m
mw
/m/
/mw/
v
w
/v/
/w/
f
fw
/f/
/fw/

wh

/hw/
v
w
/v/[72]
/w/[72]
s
sl
sn
/s/
/sl/
/snʲ/
h
l
n
/h/
/l/
/nʲ/
sh /ʃ/ h /h/, /xʲ/


In the corpus of the late spoken language, there is also one example of the eclipsis (nasalisation) of /ɡ/: the sentence Ta mee er ngeddyn yn eayn ("I have found the lamb"), where ⟨ng⟩ is pronounced /n/. However, probably this was a mis-transcription; the verbal noun in this case is not geddyn "get, fetch", but rather feddyn "find".[73]

Nouns

[edit]

Manx nouns display gender, number and sometimes case, for instance, for feminine cass "foot".

Singular Plural
Nominative cass cassyn
Vocative chass chassyn
Genitive coshey cassyn

Pronouns

[edit]

In addition to regular forms, personal pronouns also have emphatic versions.

Manx personal pronouns
Regular Emphatic
Singular 1st person mee mish
2nd person oo uss
3rd
person
masculine eh eshyn
feminine ee ish
Plural 1st person shin shinyn
2nd person shiu shiuish
3rd person ad adsyn

Verbs

[edit]

Manx verbs generally form their finite forms by means of periphrasis: inflected forms of the auxiliary verbs ve "to be" or jannoo "to do" are combined with the verbal noun of the main verb. Only the future, conditional, preterite, and imperative can be formed directly by inflecting the main verb, but even in these tenses, the periphrastic formation is more common in Late Spoken Manx.[74]

Manx finite verb forms
Tense Periphrastic form
(literal translation)
Inflected form Gloss
Present ta mee tilgey
(I am throwing)
I throw
Imperfect va mee tilgey
(I was throwing)
I was throwing
Perfect ta mee er jilgey
(I am after throwing)[75]
I have thrown
Pluperfect va mee er jilgey
(I was after throwing)[75]
I had thrown
Preterite ren mee tilgey
(I did throwing)
hilg mee I threw
Future neeym tilgey
(I will do throwing)
tilgym I will throw
Conditional yinnin tilgey
(I would do throwing)
hilgin I would throw
Imperative jean tilgey
(Do throwing!)
tilg Throw!
Past participle tilgit thrown

The fully inflected forms of the regular verb tilgey "to throw" are as follows. In addition to the forms below, a past participle may be formed using -it: tilgit "thrown".

Inflection of a regular Manx verb
Tense Independent Dependent Relative
Preterite hilg (same as independent)
Future tilgym[1], tilgmayd[2], tilgee[3] dilgym[1], dilgmayd[2], dilgee[3] tilgys
Conditional tilgin[1], tilgagh[3] dilgin[1], dilgagh[3]
Imperative tilg[4], tilg-jee[5] (same as independent)

1.^ First person singular, making the use of a following subject pronoun redundant

2.^ First person plural, making the use of a following subject pronoun redundant

3.^ Used with all other persons, meaning an accompanying subject must be stated, e.g. tilgee eh "he will throw", tilgee ad "they will throw"

4.^ Singular subject.

5.^ Plural subject.

There are a few peculiarities when a verb begins with a vowel, i.e. the addition of d' in the preterite and n' in the future and conditional dependent. Below is the conjugation of aase "to grow".

There is a small number of irregular verbs, the most irregular of all being ve "be".

Forms of verb ve "to be"
Form Independent Dependent Relative
Present ta vel, nel
Preterite va row
Future bee'm, beemayd, bee (same as independent) vees
Conditional veign, veagh beign, beagh
Imperative bee (same as independent)

Prepositions

[edit]

Like the other Insular Celtic languages, Manx has inflected prepositions, contractions of a preposition with a pronominal direct object, as the following common prepositions show. Note the sometimes identical form of the uninflected preposition and its third person singular masculine inflected form.

Conjugation of Manx prepositions using pronominal ending
1st person 2nd person 3rd person
singular plural singular plural singular plural
masculine feminine
ayns "in" aynym ayn, ayndooin aynyd ayndiu ayn aynjee ayndoo, ayndaue
da "to" dou dooin dhyt diu da jee daue
ec "at" aym ain ayd orroo echey eck oc
er "on" orrym orrin ort erriu er urree orroo
lesh "with" lhiam lhien lhiat lhiu lesh lhee lhieu
veih, voish "from" voym voin voyd veue voish, veih voee voue

Numbers

[edit]

Numbers are traditionally vigesimal in Manx, e.g. feed "twenty", daeed "forty" ("two twenties"), tree feed "sixty" ("three twenties").

English Manx[76] Irish cognate Scottish Gaelic cognate
one un [æːn, oːn, uːn]
nane [neːn]
aon [eːnˠ, iːnˠ], (Northwest Ulster) [ɯːnˠ] aon [ɯːn]
two daa [d̪æː], ghaa [ɣæː],
jees [dʒiːs]
[d̪ˠoː], d(h)á [ɣaː/d̪ˠaː],(people only) dís [dʲiːʃ]* [t̪aː]
three tree [t̪riː] trí [tʲrʲiː] trì [t̪ʰɾiː]
four kiare [kʲæːə(r)] ceathair [cahərʲ], ceithre [ˈcɛɾʲə] ceithir [ˈkʲʰehɪɾʲ]
five queig [kweɡ] cúig [kuːɟ] còig [kʰoːkʲ]
six shey [ʃeː] [ʃeː] sia [ʃiə]
seven shiaght [ʃæːx] seacht [ʃaxt̪ˠ] seachd [ʃɛxk], [ʃaxk]
eight hoght [hoːx] ocht [ɔxt̪ˠ] ochd [ɔxk]
nine nuy [nɛi, nøi, niː] naoi [n̪ˠiː (n̪ˠɰiː)] naoi [n̪ˠɤi]
ten jeih [dʒɛi] deich [dʲɛç, -ɛh, -ɛi]* deich [tʲeç]
eleven nane jeig [neːn dʒeɡ] aon déag [eːnˠ/iːnˠ dʲeːɡ]* aon deug/diag [ɯːn dʲeːk], [ɯːn dʲiək]
twelve daa yeig [d̪eiɡʲ] dó dhéag [d̪ˠoː jeːg], d(h)á dhéag [ɣaː/d̪ˠaː jeːɡ] dà dheug/dhiag [t̪aː ʝeːk], [t̪aː ʝiək]
thirteen tree jeig [t̪ri dʒeɡ] trí déag [tʲrʲiː dʲeːɡ]* trì deug/diag [t̪ʰɾiː tʲeːk], [t̪ʰɾiː tʲiək]
twenty feed [fiːdʒ] fiche [fʲɪçə, -hə]; fichid (sing. dat.) [ˈfʲɪçədʲ, -ɪhə-]* fichead [fiçət̪]
hundred keead [kiːəd] céad [ceːd̪ˠ, ciːa̯d̪ˠ] ceud, ciad [kʲʰeːt̪], [kʲʰiət̪]

*In the northern dialects of Irish /dʲ tʲ/ may be affricated to [ ] or [ ].[77][78][79]

Orthography

[edit]

Manx orthography is based on Elizabethan English, and to a lesser extent Middle Welsh, developed by people who had an education in English (and Welsh until the 16th century).[80] The result is an inconsistent and only partially phonemic spelling system, similar to English orthography and completely incomprehensible to readers of Irish and Scottish Gaelic. This is because both Irish and Scottish Gaelic use spelling systems derived from Classical Gaelic, the common literary language of Man, Ireland, and Scotland until the Bardic schools closed down in the 17th century, which makes them very etymological. Both Irish and Scottish Gaelic use only 18 letters to represent around 50 phonemes. While Manx uses 24 letters (the ISO basic Latin alphabet, excluding ⟨x⟩ and ⟨z⟩), covering a similar range of phonemes, all three make use of many digraphs and trigraphs. In 1932, Celticist T. F. O'Rahilly expressed the opinion that Manx orthography is inadequate, as it is neither traditional nor phonetic. Therefore, if a form of Classical Gaelic orthography adapted to Manx had survived or if one based on the reforms of Theobald Stapleton were to be developed and introduced, the very close relationship between Manx, Irish, and Scottish Gaelic would be obvious to readers at first sight and Manx would be much easier for other Gaels to read and understand.[81]

However, evidence of Gaelic type ever having been used on the island has not been found.

Spelling to sound correspondences

[edit]
Vowels
Letter(s) Phoneme(s) Examples
a stressed /a/
/aː/
Ghaelgagh, cooinaghtyn
padjer, cabbyl
unstressed /ə/
/i/
/a/
ardnieu, bodjal
collaneyn
duillag
a...e, ia...e /eː/ slane, buggane, kiare
aa, aa...e /ɛː/
/øː/
/eːa/
/eː/
/aː/ (north)
baatey, aashagh
faarkey
jaagh
blaa, aane
aai /ɛi/ faaie
ae /i/
/ɪ/
/eː/
Gaelg
Ghaelgagh
aeg, aer
aew /au/ braew
ah /ə/ peccah
ai, ai...e /aː/
/ai/
/e/
maidjey
aile
paitçhey
aiy /eː/ faiyr
aue /eːw/ craue, fraue
ay /eː/ ayr, kay
e stressed /e/
/eː/
/ɛ/
/i/
ben, veggey
mess
peccah, eddin
chengey
unstressed /ə/ padjer
ea /ɛː/ beaghey
eai /eː/ eairk
eau, ieau /uː/ slieau
eay /eː/
/iː/ (north)
/ɯː/, /uː/ or /yː/ (south)
eayst, cleaysh
geay, keayn
ee /iː/ kionnee, jees
eea /iːə/
/iː/
/jiː/
yeeast, keead
feeackle, keeagh
eeast
eei, eey /iː/ feeid, dreeym, meeyl
ei /eː/
/e/
/a/
sleityn, ein
queig
geinnagh
eih /ɛː/ jeih
eoie /øi/ leoie
eu, ieu /uː/
/eu/
geurey
ardnieu
ey stressed /eː/ seyr, keyl
unstressed /ə/ veggey, collaneyn
i unstressed /ə/
/i/
eddin, ruggit
poosit
ia /aː/
/a/
/iː/
/iːə/
çhiarn, shiaght
toshiaght, sniaghtey
grian
skian
ie /aɪ/ mie
io /ɔ/ glion
io...e /au/ (north)
/oː/ (south)
kione
o, oi /ɔ/ or /ɑ/
/ɔː/ or /ɑː/
/o/
/oː/
/u/
lhong, toshiaght
bodjal, logh, moir
vondeish, bolg, bunscoill
hoght, reeoil
stroin
o...e /ɔː/
/oː/
dhone
trome
oa /ɔː/
/au/
cloan
joan
oh /ɔ/ shoh
oie /ei/ or /iː/ oie
oo, ioo, ooh /uː/ shassoo, cooney, glioon, ooh
ooa, iooa /uː/ mooar
ooi /u/ mooinjer, cooinaghtyn
ooy /uː/ shooyl
oy /ɔ/ moylley, voyllagh
u, ui, iu stressed /ʊ/
/o/
/ø/
bunscoill
ruggit, ushag, duillag, fuill
lurgey
unstressed /ə/ buggane
ua /uːa/ y Yuan
ue /u/ credjue
uy /ɛi/ or /iː/ nuy
wa /o/ mwannal
y /ə/
/i/
/ɪ/
/j/
cabbyl, sleityn
yngyn
fys
y Yuan, yeeast
Consonants
Letter(s) Phoneme(s) Examples
b, bb usually /b/ bunscoill, ben
between vowels /β/ or /v/ cabbyl
c, cc, ck usually /k/ bunscoill, cloan
between vowels /ɡ/
/ɣ/
peccah, gaccan
feeackle, crackan
ch /x/ cha
çh, tçh /tʃ/ çhiarn, çhengey, paitçhey
d, dd, dh broad /d̪/ keead, ardnieu, tedd, dhone
slender /dʲ/ or /dʒ/ feeid
broad, between vowels /ð/ eddin, moddey
f /f/ fys, feeackle
g, gg broad /ɡ/ Gaelg, Ghaelgagh
slender /ɡʲ/ geurey, geinnagh
between vowels /ɣ/ veggey, ruggit
gh usually /ɣ/
Ghaelgagh, beaghey
shaghey
finally or before t /x/ jeeragh, clagh, cooinaghtyn
-ght /x/ toshiaght, hoght
h /h/ hoght
j, dj usually /dʒ/ mooinjer, jeeragh
between vowels /ʒ/
/j/
padjer
maidjey, fedjag
k broad /k/ keyl, eairk
slender /kʲ/ kione, kiare
l, ll broad /l/ Gaelg, sleityn, moylley
slender /lʲ/ glion, blein, feill, billey
finally, in monosyllabic words (S only) /ᵈl/ shooyl
-le /əl/ feeackle
lh /l/ lhong
m, mm normally /m/ mooinjer, dreeym, famman
finally, in monosyllabic words (N only) /ᵇm/ eeym, trome
n broad /n/ bunscoill, cooinaghtyn, ennym
slender /nʲ/ ardnieu, collaneyn, dooinney, geinnagh
finally, in monosyllabic words /ᵈn/ slane, ben
slender, finally, in monosyllabic words /ᵈnʲ/ ein
ng usually /ŋ/
/nʲ/
yngyn
chengey
finally, in monosyllabic words (S only) /ᶢŋ/ lhong
p, pp usually /p/ peccah, padjer
between vowels /v/ cappan
qu /kw/ queig
r, rr usually /r/ geurey, jeeragh, ferrishyn
finally [ɹ̝] or [ə̯] aer, faiyr
s, ss usually /s/
/z/
bunscoill, sleityn, cass
fys
initially before n /ʃ/ sniaghtey
between vowels /ð/
/z/
shassoo
poosit
sh usually /ʃ/ shooyl, vondeish
between vowels /ʒ/
/j/
aashagh, ushag
toshiaght
-st /s/ eayst, eeast
t, tt, th broad /t̪/ trome, cooinaghtyn, thalloo
slender /tʲ/ or /tʃ/ poosit, ushtey, tuittym
broad, between vowels /d̪/
/ð/
brattag
baatey
slender, between vowels /dʲ/ or /dʒ/ sleityn
v /v/ veggey, voyllagh
w /w/ awin

Diacritics

[edit]

Manx uses only one diacritic, a cedilla, which is (optionally) used to differentiate between the two phonemes represented by ⟨ch⟩:

  • Çhiarn (/ˈt͡ʃaːrn/) "lord", is pronounced with /t͡ʃ/, as in the English "church"
  • Chamoo (/xaˈmu/) "nor" or "neither", is pronounced with /x/, as in Scottish English "loch" (/ˈlɒx/) or Irish English "lough" (/ˈlɒx/), a sound commonly represented by ⟨gh⟩ at the ends of words in Manx (and Irish English).

Example

[edit]

The following examples are taken from Broderick 1984–86, 1:178–79 and 1:350–53. The first example is from a speaker of Northern Manx, the second from Ned Maddrell, a speaker of Southern Manx.

Orthography (+ phonetic transcription) Gloss

V'ad

vod̪

smooinaghtyn

ˈsmuːnʲaxt̪ən

dy

d̪ə

beagh

biəx

cabbyl

ˈkaːbəl

jeeaghyn

dʒiːən

skee

skiː

as

as

deinagh

ˈd̪øinʲax

ayns

uns

y

ə

voghree

ˈvoːxəri

dy

d̪ə

beagh

biəx

eh

e

er

er

ve

vi

ec

ek

ny

ferrishyn

ˈferiʃən

fud

fod̪

ny

h-oie

høi

as

as

beagh

biəx

ad

əd̪

cur

kør

lesh

leʃ

yn

ən

saggyrt

ˈsaːɡərt̪

dy

d̪ə

cur

kør

e

ə

vannaght

ˈvanax

er.

er

V'ad smooinaghtyn dy beagh cabbyl jeeaghyn skee as deinagh ayns y voghree dy beagh eh er ve ec ny ferrishyn fud ny h-oie as beagh ad cur lesh yn saggyrt dy cur e vannaght er.

vod̪ ˈsmuːnʲaxt̪ən d̪ə biəx ˈkaːbəl dʒiːən skiː as ˈd̪øinʲax uns ə ˈvoːxəri d̪ə biəx e er vi ek nə ˈferiʃən fod̪ nə høi as biəx əd̪ kør leʃ ən ˈsaːɡərt̪ d̪ə kør ə ˈvanax er

They used to think if a horse was looking tired and weary in the morning then it had been with the fairies all night and they would bring the priest to put his blessing on it.

Va

ben

ˈbɛn

aynshoh

əˈsoː

yn

ən

çhiaghtin

ˈtʃaːn

chaie

ˈkai

as

as

v'ee

vai

laccal

ˈlaːl

mish

ˈmiʃ

dy

ði

ynsagh

ˈjinðax

ee

i

dy

ðə

gra

ˈɡreː

yn

in

Padjer

ˈpaːdʒər

yn

ən

Çhiarn.

ˈtʃaːrn

 

Dooyrt

d̪ot̪

ee

i

dy

ðə

row

ˈrau

ee

i

gra

ɡreː

eh

a

tra

ˈt̪reː

v'ee

vai

inneen

iˈnʲin

veg,

ˈveːɡ

 

agh

ax

t'eh

t̪e

ooilley

ˈolʲu

jarroodit

dʒaˈrud̪ətʃ

eck,

ek

 

as

as

v'ee

vei

laccal

ˈlaːl

gynsagh

ˈɡʲinðax

eh

a

reesht

ˈriːʃ

son

san

dy

ðə

gra

ˈɡreː

eh

ə

ec

əɡ

vrastyl

ˈvraːst̪əl

ny

red

ˈrið

ennagh.

ənax

 

As

as

dooyrt

ˈd̪ut̪

mish

miʃ

dy

ðə

jinnagh

ˈdʒinax

mee

mi

jannoo

ˈdʒinu

my

share

ˈʃeː

son

san

dy

ðə

cooney

ˈkunə

lhee

lʲei

as

as

ren

ˈrenʲ

ee

i

çheet

ˈtʃit̪

aynshoh

oˈsoː

son

san

dy

ðə

clashtyn

ˈklaːʃtʲən

eh,

a

 

as

as

vel

vel

oo

u

laccal

ˈlaːl

dy

ðə

clashtyn

ˈklaːʃtʲən

mee

mi

dy

ðə

gra

ˈɡreː

eh?

a

 

Va ben aynshoh yn çhiaghtin chaie as v'ee laccal mish dy ynsagh ee dy gra yn Padjer yn Çhiarn. {} Dooyrt ee dy row ee gra eh tra v'ee inneen veg, {} agh t'eh ooilley jarroodit eck, {} as v'ee laccal gynsagh eh reesht son dy gra eh ec vrastyl ny red ennagh. {} As dooyrt mish dy jinnagh mee jannoo my share son dy cooney lhee as ren ee çheet aynshoh son dy clashtyn eh, {} as vel oo laccal dy clashtyn mee dy gra eh? {}

və ˈbɛn əˈsoː ən ˈtʃaːn ˈkai as vai ˈlaːl ˈmiʃ ði ˈjinðax i ðə ˈɡreː in ˈpaːdʒər ən ˈtʃaːrn ‖ d̪ot̪ i ðə ˈrau i ɡreː a ˈt̪reː vai iˈnʲin ˈveːɡ ‖ ax t̪e ˈolʲu dʒaˈrud̪ətʃ ek ‖ as vei ˈlaːl ˈɡʲinðax a ˈriːʃ san ðə ˈɡreː ə əɡ ˈvraːst̪əl nə ˈrið ənax ‖ as ˈd̪ut̪ miʃ ðə ˈdʒinax mi ˈdʒinu mə ˈʃeː san ðə ˈkunə lʲei as ˈrenʲ i ˈtʃit̪ oˈsoː san ðə ˈklaːʃtʲən a ‖ as vel u ˈlaːl ðə ˈklaːʃtʲən mi ðə ˈɡreː a ‖

There was a woman here last week and she wanted me to teach her to say the Lord's Prayer. She said that she used to say it when she was a little girl, but she has forgotten it all, and she wanted to learn it again to say it at a class or something. And I said I would do my best to help her and she came here to hear it, and do you want to hear me say it?

Vocabulary

[edit]

Manx vocabulary is predominantly of Goidelic origin, derived from Old Irish and has cognates in Irish and Scottish Gaelic. However, Manx itself, as well as the languages from which it is derived, borrowed words from other languages, especially Latin, Old Norse, French (particularly Anglo-Norman), and English (both Middle English and Modern English).[82]

The following table shows a selection of nouns from the Swadesh list and indicates their pronunciations and etymologies.

Manx IPA[76] English Etymology[83]
aane [eːn] liver Goidelic; from Mid.Ir. ae < O.Ir. óa; cf. Ir. ae, Sc.G. adha
aer [eːə] sky Latin; from O.Ir. aer < L. aër; cf. Ir. aer, Sc.G. adhar
aile [ail] fire Goidelic; from O.Ir. aingel "very bright"; cf. Ir., Sc.G. aingeal
ardnieu [ərd̪ˈnʲeu] snake Apparently "highly poisonous" (cf. ard "high", nieu "poison")
awin [aunʲ], [ˈawənʲ] river Goidelic; from the M.Ir. dative form abainn of aba < O.Ir. abaind aba; cf. Ir. abha/abhainn, dative abhainn, Sc.G. abhainn (literary nominative abha).
ayr [ˈæːar] father Goidelic; from M.Ir. athair, O.Ir. athir; cf. Ir., Sc.G. athair
beeal [biəl] mouth Goidelic; from O.Ir. bél; cf. Ir. béal, Sc.G. beul/bial
beishteig [beˈʃtʲeːɡ], [prəˈʃtʲeːɡ] worm Latin; from M.Ir. piast, péist < O.Ir. bíast < L. bēstia
ben [beᵈn] woman Goidelic; from M.Ir and O.Ir. ben; cf. Ir., Sc.G. bean
billey [ˈbilʲə] tree Goidelic; from O.Ir. bile
blaa [blæː] flower Goidelic; from O.Ir. bláth, Ir. bláth, Sc.G. blàth
blein [blʲeːnʲ], [blʲiᵈn] year Goidelic; from O.Ir. bliadain; cf. Ir. blian, dat. bliain, Sc.G. bliadhna
bodjal [ˈbaːdʒəl] cloud English/French; shortened from bodjal niaul "pillar of cloud" (cf. Sc.G. baideal neòil); bodjal originally meant "pillar" or "battlement" < E. battle < Fr. bataille
bolg [bolɡ] belly, bag Goidelic; from O.Ir. bolg, Ir., Sc.G bolg
cass [kaːs] foot Goidelic; from O.Ir. cos, cf. Sc.G. cas, Ir.dialect cas, Ir. cos
çhengey [ˈtʃinʲə] tongue Goidelic; from O.Ir. tengae; cf. Ir., Sc.G. teanga
clagh [klaːx] stone Goidelic; from O.Ir. cloch; cf. Sc.G. clach, Ir. cloch
cleaysh [kleːʃ] ear Goidelic; from O.Ir. dative clúais "hearing"; cf. Ir., Sc.G. cluas, dative cluais, Ir. dialect cluais
collaneyn [ˈkalinʲən] guts Goidelic; from O.Ir. cáelán; cf. Ir. caolán, Sc.G. caolan, derived from caol "thin, slender", -án nominaliser
crackan [ˈkraːɣən] skin Goidelic; from O.Ir. croiccenn; cf. Ir., Sc.G. craiceann, dialect croiceann
craue [kræːw] bone Goidelic; from O.Ir. cnám; cf. Ir. cnámh, dative cnáimh, Sc.G. cnàimh
cree [kriː] heart Goidelic; from O.Ir. cride; cf. Ir. croí, Sc.G. cridhe
dooinney [ˈd̪unʲə] person Goidelic; from O.Ir. duine, cf. Ir., Sc.G duine
dreeym [d̪riːm], [d̪riᵇm] back Goidelic; from O.Ir. dative druimm, nominative dromm; cf. Ir. drom, dialect droim, dative droim, Sc.G. drom, dialect druim, dative druim
duillag [ˈd̪olʲaɡ] leaf Goidelic; from O.Ir. duilleóg; cf. Ir. duilleóg, Sc.G. duilleag
eairk [eːak] horn Goidelic; from O.Ir. adarc; cf. Ir., Sc.G. adharc, Ir. dialect aidhearc
eayst [eːs] moon Goidelic; from O.Ir. ésca; cf. archaic Ir. éasca, Sc.G. easga
eeast [jiːs] fish Goidelic; from O.Ir. íasc; cf. Ir. iasc, Ul. /jiəsk/, Sc.G. iasg
ennym [ˈenəm] name Goidelic; from O.Ir. ainmm; cf. Ir., Sc.G. ainm
faarkey [ˈføːɹkə] sea Goidelic; from O.Ir. fairrge; cf. Ir. farraige, Sc.G. fairge
faiyr [feːə] grass Goidelic; from O.Ir. fér; cf. Ir. féar, Sc.G. feur, fiar
famman [ˈfaman] tail Goidelic; from O.Ir. femm+ -án nominaliser (masculine diminutive); cf. Ir. feam, Sc.G. feaman
fedjag [ˈfaiaɡ] feather Goidelic; from O.Ir. eteóc; cf. Ir. eiteog "wing", Sc.G. iteag
feeackle [ˈfiːɣəl] tooth Goidelic; from O.Ir. fíacail; cf. Ir., Sc.G. fiacail
feill [feːlʲ] meat Goidelic; from O.Ir. dative feóil; cf. Ir. feoil, Sc.G. feòil
fer [fer] man Goidelic; from O.Ir. fer; cf. Ir., Sc.G. fear
fliaghey [flʲaːɣə] rain Goidelic; from O.Ir. flechud; cf. Ir. fleachadh "rainwater; a drenching", related to fliuch "wet"
folt [folt̪] hair Goidelic; from O.Ir. folt, Ir.folt, Sc.G. falt
fraue [fræːw] root Goidelic; from O.Ir. frém; cf. Ir. fréamh, préamh, Sc.G. freumh
fuill [folʲ] blood Goidelic; from O.Ir. fuil, Ir., Sc.G. fuil
geay [ɡiː] wind Goidelic; from O.Ir. dative gaíth; cf. Ir., Sc.G. gaoth, dative gaoith
geinnagh [ˈɡʲanʲax] sand Goidelic; from O.Ir. gainmech; cf. Sc.G. gainmheach, Ir. gaineamh
glioon [ɡlʲuːnʲ] knee Goidelic; from O.Ir. dative glúin; cf. Ir. glúin, Sc.G. glùn, dative glùin
grian [ɡriːn], [ɡriᵈn] sun Goidelic; from O.Ir. grían; cf. Ir., Sc.G. grian
jaagh [ˈdʒæːax] smoke Goidelic, from M.Ir. deathach < O.Ir. ; cf. Sc.G. deathach
joan [dʒaun] dust Goidelic; from O.Ir. dend; cf. Ir. deannach
kay [kʲæː] fog Goidelic; from O.Ir. ceó; cf. Ir. ceo, Sc.G. ceò
keayn [kiᵈn] sea Goidelic; from O.Ir. cúan; cf. Ir. cuan "harbor", Sc.G. cuan "ocean"
keeagh [kiːx] breast Goidelic; from O.Ir. cíoch; cf. Ir. cíoch, Sc.G. cìoch
keyll [kiːlʲ], [kelʲ] forest Goidelic; from O.Ir. caill; cf. Ir. coill, Sc.G. coille
kione [kʲaun], [kʲoːn] head Goidelic; from O.Ir. cend, dative ciond; cf. Ir., Sc.G. ceann, dative cionn
laa [læː] day Goidelic; from O.Ir. láa; cf. Ir. , Sc.G. latha,
laue [læːw] hand Goidelic; from O.Ir. lám; cf. Ir. lámh, Sc.G. làmh
leoie [løi] ashes Goidelic; from O.Ir. dative lúaith; cf. Ir. luaith, Sc.G. luath
logh [lɒːx] lake Goidelic; from O.Ir. loch
lurgey [løɹɡə] leg Goidelic; from O.Ir. lurga "shin bone"; cf. Ir. lorga
maidjey [ˈmaːʒə] stick Goidelic; from O.Ir. maide, Ir., Sc.G. maide
meeyl [miːl] louse Goidelic; from O.Ir. míol; cf. Ir. míol, Sc.G. mial
mess [meːs] fruit Goidelic; from O.Ir. mes; cf. Ir., Sc.G. meas
moddey [ˈmaːðə] dog Goidelic; from O.Ir. matrad; cf. Ir. madra, N.Ir. mada,madadh [madu], Sc.G. madadh
moir [mɒːɹ] mother Goidelic; from O.Ir. máthir; cf. Ir. máthair, Sc.G. màthair
mwannal [ˈmonal] neck Goidelic; from O.Ir. muinél; cf. Ir. muineál, muinéal, Sc.G. muineal
oie [ei], [iː] night Goidelic; from O.Ir. adaig (accusative aidchi); cf. Ir. oíche, Sc.G. oidhche
ooh [au], [uː] egg Goidelic; from O.Ir. og; cf. Ir. ubh,ugh, Sc.G. ugh
paitçhey [ˈpætʃə] child French; from E.M.Ir. páitse "page, attendant" < O.Fr. page; cf. Ir. páiste, Sc.G. pàiste
raad [ræːd̪], [raːd̪] road English; from Cl.Ir. rót,róat< M.E. road; cf. Ir. ród, Sc.G. rathad
rass [raːs] seed Goidelic; from O.Ir. ros
rollage [roˈlæːɡ] star Goidelic; from M.Ir. rétlu < O.Ir. rétglu + feminine diminutive suffix -óg; cf. Ir. réaltóg, Sc.G. reultag
roost [ruːs] bark Brythonic; from O.Ir. rúsc Brythonic (cf. Welsh rhisg(l); cf. Ir. rúsc, Sc.G. rùsg
skian [ˈskiːən] wing Goidelic; from O.Ir. scíathán; cf. Ir. sciathán, Sc.G. sgiathan
slieau [slʲuː], [ʃlʲuː] mountain Goidelic, from O.Ir. slíab; cf. Ir., Sc.G. sliabh
sniaghtey [ˈʃnʲaxt̪ə] snow Goidelic; from O.Ir. snechta; cf. Ir. sneachta, Sc.G. sneachd
sollan [ˈsolan] salt Goidelic; from O.Ir., Ir., Sc.G. salann
sooill [suːlʲ] eye Goidelic; from O.Ir. súil; cf. Ir. súil, Sc.G. sùil
stroin [st̪ruᵈnʲ], [st̪raiᵈnʲ] nose Goidelic; from O.Ir. dative sróin; cf. Ir. srón, dialect sróin, dative sróin, Sc.G. sròn, dative sròin
tedd [t̪ed̪] rope Goidelic; from O.Ir. tét; cf. Ir. téad, Sc.G. teud, tiad
thalloo [ˈtalu] earth Goidelic; from O.Ir. talam; cf. Ir., Sc.G. talamh
ushag [ˈoʒaɡ] bird Goidelic; from O.Ir. uiseóg "lark"; cf. Ir. fuiseog, Sc.G. uiseag
ushtey [ˈuʃtʲə] water Goidelic; from O.Ir. uisce; cf. Ir. uisce, Sc.G. uisge
yngyn [ˈiŋən] fingernail Goidelic; from O.Ir. ingen; cf. Ir., Sc.G. ionga, dative iongain, plural Ir. iongna, Sc.G. iongnan, etc.

See Celtic Swadesh lists for the complete list in all the Celtic languages.

Phrases

[edit]
Manx (Gaelg) English (Baarle)
Moghrey mie Good morning
Fastyr mie Good afternoon/evening
Oie vie Good night
Kys t'ou? ("tu" form)
Kys ta shiu? (plural)
Kanys ta shiu? ("vous" form)
How are you
Feer vie Very well
Gura mie ayd ("tu" form)
Gura mie eu ("vous" form)
Thank you
As oo hene?
As shiu hene?
And yourself
Slane lhiat
Slane lhiu
Goodbye
Whooiney Yessir (Manx English equivalent of "man" (US: "dude"), as an informal term of address; found as a dhuine in Irish and Scottish Gaelic)
Ellan Vannin Isle of Man

Loanwords

[edit]
Loaghtan, a Manx breed of primitive sheep. The name means "mousy grey" in Manx.

Loanwords are primarily Norse and English, with a smaller number coming from French. Some examples of Norse loanwords are garey "garden" (from garðr "enclosure") and sker "sea rock" (from sker). Examples of French loanwords are danjeyr "danger" (from danger) and vondeish "advantage" (from avantage).

English loanwords were common in late (pre-revival) Manx, e.g. boy "boy", badjer "badger", rather than the more usual native Gaelic guilley and brock. In more recent years, there has been a reaction against such borrowing, resulting in coinages for technical vocabulary. Despite this, calques exist in Manx, not necessarily obvious to its speakers. To fill gaps in recorded Manx vocabulary, revivalists have referred to modern Irish and Scottish Gaelic for words and inspiration.

Some religious terms come ultimately from Latin, Greek and Hebrew, e.g. casherick "holy" (from Latin consecrātus), agglish "church" (from Greek ἐκκλησία/ekklesia "assembly") and abb "abbot" (from Hebrew אבא/abba "father"). These did not necessarily come directly into Manx, but via Old Irish. In more recent times, ulpan has been borrowed from modern Hebrew. Many Irish and English loanwords also have a classical origin, e.g. çhellveeish "television" (Irish teilifís) and çhellvane "telephone". Foreign language words (usually via English) are used occasionally especially for ethnic food, e.g. chorizo and spaghetti.

Going in the other direction, Manx Gaelic has influenced Manx English (Anglo-Manx). Common words and phrases in Anglo-Manx originating in the language include tholtan "ruined farmhouse",[84] quaaltagh "first-foot", keeill "(old) church", cammag, traa-dy-liooar "time enough", and Tynwald (tinvaal), which is ultimately of Norse origin, but comes from Manx. It is suggested that the House of Keys takes its name from Kiare as Feed (four and twenty), which is the number of its sitting members.

Vocabulary comparison examples

[edit]
Manx Irish Scottish Gaelic Welsh English
Moghrey mie Maidin mhaith Madainn mhath Bore da good morning
Fastyr mie Tráthnóna maith Feasgar math Prynhawn da
Noswaith dda
good afternoon/evening
Slane lhiat, Slane lhiu Slán leat, Slán libh Slàn leat, Slàn leibh Hwyl fawr goodbye
Gura mie ayd,
Gura mie eu
Go raibh maith agat,
Go raibh maith agaibh
Tapadh leat,
Tapadh leibh
Diolch thank you
baatey bád bàta cwch boat
barroose bus bus bws bus
blaa bláth blàth blodyn flower
booa buwch/bo cow
cabbyl capall each ceffyl horse
cashtal caisleán, caiseal caisteal castell castle
creg carraig carraig, creag carreg, craig crag, rock
eeast iasc iasg pysgodyn fish [sg.]
ellan oileán eilean ynys island, eyot
gleashtan gluaisteán, carr càr car car
kayt cat cat cath cat
moddey madra, madadh ci dog, hound
shap siopa bùth siop shop
thie tigh, teach taigh house
eean éan eun, ian aderyn, edn bird
jees, daa dá, dhá, dó; (people) beirt, dís dà, dhà; (people) dithis dau (m.)/dwy (f.) two
oik oifig oifis swyddfa office
ushtey uisce uisge dŵr, dwfr water

Gaelic versions of the Lord's Prayer

[edit]

The Lord's Prayer has been translated into all of the Gaelic languages (and Old Irish). Although not direct, it is a good demonstration of the differences between their orthographies.

Example text

[edit]

Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in Manx:

Media

[edit]

Two weekly programmes in Manx are available on medium wave on Manx Radio: Traa dy liooar on Monday and Jamys Jeheiney on Friday. The news in Manx is available online from Manx Radio, who have three other weekly programmes that use the language: Clare ny Gael; Shiaght Laa and Moghrey Jedoonee. Several news readers on Manx Radio also use a good deal of incidental Manx.

The Isle of Man Examiner has a monthly bilingual column in Manx.

The first film to be made in Manx, 22-minute-long Ny Kirree fo Niaghtey "The Sheep Under the Snow", premiered in 1983 and was entered for the 5th Celtic Film and Television Festival in Cardiff in 1984. It was directed by Shorys Y Creayrie (George Broderick) for Foillan Films of Laxey, and is about the background to an early 18th-century folk song. In 2013, a short film, Solace in Wicca, was produced with financial assistance from Culture Vannin, CinemaNX and Isle of Man Film.[89] A series of short cartoons about the life of Cú Chulainn which was produced by BBC Northern Ireland is available[90] as are a series of cartoons on Manx mythology.[91] Most significant is a 13-part DVD series Manx translation of the award-winning series Friends and Heroes.[92]

Literature

[edit]

Manx never had a large number of speakers, so it would not have been practical to mass-produce written literature. However, a body of oral literature did exist. The "Fianna" tales and others like them are known, including the Manx ballad Fin as Oshin, commemorating Finn MacCumhail and Oisín.[93] With the coming of Protestantism, Manx spoken tales slowly disappeared, while a tradition of carvals, Christian ballads, developed with religious sanction. Even so, Bishop Mark Hildesley, after his gardener overheard him discussing the Ossian poems of James Macpherson and admitted to known of Fionn and Oisin, the Bishop collected from the local oral tradition multiple lays in Manx from the Fenian Cycle of Celtic Mythology, which were accordingly preserved for the future.[94]

There is no record of literature written distinctively in Manx before the Reformation. By that time, any presumed literary link with Ireland and Scotland, such as through Irish-trained priests, had been lost. The first published literature in Manx was The Principles and Duties of Christianity (Coyrie Sodjey), translated by Bishop of Sodor and Man Thomas Wilson.[11]

The Book of Common Prayer was translated by John Phillips, the Welsh-born Anglican Bishop of Sodor and Man from 1605 to 1633. The early Manx script has some similarities with orthographical systems found occasionally in Scotland and in Ireland for the transliteration of Gaelic, such as the Book of the Dean of Lismore, as well as some extensive texts based on English and Scottish English orthographical practices of the time. Little secular Manx literature has been preserved.

The New Testament was first published in 1767. When the Anglican church authorities started to produce written literature in the Manx language in the 18th century, the system developed by John Philips was further "anglicised"; the one feature retained from Welsh orthography was the use of ⟨y⟩ to represent /ə/ (e.g. cabbyl [kaːβəl] "horse" and cooney [kuːnə] "help" as well as /ɪ/ (e.g. fys [fɪz] "knowledge"), though it is also used to represent [j], (e.g. y Yuan juːan] "John" (vocative), yeeast [jiːəst] "fish").

Other works produced in the 18th and 19th centuries include catechisms, hymn books and religious tracts. A translation of Paradise Lost was made by Rev. Thomas Christian of Marown in 1796.[95]

A considerable amount of secular literature has been produced in the 20th and 21st centuries as part of the language revival. In 2006, the first full-length novel in Manx, Dunveryssyn yn Tooder-Folley ("The Vampire Murders") was published by Brian Stowell, after being serialised in the press. There is an increasing amount of literature available in the language, and recent publications include Manx versions of the Gruffalo and Gruffalo's Child.[96]

Antoine de Saint-Exupéry's The Little Prince was translated into Manx by Rob Teare in 2019.[97]

Manx and Christianity

[edit]

The Manx Bible

[edit]

In the time of Bishop Wilson it had been a constant source of complaint among the Manx clergy that they were the only church in Christendom that had no version of the Bible in the vulgar tongue. Wilson set to work to remedy the defect, and, with the assistance of some of his clergy, managed to get some of the Bible translated, and the Gospel of St. Matthew printed. Bishop Hildesley, his successor, with the help of the whole body of Manx clergy, completed the work, and in 1775 the whole Bible was printed.[98]

The Bible was first produced in Manx by a group of Anglican clergymen on the island. The Gospel of Matthew was printed in 1748. The Gospel and Conaant Noa nyn Jiarn as Saualtagh Yeesey Creest were produced in 1763 and 1767, respectively, by the Society for the Propagation of Christian Knowledge (SPCK). In 1772 the Old Testament was printed, together with the Wisdom of Solomon and Ecclesiasticus (Sirach) from the Apocrypha.

Yn Vible Casherick "The Holy Bible" of the Old and New Testaments was published as one book by the SPCK in 1775, effectively fixing the modern orthography of Manx, which has changed little since. Jenner claims that some bowdlerisation had occurred in the translation, e.g. the occupation of Rahab the prostitute is rendered as ben-oast[citation needed] "a hostess, female inn-keeper."[98] The bicentenary was celebrated in 1975 and included a set of stamps from the Isle of Man Post Office.

There was a translation of the Psalmyn Ghavid ("Psalms of David") in metre in Manx by the Rev John Clague, vicar of Rushen, which was printed with the Book of Common Prayer of 1768. Bishop Hildesley required that these Metrical Psalms were to be sung in churches. These were reprinted by Yn Çheshaght Ghailckagh in 1905.

The British and Foreign Bible Society (BFBS) published the Conaant Noa "New Testament" in 1810 and reprinted it in 1824. Yn Vible Casherick "The Holy Bible" of the Old Testament and New Testament (without the two books of the Apocrypha) was first printed as a whole in 1819. BFBS last printed anything on paper in Manx in 1936 when it reprinted Noo Ean "the Gospel of St John"; this was reprinted by Yn Çheshaght Ghailckagh in 1968. The Manx Bible was republished by Shearwater Press in July 1979 as Bible Chasherick yn Lught Thie (Manx Family Bible), which was a reproduction of the BFBS 1819 Bible.

Since 2014 the BFBS 1936 Manx Gospel of John has been available online on YouVersion and Bibles.org.

Church

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Manx has not been used in Mass since the late 19th century,[98] though Yn Çheshaght Ghailckagh holds an annual Christmas service on the island.[99]

St. Mary of the Isle Cathedral, Douglas, Isle of Man.

In a move towards the Catholic Church in the Isle of Man having a Bishop of its own, in September 2023 St. Mary of the Isle Church in Douglas was granted Co-Cathedral status by Pope Francis. During the Mass of dedication by Malcolm McMahon, the Archbishop of Liverpool, the Lord's Prayer was recited in Manx and the Manx National Anthem was also performed.[100][101][102]

See also

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Notes

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References

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Bibliography

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Manx (Gaelg or Yn Ghailck), a Goidelic Celtic language of the Indo-European family indigenous to the Isle of Man, developed from early medieval Irish brought by settlers and monks, diverging into a distinct form by the late Middle Ages. Closely related to Irish and Scottish Gaelic with partial mutual intelligibility, it served as the community's vernacular until English dominance accelerated its decline from the 18th century onward, reducing fluent native speakers to fewer than 200 by the 1960s. The death of Ned Maddrell, the last native speaker, in 1974 marked its shift to dormancy, though systematic revival since the 1970s—via immersion schooling, broadcasting, and cultural advocacy—has cultivated over 1,000 second-language users by the 2010s, positioning Manx as a rare success in resurrecting a near-extinct tongue without surviving native transmission. This resurgence emphasizes heritage preservation amid English monolingualism, with applications in signage, media, and primary education, yet institutional transmission challenges persist due to limited fluent instructors.

Names and Terminology

Endonyms and Autonyms

The endonym for the Manx language, as used by its speakers, is Gaelg (also spelled Gailck), pronounced approximately as [ɡilk] or [ɡilɡ]. This term derives from the broader Celtic designation for Goidelic languages, cognate with Irish Gaeilge and Scottish Gaelic Gàidhlig, reflecting its shared origins in the Gaelic linguistic continuum. With the definite article, it appears as Y Ghaelg or Y Ghailck, pronounced [əˈɣɪlk] or [əˈɣɪlɡ]. Autonyms for the language within Manx-speaking communities emphasize its insular identity, often rendered as Gaelg Vannin ("Manx Gaelic," with Vannin referring to the Isle of Man, known endonymically as Ellan Vannin). Historical texts and modern revival efforts consistently employ Gaelg as the primary self-designation, underscoring its distinction from continental or other insular Gaelic varieties despite challenges. This nomenclature has persisted through periods of decline and revival, appearing in native from the onward, such as in the works of poets like Thomas Edward Brown who documented oral traditions.

Exonyms and English Designations

In English, the Manx language is designated simply as Manx, a term derived from the English name for the (itself from Mannín), reflecting its geographic association with the island. This designation emerged prominently in the 18th and 19th centuries as English supplanted Manx in official and literary use, distinguishing it from the dominant on the island. To clarify its Celtic affiliation amid potential confusion with dialects or nomenclature, it is often specified as Manx Gaelic, underscoring its Goidelic origins akin to Irish and . An archaic variant, Manks, appeared in some 18th- and 19th-century English texts, mirroring older spellings of "Manx" before orthographic . Exonyms in continental European languages typically adapt the English form, such as manx in French linguistic contexts or Manx-Sprache in German, though these remain closely tied to the island's rather than independent derivations. In related , designations like Gaelg Mhanannais in Irish emphasize the "Manx Gaelic" sense, paralleling native self-references but adapted to external nomenclature.

Linguistic Classification

Place within Goidelic Branch

The Manx language occupies a position within the Goidelic subgroup of the , alongside Irish and , all descending from a Common Goidelic or stage attested from approximately the 4th to 7th centuries AD through inscriptions and early glosses. This branch is characterized by retention of the Indo-European *kw sound as /k/ (Q-Celtic), distinguishing it from the P-Celtic Brythonic languages where it became /p/. Manx specifically evolved as a descendant of (c. 600–900 AD) and early , diverging alongside during the latter period around the 10th–12th centuries due to geographic separation and migration patterns from to the Isle of Man and western . While sharing core grammatical features with its sister languages—such as initial consonant mutation (lenition and nasalization), periphrastic verb constructions, and VSO word order—Manx exhibits phonological innovations that set it apart, including the merger of certain vowel qualities and a tendency toward pre-occlusion in stops, traits partially paralleled in Scottish Gaelic but less so in Irish. For instance, Manx preserves distinctions in slender/broad consonant contrasts but shows unique developments in diphthongization and the loss of final syllables, influenced by substrate effects from pre-Celtic languages and later Norse contact during Viking settlements from the 9th century onward. Lexically, Manx retains about 70–80% cognates with Irish and Scottish Gaelic in basic vocabulary, though with divergences in terms for maritime and pastoral activities reflecting insular adaptations. Mutual intelligibility among the is asymmetric and limited; native Manx speakers historically understood Irish better than vice versa due to conservative retentions in Manx morphology, but modern revived forms show reduced comprehension without exposure, estimated at 20–40% for written texts between Manx and . Scholarly consensus places Manx as a primary offshoot rather than a of Irish, with independent standardization efforts from the onward, though its prosodic structure—featuring stress-timed rhythm and reduced —aligns it prosodically closer to than to the syllable-timed Irish. This classification underscores Manx's role as a distinct insular variety, shaped by isolation rather than direct continuum with continental Celtic forms.

Dialectal Variations

The Manx language historically comprised two primary dialects: Northern Manx and Southern Manx. Northern Manx was spoken in the northern parishes, including those around Ramsey and Peel, while Southern Manx predominated in the southern regions, such as around Castletown. These dialectal boundaries were not sharply defined, reflecting the Isle of Man's compact geography, which spans approximately 572 square kilometers. Dialectal differences manifested mainly in , with variations in vowel realizations and consonant mutations. For example, the Northern dialect exhibited distinct treatments of certain diphthongs and the reflex of *ceann ("head") as *kione, diverging from more conservative Southern forms. Vocabulary and syntax showed minor regional preferences, but comprehensive documentation remains sparse, as systematic surveys occurred late, amid the language's decline by the early . The centrally located capital, Douglas, developed a hybrid variety incorporating elements from both dialects, facilitating inter-parish communication. In contemporary revival efforts since the 1970s, the Southern dialect has influenced , drawing from recordings of the last fluent native speakers, such as those from southern parishes preserved in archives dating to the 1940s–1970s. This choice aligns with the speech of key figures like (1921–1974), whose southern informed orthographic and phonetic norms. Northern features persist in some lexical items and place names but are less prominent in modern pedagogy.

Relations to Irish and Scottish Gaelic

Manx, Irish, and constitute the Goidelic (or Q-Celtic) subgroup of the , sharing descent from , a form of early medieval Irish spoken from around the 4th century AD. Scottish Gaelic arose from Irish carried to western by settlers circa 400 AD, while Manx developed from Irish varieties introduced to the Isle of Man during the 5th–7th centuries AD amid early Christian and secular migrations, fostering independent trajectories shaped by insular isolation. These languages exhibit substantial grammatical parallels rooted in their common ancestor, including verb–subject–object (VSO) constituent order, initial mutations (, , and aspiration), synthetic verb forms with person and tense inflections, and periphrastic constructions for aspect and mood using auxiliary verbs like "be" and "have." Phonological features such as palatalization (distinguishing "broad" and "slender" articulations) and historical vowel reductions are also shared, though Manx shows prosodic innovations like forward stress patterns (colon-driven) in alignment with certain Irish dialects (e.g., and East Mayo) and epenthetic vowels in falling-sonority clusters akin to those in Irish and . Divergences arose primarily from substrate influences and contact: Manx acquired pre-aspiration of voiceless stops (e.g., /pʰ, tʰ, kʰ/), a trait intensified in some dialects but less systematic in Irish, alongside monophthongizations and a flatter intonation profile influenced by Norse (9th–13th centuries) and English substrates. Lexically, while core Goidelic roots persist (e.g., Manx thie, Irish , taigh for "house"), Manx incorporates higher proportions of Norse loans (e.g., in maritime and legal terms) and English calques, reflecting Viking rule and post-1700 anglicization, exceeding those in Irish or , which retained more conservative vocabularies. Orthographic systems further distinguish Manx, which from the 17th century under Bishop Phillips employed a phonemic, English-aligned script prioritizing pronunciation over etymology—deemed an "English monstrosity" by some Celticists like Kenneth Jackson—unlike the conservative, morphology-preserving conventions of Irish (e.g., silent letters indicating mutations) and Scottish Gaelic. This, combined with phonological drift, reduces mutual intelligibility: written Manx is partially comprehensible to Irish or Scottish Gaelic readers via shared roots, but spoken forms, especially traditional Manx with its aspirates and vowel shifts, pose greater challenges, often requiring adaptation for cross-comprehension.

Historical Development

Origins and Medieval Period

The Manx language descends from Primitive Irish, evolving through Old Irish into a distinct Goidelic Celtic tongue spoken on the Isle of Man. It arrived with Irish settlers, likely monks and merchants, during the spread of Christianity in the 4th and 5th centuries AD, supplanting any prior Brittonic languages. Earliest evidence includes Ogham inscriptions on stones, some dating to the 5th century, featuring Irish personal names and indicating Gaelic cultural dominance by that era. During the medieval period, encompassing Norse rule from the 9th to 13th centuries, Manx Gaelic persisted as the vernacular despite Viking political control and Scandinavian place-name influences, such as those derived from Old Norse terms for geographical features. The language incorporated limited Norse vocabulary, primarily in maritime and administrative domains, but retained its core Goidelic structure, diverging gradually from Middle Irish through phonological shifts like lenition patterns and vowel changes unique to insular varieties. Bilingual inscriptions, combining Ogham with runes, reflect cultural layering but affirm Gaelic continuity among the populace. Manx remained largely unwritten in the medieval era, with no surviving native manuscripts; records like the 13th-14th century Chronicle of Mann appear in Latin, attesting to Gaelic oral traditions in law, folklore, and religion rather than literacy. By the late Middle Ages, around the 10th to 15th centuries, Manx exhibited emerging distinctiveness from Irish and Scottish Gaelic, influenced by isolation and substrate effects, though shared Goidelic innovations persisted. Place-name evidence, overwhelmingly Gaelic, underscores its role as the community's primary idiom amid feudal and ecclesiastical structures.

Decline from 17th to Early 20th Century

The decline of the Manx language commenced in the amid growing English administrative control over the Isle of Man, where English supplanted Manx in official records, legal proceedings, and ecclesiastical affairs following the island's integration into English governance structures. This shift was exacerbated by cultural policies under the Earls of Derby, who governed the island and associated Manx with resistance to centralized authority, thereby stigmatizing it as a marker of lower while elevating English proficiency for advancement. , introduced through church schools, further eroded Manx transmission, as the Anglican Church prioritized English liturgy and instruction over Manx, reducing bilingualism among younger generations. By the , economic ties with and intensified , with Manx speakers adopting English for , , and migration opportunities, leading to widespread and passive bilingualism. The Anglican Church's withdrawal of support for Manx teaching left only five schools using the language by , confining Manx to rural, monoglot households while urban centers like Douglas became English-dominant. changes, including influxes of English-speaking settlers and out-migration of Manx speakers, diluted the language's demographic base, with English viewed instrumentally for rather than through coercive bans. The marked accelerated attrition, driven by industrialization, a recession, and the rise of mass tourism, which linked Manx to and illiteracy in the eyes of both locals and visitors. framed Manx as the tongue of the impoverished and uneducated, prompting parents to prioritize English for children's prospects, resulting in near-total intergenerational rupture by century's end. records indicate that while approximately 25% of the reported Manx-speaking ability in , this proportion plummeted as English consolidated in all domains. By , native or proficient speakers comprised only 4.6% to 9% of residents, confined largely to elderly rural individuals in parishes like Braddan and Patrick. The decline reflected pragmatic adaptation to English's socioeconomic advantages over active suppression, though neglect by island elites hastened the erosion of community-wide use.

Extinction of Native Transmission

Native transmission of the Manx language effectively ceased in the early , as English supplanted it in domestic and educational settings across the Isle of Man. By this period, younger generations in even the most linguistically conservative rural areas, such as the fishing hamlet of Cregneish, were no longer acquiring Manx as their primary language from parents, driven by economic incentives favoring English proficiency for trade, migration, and schooling. The shift reflected broader dynamics, where bilingualism tilted toward English dominance, interrupting intergenerational continuity. The final cohort of native speakers comprised individuals born primarily between the 1860s and 1880s, who learned Manx in homes where it remained the vernacular. Notable among them was (1877–1974), a from Cregneish whose fluency derived from familial immersion rather than formal instruction; he did not transmit the to his own children, emblematic of the broken chain. Other late natives, including Harry Kelly and John Clague, similarly represented a moribund tradition confined to elderly monoglots or semi-speakers by , with no documented cases of children under 15 claiming Manx as a in subsequent decades. Efforts to document the fading idiom intensified in the mid-20th century, with linguistic surveys and recordings capturing idiolects from the remaining octogenarians and nonagenarians. The Irish Folklore Commission dispatched equipment in 1947–1948 to preserve oral lore from speakers like Maddrell, underscoring the urgency as native competence waned. By 1974, Maddrell's death at age 97 extinguished the last link to unbroken native acquisition, rendering Manx devoid of first-language acquirers and prompting its classification as extinct by in 2009 due to the absence of community-endorsed primary transmission. This endpoint aligned with sociolinguistic criteria emphasizing halted domestic reproduction over mere speaker mortality.

Revival Initiatives

The revival of the Manx language, a Goidelic Celtic tongue native to the Isle of Man, gained organized momentum in the late amid declining native usage. Yn Cheshaght Ghailckagh, the Manx Language Society, was established in to promote the language through education, publications, and cultural activities, marking the initial institutional effort to counteract its erosion. Early 20th-century initiatives focused on collecting oral traditions and producing Manx literature, though these yielded limited success in halting the shift to English, with only 4.6% of the proficient by 1901.

Pioneers and Early 20th-Century Efforts

Key figures in the pre-1950s revival included collectors and educators who documented surviving speakers, preserving and idioms before native transmission ceased. The society's work emphasized institutionalizing Manx in schools, but widespread adoption was impeded by English dominance in administration and daily life. By the mid-20th century, efforts shifted toward recording the last fluent native speakers, such as (1877–1974), whose interviews provided phonetic and grammatical data essential for reconstruction.

Post-1970s Momentum and Key Milestones

Renewed impetus emerged in the 1960s and 1970s through dedicated learners like Brian Stowell, who began studying Manx in 1953 and became a central figure in fluency development and teaching. Following Maddrell's death in 1974, which ended native intergenerational transmission, initiatives accelerated with the establishment of the Manx Heritage Foundation in 1982 to support cultural preservation, including language programs. A pivotal milestone occurred in 1992 with the introduction of Manx-language teaching in primary schools, expanding access to immersion. The opening of Bunscoill Ghaelgagh, the first fully Manx-medium primary school, in 2001 institutionalized early education, fostering native-like proficiency among children.

Contemporary Strategies (2000–2025)

From 2000 onward, strategies emphasized media, community networks, and policy integration, with Manx Radio providing regular broadcasts and signage increasing public visibility. The 2017 Manx Language Strategy outlined a five-year revitalization plan, followed by the 2022–2032 framework aiming to expand speakers from approximately 2,500 to 5,000 by building lifelong learning communities, digital resources, and economic incentives. Efforts include annual festivals, , and parental support for home use, reflecting a hybrid approach blending historical reconstruction with modern adaptation to achieve functional usage. Despite UNESCO's 2009 classification as extinct for native purposes, these initiatives have sustained L2 speakers numbering around 1,800 with conversational ability by 2015, prioritizing empirical transmission over ideological revival models.

Pioneers and Early 20th-Century Efforts

The revival of the Manx language gained initial institutional momentum with the founding of Yn Cheshaght Ghailckagh, the Manx Language Society, on 22 March 1899 in Douglas, emerging from local enthusiasm rather than external influence, with its nucleus in the Peel Manx Language Association. The society aimed to preserve and promote Manx through documentation, publication, and , reflecting concern over the language's rapid decline, as only 4.6% of the Isle of Man's population reported proficiency by the 1901 . Arthur William Moore (1853–1909), a Manx scholar and politician, served as the society's first president and played a pivotal role in its establishment, having learned Manx in his youth and becoming distressed by its erosion amid English dominance. Moore contributed to preservation by editing and publishing Carvalyn Gaikkaagh (Manx Carols, 1891) and Manx Ballads and Music (1896), which collected oral traditions, and by serving as official translator for Manx government documents, thereby standardizing written forms. These efforts prioritized archival recovery over widespread spoken use, aligning with a scholarly focus on salvaging extant materials like 18th- and 19th-century texts. John Joseph Kneen (1873–1938), a Douglas-born linguist and confectioner by trade, advanced early revival through grammatical standardization and , authoring key works such as The Manx Dictionary (1938) and studies on Manx phonology and syntax that drew from remaining native informants. Kneen's involvement bridged the society's academic wing, which emphasized textual preservation, and nascent attempts at teaching, though these faced challenges from intergenerational transmission loss, with native fluency confined to elderly rural speakers by the . His recognition, including a knighthood, underscored the era's reliance on individual scholars to counteract demographic shifts, yet proficiency continued to wane, reaching near-extinction of native acquisition by mid-century.

Post-1970s Momentum and Key Milestones

Following the death of the last native speaker, , in 1974, revival efforts gained momentum through dedicated adult classes and cultural initiatives led by figures like Brian Stowell, who recorded native speakers, developed teaching materials, and translated Irish courses into Manx to train new fluent speakers. By the 1980s and 1990s, evening classes expanded, with self-taught enthusiasts achieving fluency and contributing to radio broadcasts on Manx Radio, which increased language exposure. A pivotal shift occurred in the late 1990s with the establishment of Mooinjer Veggey playgroups for preschool children, spearheaded by advocates including Phil Gawne, laying groundwork for early immersion. This culminated in 2001 with the opening of Bunscoill Ghaelgagh, the world's only fully Manx-medium , starting with nine pupils and growing to educate around 170 children to fluency by 2020. The school acquired dedicated premises in 2003, enhancing immersion programs that produced the first generation of revivalist children proficient enough for native-like transmission. Government support intensified in the , with a 1996 study trip to agencies informing development policies, leading to increased funding for and media. Speaker numbers rose from 643 in 1991 to 1,823 in 2011, reflecting broader usage in community and . In 2020, Bunscoill Ghaelgagh transitioned to direct operation, signaling institutional commitment, while a 2022 strategy targeted 5,000 speakers by 2032 through expanded immersion and resources. These efforts have yielded children acquiring Manx as a primary language from revivalist parents, marking a break from reliance on L2 learners.

Contemporary Strategies (2000–2025)

The establishment of Bunscoill Ghaelgagh in 2001 marked a pivotal strategy in Manx immersion education, providing primary schooling conducted entirely in Manx at a dedicated facility in St John's. This government-supported school has enrolled over 170 children, fostering fluency through full curricular delivery in the language and contributing to the emergence of a new generation of proficient speakers. In 2022, the Isle of Man Government launched the Manx Language Strategy 2022-2032, targeting an increase in speakers from approximately 2,000 to 5,000 by 2032 through enhanced resources, teacher training, and expanded access. The plan emphasizes "Manx for all," integrating the language into , economic contributions, and community networks, building on existing programs where nearly 2,000 children receive Manx instruction. Culture Vannin has supported contemporary efforts via targeted funding, including a £26,000 fund in 2025 for projects ahead of the 2026 Year of the Manx Language, and the Treisht scheme offering 30 grants of £500 each to stimulate creative language use. These initiatives promote translations, classes, and community events, aiming to broaden engagement beyond education. Additional strategies include Manx integration in secondary education via Key Stage 3 services and advocacy for speaking communities, though fluent adult speakers remain predominantly second-language acquirers from revival programs. Progress is tracked through census data and enrollment figures, with ongoing emphasis on digital tools and media to sustain momentum.

Sociolinguistic Status

Speaker Demographics and Proficiency Levels

According to the 2021 Census, 2,223 individuals reported some proficiency in Manx, encompassing abilities to speak, read, or write the language. Of these, 1,005 indicated they could speak Manx, while 702 reported the ability to both speak and read it, and 35 could speak and write it. These figures reflect self-reported skills without standardized fluency assessments, and the total represents approximately 2.7% of the island's at the time. All contemporary Manx speakers are classified as "new speakers," having acquired the language through revival efforts rather than native transmission, as the last traditional native speaker, , died in 1974. Proficiency levels vary widely, with most possessing second-language conversational competence rather than full ; academic analyses describe the community as comprising learners who primarily use Manx in structured or cultural contexts, often alongside English. Fewer than 100 children receive exclusively in Manx, indicating limited high-proficiency immersion among youth, though immersion programs contribute to emerging semi-native capabilities in younger cohorts. Demographically, speakers are distributed unevenly across the Isle of Man, with higher concentrations in rural parishes (289 speakers) and urban centers like Douglas (294 speakers) and Peel (87 speakers). The revival has attracted predominantly adult learners motivated by cultural identity, though recent initiatives, including a 2022-2032 strategy targeting 5,000 speakers by 2032, aim to expand participation across age groups. No significant off-island speaker base exists, as usage remains tied to the Isle of Man community.

Official Recognition and Policy

Manx Gaelic is recognized by the Isle of Man Government as the island's and a vital component of its cultural identity, with visibility promoted through bilingual street signs, place names, and public office signage. It holds official status alongside English, including use in the , the island's legislative body. This recognition positions Manx as a integral to heritage preservation efforts, though English remains the primary language of government administration and legal proceedings. Government policy emphasizes revitalization and expansion of Manx usage, as outlined in the Manx Language Strategy 2022–2032, a joint initiative by the Department of , Sport & Culture, Culture Vannin, Manx National Heritage, and Mooinjer Veggey. Launched on , 2022, the strategy targets increasing the number of proficient speakers and learners to 5,000 by 2032—more than doubling the estimated 2022 figure—through enhanced educational resources, teacher training, community networks, and digital tools. It builds on prior efforts, such as the 2017–2022 plan, and highlights Manx's role in fostering economic contributions via tourism and cultural exports while addressing implementation challenges like resource limitations. Support mechanisms include funding for a dedicated Manx Language Development Officer under Culture Vannin, who produces learning materials and coordinates adult classes available island-wide. Policy also mandates Manx-medium options, such as the immersion Bunscoill Ghaelgagh, and integrates the language into training to encourage its practical application in services. These measures reflect a commitment to status planning, with nearly 2,000 children receiving Manx instruction in schools as of 2022, though full institutionalization in non-educational domains remains limited.

Usage Domains: Education, Media, and Community

![BunscoillSignageOct2017.jpg][float-right] Manx is integrated into the Isle of Man's education system, with instruction provided as a second language across primary and secondary schools from Key Stage 2 through Key Stage 5, alongside preschool programs introducing the language to younger children. Bunscoill Ghaelgagh serves as the dedicated Manx-medium primary school, where approximately 53 pupils received full immersion education in 2022. Overall, nearly 2,000 children were enrolled in Manx language classes in schools as of 2022, reflecting sustained revival efforts under the government's Manx Language Strategy 2022-2032, which emphasizes education and awareness. In media, Manx Radio (Radio Vannin) broadcasts programs in the language, including news bulletins, cultural content, and dedicated Gaelic hubs, supporting daily exposure for listeners. Initiatives like Gaelic Broadcasting produce materials highlighting Manx relevance to contemporary island life, often backed by Culture Vannin. While no independent Manx television channel exists, with reliance on services, digital platforms such as Manx.News deliver audio, video, and written content in Manx to complement radio efforts. Community usage centers on cultural events and networks fostering conversational practice, exemplified by the annual Cooish Manx Language Festival, which in November 2025 featured 25 events including guided tours, workshops, and free sessions across the island. The forthcoming Year of the Manx Language in 2026, organized by Jeebin and community partners, aims to expand participation through island-wide celebrations, classes, and awareness activities for speakers and learners alike. Groups like Mooinjer Veggey promote family-oriented events, such as annual meetings and language expansion drives, contributing to organic use beyond formal settings.

UNESCO Assessment and Classification Disputes

In February 2009, UNESCO published an updated Atlas of the World's Languages in Danger, classifying Manx (also known as Manx Gaelic) as extinct on the basis that no speakers remained who had acquired the language as a through intergenerational transmission in the home, following the death of the last such fluent native speaker, , on 27 December 1974. This determination aligned with 's criteria for extinction, which prioritize the cessation of native speaker reproduction over the presence of second-language (L2) learners or revival initiatives. The classification prompted immediate backlash from Manx language proponents, including the Isle of Man government and cultural advocates, who contended that it overlooked the growing number of proficient L2 speakers—estimated at over 100 by 2009—and active revival programs, such as those in and media, which had produced functional users since the . Critics, including Manx language officer Ruth Kewley-Draskau, argued that UNESCO's rigid focus on native transmission undervalued revived languages, effectively dismissing community-driven efforts to restore usage domains like schooling and . Schoolchildren from Bunscoill Ghaelgagh, the island's Manx-medium , contributed to the protest by writing letters to asserting their own proficiency in the language, challenging the notion of . By August 2009, following representations from Manx officials like Culture Minister Phil Gawne—a fluent L2 speaker—UNESCO revised the status to "critically endangered," acknowledging the partial restoration of speaker communities through deliberate revitalization, though intergenerational transmission remained absent. This adjustment reflected pressure from stakeholders but underscored ongoing debates in about whether revived varieties constitute genuine vitality or merely constructed approximations, with some scholars maintaining that Manx lacks the organic native base to escape moribund status despite policy support. As of 2023, UNESCO's framework continues to list Manx as critically endangered, with speaker numbers around 1,800 L2 users but no verified native acquirers.

Phonological System

Consonant Inventory and Mutations

The consonant phonemes of late spoken Manx, as recorded from native speakers in the mid-20th century, comprise stops (/p b t d k ɡ/), fricatives (/f v s ʃ x h/), nasals (/m n ŋ/), a lateral approximant (/l/), a rhotic (/r/), and glides (/w j/), with additional realizations including preaspirated voiceless stops (/ʰp ʰt ʰk/) and variable voicing contrasts influenced by dialectal and historical factors. Unlike Irish and Scottish Gaelic, Manx shows partial loss of contrastive palatalization on labials, though slender (palatalized) variants remain phonemic for coronals (/tʲ dʲ lʲ nʲ/) and dorsals (/kʲ ɡʲ/), often realized as [t͡ʃ d͡ʒ ç ʝ] in slender contexts; broad consonants are velarized or neutral. The total inventory numbers around 19–24 phonemes depending on whether preaspiration and slender-broad pairs are treated as distinct, reflecting innovations like the merger of dental and alveolar stops in terminal varieties. Initial consonant mutations are a hallmark of Manx grammar, serving morphological and syntactic functions such as indicating possession, definiteness, or number; these include (soft mutation) and eclipsis (nasal mutation), with no third nasal mutation as in Irish. Lenition affects nine radical consonants (/p b t d k ɡ f m s/), converting stops to fricatives or approximants (e.g., /p/ → /f/, /b/ → /v/, /t/ → /h/ or /θ/, /k/ → /x/, /ɡ/ → /ɣ/ or /j/), and is triggered by feminine possessives, certain adjectives, or after the definite article in specific cases; clusters like /st/ lenite to /ht/ or /t/. Eclipsis, involving nasal or voiced replacement, applies to seven of these (excluding /f m s/), such as /p/ → /b/, /t/ → /d/, /k/ → /ɡ/, often after prepositions like a ("of") or in plural nouns; vowels may prefix /ŋ/ under eclipsis.
Radical (orthographic/phonemic approx.)Eclipsis/Nasalisation
p /p/ph /f/b /b/
b /b/v /v/m /m/
t /t/h /h/ or th /θ/d /d/
d /d/gh /ɣ/n /n/
k, c /k/ch /x/g /ɡ/
g /ɡ/gh /ɣ/ or y /j/ng /ŋ/
f /f/(deleted or v /v/)v /v/
m /m/v /v/(none)
s /s/h /h/(none)
This table summarizes mutations in standardized orthography and approximate IPA realizations, based on late Manx data; slender variants may alter outcomes (e.g., slender /gʲ/ → /j/). Mutations are less regular in Manx than in Irish due to phonological reductions in terminal speech, such as loss of aspiration contrasts affecting triggers.

Vowel System and Diphthongs

The monophthong inventory of Manx comprises five basic vowel qualities—/i/, /e/, /a/, /o/, /u/—each contrasting in length (short versus long), with an additional central schwa /ə/ occurring primarily in unstressed positions. This system reflects the phonology of late spoken Manx, as documented in recordings of terminal speakers from the early 20th century. More granular analyses reveal potential distinctions such as /ɛ/ (short) and /ɛː/ (long) in certain contexts, alongside rarer central vowels like /ɨː/ arising from historical monophthongization, though these may merge or vary dialectally between northern and southern varieties. Vowel length is phonemic and often compensatory, triggered by historical loss of consonants or prosodic factors, with long vowels typically realized as tense and peripheral. The following table summarizes the monophthong inventory based on late Manx data:
HeightFront unroundedCentralBack unrounded
Closei, iːu, uː
Close-mide, eːəo, oː
Open-mid
Opena, aː
Note: /ɛ, ɛː/ may occur as variants of /e, eː/ before certain consonants, particularly in southern dialects. Manx features an extensive inventory, including centering (/iə̯/, /uə̯/, /ɨə̯/) and others formed by offglides to /i̯/ or /u̯/ (e.g., /ai̯/, /au̯/, /əi̯/, /əu̯/, /ei̯/, /ou̯/). These arose diachronically from vocalization of fricatives, shifts in Middle Gaelic, or combinations like historical ua(i) > /uə̯/ or /iə̯/. In late spoken Manx, many monophthongized, such as /iə̯/ > /iː/ (e.g., geayl 'lock' [ɡiəl] > [ɡiːl]) and /uə̯/ > /uː/, particularly in terminal speakers influenced by language and English contact. Northern dialects preserved more diphthongal distinctions, while southern forms showed greater reduction; revived Manx and teaching often standardize based on these late variants, though pronunciation varies among L2 speakers. historically affected before nasals (e.g., /a/ > [ã]), but this weakened in modern usage.

Prosodic Features Including Stress

In Manx, lexical stress primarily falls on the first of a word, reflecting the default pattern inherited from earlier stages of , though this can be overridden by considerations. Heavy syllables containing long s (CVV structure) in non-initial positions, particularly the second , attract stress forward, aligning with the Weight-to-Stress Principle observed in related dialects such as . This results in trochaic rhythm in many native words, but with exceptions where a rightward shift produces iambic patterns, as in kəˈrɛːn '' (from kəraːn) or boːkˈiːn 'brownie'. Unstressed long s undergo shortening, a process consistent across Goidelic varieties, further emphasizing weight sensitivity (e.g., bɛˈgən 'a little' from earlier forms with a long second ). Prosodic structure in Manx incorporates a binary colon constituent at the word's left edge, which accounts for the forward stress attraction without requiring extrametricality, distinguishing it from purely initial-stress systems in other . Loanwords, particularly from Anglo-Norman, initially retained non-initial stress (e.g., boˈdɛːl ''), influencing later native patterns and contributing to variability in revived speech. Syllabification supports this by favoring close contact between stressed short vowels and following consonants, sometimes leading to ambisyllabicity, while and vowel contraction (e.g., dəˈruːd 'forgetting' from dərwəd) maintain rhythmic balance. Additional prosodic phenomena tied to stress include preocclusion, where nasals or laterals following a stressed acquire a homorganic stop (e.g., kəbm 'crooked' with /b/ before /m/), enhancing perceptual clarity in the prosodic word. Intonation patterns remain underdocumented in historical sources, but revived Manx exhibits rising-falling contours on focused elements similar to Irish, with deaccentuation of non-prominent syllables to preserve trochaic footing. These features underscore Manx's evolution from an initial-stress system in Proto-Insular Celtic toward greater weight sensitivity, paralleling shifts in Scots Gaelic and certain Irish dialects while diverging in and aspiration behaviors.

Grammatical Structure

Basic Syntax and Word Order

Manx, as a Goidelic Celtic language, employs a verb-subject-object (VSO) in declarative main clauses, with the positioned initially, followed by the subject and direct object. This structure aligns with the verb-initial syntax of its sister languages Irish and , arising from historical verb movement in Insular Celtic constructions. The language's analytic character is evident in periphrastic verb forms, where particles or auxiliaries precede the verbal noun, yet the core VSO sequence persists in tensed clauses using forms like the present copula ta (is/are). Interrogative sentences generally retain VSO order for yes/no questions, differentiated by rising intonation or optional particles, while content questions front the wh-element (e.g., interrogative pronouns like cre "what" or coayr "where") before the . Imperatives place the first, often with subject omission, and may incorporate emphatic particles for commands. employs preverbal particles such as cha(n) for present indicative or naghee in other contexts, which attach to or precede the without disrupting the subsequent subject-object alignment. Subordinate clauses exhibit greater flexibility, frequently adopting subject-verb-object (SVO) order, especially in relative constructions introduced by particles like syn or my. Adverbials and prepositional phrases typically follow the object but can precede the verb for topicalization or emphasis, reflecting pragmatic influences on constituent positioning. This variation underscores Manx's reliance on context and focus rather than rigid linear constraints for encoding relations.

Nominal Morphology

Manx nouns exhibit a binary grammatical system consisting of masculine and feminine categories, with the masculine serving as the default or unmarked . distinctions for animate nouns frequently correspond to or biological sex, whereas inanimate nouns are assigned arbitrarily, often based on phonological structure or loose semantic associations. This system is reflected primarily through concord in initial consonant mutations within noun phrases, such as triggered by feminine in certain contexts, and through pronominal agreement; however, marking has shown erosion in late native speech, particularly among 20th-century terminal speakers who increasingly defaulted inanimates to masculine treatment. Nouns inflect for number, distinguishing singular from forms through a variety of morphological processes, including suffixation and internal modification, as extensively cataloged in 19th-century lexical works like Archibald Cregeen's A Dictionary of the Manks Language (), which provides the most comprehensive early documentation of plural patterns. Common plural suffixes include -yn (e.g., carrey "friend" to caarjyn "friends"), -ee for certain collectives or mass nouns, and -jyn in or specific classes, alongside irregular formations involving alternation or suppletion in high-frequency items; these patterns persist in standardized modern Manx but vary regionally in historical dialects. Manx lacks synthetic case inflections comparable to Indo-European paradigms like Latin, relying instead on prepositional phrases for oblique functions such as dative or accusative; however, a exists for expressing possession or attribution, with a minority of nouns—predominantly common feminine ones—showing distinct genitive forms, often via suffixation in -ey (e.g., nominative blein "year" yields genitive bleeaney "of a year"). For the majority of nouns without specialized genitive morphology, possession is conveyed analytically by juxtaposing the possessed noun after the possessor in or using the preposition ec ("of, belonging to") followed by the possessor, as in y chiang ec y dooinney "the of the man." This genitive usage draws from earlier Goidelic stages but has simplified over time, with inflected forms documented in classical Manx texts from the . The definite article yn (singular, before vowels y) and ny (plural) precedes nouns and induces initial consonant mutations, serving as a key morphological signal of and ; notably, singular feminine nouns undergo after yn, as in cadair "chair" (feminine) becoming y chair "the chair," while masculine nouns may nasalize or remain unchanged depending on the stem. Manx nominal comprise (e.g., /p/ > /f/, /t/ > /h/) and nasalisation (e.g., /p/ > /mp/, /t/ > /nt/), triggered not only by the article but also by possessive adjectives and certain syntactic environments, functioning to mark without altering the noun stem itself; these represent a hallmark of Goidelic morphology, retained more robustly in earlier varieties than in revivalist speech.

Verbal Morphology and Tense-Aspect

Manx verbs are derived from a verbal noun serving as the infinitive and base for periphrastic constructions, with finite forms exhibiting both synthetic inflection (direct suffixation for person, number, tense, and mood) and analytic structures involving auxiliaries like ta ('to be present') or va ('to be past'). Synthetic forms mark categories such as indicative mood, tense, person (first, second, third), and number (singular, plural), though defectivity affects over 57% of verbs, where certain principal parts are absent or irregular. Irregular verbs, numbering around 10 major ones (e.g., jannoo 'to do', çheet 'to come', ve 'to be'), feature suppletive stems and independent/dependent distinctions, with independent forms used in affirmative main clauses and dependent forms after particles like negatives or questions. Person-number endings include -ym (1st singular), -ys (2nd singular), and variable 3rd singular forms (often null or -s), with plural extensions like -jyn. Initial consonant mutations (lenition, nasalization) frequently apply to verb initials in syntactic contexts, such as after auxiliaries. Tense and aspect in Manx are expressed through a mix of synthetic preterites and periphrastic patterns, with the latter dominating in late spoken and revived varieties due to L2 acquisition influences favoring analytic structures over synthetic ones. The present indicative typically uses the progressive aspect via ta + (e.g., ta mee jannoo 'I am doing'), conveying ongoing action, while is rarer and often synthetic in archaic texts. employs either synthetic preterites (e.g., -ish or suppletive like ren in ren mee 'I did') for perfective/completed actions or periphrastic va + for imperfective/habitual (e.g., va mee jannoo 'I was doing'). combines synthetic forms (e.g., -ym as in neeym 'I will do') with periphrastic bee + (e.g., bee mee jannoo 'I will be doing'), distinguishing prospective from conditional (bee...-agh, e.g., yinnin 'I would do'). Aspectual nuances, such as progressive versus perfective, rely heavily on auxiliaries rather than dedicated markers, with no distinct perfect tense; completed actions are rendered via synthetic forms or er + for recent perfect (e.g., ta mee er jannoo 'I have done'). , used for hypotheticals or wishes, draws from archaic synthetic paradigms (e.g., ā-subjunctive stems), while imperative forms are often the 2nd singular or inflected commands. The following table illustrates indicative conjugations for select tenses using the regular verb tilgey ('to throw', verbal noun) and irregular jannoo ('to do'), highlighting periphrastic in present/past and synthetic in /conditional (1st singular examples for brevity; full paradigms follow similar patterns).
Tense/AspectTilgey (Regular) Example (1st sg.)Jannoo (Irregular) Example (1st sg.)
Present Progressiveta mee tilgey ('I am throwing')ta mee jannoo ('I am doing')
Past (Imperfective)va mee tilgey ('I was throwing')va mee jannoo ('I was doing')
Past Preteritehilg mee ('I threw')ren mee ('I did')
tilgym ('I will throw')neeym ('I will do')
Conditionaltilgyn ('I would throw')yinnin ('I would do')
In revived Manx, L2 speakers exhibit increased periphrastic tense-aspect marking and reduced synthetic use compared to historical native data, reflecting input from English-influenced teaching and immersion contexts, though synthetic forms persist in formal or literary registers.

Pronominal and Prepositional Systems

The pronominal system of Manx distinguishes between independent personal pronouns, emphatic forms, and suffixed variants used with verbs and prepositions. Independent personal pronouns include mee (first person singular, 'I'), oo (second person singular, 'you'), eh (third person singular masculine or neuter, 'he/it'), ee (third person singular feminine, 'she'), shin (first person plural, 'we'), shiu (second person plural, 'you all'), and ad (third person plural, 'they'). Emphatic forms add suffixes for emphasis, such as mish ('I myself'), uss ('you yourself'), eshyn ('he/it himself'), ee-ay or eay ('she herself'), shinyn ('we ourselves'), shiuish ('you all yourselves'), and adsyn ('they themselves'). Manx exhibits a T-V distinction in second person pronouns, with oo conveying familiarity and shiu serving polite or plural functions, though formal address relies more on context than a dedicated form. Possessive pronouns function as determiners preceding nouns, including my (first person singular, 'my'), dt' or dty (second person singular, 'your'), e (third person singular masculine/neuter or feminine, 'his/its/her'), nyn (first person plural, second person plural, or third person plural, 'our/your all/their'). These may elide before vowels, as in m'aym ('my soul'). Independent possessive pronouns derive from prepositional constructions, such as les my ('mine', literally 'with me') or ec my ('mine', literally 'at me'), reflecting analytic tendencies in late Manx. Pronominal suffixes attach to verbs for direct objects or to prepositions, yielding forms like -ym (first singular), -yt (second singular), -eh (third singular masculine), -ee (third singular feminine), -in (first plural), -iu (second plural), and -ad (third plural).
Independent Personal PronounsEmphatic Forms
mee ('I')mish
oo ('you sg.')uss
eh ('he/it')eshyn
ee ('she')ee-ay
shin ('we')shinyn
shiu ('you pl.')shiuish
ad ('they')adsyn
The prepositional system features inflected prepositions that fuse with pronominal suffixes to indicate the object, a hallmark of . Common prepositions include a ('to/at'), ec ('at'), fo ('under'), les(h) ('with'), m'oi ('from'), rish ('to/toward'), and trooid ('through'). Inflectional paradigms vary slightly by preposition but follow patterns like aym/aym's ('to/at me'), ayd/ayd's ('to/at you sg.'), eay/ay ('to/at him/it'), ayee/ee ('to/at her'), ain/ains ('to/at us'), aiu/iu ('to/at you pl.'), and ad/ayd ('to/at them'). For les(h) ('with'), forms are lhiam/lhiam's ('with me'), lhiat/lhiat's ('with you sg.'), lesh/lesyn ('with him/it'), layee/ee ('with her'), lin/linyn ('with us'), liu/shiu ('with you pl.'), and lad/lesyn ('with them'). Prepositional nominals, such as my chooyl ('behind me', ), supplement true prepositions for locative relations without inflection. This system persisted into the , as documented in late native speaker corpora, though English influence reduced analytic alternatives in revivalist usage.
Preposition a/ec ('to/at')Inflected Forms (Singular)
1sg.aym/aym's
2sg.ayd/ayd's
3msg./nsg.eay/ay
3fsg.ayee/ee
These pronominal and prepositional elements integrate with verbal morphology, where suffixed pronouns often replace independent objects, enhancing clitic-like economy in finite clauses. Historical grammars note minor dialectal variations, such as lenited forms in conservative speech, but standardized revival aligns with 18th-19th century manuscripts..pdf)

Orthographic Conventions

Historical and Standardized Spelling

The earliest written records of Manx employed a phonetic , as seen in Bishop John Phillips' manuscript translation of the circa 1610, which used conventions like "Aér aîn ta anys neau" for the . This early system drew partial influence from Welsh due to Phillips' background but primarily adapted English spelling practices, such as digraphs "ee" for /iː/ and "oo" for /uː/. The first printed Manx text, a , appeared in 1707 under Bishop Thomas Wilson, who collaborated with a local to refine these conventions for broader dissemination. Standardization crystallized with the Manx Bible translation, commissioned by Bishop Mark Hildesley and published between 1771 and 1775, with the complete edition in 1772 serving as the definitive benchmark for , , and . This "classical Manx" system, developed by translators including John Kelly, prioritized print consistency over strict phonemic representation, incorporating English-influenced spellings like "ch" for the velar /χ/ and "gh" for lenited consonants, while reflecting phonological distinctions from earlier manuscripts. Later works, such as Archibald Cregeen's in , adhered to this framework as a practical guide. The has faced scholarly critique for its divergence from contemporary pronunciation, with Kenneth Jackson in 1955 labeling it an "English monstrosity" that inadequately captures spoken Manx sounds. Despite such views, quantitative analyses affirm its internal regularity and utility in preserving historical , distinguishing it from more conservative Irish or systems. No substantive spelling reforms have been adopted; the 1772 Bible-derived standard persists in contemporary Manx revival efforts, education, and publications by bodies like Culture Vannin.

Sound-to-Spelling Correspondences

The Manx orthography, formalized in the 18th-century Bible translations and refined by J. J. Kneen in the 1920s, prioritizes etymological continuity with other Goidelic languages over strict phonemic transparency, resulting in graphemes that often deviate from English pronunciations despite superficial similarities. This system uses 18 core letters (a, b, c, d, e, f, g, h, i, k, l, m, n, o, p, r, s, t, u, y), supplemented by digraphs and trigraphs for fricatives and vowels, with lenition (initial consonant softening) indicated by specific substitutions rather than consistent h-insertion as in Irish or Scottish Gaelic. Correspondences vary slightly by dialect—northern forms retaining more fronted vowels versus southern mergers—but the standardized spelling reflects classical Manx phonology, where intervocalic voicing and slender/broad distinctions (palatalized vs. velarized) influence realization. Consonant graphemes generally map predictably to stops and nasals, but fricatives and lenited forms introduce ambiguities due to English-influenced conventions. Voiceless stops /p/, /t/, /k/ are spelled , , or (with before front vowels for /kʲ/), while voiced counterparts /b/, /d/, /g/ use , , ; intervocalically, stops often lenite to approximants or fricatives, such as /b/ → [β] or spelled or . Fricatives include /f/ (leniting to /v/ or <bh/mh>), /s/ (to or [ð] intervocalically), and /x/ or /ç/ ; nasals /m/, /n/, /ŋ/ are , , , with palatal /ɲ/ and /ʎ/ as or in slender contexts (e.g., /ʎ/ in lhiabbee [ʎaːbiː]). Lenition is orthographically marked by after <t/s> (e.g., /t/ → , as in thallooin [ta'luːɲ]), <gh/dh> for /g/ or /d/ → [ɣ] or (often weakened or silent word-finally), and for /b/m/ → . These mappings preserve historical Gaelic mutations but can mislead English readers, as denotes dental [t̪] or [θ]-like aspiration, not English /θ/.
PhonemePrimary GraphemesExamplesNotes
/p/pobbal [pɔbəl] "people"Voiceless bilabial stop.
/b/, (lenited)baase [bɛːs] "death"; cabbyl [kʲaːvəl] "horse"Voices intervocalically to .
/t/, (lenited/aspirated) ta [t̪a] "is"; thie [θiə] ""Dental; for lenition or emphasis.
/d/, (lenited)dooin [duːɲ] "to us"; often [ð] or null.Slender [dʲ] before front vowels.
/k/<c/k>, (lenited) [kat] "cat"; chengey [xɛnɟə] "tongue" = /x/ or /ç/.
/g/, (lenited)gaase [ɡɛːs] "stick"; [ɣ] or silent.Broad [ɡ]; slender [ɡʲ].
/f/, (lenited)faill [falʲ] "cliff"; fliaghey [vliəɣə] "flying".Consistent with Gaelic lenition.
/s/, soyl [sɔɪl] "walk"; intervocalic [z/ð]. geminate.
/m/, (lenited as )mac [mak] ""; = .Palatal [mʲ].
/ŋ/king [kɪŋ] "head".Velar nasal.
Vowel correspondences are more variable, with over 20 digraphs and trigraphs reflecting diphthongization, length, and dialectal shifts (e.g., northern /iː/ vs. southern /ɛː/ for ). Short monophthongs include /a/ , /ɛ/ or , /ɪ/ or , /ɔ/ , /u/ ; long vowels use doubles like [aː], [iː/ɛː], [uː/ɔː]. Diphthongs abound, such as /ai/ <ai/ay>, /au/ <ao/oa>, /ɛə/ <ea/eay>, /iu/ , with often [ɛə] or [ja] in northern speech. Etymological spellings persist, like for historical /uə/ now merged to [oː] or [ua], diverging from Irish [uə]. Silent vowels occur in clusters (e.g., in slane [slaːn] "whole"), and functions as /ə/ or /i/. These reflect phonological reductions in late-spoken Manx, where final unstressed syllables neutralize to schwa, complicating grapheme-phoneme regularity.
PhonemePrimary GraphemesExamplesNotes
/a/, cat [kat] "cat"; ta [t̪a] "is".Short central; before nasals.
/aː/, <a_e>laa [lɑː] "day"; slane [slaːn] "whole".Long; underscore for length across consonants.
/ɛ/, ell [ɛl] "other"; ceayll [kʲɛːl] "sense".Often diphthongizes to [ɛə].
/eː/, ree [riː] "king" (north); southern [ɛː].Dialectal variation key.
/ɪ/, in [ɪn] "in"; çhymney [xɪnə] "coming". as short /ɪ/ or schwa.
/iː/, feeyn [fiːn] ""; northern retention.Merges south to /ɛː/.
/ɔ/oll [ɔl] "all".Short back rounded.
/oː/, moo [muː] "cow" (north [oː]); doar [d̪oːr] "". for diphthongal [oə].
/u/ull [ʊl] "oil".Short; often [ʊ].
/uː/, skoo [skuː] "".Long back.
/ə/, (unstressed)çhymney [xɪnə] "coming".Schwa in reductions.
/ai/, cayee [kʲɛː] "keys".; variable realization.

Use of Diacritics and Reforms

The orthography of Manx Gaelic was standardized in the mid-18th century through religious translations, particularly the 1772 Bible, which was commissioned by Bishop Mark Hildesley (1698–1772) and revised by the young clergyman John Kelly (1750–1809). This publication, drawing on earlier works like the 1707 Coyrle Sodjeh (a overseen by Bishop Thomas Wilson) and the 1765 , established conventions heavily influenced by spelling practices, prioritizing familiarity for English-literate Manx clergy over strict etymological alignment with Irish or Scottish Gaelic systems. Diacritics play a limited role in Manx orthography, with the cedilla (¸) being the primary and optional mark used in revival-era texts to distinguish the palatal fricative /ç/ (as in <çh>) from the velar /x/ (as in ), for example in Çhiarn ("Lord") versus chair ("stone"). This usage emerged post-standardization to resolve ambiguities in digraph representations, though it is not mandatory and appears inconsistently in modern publications. Earlier manuscripts occasionally employed other marks like the circumflex or diaeresis for vowel length or quality, but these were not retained in the standardized system, which favors digraphs such as for /iː/ and for /aː/. Spelling reforms have been proposed but not widely adopted, largely due to the entrenched 18th-century standard's utility in preserving historical for scholars despite its deviations from Goidelic norms. In the 20th-century language revival, critics including Kenneth Jackson (1955) labeled the system an "English monstrosity" for obscuring and to non-speakers, prompting occasional advocacy for phonetic realignments akin to Irish conventions. However, efforts by figures like J.J. Kneen in the focused on consistent application of existing rules rather than overhaul, maintaining the orthography's English-inflected transparency for dialectal variants and homophones. This continuity reflects pragmatic choices in revival pedagogy, where the system's familiarity aids English-dominant learners over radical changes that might alienate heritage texts.

Lexical Composition

Native Core and Semantic Fields

The native core of the Manx lexicon comprises terms inherited from Proto-Goidelic and earlier Indo-European stages, forming the foundational vocabulary resistant to replacement by loanwords despite extensive contact with Norse and English. These elements predominate in semantic fields essential to everyday cognition and survival, such as kinship relations, where words like moir (mother), ayr (father), shayr (sister), and braar (brother) reflect shared Goidelic roots with Irish and Scottish Gaelic cognates. Similarly, numerals form a robust native domain, including un (one), daa (two), and tree (three), which maintain phonological and morphological continuity from Proto-Celtic forms without significant borrowing. In domains of human anatomy and basic physiology, native terms dominate, as evidenced by consistent usage in historical texts and last native speakers' corpora, covering body parts like laue (hand) and chas (foot), derived from Proto-Indo-European via Celtic intermediaries. Natural landscape and environment semantics also rely heavily on inherited vocabulary, with words such as talloo (earth/land), slieau (mountain/hill), and awin (river) attesting to the language's adaptation to the Isle of Man's without wholesale substitution. Fauna and flora basics follow suit, featuring native descriptors like boa (cow/ox), tarroo (), goayr (), and shellagh (), which persist in folk nomenclature and agricultural contexts. Pronominal and basic deictic systems exemplify the lexical core's stability, with forms like mee (I), uss (you singular), and shoh (this) showing minimal innovation or drift, as documented in comparative Goidelic studies. Temporal basics, including days of the week (Jee-crean for , Jardain for ), integrate native roots with minimal foreign overlay. While overall lexicon analysis reveals borrowings comprising up to 90% in certain alphabetical sections of dictionaries (e.g., under "p," approximately 30 native versus 300 borrowed terms), core semantic fields retain over 80% native composition, underscoring their resilience amid . Revival efforts prioritize these domains to reconstruct speaker competence, drawing on archival recordings of the final fluent generation (extant until ).

Borrowings from English and Norse

The Manx lexicon incorporates loanwords from , stemming from Viking settlements on the Isle of Man between approximately 850 and 1270 CE, though the overall Norse impact remains predominantly lexical rather than structural. Linguistic analysis identifies fewer than ten persistent Old Norse-derived terms in core spoken vocabulary, such as cleg ("horse-fly", from ON kleggi), blaber ("bilberry", from ON bláber), ling ("heather", from ON lyng), gil ("glen", from ON gil), ghaw ("chasm", from ON gjá), ("church", from ON kirkja), and garey ("garden", from ON garðr). These borrowings often pertain to natural features or everyday items, reflecting Norse seafaring and agrarian influences, but their scarcity underscores the resilience of Goidelic substrate forms despite centuries of Norse political dominance. Norse elements appear more extensively in , with hybrid place names combining Celtic generics and Norse specifics, though these do not integrate into general . English borrowings constitute a larger stratum, accelerating from the 17th century amid Anglicization and peaking in late pre-revival Manx (circa 1800–1900), when English supplanted native terms in domains like administration, trade, and daily life. Lexicographic surveys, such as Peter Clement's 18th-century dictionary, reveal substantial English intrusion; for instance, under the letter "p", approximately 300 of 330 entries derive from English. Common examples include baatey ("", from E ), shiaull ("", from E ), crune ("", from E ), boy ("", supplanting native guilley), and badjer ("", displacing brock). In revived Manx since the early 20th century, purist efforts prioritize calques or native derivations, yet English loans persist for modern concepts, adapted phonologically as stashoon ("station"), millioon ("million"), back ("back" or "again"), smookal ("to smoke"), and ansoor ("answer"). These often compete with indigenous alternatives like freggyrt for "answer" or reesht for "again," reflecting ongoing tension between revivalist authenticity and practical bilingualism.

Comparative Lexical Data with Cognates

The core vocabulary of Manx (Gaelg) demonstrates significant overlap with Irish (Gaeilge) and (Gàidhlig), as all three belong to the Goidelic branch of and derive from spoken between approximately 600–900 CE. Cognates are particularly evident in basic semantic fields such as kinship, body parts, numbers, and natural features, where Manx often preserves Proto-Celtic forms but exhibits phonological shifts like , vowel alterations, or simplification due to insular evolution and substrate influences. These shared lexemes underscore the languages' in written form to varying degrees, though Manx pronunciation—flatter and influenced by English—can obscure oral comprehension. Comparative data reveal that around 70–80% of Manx's everyday aligns with Irish and equivalents for non-borrowed terms, based on reconstructions from historical corpora and modern surveys. Divergences arise from Manx-specific innovations, such as the merger of certain vowels or loss of initial in some contexts, but cognates remain robust indicators of descent. For instance, Proto-Indo-European roots like *ǵʰóstis (guest) yield consistent reflexes across Goidelic: Irish aois (age/old), aois, and Manx aase. Academic lexical databases confirm over 200 such shared items in fundamental vocabulary, facilitating revival efforts through cross-referencing. The following table presents selected cognates from reliable comparative resources, focusing on high-frequency words with English glosses. Forms reflect standardized modern orthographies, with notes on archaic variants where relevant.
EnglishIrish (Gaeilge)Scottish Gaelic (Gàidhlig)Manx (Gaelg)Notes
RiverabhainnabhainnawinFrom Proto-Celtic *abū; Manx shows vowel reduction.
HandlámhlàmhlaueProto-Celtic *łāuā; lenited forms common in compounds.
HouseteachtaighthieFrom *tegos; Manx aspirates 't' post-vocalically.
HeadceannceannkioneProto-Celtic *kʷenno-; Manx 'k' reflects Q-Celtic retention.
WateruisceuisgeushteyFrom *ud-ker-; Manx adds suffixal -ey for abstract nouns.
OneaonaonunArchaic Manx nane for 'one' in counting; from *oinos.
EyesúilsùilsooillProto-Celtic *sūli; doubled 'll' in Manx for emphasis.
FiretineteineaileVariant from *tan-/*agnis; Manx favors 'aile' in dialects.
These examples highlight lexical stability, with Manx forms often closer to in aspirated consonants due to shared northern Insular Celtic traits. Further analysis of inscriptions and medieval glosses supports that such cognates predate Norse and English adstrata, comprising the native substrate resistant to replacement.

Cultural and Institutional Dimensions

Role in Isle of Man Identity and Heritage

The Manx language functions as a key emblem of national identity, linking inhabitants to their Celtic origins and differentiating the island's cultural heritage from that of the . As an autochthonous Goidelic tongue spoken for over 1,500 years, it preserves historical narratives embedded in place names, , and traditions, fostering a sense of continuity amid Anglicization pressures. Official policies underscore this role, with Manx National Heritage affirming the language's integral status in the island's cultural life and committing to its preservation through archival resources and public engagement. Revival initiatives since the mid-20th century have amplified Manx's symbolic value, transforming it from near-extinction—last native fluent speakers dying in the —into a marker of ethnic pride and . Government strategies, such as the 2022-2032 Manx Language Strategy, explicitly link language promotion to enhanced community identity, with nearly 2,000 children receiving instruction in schools and a target of 5,000 speakers by 2032. Statements from officials, including Julie Edge MHK, highlight how Manx instills "a deep sense of identity and creativity," contributing to both local and international branding of of Man. Cultural institutions like Culture Vannin prioritize Manx as a cornerstone of the island's unique heritage, supporting development officers and collaborative networks to embed it in festivals, media, and . Surveys and reports from as early as indicate that proficiency in Manx correlates with stronger positive , with annual government assessments tying language efforts to broader identity-building goals. Empirical studies of revival speakers reveal high identification with , even among "new speakers" lacking traditional transmission, underscoring the language's adaptive role in modern heritage construction.

Integration with Christianity and Religious Texts

The arrival of on the Isle of Man in the introduced Latin , but vernacular use of proto-Manx in religious contexts emerged with the Celtic Church's keeill () system, where local Goidelic speech likely supplemented formal rites until the Norman and English influences shifted administration toward English and Latin. Systematic integration of mature Manx with Christian texts began during the Protestant , as the —aligned with the —sought to vernacularize worship to counter Catholic remnants and address linguistic barriers that had marginalized Manx speakers in prior reforms. The foundational religious text in Manx was the , first translated in 1610 under Bishop John Phillips to enable congregational participation in services, though it circulated only in manuscript until printed editions in the ; a by Manx clergy appeared in 1765, standardizing liturgical Manx for daily and Sunday worship. Bible translation efforts accelerated in the 18th century under Bishop Thomas Wilson (1697–1755), who oversaw the 1748 publication of the Gospel of Matthew as the initial printed scriptural portion, followed by the complete in 1772. The full , Yn Vible Casherick, was finalized by translator William Walker and printed in three volumes from 1771 to 1774 under Bishop Mark Hildesley (1755–1772), incorporating revisions for doctrinal clarity and idiomatic Manx, thus embedding Protestant theology deeply into the language's lexicon and syntax. These translations not only preserved Manx amid anglicization pressures but also shaped its and vocabulary, with terms for (slane) and grace (grayse) drawing from native roots while adapting biblical concepts; they were distributed widely for home reading and church use, with over 5,000 copies of the 1819 edition alone aiding scriptural literacy. Supplementary texts included Welsh translator Thomas Christian's 1791 Pargys Caillit (Pilgrim's Progress) and Wilson's sermons rendered into Manx for preaching, reinforcing the language's role in moral and doctrinal instruction. By the , Manx dominated Isle of Man church services, with clergy required to use it until English supplanted it post-1900, though these efforts cemented Christianity's causal influence on Manx's survival as a liturgical medium.

Literary Output and Media Representation

Manx literary output has historically been modest, with surviving works primarily comprising religious translations and transcribed oral traditions rather than extensive original prose or drama. The earliest printed materials include translations of the into Manx, undertaken in the mid-18th century to facilitate church services for the local population. Folk literature, such as carvalyn (spiritual ballads) and secular laaree (songs), was documented in collections like those compiled by John Moore in the early , reflecting rooted in and local . These pieces, often anonymous or attributed to 18th-century bards, emphasize themes of morality, nature, and heroism, but few pre-19th-century manuscripts endure due to the language's primarily spoken use. In the 19th century, native speakers like Edward Faragher (1831–1908) produced poetry drawing on rural life and personal reflection, marking some of the last original works from fluent traditional speakers before widespread to English. The 20th-century revival spurred new compositions, including Sophia Morrison's Manx Fairy Tales (1911), which adapted folklore for English-speaking audiences while preserving Manx narratives, and later efforts like poetry anthologies and plays hosted on dedicated platforms. Post-revival authors have focused on translations of classics (e.g., Shakespeare into Manx) and original short stories, though output remains niche, with fewer than 100 book-length publications since 1900, supported by organizations like Yn Cheshaght Ghailckagh. Media representation of Manx is constrained by its small speaker community of around 1,800 proficient users as of recent surveys, limiting production to public service outlets and occasional projects. Manx Radio, the Isle of Man's primary broadcaster, airs dedicated content including the weekly magazine program Traa dy Liooar (broadcast Mondays 5:05–6:00 p.m.), featuring news, interviews, and cultural segments in the language. Film efforts include Teeval: Princess of the Ocean (2025), a retelling of a traditional folktale nominated to the Celtic Media Festival, and documentaries like those produced by Culture Vannin exploring language revival themes. Television presence is minimal, with sporadic contributions such as a 1992 archival film on school-based revival efforts, underscoring Manx's role in heritage media rather than mainstream entertainment.

Debates and Critical Perspectives

Authenticity and Continuity in Revival

The revival of Manx, following the death of the last fluent native speaker, , on December 27, 1974, occurred without unbroken intergenerational transmission, leading scholars to characterize it as a post-extinction reconstruction rather than seamless continuity. Efforts began in earnest during the , drawing on 20th-century recordings of semi-speakers and archival texts such as 18th- and 19th-century manuscripts, Bibles, and collections to reconstruct , , and lexicon. This process inherently introduced discontinuities, as second-language (L2) learners—lacking a stable L1 norm—shaped the language through classroom acquisition and ideological preferences, resulting in a fluid variety divergent from historical norms. Linguistic analyses highlight partial continuity in select features, such as phonological preocclusion (e.g., syllable-final stops like /d̪˔/ in words like baill 'member') and morphosyntactic clefting constructions (e.g., She shoh myr ta mee er nyrjaghey 'This is how I have been reared'), which align with documented traditional Manx forms preserved in recordings. Lexical retention, including native terms like er-ash for 'backwards', further evidences fidelity to historical usage when revivalists prioritize archival sources over English calques. However, predominates due to English substrate effects from L2 speakers' dominant language, manifesting in innovations like the loss of syllable-final /r/ (e.g., far pronounced without rhoticity), interchange (e.g., overuse of emphatic forms in non-emphatic contexts), and syntactic anglicisms such as direct object-verb order influenced by English. Debates on authenticity center on whether revived Manx constitutes a genuine ethnic or an ideological construct, with critics noting the absence of traditional native speakers undermines organic vitality, as L2 acquisition fosters errors and hyper-corrections like spelling-based pronunciations (e.g., maynrey as [aːnɾʲeː] rather than historical diphthongs). Purists advocate pan-Gaelic alignments, favoring Irish or equivalents (e.g., avoiding English-derived terms), while authenticists emphasize local historical irregularities, such as northern diphthongs in kione 'head', to preserve "Manxness" despite evidential gaps in late traditional speech, which itself showed heavy anglicization. Empirical assessments conclude that while revived Manx sustains sociolinguistic functions—evidenced by over 1,800 conversational speakers by 2015—it remains a , with continuity limited to consciously curated elements rather than emergent native competence. This hybridity reflects causal realities of : English dominance in the Isle of Man precluded full de-anglicization, positioning revived Manx as a viable but reconstructed variety rather than identical historical continuity.

Metrics of Success and Empirical Challenges

The primary metric for assessing the success of Manx language revival efforts is the growth in the number of second-language (L2) speakers, as no first-language (L1) native speakers remain following the death of the last fluent native, , in 1974. By the 2011 census, approximately 1,689 individuals reported some proficiency in Manx, representing 2.2% of the Isle of Man's population. Recent estimates indicate over 1,800 L2 speakers with varying degrees of conversational ability, alongside nearly 2,000 children receiving Manx instruction in schools. The Isle of Man Government has set a target of 5,000 speakers by 2032 through coordinated strategies involving , media, and community programs.
YearReported SpeakersNotes
19740 L1Last native speaker dies; revival begins with L2 learners.
1991643 data showing initial revival interest.
20111,689 L22.2% of ; school-based growth.
+~1,800+ L2Estimates include proficient conversational users; goal-oriented expansion.
Additional indicators include the establishment of immersion preschools and the production of Manx-medium media, though usage remains confined to heritage, education, and cultural events rather than widespread daily communication. Empirical challenges in evaluating revival success stem from the absence of traditional native speakers, complicating assessments of linguistic authenticity and vitality. Proficiency levels among L2 speakers vary widely, with self-reported data often overestimating functional competence due to reliance on basic or scripted usage rather than spontaneous, contextually rich discourse. Intergenerational transmission remains limited, as most children acquire Manx alongside English in bilingual settings, leading to code-switching and potential attrition without exclusive immersion. The Isle of Man's small population (approximately 85,000) and economic integration with English-dominant regions exacerbate domain restrictions, where Manx competes against a globally functional lingua franca. Teacher shortages and inconsistent curriculum implementation further hinder scalable fluency development. Quantitative metrics like speaker counts must thus be qualified by qualitative measures of usage sustainability, revealing a revival sustained by institutional support but vulnerable to funding fluctuations and cultural assimilation pressures.

Ideological Tensions in Standardization

Standardization efforts for the Manx language, revived since the following the death of its last native speaker in , have been fraught with ideological conflicts between purist reconstructions emphasizing historical or pan-Goidelic authenticity and pragmatic adaptations prioritizing learner accessibility and communal consensus. Purists often view late native usages as decayed under English substrate influence, advocating restorations from earlier manuscripts or cognates in Irish and , while authenticists defend traditional late forms for continuity with the documented spoken heritage. This divide manifests in corpus development, where ideological stances determine inclusions in dictionaries and grammars, such as favoring archaic inflections over simplified modern variants. A central tension revolves around orthography, historically shaped by 17th- and 18th-century English spelling conventions, which Celtic scholars like Kenneth Jackson derided in 1955 as "an English monstrosity which obscures both pronunciation and etymology." Early 20th-century standardizations by figures such as A.W. Moore and J.J. Kneen entrenched this system for consistency with existing literature, but revival-era proposals for phonetic reforms—aiming to align Manx more closely with other Gaelic orthographies—have faced resistance due to disruption of learner familiarity and the risk of fragmenting the small speaker base of under 200 fluent users. Proponents of reform argue it would enhance etymological transparency and reduce English bias, yet practical concerns dominate, as altering the orthography could alienate those trained in traditional materials used in education and signage since the 1980s. Lexical and morphosyntactic standardization amplifies these debates, with purists rejecting English-derived hybrids like calques or direct loans in favor of neologisms such as corran buigh ("yellow hook") for "banana," drawn from pan-Gaelic roots, to preserve semantic integrity. In contrast, hybrid approaches tolerate innovations reflecting English influence, such as simplified verb inflections or pragmatic phrases like s'treisht lhiam ("I hope so"), to facilitate acquisition among L2 speakers comprising the entire community. These positions reflect broader currents: one purist faction seeking to mitigate perceived historical decay, and another authenticist group emphasizing empirical continuity from native recordings, though both prioritize consensus to avert schisms observed in parallel revivals like Cornish. Absent a codified authoritative variety, Manx remains a "moving target," with variation persisting in public domains despite institutional pushes for unity via government-funded resources.

References

  1. https://en.wikibooks.org/wiki/Manx/Lessoon_1
  2. https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/Category:Manx_prepositional_pronouns
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