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Yitzhak Rabin (/ˈrɑːbɪn/;[a] Hebrew: יִצְחָק רַבִּין, IPA: [itsˈχak ˈʁabin];[3] 1 March 1922 – 4 November 1995) was an Israeli statesman and general. He was the prime minister of Israel, serving two terms in office, 1974–1977, and from 1992 until his assassination in 1995. He was the first prime minister to have been born in Mandatory Palestine.

Rabin was born in Jerusalem to Jewish immigrants from Eastern Europe and was raised in a Labor Zionist household. He learned agriculture in school and excelled as a student. As a teenager, he joined the Palmach, the commando force of the Yishuv. He eventually rose through its ranks to become its chief of operations during the 1948 Arab–Israeli War. In late 1948, he joined the newly formed Israel Defense Forces and continued to rise as a promising officer, with a 27-year career as a professional soldier. He ultimately attained the rank of Rav Aluf, the most senior rank in the Israeli Defense Force (often translated as lieutenant general). In the 1950s, Rabin helped shape the training doctrine of the IDF and he led its Operations Directorate from 1959 to 1963. He was appointed chief of the general staff in 1964 and oversaw Israel's victory in the 1967 Six-Day War.

Rabin served as Israel's ambassador to the United States from 1968 to 1973, during a period of deepening U.S.–Israel ties. He was appointed Prime Minister of Israel in 1974 after the resignation of Golda Meir. In his first term, Rabin signed the Sinai Interim Agreement and ordered the Entebbe raid. He resigned in 1977 in the wake of a financial scandal. Rabin was Israel's minister of defense for much of the 1980s, including during the outbreak of the First Intifada.

In 1992, Rabin was re-elected as prime minister on a platform embracing the Israeli–Palestinian peace process. He signed several historic agreements with the Palestinian leadership as part of the Oslo Accords. In 1994, Rabin won the Nobel Peace Prize together with long-time political rival Shimon Peres and Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat. Rabin also signed a peace treaty with Jordan in 1994. In November 1995, he was assassinated by Yigal Amir, an extremist who opposed the terms of the Oslo Accords. Amir was convicted of Rabin's murder and sentenced to life imprisonment. Rabin was the first native-born prime minister of Israel, the only prime minister to be assassinated, and the second to die in office after Levi Eshkol. Rabin has become a symbol of the Israeli–Palestinian peace process.

Personal life

[edit]

Family background

[edit]

Rabin was born at Shaare Zedek Medical Center in Jerusalem on 1 March 1922, Mandatory Palestine, to Nehemiah (1886 – 1 December 1971) and Rosa (née Cohen; 1890 – 12 November 1937) Rabin, immigrants of the Third Aliyah, the third wave of Jewish immigration to Palestine from Europe. Nehemiah was born Nehemiah Rubitzov in the shtetl Sydorovychi near Ivankiv in the southern Pale of Settlement (present-day Ukraine).[4] His father Menachem died when he was a boy, and Nehemiah worked to support his family from an early age. At the age of 18, he emigrated to the United States, where he joined the Poale Zion party and changed his surname to Rabin. In 1917, Nehemiah Rabin went to Mandatory Palestine with a group of volunteers from the Jewish Legion.

Yitzhak's mother, Rosa Cohen, was born in 1890 in Mogilev in Belarus. Her father, a rabbi, opposed the Zionist movement and sent Rosa to a Christian high school for girls in Gomel, which gave her a broad general education. Early on, Rosa took an interest in political and social causes. In 1919, she traveled to Palestine on the steamship Ruslan. After working on a kibbutz on the shores of the Sea of Galilee, she moved to Jerusalem.[5]

Rabin's parents met in Jerusalem during the 1920 Nebi Musa riots.[6] They moved to Tel Aviv's Chlenov Street near Jaffa in 1923. Nehemiah became a worker for the Palestine Electric Corporation and Rosa was an accountant and local activist. She became a member of the Tel Aviv City Council.[7] The family moved again in 1931 to a two-room apartment on Hamagid Street in Tel Aviv.[8]

Early life and education

[edit]

Yitzhak (Isaac) Rabin grew up in Tel Aviv, where the family relocated when he was one year old. He enrolled in the Tel Aviv Beit Hinuch Leyaldei Ovdim (בית חינוך לילדי עובדים, "School House for Workers' Children") in 1928 and completed his studies there in 1935. The school taught the children agriculture as well as Zionism.[9] Rabin mostly received good marks in school, but he was so shy that few people knew he was intelligent.[10]

In 1935, Rabin enrolled at an agricultural school on kibbutz Givat Hashlosha that his mother founded. It was here in 1936 at the age of 14 that Rabin joined the Haganah and received his first military training, learning how to use a pistol and stand guard. He joined a socialist-Zionist youth movement, HaNoar HaOved.[11]

In 1937, he enrolled at the two-year Kadoorie Agricultural High School. He excelled in a number of agriculture-related subjects but disliked studying English language—the language of the British "enemy".[12][13] He originally aspired to be an irrigation engineer, but his interest in military affairs intensified in 1938, when the ongoing Arab revolt worsened. A young Haganah sergeant named Yigal Allon, later a general in the IDF and prominent politician, trained Rabin and others at Kadoorie. Rabin finished at Kadoorie in August 1940.[14] For part of 1939, the British closed Kadoorie, and Rabin joined Allon as a security guard at Kibbutz Ginosar until the school re-opened.[15] When he finished school, Rabin considered studying irrigation engineering on scholarship at the University of California, Berkeley, although he ultimately decided to stay and fight in Palestine.[16]

Marriage and family

[edit]

Rabin married Leah Schlossberg during the 1948 Arab–Israeli War. Leah Rabin was working at the time as a reporter for a Palmach newspaper. They had two children, Dalia (born 19 March 1950) and Yuval (born 18 June 1955). Similar to the entire Israeli elite of the time, Rabin adhered to a secular-national understanding of Jewish identity, and was non-religious. American diplomat Dennis Ross described him as "the most secular Jew he had met in Israel".[17]

Military career

[edit]

Palmach

[edit]
Rabin shortly before joining the Palmach

In 1941, during his practical training at kibbutz Ramat Yohanan, Rabin joined the newly formed Palmach section of the Haganah, under the influence of Yigal Allon. Rabin could not yet operate a machine gun, drive a car, or ride a motorcycle, but Moshe Dayan accepted the new recruit.[18] The first operation he participated in was assisting Allied forces in the Syria–Lebanon campaign against Vichy French forces during World War II (the same operation in which Dayan lost his eye) in June–July 1941.[19] Allon continued to train the young Palmach forces.

As a Palmachnik, Rabin and his men had to lie low to avoid arousing inquiry from the British administration. They spent most of their time farming, training secretly part-time.[20] They wore no uniforms and received no public recognition during this time.[21] In 1943, Rabin took command of a platoon at Kfar Giladi. He trained his men in modern tactics and how to conduct lightning attacks.[22]

After the end of the war the relationship between the Palmach and the British authorities became strained, especially with respect to the treatment of Jewish immigration. In October 1945 Rabin planned a Palmach raid on the Atlit detainee camp in which 208 Jewish illegal immigrants who had been interned there were freed. In the Black Shabbat, a massive British operation against the leaders of the Jewish Establishment in the British Mandate of Palestine and the Palmach, Rabin was arrested and detained for five months. After his release he became the commander of the second Palmach battalion and rose to the position of Chief Operations Officer of the Palmach in October 1947.

IDF service

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Yitzhak Rabin, commander of the Harel Brigade, c. 1948

During the 1948 Arab–Israeli War, Rabin directed Israeli operations in Jerusalem and fought the Egyptian army in the Negev. During the beginning of the war he was the commander of the Harel Brigade, which fought on the road to Jerusalem from the coastal plain, including the Israeli "Burma Road", as well as many battles in Jerusalem, such as securing the southern side of the city by recapturing kibbutz Ramat Rachel.

Altalena on fire after being shelled near Tel Aviv

During the first truce Rabin commanded IDF forces on the beach of Tel Aviv confronting the Irgun during the tragic Altalena Affair. The Altalena ship carried volunteers from abroad coming to fight in War of Independence and large amounts of weapons and ammunition for the war. It was organized by Hillel Kook of the Irgun. The day after much of the contents were offloaded at Kfar Vitkin the ship was attacked at Ben Gurion's orders off the Tel Aviv shore, set on fire, later towed out to sea and sunk. Large number of volunteers were killed on board and after jumping in the sea. Rabin called the gun on shore "The Holy Gun". "Despite the tension and bloodshed, Begin went on the radio calling on members of the Irgun not to fight the IDF: Do not raise a hand against a brother, not even today. It is forbidden for a Hebrew weapon to be used against Hebrew fighters."[23] This probably prevented the likelihood of civil war. Hillel Kook was arrested.

In the following period he was the deputy commander of Operation Danny, the largest scale operation to that point, which involved four IDF brigades. The cities of Ramle and Lydda were captured, as well as the major airport in Lydda, as part of the operation. Following the capture of the two towns there was an expulsion of their Arab population. Rabin signed the expulsion order, which included the following:

... 1. The inhabitants of Lydda must be expelled quickly without attention to age. ... 2. Implement immediately.[24]

The Israeli delegation to the 1949 Armistice Agreements talks. Left to right: Commanders Yehoshafat Harkabi, Aryeh Simon, Yigael Yadin, and Yitzhak Rabin (1949)
Rabin with Richard Nixon in Tel Aviv, 22 June 1967

Later, Rabin was chief of operations for the Southern Front and participated in the major battles ending the fighting there, including Operation Yoav and Operation Horev.

In the beginning of 1949 he was a member of the Israeli delegation to the armistice talks with Egypt that were held on the island of Rhodes. The result of the negotiations were the 1949 Armistice Agreements, which ended the official hostilities of the 1948 Arab–Israeli War. Following the demobilization at the end of the war he was the most senior (former) member of the Palmach that remained in the IDF.

Like many Palmach leaders, Rabin was politically aligned with the left wing pro-Soviet Ahdut HaAvoda party and later Mapam. These officers were distrusted by Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion and several resigned from the army in 1953 after a series of confrontations. Those members of Mapam who remained, such as Rabin, Haim Bar-Lev and David Elazar, had to endure several years in staff or training posts before resuming their careers.[25]

Rabin headed Israel's Northern Command from 1956 to 1959.[26] In 1964 he was appointed chief of staff of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) by Levi Eshkol, who had replaced David Ben-Gurion as Prime Minister and Minister of Defence. Since Eshkol did not have much military experience and trusted Rabin's judgement, he had a very free hand. According to the memoirs of Eshkol's military secretary, Eshkol followed Rabin "with closed eyes".[27]

Under his command, the IDF achieved victory over Egypt, Syria and Jordan in the Six-Day War in 1967. After the Old City of Jerusalem was captured by the IDF, Rabin was among the first to visit the Old City, and delivered a famous speech on Mount Scopus, at the Hebrew University. In the days leading up to the war, it was reported that Rabin suffered a nervous breakdown and was unable to function.[28] After this short hiatus, he resumed full command over the IDF.

Ambassador to the United States (1968–1973)

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Israeli Ambassador to the United States, Yitzhak Rabin and his wife Leah in the company of PM Golda Meir and Secretary of State Henry Kissinger in Washington, D.C., February 1973

Following his retirement from the IDF he became ambassador to the United States beginning in 1968, serving for five years. In this period the US became the major weapon supplier of Israel and in particular he managed to get the embargo on the F-4 Phantom fighter jets lifted. During the 1973 Yom Kippur War he served in no official capacity.[citation needed]

Minister of Labour

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In the elections held at the end of 1973, Rabin was elected to the Knesset as a member of the Alignment. He was appointed Israeli Minister of Labour in March 1974 in the short-lived Golda Meir-led 16th government.

First term as Prime Minister (1974–1977)

[edit]
Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and Defense Minister Shimon Peres visiting the Missile Boat Flotilla in 1975
Rabin as Prime Minister with US President Jimmy Carter in 1977

Following Golda Meir's resignation in April 1974, Rabin was elected party leader, after he defeated Shimon Peres. The rivalry between these two Labour leaders remained fierce and they competed several times in the next two decades for the leadership role, and even for who deserved credit for government achievements.[29] Rabin succeeded Golda Meir as Prime Minister of Israel on 3 June 1974. This was a coalition government, including Ratz, the Independent Liberals, Progress and Development and the Arab List for Bedouins and Villagers. This arrangement, with a bare parliamentary majority, held for a few months and was one of the few periods in Israel's history where the religious parties were not part of the coalition. The National Religious Party joined the coalition on 30 October 1974 and Ratz left on 6 November.

In foreign policy, the major development at the beginning of Rabin's term was the Sinai Interim Agreement between Israel and Egypt, signed on 1 September 1975. Both countries declared that the conflict between them and in the Middle East shall not be resolved by military force but by peaceful means.[30] This agreement followed Henry Kissinger's shuttle diplomacy and a threatened "reassessment" of the United States' regional policy and its relations with Israel. Rabin notes it was "an innocent-sounding term that heralded one of the worst periods in American–Israeli relations."[31] But the agreement was an important step towards the Camp David Accords of 1978 and the peace treaty with Egypt signed in 1979.

Operation Entebbe was perhaps the most dramatic event during Rabin's first term of office. On his orders, the IDF performed a long-range undercover raid to rescue passengers of an airliner hijacked by militants belonging to the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine's Wadie Haddad faction and the German Revolutionary Cells (RZ), who had been brought to Idi Amin's Uganda.[32] The operation was generally considered a tremendous success, and its spectacular character has made it the subject of much continued comment and study.

Towards the end of 1976 his coalition government with the religious parties suffered a crisis: A motion of no confidence had been brought by Agudat Yisrael over a breach of the Sabbath on an Israeli Air Force base when four F-15 jets were delivered from the US and the National Religious Party had abstained. Rabin dissolved his government and decided on new elections, which were to be held in May 1977.

Rabin was narrowly reelected as party leader over Shimon Peres in February 1977.[33]

Following the March 1977 meeting between Rabin and U.S. President Jimmy Carter, Rabin publicly announced that the U.S. supported the Israeli idea of defensible borders; Carter then issued a clarification. A "fallout" in U.S./Israeli relations ensued. It is thought that the fallout contributed to the Israeli Labor Party's defeat in the May 1977 elections.[34] On 15 March 1977, Haaretz journalist Dan Margalit revealed that a joint dollar account in the names of Yitzhak and Leah Rabin, opened in a Washington, D.C., bank during Rabin's term of office as Israel ambassador (1968–73), was still open, in breach of Israeli law.[35] According to Israeli currency regulations at the time, it was illegal for citizens to maintain foreign bank accounts without prior authorization. Rabin resigned on 7 April 1977, following the revelation by Maariv journalist S. Isaac Mekel that the Rabins held two accounts in Washington, not one, containing $10,000, and that a Finance Ministry administrative penalty committee fined them IL150,000.[36][37] Rabin withdrew from the party leadership and candidacy for prime minister.

Opposition Knesset member (1977–1984)

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Following Labour Party's defeat in the 1977 election, Likud's Menachem Begin became prime minister, and Labor (which was part of the Alignment alliance) entered the opposition.[citation needed] Until 1984 Rabin, as a member of Knesset, sat on the Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee.[38]

Rabin unsuccessfully challenged Shimon Peres for Israeli Labor Party leadership in the 1980 Israeli Labor Party leadership election.[33]

Minister of Defense (1984–1990)

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From 1984 until 1990, Labor was in government as part of the coalitions which formed the 21st and 22nd governments during the 11th Knesset and the 23rd government during the first portion of the 10th Knesset.

From 1984 to 1990, Rabin served as Minister of Defense in several national unity governments led by prime ministers Yitzhak Shamir and Shimon Peres. When Rabin came to office, Israeli troops were still deep in Lebanon. Rabin ordered their withdrawal to a "Security Zone" on the Lebanese side of the border. The South Lebanon Army was active in this zone, along with the Israeli Defence Forces.

On 4 August 1985 Minister of Defence Rabin introduced an Iron Fist policy in the West Bank, reviving the use of British Mandate era legislation to detain people without trial, demolish houses, close newspapers and institutions as well as deporting activists. The change in policy came after a sustained public campaign demanding a tougher policy following the May 1985 prisoner exchange in which 1,150 Palestinians had been released.[39]

In December 1987, the most significant series of demonstrations and riots by Palestinians since the start of the Israeli broke out, soon transforming into a sustained popular uprising known as the First Intifada and marked by civil disobediance, strikes, boycotts of Israeli goods and institutions, and the creation of underground local institutions like classrooms and cooperatives.[40] After initially failing to recognise the seriousness of the situation while out of the country on a diplomatic trip to the United States, Rabin adopted harsh measures to stop the uprising, ordering the Israeli military to use "force, might, and beatings" on Palestinian demonstrators.[41][42] The measures led to significant international criticism, with the derogative term "bone breaker" was used as a critical international slogan.[43] The combination of the failure of the "Iron Fist" policy, Israel's deteriorating international image, and Jordan cutting legal and administrative ties to the West Bank with the U.S.'s recognition of the PLO as the representative of the Palestinian people forced Rabin to seek an end to the violence through negotiation and dialogue with the PLO.[43][44]

In 1988 Rabin was responsible for the assassination of Abu Jihad in Tunis and two weeks later he personally supervised the destruction of the Hizbullah stronghold in Meidoun during Operation Law and Order, in which the IDF said 40–50 Hizbullah fighters were killed. Three Israeli soldiers were killed and seventeen wounded.[45][46]

Minister of Defence Rabin planned and executed the 27 July 1989 abduction of the Hizbullah leader Sheikh Abdel Karim Obeid and two of his aides from Jibchit in South Lebanon. Hizbullah responded by announcing the execution of Colonel Higgins, a senior American officer working with UNIFIL who had been kidnapped in February 1988.[47][48]

Opposition Knesset member (1990–1992)

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In "the dirty trick", the Labor Party left the coalition of the 23rd government in an effort to form a new coalition to be led by Peres. This failed as Yitzhak Shamir formed the 24th government with Labor in the opposition for the remainder of the 10th Knesset.

From 1990 to 1992, Rabin again sat on the Knesset's Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee.[38]

Following the backfiring of "the dirty trick" on Peres and the Labor Party, Rabin unsuccessfully attempted to persuade the party to schedule a leadership election in 1990.[49][50] A prospective leadership race in 1990 had looked promising to Rabin. Peres was weakened from the backfiring of "the dirty trick", and polling showed Rabin to be the nation's most popular politician. Additionally, many of Peres' longtime backers in the party had begun shifting their support to Rabin.[50] In July 1990, the Labor Party's 120 member Leadership Bureau voted to recommend that the party hold an immediate leadership election.[50] However, one week later, on 22 July 1990, the 1,400 member Labor Party Central Committee voted 54 to 46% against holding an immediate leadership contest.[49][50] This set the party up to not hold a leadership election until at least following year, unless the next Knesset election were to have been scheduled earlier than the anticipated 1992.[49] The committee's vote to reject Rabin's push for a 1990 leadership contest was regarded as an upset result.[49]

Return to party leadership

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In its 1992 leadership election, Rabin was elected as chairman of the Labor Party, unseating Shimon Peres.[33]

Second term as Prime Minister

[edit]
Rabin at home with his wife, grandson, daughter, then son-in-law, and two of his granddaughters in 1992.
Bill Clinton watches Jordan's King Hussein (left) and Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin (right) sign the Israel–Jordan peace treaty
Yitzhak Rabin, Bill Clinton, and Yasser Arafat during the Oslo Accords on 13 September 1993
Rabin shaking hands with new Russian immigrants on their flight to Israel in 1994

In the 1992 Israeli legislative election, the Labor Party, led by Rabin, strongly focused on his popularity. The party managed to win a clear victory over the Likud of incumbent Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir. However, the left-wing bloc in the Knesset only won an overall narrow majority, facilitated by the failure of small nationalist parties to pass the electoral threshold. Rabin formed the first Labor-led government in fifteen years, supported by a coalition with Meretz, a left wing party, and Shas, a Mizrahi ultra-orthodox religious party.

On 25 July 1993, after Hezbollah fired rockets into northern Israel, Rabin authorized a week-long military operation in Lebanon.[51] Rabin played a leading role in the signing of the Oslo Accords, which created the Palestinian National Authority and granted it partial control over parts of the Gaza Strip and West Bank. Prior to the signing of the accords, Rabin received a letter from PLO chairman Yasser Arafat renouncing violence and officially recognizing Israel, and on the same day, 9 September 1993, Rabin sent Arafat a letter officially recognizing the PLO.[52] Two days earlier, Rabin explained that his main motive for negotiating with Palestinians was that, "The Palestinians will be better at it than we were, ... because they will allow no appeals to the Supreme Court and will prevent the Israeli Association of Civil Rights from criticizing the conditions there by denying it access to the area. They will rule by their own methods, freeing, and this is most important, the Israeli army soldiers from having to do what they will do."[53]

After the announcement of the Oslo Accords there were many protest demonstrations in Israel objecting to the Accords. As these protests dragged on, Rabin insisted that as long as he had a majority in the Knesset he would ignore the protests and the protesters. In this context he said, "they (the protesters) can spin around and around like propellers"[54] but he would continue on the path of the Oslo Accords. Rabin's parliamentary majority rested on non-coalition member Arab support.[55] Rabin also denied the right of American Jews to object to his plan for peace, calling any such dissent "chutzpah".[56] The Oslo agreement was also opposed by Hamas and other Palestinian factions, which launched suicide bombings at Israel.[57]

After the historical handshake with Yasser Arafat,[58] Rabin said, on behalf of the Israeli people,

"We who have fought against you, the Palestinians, we say to you today, in a loud and a clear voice; Enough of blood and tears. Enough!"[59][60]

During this term of office, Rabin also oversaw the signing of the Israel–Jordan peace treaty in 1994.[61]

Economic and social reforms

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Rabin significantly reformed Israel's economy, as well as its education and healthcare systems. His government significantly expanded the privatization of business, moving away from the country's traditionally socialized economy. The scheme was described by Moshe Arens as a "privatization frenzy". In 1993, his government set up the "Yozma" program, under which attractive tax incentives were offered to foreign venture capital funds that invested in Israel and promised to double any investment with government funding. As a result, foreign venture capital funds invested heavily in the growing Israeli high-tech industry, contributing to Israel's economic growth and status as a world leader in high-tech. In 1995, the National Health Insurance Law was passed. The law created Israel's universal health care system, moving away from the traditionally Histadrut-dominated health insurance system. Doctors' wages were also raised by 50%. Education spending was raised by 70%, with new colleges being built in Israel's peripheral areas, and teachers' wages rising by one-fifth. His government also launched new public works projects such as the Cross-Israel Highway and an expansion of Ben Gurion Airport.[62][63][64][65]

Nobel Peace Prize

[edit]

I always believed that most of the people want peace and are ready to take a risk for it.

—Rabin declared to the rally in 1995, shortly before his death.[66]
(right to left) Yitzhak Rabin, Shimon Peres and Yasser Arafat receiving the Nobel Peace Prize following the Oslo Accords

For his role in the creation of the Oslo Accords, Rabin was awarded the 1994 Nobel Peace Prize, along with Yasser Arafat and Shimon Peres.[67][68] According to Israeli political scientist Efraim Inbar, the road for Israel to Oslo began with Rabin. While not committed to Palestinian statehood, he called for a peaceful coexistence between Israel as a Jewish state next to a Palestinian entity.[69] Likewise, according to Efraim Karsh, "many Palestinians viewed the peace treaty with Israel as a temporary measure only".[70][verification needed] The two sides agreed on certain principles, setting the terms for further negotiations, with the promise of a permanent resolution within a number of years.[69]

Military cemeteries in every corner of the world are silent testimony to the failure of national leaders to sanctify human life.

— Yitzhak Rabin, 1994 Nobel Peace Prize lecture, 10 December 1994[71]

Assassination and aftermath

[edit]
Main article: Assassination of Yitzhak Rabin
Rabin delivering his speech at the 4 November 1995 rally, shortly before his assassination
Short video about Yitzhak Rabin from the Israeli News Company

On the evening of 4 November 1995 (12th of Heshvan on the Hebrew calendar),[72] Rabin was assassinated by Yigal Amir, a law student and right-wing extremist who opposed the signing of the Oslo Accords. Rabin had been attending a mass rally at the Kings of Israel Square (now Rabin Square) in Tel Aviv, held in support of the Oslo Accords. When the rally ended, Rabin walked down the city hall steps towards the open door of his car, at which point Amir fired three shots at Rabin with a semi-automatic pistol. Two shots hit Rabin, and the third lightly injured Yoram Rubin, one of Rabin's bodyguards. Rabin was taken to the nearby Ichilov Hospital, where he died on the operating table of blood loss and two punctured lungs. Amir was immediately seized by Rabin's bodyguards and police. He was later tried, found guilty, and sentenced to life imprisonment. After an emergency cabinet meeting, Israel's foreign minister, Shimon Peres, was appointed as acting Israeli prime minister.[73]

Rabin's assassination shocked the Israeli public and much of the rest of the world. Hundreds of thousands of Israelis gathered at the square where Rabin was assassinated to mourn his death. Young people, in particular, turned out in large numbers, lighting memorial candles and singing peace songs. On 6 November 1995, he was buried on Mount Herzl. Rabin's funeral was attended by many world leaders, among them U.S. president Bill Clinton, Australian Prime Minister Paul Keating, Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak, and King Hussein of Jordan. Clinton delivered a eulogy whose final words were in Hebrew – "Shalom, haver" (Hebrew: שלום חבר, lit. 'Goodbye, friend').[74][75]

The square where he was assassinated, Kikar Malkhei Yisrael (Kings of Israel Square), was renamed Rabin Square in his honor. Many other streets and public institutions in Israel have also subsequently been named after him. After his assassination, Rabin was hailed as a national symbol and came to embody the ethos of the "Israeli peace camp", despite his military career and hawkish views earlier in life.[76] In November 2000, his wife Leah died and was buried alongside him.

After the murder, it was revealed that Avishai Raviv, a well-known right-wing extremist at the time, was a Shin Bet agent-informer codenamed Champagne. Raviv was later acquitted in court of charges that he failed to prevent the assassination. The court ruled there was no evidence that Raviv knew Amir was plotting to kill Rabin.[77] After Rabin's assassination, his daughter Dalia Rabin-Pelossof entered politics and was elected to the Knesset in 1999 as part of the Center Party. In 2001, she served as Israel's deputy minister of defense.[78]

  • Monument marking the site of the assassination: Ibn Gabirol Street between Tel Aviv City Hall and Gan Ha'ir
    Monument marking the site of the assassination: Ibn Gabirol Street between Tel Aviv City Hall and Gan Ha'ir
  • Graves of Yitzhak (right) and Leah Rabin (left) on Mount Herzl
    Graves of Yitzhak (right) and Leah Rabin (left) on Mount Herzl

Commemoration

[edit]
  • The Knesset has set the 12th of Cheshvan, the murder date according to the Hebrew calendar, as the official memorial day of Rabin.[79]
  • In 1995 the Israeli Postal Authority issued a commemorative Rabin stamp.[80]
  • In 1996 Israeli songwriter Naomi Shemer translated Walt Whitman's poem "O Captain! My Captain!" to Hebrew and wrote music for it to mark the anniversary of Rabin's assassination. The song is since commonly performed or played in Yitzhak Rabin memorial day services.
  • The Yitzhak Rabin Centre was founded in 1997 by an act of the Knesset, to create "[a] Memorial Centre for Perpetuating the Memory of Yitzhak Rabin." It carries out extensive commemorative and educational activities emphasising the ways and means of democracy and peace.
  • Mechinat Rabin, an Israeli pre-army preparatory program for training recent high school graduates in leadership prior to their IDF service, was established in 1998.
  • In 2005 Rabin received the Dr. Rainer Hildebrandt Human Rights Award endowed by Alexandra Hildebrandt. The award is given annually in recognition of extraordinary, non-violent commitment to human rights.
  • Many cities and towns in Israel have named streets, neighbourhoods, schools, bridges and parks after Rabin. The country's largest power station, Orot Rabin, two government office complexes (at the HaKirya in Tel Aviv and the Sail Tower in Haifa), the Israeli terminal of the Arava/Araba border crossing with Jordan, and two synagogues are also named after him. Outside Israel, there are streets and squares named after him in Bonn, Berlin, Chicago, Madrid, Miami, New York City, and Odesa and parks in Montreal, Paris, Rome and Lima.[81] The community Jewish high school in Ottawa is also named after him.[82][83]
  • The Cambridge University Israel Society hosts its annual academic lecture in honour of Yitzhak Rabin.[84]
  • Yitzhak Rabin Walk in Queens, New York City
    Yitzhak Rabin Walk in Queens, New York City
  • A memorial stone honouring Rabin in Wellington, New Zealand
    A memorial stone honouring Rabin in Wellington, New Zealand
  • Yitzhak Rabin Center
    Yitzhak Rabin Center

Overview of offices held

[edit]

Rabin twice served as prime minister (Israel's head of government). His first stint spanned from 3 June 1974 through 20 June 1977, leading the 17th government during the 8th Knesset. His second stint lasted from 13 July 1992 until his assassination on 4 November 1995, leading the 25th government during the 13th Knesset. Rabin was a member of the Knesset from 1974 until his assassination. For several months in 1992, Rabin served as the Knesset's opposition leader, at the time an unofficial and honorary role. Rabin also served as ambassador of Israel to the United States from 1968 until 1973.

Labor Party leadership

[edit]

Peres twice served as leader of the Israeli Labor Party.

Tenures as Labor Party leader
Tenure Predecessor Successor Knesset elections as leader Elected/reelected
as leader
April – February 1974 Golda Meir Shimon Peres 1974, 1977 (Feb)
February 1992 – 4 November 1995 Shimon Peres Shimon Peres 1992 1992

Ministerial posts

[edit]
Ministerial posts
Ministerial post Tenure Prime Minister(s) Government(s) Predecessor Successor
Minister of Labour 10 March – 3 June 1974 Golda Meir 16 Yosef Almogi Moshe Baram
Minister of Communications 3 June 1974 – 20 March 1975 Yitzhak Rabin 17 Aharon Uzan Aharon Uzan
Minister of Welfare (first tenure) 7 – 29 July 1975 Yitzhak Rabin 17 Michael Hasani Yosef Burg
Minister of Defense (first tenure) 13 September 1984 – 20 March 1990 Shimon Peres (until 20 October 1986)
Yitzhak Shamir (after 20 October 1986)		 21, 22, 23 Moshe Arens Yitzhak Shamir
Minister of Defense (second tenure) 13 July 1992 – 4 November 1995 Yitzhak Rabin 25 Moshe Arens Shimon Peres
Minister of Labor and Social Welfare (second tenure) 13 July – 31 December 1992 Yitzhak Rabin 25 Yitzhak Shamir Ora Namir
Minister of Jerusalem Affairs 13 July – 31 December 1992 Yitzhak Rabin 25 Yitzhak Shamir Eli Suissa
Minister of Religious Affairs 13 July 1992 – 27 February 1995 Yitzhak Rabin 25 Avner Shaki Shimon Shetreet
Minister of Education and Culture 11 May – 7 June 1993 Yitzhak Rabin 25 Shulamit Aloni Amnon Rubinstein
Minister of Internal Affairs (first tenure) 11 May – 7 June 1993 Yitzhak Rabin 25 Aryeh Deri Aryeh Deri
Minister of Internal Affairs (second tenure) 14 September 1993 – 27 February 1995 Yitzhak Rabin 25 Aryeh Deri Uzi Baram
Minister of Health 8 February – 1 June 1994 Yitzhak Rabin 25 Haim Ramon Efraim Sneh

Electoral history

[edit]

Party leadership elections

[edit]
1974 Israeli Labor Party leadership election[85][33]
Candidate Votes %
Yitzhak Rabin 298 54
Shimon Peres 254 46
Total votes 552 100
February 1977 Israeli Labor Party leadership election[33][86]
Candidate Votes %
Yitzhak Rabin (incumbent) 1,445 50.7
Shimon Peres 1,404 49.3
Total votes 1,997 100
1980 Israeli Labor Party leadership election[33]
Candidate Votes %
Shimon Peres (incumbent) 2,123 70.8
Yitzhak Rabin 875 29.2
Total votes 2,998 100
1992 Israeli Labor Party leadership election[33][87]
Candidate Votes %
Yizhak Rabin 40.6
Shimon Peres (incumbent) 34.5
Yisrael Kessar 19.0
Ora Namir 5.5
Total votes 108,347 100
Turnout 70.1%

Awards and decorations

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War of Independence Ribbon Operation Kadesh Ribbon Six-Day War Ribbon

Published works

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  • Rabin, Yitzhak (1996). The Rabin Memoirs. University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-20766-0.

See also

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References

[edit]

Sources

[edit]

Further reading

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Yitzhak Rabin

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Yitzhak Rabin (1 March 1922 – 4 November 1995) was an Israeli general and statesman who commanded the Israel Defense Forces during the 1967 and served as the country's fifth in two non-consecutive terms, from 1974 to 1977 and from 1992 until his assassination. Born in to parents who had immigrated from , Rabin received agricultural training before joining the elite commando unit of the in 1941, where he participated in operations during the 1948 Arab-Israeli War, including the controversial shelling of the arms ship Altalena off , which resulted in fatalities among Jewish fighters and heightened internal divisions. Appointed IDF in 1964, he directed preparations and operations that led to Israel's rapid defeat of , , and in 1967, capturing the , , , and . Following military service, Rabin served as ambassador to the from 1968 to 1973, then entered politics as a Labor Party leader. His initial premiership emphasized security and partial disengagement from Egyptian forces but concluded with his resignation in 1977 over a involving unauthorized foreign bank accounts held by him and his wife, . Returning as in 1992, Rabin authorized secret negotiations culminating in the 1993 with the , establishing the Palestinian Authority for interim self-governance in parts of the and Gaza amid hopes for eventual peace, though the process immediately faced criticism for enabling increased terrorist attacks and failing to curb Palestinian rejectionism. These efforts earned him, along with Foreign Minister and PLO leader , the 1994 , yet provoked intense domestic backlash from opponents who argued the concessions undermined Israel's strategic depth and invited violence. On 4 November 1995, after addressing a rally supporting the peace initiative, Rabin was shot dead by , an ultranationalist Jewish law student who viewed the accords as treasonous and a betrayal of biblical claims to the land.

Early Life and Personal Background

Childhood and Family Origins

Yitzhak Rabin was born on March 1, 1922, in under the British , as the firstborn child of Nehemiah Rabin (originally Rubitzov or Rubichov) and Rosa Cohen. His father, born in 1886 in Syvydovets (also spelled Smidovich), a town in what is now , had emigrated from the amid rising and revolutionary turmoil. His mother, born in 1890 in the Mogilev region of , similarly fled pogroms and instability in the of Settlement. Both parents were part of the Third immigration wave (1919–1923), which brought over 35,000 Jewish pioneers to , driven by socialist Zionist ideals emphasizing agricultural labor and national revival. Nehemiah worked as a and vineyard manager, while Rosa engaged in community organizing and early defense efforts; they met in around 1920 and aligned with Poalei Zion, a Marxist-oriented advocating Jewish through collective settlement. The couple later had a daughter, , but the family endured poverty typical of Mandate-era olim (immigrants), residing initially in Jerusalem's working-class neighborhoods before moving to shortly after Yitzhak's birth. Rabin's early years were shaped by his parents' commitment to and proto-Haganah activities, fostering an environment of ideological fervor amid Arab-Jewish tensions and British restrictions on Jewish land purchase and . Nehemiah's involvement in manual labor collectives and Rosa's role in women's pioneer groups instilled values of physical toil and communal defense, though economic constraints limited formal opportunities; , a native Sabra, grew up speaking Hebrew as his primary language in a household blending Eastern European influences with emerging Israeli identity.

Education and Early Influences

Yitzhak Rabin was born on March 1, 1922, in to Nehemiah Rabin (originally Rubichov) and Rosa Cohen, Jewish immigrants from the who arrived in as part of the Third wave of Zionist pioneers. His parents, adhering to the socialist principles of the Labor Zionist movement and active in the Ahdut Ha'avoda party, instilled in him values of collective labor and national revival; his mother, known as "Red Rosa," held leadership roles in the labor federation. The family faced economic hardship but relocated to when Rabin was an infant, where his early exposure to workers' communities shaped a pragmatic oriented toward and communal defense. Rabin's formal education began at Beit Hinuch Leyaldei Ovdim, a Tel Aviv school catering to children of laborers, reflecting his family's alignment with the labor movement's emphasis on accessible for the . In 1937, at age 15, he transferred to the Kadoorie Agricultural High School (also known as Kadoori or Kedourie) in the , a boarding institution founded to train youth in modern farming techniques for future life. The curriculum integrated hands-on agriculture—such as crop cultivation, , and —with Zionist ideology, aiming to build a self-sufficient Jewish society amid British Mandate constraints and Arab hostility. At Kadoorie, Rabin demonstrated strong aptitude in practical subjects, graduating with distinction around 1940 after completing the two-year program. He received a graduation prize from the British High Commissioner, underscoring his proficiency despite initial challenges like failing the entrance exam, which he overcame through preparatory studies at a district agricultural in Givat HaShlosha. These formative years reinforced influences from his family's activism and the school's ethos, fostering a blend of technical expertise and ideological commitment that propelled him toward military service in the elite units upon graduation.

Military Service

Palmach Involvement and 1948 War of Independence

Rabin joined the , the elite strike force of the , in 1941 shortly after graduating from Kadoorie Agricultural High School. During , he participated in Palmach operations supporting Allied forces, including the 1941 invasion of Vichy-controlled . His early service involved rigorous training and guard duties at British detention camps for illegal immigrants, building his experience in . In the lead-up to Israel's independence, Rabin rose through ranks, serving as a platoon and company commander in the , focused on securing the corridor. During the 1948 War of Independence, he contributed to defensive efforts against Arab attacks on 's supply routes, including operations around . A pivotal event was the on June 20–22, 1948, when the ship carrying arms for the faction approached . As commander on shore under Ben-Gurion's orders to enforce the state's arms monopoly, Rabin directed artillery fire that sank the vessel after it refused to unload and attempted to evade, resulting in 16 Irgun deaths and internal Jewish conflict he later described as "Jews shooting Jews." This action underscored the new state's prioritization of unified military control amid ongoing war. In July 1948, during Operation Danny aimed at capturing and Ramle to relieve , Rabin served as operations officer and deputy to commander , coordinating assaults that expelled Arab forces and secured strategic gains despite heavy casualties. His role highlighted tactical coordination in urban combat and logistical challenges under numerical inferiority. Later phases saw elements, under his operational input, engage in southern fronts against Egyptian advances in the . Rabin's tenure, spanning seven years until its 1948 integration into the IDF, emphasized mobile infantry tactics suited to defensive warfare against superior foes, contributing to Israel's survival through irregular units' adaptability.

Rise in the IDF and Key Operational Roles

Following the 1948 War of Independence and the formation of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF), Rabin advanced through command and staff roles. In June 1949, he assumed the position of brigadier general commanding the . From November 1949 to November 1950, he led the School for Battalion Commanders, training officers who would shape the IDF's early professionalization. In early 1951, Rabin was appointed Chief of the Operations Department at General Headquarters, overseeing tactical planning and coordination amid ongoing border tensions. He contributed to establishing the IDF's officers training college, emphasizing disciplined, initiative-driven leadership to transition from partisan warfare to a conventional . From 1956 to 1959, Rabin commanded the Northern Command, focusing on border security against Syrian aggression. In this capacity, he directed defensive measures and limited retaliatory actions in response to Syrian shelling of Israeli settlements in the and engineering efforts to divert the River's headwaters, which threatened Israel's . These operations involved artillery duels and infantry patrols to deter infiltrations, reflecting the era's pattern of cross-border skirmishes that tested IDF readiness without escalating to full conflict. During the 1956 Sinai Campaign, Rabin's Northern Command responsibilities kept him from direct participation in the southern offensive, prioritizing vigilance against potential Syrian or Lebanese diversions. In 1959, Rabin transitioned to Head of the Operations Branch at General Headquarters, the IDF's second-highest post, where he refined contingency plans, , and inter-branch coordination for potential multi-front wars. By 1961, while retaining oversight of operations, he was promoted to Deputy Chief of Staff under Mordechai Makleff and later Tzvi Tzur, positioning him to influence strategic doctrine amid growing buildups. These roles solidified his reputation for analytical rigor and operational efficiency, paving the way for his appointment as in 1964.

Chief of Staff During Critical Conflicts

Yitzhak Rabin served as Chief of Staff of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) from January 1, 1964, to January 1, 1968. In this role, he oversaw the IDF's modernization and training programs amid escalating border tensions with Arab neighbors, particularly and , which involved frequent infiltrations and retaliatory raids. Rabin's tenure culminated in the of June 5–10, 1967, where the IDF, under his command, executed a preemptive strategy that neutralized Egyptian, Syrian, and Jordanian forces, resulting in Israel's capture of the , , , , and . Leading up to the war, Rabin directed intensive preparations, including enhanced capabilities and rapid exercises, despite initial assessments deeming full-scale conflict unlikely. Tensions peaked on , 1967, when , under President , closed the Straits of Tiran to Israeli shipping, prompting Israel to declare a and mobilize reserves numbering over 250,000 troops. On , Rabin experienced a temporary nervous attributed to exhaustion and heavy intake from chain-smoking, rendering him incapacitated for approximately 24 hours; the episode was concealed from the public and cabinet at the time, with Deputy Haim Bar-Lev assuming temporary duties. Rabin recovered swiftly and resumed command, later confirming the incident in while dismissing political exploitation of it. During the war, Rabin's operational oversight facilitated decisive victories: on , Israeli air strikes destroyed over 300 Egyptian on the ground within hours, securing air superiority; ground forces then advanced rapidly, defeating Egyptian armies in Sinai by June 8, Jordanian forces in the by June 7, and Syrian positions on the by June 10. Casualties were asymmetric, with suffering around 800 deaths compared to approximately 20,000 Arab fatalities, underscoring the effectiveness of IDF tactics under Rabin's leadership. Post-war, Rabin articulated 's defensive rationale in a speech accepting an honorary from , emphasizing the necessity of preemption against existential threats. His strategic focus on qualitative superiority and offensive defense shaped IDF doctrine, though the breakdown incident has been cited by critics as evidence of strain in high command.

Military Doctrines and Strategic Contributions

As head of the IDF Operations Branch from 1959 to 1963, Yitzhak Rabin formulated a comprehensive combat tailored to technological advancements and regional threats in the . This emphasized multi-corps maneuvers and rapid modernization of forces, including the establishment of the IDF's Computerization Department and the introduction of its first computer to enhance . These reforms shifted the IDF toward integrating advanced computing for and , addressing the limitations of manual processes in a resource-constrained military facing numerically superior adversaries. Appointed in January 1964, Rabin prioritized qualitative superiority over quantitative parity, procuring American weapons systems and technologies to counter Soviet armaments supplied to Arab states. He developed an IDF fighting doctrine centered on mobility, surprise, and preemptive action, which proved decisive in large-scale operations. Under his leadership, operational doctrines were created for integrated air, ground, and naval forces, including multi-force training exercises that simulated total war scenarios. Rabin's strategic approach included targeted reprisals against aggressors while avoiding unnecessary territorial occupation. In the "water war" with during the mid-1960s, he authorized incursions to sabotage diversion projects threatening Israel's , focusing on disruption rather than conquest. The November 13, 1966, Operation Samu’a exemplified this doctrine, involving a large-scale raid into in response to cross-border attacks, which demonstrated the IDF's capacity for deep penetration but also highlighted risks of escalation. Rabin's doctrines culminated in the 1967 Six-Day War, where preemptive aerial strikes on June 5 destroyed Arab air forces, enabling rapid ground advances that captured the , , , and by June 10. Mobilization of reservists began in May 1967 following Egypt's troop buildup and blockade of the Straits of Tiran, reflecting a strategy of deterrence through demonstrated readiness. This victory validated Rabin's emphasis on technological integration, surprise maneuvers, and decisive action, restoring a period of relative quiet along Israel's borders post-ceasefire.

Criticisms of Military Leadership

Rabin's involvement in the Altalena affair on June 22, 1948, drew enduring criticism from right-wing and revisionist Zionist factions. As a Palmach battalion commander under orders from David Ben-Gurion, Rabin relayed the command to fire on the Irgun-operated ship Altalena, which was attempting to deliver arms to the nascent state despite a monopoly on force imposed by the provisional government; the shelling resulted in the vessel's sinking and the deaths of 16 Irgun members, alongside 3 IDF fatalities. Critics, particularly Irgun supporters, have labeled the action fratricide and an overreach of central authority against a fellow Jewish militia contributing to Israel's defense, with some accusing Rabin of direct responsibility for avoidable Jewish bloodshed during a fragile independence period. In the Lydda and Ramle expulsions during Operation Dani on July 14, 1948, , then deputy commander and operations officer of the under , issued a written order to expel the inhabitants of Lydda, leading to the forced departure of approximately 50,000–60,000 Palestinian Arabs from the two towns via foot marches toward the Jordanian border under IDF escort and amid summer heat. recounted the operation in his unpublished 1979 memoirs, describing soldiers herding civilians out "since there was no other way" and noting instances of soldiers' reluctance requiring sessions afterward; the suppressed this section upon publication, citing risks of arousing undue sympathy for the events. Palestinian advocates and some historians have condemned the expulsions as or following Arab irregular attacks on Jewish convoys, arguing they exemplified systematic rather than mere wartime evacuation, though Israeli defenders frame them as a necessary response to strategic threats from hostile pockets behind lines. As IDF Chief of Staff from 1964 to 1968, Rabin encountered scrutiny for a personal breakdown amid the escalating crisis preceding the in May 1967. Facing Egyptian troop mobilizations in Sinai and threats of annihilation, Rabin suffered acute anxiety, chain-smoking up to 60 cigarettes daily, losing sleep, and collapsing into a 24-hour incapacitation that sidelined him temporarily from command responsibilities at a moment of national peril. He recovered sufficiently to oversee preemptive strikes that secured victory, but opponents weaponized the episode in political attacks, portraying it as evidence of faltering resolve and unfitness for high-stakes leadership; Rabin admitted the "breakdown" in a 1992 interview while decrying its exploitation as .

Early Political and Diplomatic Positions

Ambassador to the United States (1968–1973)

Following his retirement from the Israel Defense Forces on January 1, 1968, after 27 years of service, Yitzhak Rabin was appointed Israel's Ambassador to the United States in February 1968 by Prime Minister Levi Eshkol. His appointment came in the aftermath of the 1967 Six-Day War, during which Rabin had served as IDF Chief of Staff, positioning him to advocate for enhanced U.S. support amid shifting regional dynamics and Soviet arms supplies to Arab states. As , prioritized strengthening bilateral ties, leveraging his military background to emphasize 's strategic value to U.S. interests. He played a pivotal role in negotiating the sale of 50 F-4 Phantom fighter jets to , finalized in November 1968 after intensive discussions with U.S. officials under President , marking a significant escalation in American military assistance beyond previous Skyhawk deliveries. These advanced aircraft bolstered 's air superiority during the ensuing (1967–1970), countering Egyptian threats along the . also engaged extensively with and the American Jewish community to secure political backing, while navigating tensions over U.S. proposals for settlements that viewed as concessions to Arab demands. Rabin cultivated personal relationships with key U.S. figures, including a pre-election meeting with Richard Nixon in 1968 where he highlighted Soviet military advancements to Egypt, influencing the incoming administration's pro-Israel stance. Under Nixon, U.S.-Israel cooperation deepened, with Rabin advocating for sustained arms flows despite domestic U.S. debates on foreign aid. His tenure coincided with the 1968 U.S. presidential transition and the War of Attrition, during which he pressed for diplomatic and material support to deter escalation, laying groundwork for the strategic partnership that proved critical in later conflicts. Rabin's ambassadorship concluded in March 1973, after five years, as he returned to to enter politics ahead of the elections. During his service, U.S. to expanded substantially, transitioning the U.S. into Israel's primary arms supplier and solidifying alliances that withstood international pressures. His direct, unorthodox diplomatic style—rooted in military pragmatism rather than traditional suave negotiation—proved effective in advancing Israel's security interests amid a volatile geopolitical landscape.

Minister of Labour (1974)

Following his election to the Eighth on 31 December 1973 as a member of the Labor Alignment, Yitzhak Rabin was appointed Minister of Labour in Golda Meir's sixteenth government on 10 March 1974. This short-lived cabinet operated amid widespread public discontent over the War's intelligence and preparedness failures, with Rabin's military credentials—untarnished by direct pre-war decision-making—positioning him as a potential reformer within the Labor establishment. During a 2 April 1974 cabinet meeting discussing the Agranat Commission's interim report, which faulted military intelligence leaders like and recommended their dismissal while sidestepping political oversight, actively intervened. He pressed Justice Minister Haim Zadok on whether the report could be returned to the commission for expansion, contending that its narrow focus unfairly scapegoated the and evaded scrutiny of the government's authority and accountability in war preparations. The government's resignation on 11 1974 paved the way for 's leadership bid; he defeated for Labor Party chairmanship on 26 and assumed the premiership upon presenting his cabinet to the on 3 June 1974, effectively ending his labour ministry role after less than three months.

First Premiership (1974–1977)

Domestic Economic and Social Policies

Rabin's first government inherited an economy strained by the aftermath of the 1973 , global oil shocks, and persistent budget deficits, with accelerating to an annual rate of nearly 40% between and 1977. The policy of chronic deficit financing, continued from prior administrations, exacerbated inflationary pressures by funding and reconstruction without corresponding revenue increases. In response, the government implemented austerity measures in July , including sharp tax hikes on income and consumption, a mandatory pay cut for workers, and curbs on public spending to stem spiraling deficits and offset rising import costs. These steps aimed to restore fiscal discipline amid a foreign burden that reached approximately $10.7 billion by 1976, equivalent to Israel's gross national product. Key reforms under Rabin included restructuring the system to broaden the base and introducing (VAT) adjustments to boost revenue collection, marking early, albeit limited, deviations from the Labor Party's traditional statist model. Despite these efforts, averaged 42% in 1976, driven by wage indexation agreements that perpetuated cost-push dynamics and heavy reliance on U.S. aid to cover military expenditures. The 1977 budget projected further hardships, with a deliberate shift toward export-oriented industries anticipated to elevate to around 5%, reflecting a trade-off between short-term pain and long-term competitiveness. Rabin's administration maintained centralized , prioritizing state intervention over rapid liberalization, which critics later attributed to insufficient structural changes amid ongoing security demands. On the social front, Rabin emphasized reducing socioeconomic disparities and eradicating in his June 1974 address, framing these as core priorities alongside defense rebuilding. Policies focused on narrowing gaps through targeted subsidies for low-income families and investments in and , though implementation was constrained by fiscal and did not yield measurable reductions in inequality during the term. The government upheld the socialist-oriented welfare framework of the Labor alignment, including expanded social security benefits, but faced challenges from demographic pressures like immigrant absorption and war-related displacements, which strained public services without introducing transformative reforms. Overall, domestic initiatives reflected continuity with prior Labor policies, balancing egalitarian goals against economic stabilization amid exogenous shocks.

Foreign and Security Policies

Following the of October 1973, Rabin's emphasized pragmatic diplomacy to secure Israel's borders through interim agreements while maintaining military deterrence. He prioritized negotiations with to reduce immediate threats along the southern front, leveraging U.S. mediation under . Rabin viewed territorial adjustments as acceptable if accompanied by verifiable security guarantees, such as demilitarization zones, rather than pursuing comprehensive peace at the time. A cornerstone of this approach was the , signed on September 4, 1975, between and . Under the accord, withdrew its forces from the Gidi and Passes and the Abu Rudeis oil fields in the , retreating to the international border line east of these areas. In return, committed to non-militarization of a 40-kilometer and both parties pledged to abstain from force, with U.S. monitoring stations deployed to verify compliance. Rabin defended the agreement in the as enhancing Israel's strategic position by isolating the Egyptian front and fostering U.S. commitments, including a letter from President recognizing Israel's need for defensible borders. On security matters, Rabin adopted a firm stance against Palestinian , authorizing cross-border operations to neutralize threats from PLO bases in and . In response to PLO rocket attacks on northern Israeli communities, such as those launched from in 1975, Rabin ordered artillery bombardments and limited ground incursions to dismantle launch sites and infrastructure. These actions, including Operation "Reckoning," aimed to deter further aggression by imposing costs on terrorist groups while avoiding deep penetration that could escalate into broader conflict. Rabin's policy reflected a balance between retaliation and restraint, prioritizing the protection of civilian areas over territorial expansion. The most notable security operation under Rabin was the on July 4, 1976, which rescued over 100 hostages held by terrorists at Uganda's Airport. Following the hijacking of an flight on June 27, 1976, by members of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine and German revolutionaries, the hostages—predominantly Israeli and Jewish—were detained with Ugandan President Idi Amin's support. Despite initial reluctance due to logistical risks, Rabin approved the IDF's long-range commando assault, involving four C-130 Hercules aircraft flying 4,000 kilometers to . The mission succeeded in freeing 102 hostages, killing all seven hijackers and several Ugandan soldiers, though it resulted in the death of the assault force commander, , and three hostages. This operation underscored Rabin's commitment to refusing concessions to and bolstered Israel's deterrence posture. Relations with the remained central, with Rabin securing increased military aid amid post-war reassessments. However, tensions arose over U.S. pressure for concessions, as evidenced by the 1975 "reassessment" under Ford, which temporarily withheld arms deliveries to encourage Israeli flexibility. Rabin navigated these by emphasizing mutual strategic interests, culminating in U.S. assurances embedded in the Sinai accord. Toward and , progress stalled, with Rabin insisting on retaining the and Jordanian control as security imperatives, rejecting premature withdrawals without ironclad peace treaties.

Resignation and Political Challenges

Rabin's first premiership encountered persistent political instability stemming from deep divisions within the Labor Party, exacerbated by his narrow victory over in the party leadership contest in , which fueled ongoing factional tensions that hindered unified governance. Coalition fragility compounded these issues; the government, initially holding a slim majority, lost the National Religious Party's support in December 1976 after Rabin abstained on a motion endorsing Jewish settlements in the , prompting the party's ministers to resign and reducing the coalition to a 57-seat minority in the 120-seat . Rabin managed to pass key legislation, such as the 1977 budget, by securing support from opposition parties, but this precarious arrangement underscored the government's vulnerability to no-confidence votes and internal dissent. Public criticism intensified amid post-Yom Kippur War scrutiny, including the Agranat Commission's inquiry into intelligence and preparedness failures, though Rabin, uninvolved in pre-war decisions, positioned himself as a reformer addressing systemic military shortcomings. Economic strains, with annual inflation climbing above 30 percent by and widespread strikes disrupting sectors like transportation and industry, further strained the administration's , despite measures like subsidy cuts aimed at stabilization. The successful operation on July 4, , provided a temporary popularity surge, demonstrating decisive leadership, but could not offset accumulating governance challenges or the erosion of Labor's long-held dominance. The decisive blow came from the "dollar account affair." In March 1977, media reports revealed that Rabin's wife, , had maintained an unauthorized foreign currency account in a , bank holding approximately $10,000—funds accumulated during Rabin's ambassadorship tenure—violating Israel's strict foreign exchange regulations that required approval for such holdings. was convicted of the infraction, fined 50,000 Israeli pounds, and given a , while Rabin himself faced no criminal charges but came under police investigation. On April 8, 1977, Rabin announced his resignation as and withdrawal as the Labor Party's election candidate, citing the need to spare the party further damage ahead of the May 17 elections; assumed leadership, though Labor's defeat to Menachem Begin's marked the end of its uninterrupted rule since Israel's founding.

Intermediary Political Roles

Opposition Leadership (1977–1984)

Following his resignation as prime minister on April 8, 1977, amid the "Dollar Account" scandal involving his wife's unauthorized foreign currency holdings, Yitzhak Rabin retained leadership of the Labor Party by narrowly defeating rival in the party's February 23, 1977, , securing 55% of the delegate vote. The ensuing elections on May 17, 1977, marked a seismic shift, with Labor winning only 32 seats compared to Likud's 43, ending the party's 29-year dominance and installing as . This upset stemmed partly from voter disillusionment with Labor's handling of and security issues post-Yom Kippur War, as well as the internal Rabin-Peres feud that projected disunity. As opposition leader and a member of the Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee, Rabin concentrated on scrutinizing the Begin government's security and territorial policies, emphasizing pragmatic diplomacy over ideological expansionism. He critiqued the acceleration of Jewish settlements in the and Gaza, warning as early as 1976—views he maintained in opposition—that such "political settlements" in densely Arab areas risked isolating internationally and hindering negotiations with or Palestinian representatives, likening unchecked growth to a "cancer" that could lead to apartheid-like demographics. The ongoing Peres further eroded Labor's cohesion, with Peres mounting an unsuccessful challenge for leadership in 1980, exacerbating electoral setbacks including the 1981 vote where Labor again trailed . Rabin's sharpest opposition came during the , which he condemned from its launch on June 6, arguing the operation exceeded limited objectives of creating a security buffer and failed to dislodge Syrian forces or eradicate PLO bases, instead entangling in prolonged occupation without clear strategic gains. By June 25, 1982, he publicly lectured that the IDF had not rooted out terrorism or neutralized Syrian influence, reflecting his military background's insistence on defined, achievable ends over open-ended campaigns. This stance aligned with Labor's broader hawkish-yet-realist critique of Begin's adventurism, though internal divisions limited parliamentary impact. Rabin's opposition role ended in September 1984 with the formation of a after inconclusive elections, where he assumed the defense ministry portfolio under Peres's rotation premiership.

Minister of Defense (1984–1990)

Following the 1984 Israeli legislative elections, which resulted in a narrow victory for the Alignment bloc led by , Rabin was appointed Minister of Defense in the coalition with , serving under Peres as from September 1984 until the government's rotation in October 1986, after which assumed the premiership while Rabin retained the defense portfolio until 1990. In this role, Rabin focused on stabilizing Israel's security environment amid ongoing challenges from and the territories, emphasizing deterrence through military readiness and operational restraint where feasible. A primary early initiative was the phased withdrawal of Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) from most of , initiated in February 1985 after the 1982 had bogged down into a costly occupation that Rabin had publicly criticized for radicalizing local Shia populations and failing to achieve lasting strategic gains. Rabin proposed and oversaw a staged pullback, with IDF forces retreating from the Awali River line to a narrower security zone along the border by April 29, 1985, while coordinating limited support to allied Lebanese militias and establishing buffer arrangements to mitigate cross-border threats from groups like precursors. This move reduced Israeli casualties from Lebanese hostilities but left a residual zone that required ongoing IDF presence and patrols until 2000. The outbreak of the in December 1987 prompted Rabin's adoption of an "Iron Fist" policy to suppress widespread Palestinian riots, stone-throwing, and attacks in the and , involving curfews, administrative detentions under revived British Mandate-era laws, and the deployment of undercover IDF units for targeted operations against militant leaders. In January 1988, facing complaints about excessive shootings, Rabin issued directives prioritizing non-lethal beatings—"force, might, and beatings"—famously summarized as an order to "break their bones" among adult male protesters to deter participation without resorting to firearms, a shift that nonetheless resulted in thousands of injuries and over 1,000 Palestinian deaths by 1990 from combined tactics including plastic bullets and live fire liberalization in later phases. These measures, while temporarily quelling some unrest through mass arrests (exceeding 100,000 by 1990) and expulsions, drew international criticism for concerns and arguably prolonged the uprising by escalating cycles of violence, as evidenced by rising suicide bombings and armed resistance. Rabin also addressed internal military priorities, including the 1987 cancellation of the costly indigenous fighter jet program to redirect resources toward procurement of proven U.S. systems like the F-16, enhancing IDF air superiority amid budget constraints from economic stabilization efforts. His tenure strengthened protocols post-Lebanon and maintained qualitative military edges through investments in intelligence and rapid-response capabilities, though it faced domestic scrutiny over conscript morale and reserve burdens during prolonged low-intensity conflicts. Rabin's defense ministry ended in amid the collapse of the unity coalition, as Labor withdrew to challenge in elections, reflecting his pragmatic shift toward while upholding a -first rooted in deterrence over concession.

Return to Labor Party Leadership (1992)

Following his resignation as Minister of Defense in March 1990 amid the collapse of the , Yitzhak Rabin initially challenged incumbent Labor Party leader for party leadership in July 1990 but lost decisively. Rabin then retreated from frontline politics, focusing on private activities while the party struggled under Peres amid prolonged deadlock in peace talks and escalating violence during the , which had begun in December 1987 and eroded public confidence in Labor's security posture. By late 1991, with Labor's polling stagnant and Peres viewed by many party members as electorally vulnerable after repeated defeats to , Rabin reemerged to announce his candidacy for the February 1992 party primaries. He campaigned on restoring Labor's credibility through his proven military record and a "muscular" approach to security, pledging to confront Palestinian unrest decisively—famously advocating "breaking bones" of rioters—while pursuing negotiations only from a position of strength, contrasting Peres's perceived indecisiveness. This platform appealed to rank-and-file voters seeking a leader capable of defeating Yitzhak Shamir's in upcoming general elections, positioning Rabin as both hawk on immediate threats and pragmatic on long-term diplomacy. The primaries, held on February 20, 1992, resulted in Rabin's victory over Peres, Israel Kessar, and Ora Namir, securing him the Labor leadership with a wide margin that reflected widespread party desire for change. His return to the helm revitalized the party, enabling a unified campaign under the slogan "Rabin is Waiting for Israel," which emphasized economic revival and security-first policies to exploit voter fatigue with the intifada and Shamir's hardline stance. This leadership shift marked Rabin's transition from elder statesman to active contender, setting the stage for Labor's resurgence without immediate shifts in ideological orthodoxy but through renewed emphasis on pragmatic governance.

Second Premiership (1992–1995)

Economic Liberalization and Reforms

Upon assuming office in July 1992, Yitzhak Rabin's government inherited an economy burdened by high public spending, a legacy of statist policies, and the challenges of absorbing over 500,000 Soviet immigrants since , which strained and labor markets while contributing skilled workers to emerging high-tech sectors. Rabin's policy guidelines, presented to the on July 13, 1992, emphasized reorienting the economy toward "open management free of administrative restrictions and superfluous Government involvement," marking a deliberate shift from interventionism toward market mechanisms. Finance Minister Avraham Shochat, appointed in July , pursued fiscal discipline by curbing budget deficits through spending cuts, including reductions in defense expenditures as a of GDP—from about 18% in to around 14% by 1995—freeing resources for and . The administration advanced trade liberalization by lowering import tariffs and easing , though financial liberalization proceeded cautiously to avoid instability. Initial steps toward privatization targeted state-owned enterprises, laying groundwork for later divestitures, while tax unification and incentives supported private investment amid global integration pressures. These measures coincided with robust GDP growth, averaging approximately 6% annually from 1992 to 1995, driven by immigrant labor, export expansion in and , and moderated inflation below 5% by 1995. Rabin's oversight facilitated U.S. loan guarantees starting in 1993, totaling $10 billion over five years, which bolstered and job creation without exacerbating debt, though critics noted persistent inefficiencies in protected sectors like . The reforms embedded neoliberal elements into Israel's , prioritizing export-led growth over subsidies, though implementation faced resistance from labor unions and Histadrut-linked firms.

Oslo Accords and Palestinian Negotiations

Following his 1992 election victory, Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin authorized secret bilateral negotiations with the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), bypassing the multilateral framework established by the 1991 Madrid Conference. These talks, facilitated by Norwegian diplomats in Oslo, began in early 1993 and involved initial Israeli participants from academic backgrounds, including Yair Hirschfeld and Ron Pundak, later joined by official negotiators such as Foreign Ministry Director-General Uri Savir. Rabin viewed the process as a pragmatic security measure to empower moderate Palestinian elements against rising Islamist groups like Hamas, rather than a commitment to immediate statehood. The resulting Oslo I Accord, formally the Declaration of Principles on Interim Self-Government Arrangements, outlined a five-year interim period for Palestinian self-rule in the and , with Israeli military withdrawal from Gaza and as an initial phase. Key provisions included mutual recognition—via exchange of letters where the PLO affirmed Israel's right to exist and renounced , while Israel recognized the PLO as the ' representative—and the establishment of a Palestinian Council through elections, deferring final-status issues like borders, , settlements, and refugees to future negotiations. The agreement was initialed in on August 20, 1993, and formally signed on September 13, 1993, at the by Rabin, PLO Chairman , Foreign Minister , and , under U.S. President Bill Clinton's auspices. Rabin defended the accords before the on September 26, 1993, emphasizing phased implementation to test Palestinian compliance on security cooperation and arguing that direct engagement with the PLO offered a better alternative to ongoing violence and Hamas's growth. The ratified the agreement on October 23, 1993, by a narrow margin of 61-50, reflecting deep domestic divisions, particularly from right-wing opponents who criticized recognizing the PLO as legitimizing without sufficient guarantees. Implementation began with the May 4, 1994, Gaza-Jericho Agreement, enabling limited Palestinian autonomy and Arafat's return to Gaza. Negotiations continued, culminating in the , signed on September 28, 1995, which divided the into Areas A (Palestinian civil and security control), B (Palestinian civil, joint security), and C (Israeli control), and scheduled further Israeli redeployments. Rabin presented Oslo II to the on October 5, 1995, reiterating his focus on verifiable Palestinian actions against terror as prerequisites for progress, amid ongoing Israeli security operations and settlement activities. These accords marked Rabin's shift from territorial maximalism to conditional territorial compromise, driven by demographic and security calculations, though Israeli critics, including leader , argued they eroded without reciprocal demilitarization.

Peace Treaty with Jordan

The peace treaty between and emerged from accelerated bilateral negotiations initiated after the 1993 , with Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin informing King Hussein of the Palestinian agreement to preempt Jordanian concerns over territorial encroachments and water rights. Secret backchannel talks, facilitated by Israeli official and Jordanian Crown Prince Hassan bin Talal, addressed longstanding disputes including border adjustments in the Arava Valley, the /Baqura area, and Taba, alongside equitable sharing of , Yarmouk River, and Arava groundwater resources. A pivotal summit in on May 19, 1994, between Rabin and Hussein resolved key water allocation compromises, allocating Israel approximately 50 million cubic meters annually from the Yarmouk River while Jordan retained primary rights, reflecting pragmatic concessions amid Jordan's demographic pressures from . Rabin prioritized the Jordanian track for its strategic value in stabilizing Israel's eastern border, viewing Hussein's monarchy as a reliable counterweight to radical Arab elements, and conducted multiple discreet meetings to build personal rapport, including Hussein's historic visit to Israel in 1994. On July 25, 1994, and signed the Washington Declaration at the , witnessed by U.S. President , formally terminating the state of war that had persisted since Israel's 1948 independence and committing to full normalization. This was followed by a joint address to the U.S. on July 26, 1994, where emphasized mutual cooperation against , while underscored economic interdependence. The formal Treaty of Peace was signed on October 26, 1994, at the Arava border crossing north of , by and Jordanian Prime Minister Abdul-Salam al-Majali, with Israeli President and King Hussein in attendance. The treaty's six annexes delineated normalized diplomatic, economic, and security relations, including non-aggression pledges, demilitarization zones, and joint anti-terrorism mechanisms, while postponing finalization for future talks. hailed it as a cornerstone of regional stability, enabling Israeli withdrawal from Jordanian-claimed territories like the bridges and fostering trade ties that grew to over $1 billion annually by the late 1990s, though implementation faced hurdles such as public opposition in Jordan to perceived concessions.

Nobel Peace Prize and International Recognition

In 1994, Yitzhak Rabin was jointly awarded the with Israeli Foreign Minister and Chairman for their roles in negotiating the , which established a framework for mutual recognition between and the and outlined interim self-governance arrangements. The announced the laureates on October 14, 1994, citing the accords as a breakthrough that ended decades of confrontation and opened prospects for a comprehensive peace settlement in the . Rabin, as Prime Minister, had authorized the secret talks in that produced the agreement, signed on September 13, 1993, at the . The award ceremony occurred on December 10, , in , where Rabin delivered an acceptance speech emphasizing the necessity of perseverance in efforts despite historical enmities and ongoing violence. In his address, he saluted the fallen soldiers and civilians from all sides in Middle Eastern conflicts, stating, "We will pursue the course of with determination and fortitude. We will not let up. We will not give in. will triumph over all its enemies, because is the true alternative to war." He underscored the accords' aim to replace confrontation with dialogue, while acknowledging the challenges posed by and that threatened the process. Beyond the Nobel, Rabin's peace initiatives garnered additional international acclaim that year, including the Prince of Asturias Award for International Cooperation, shared with Arafat, recognizing their joint efforts to foster reconciliation between and . These honors reflected widespread global endorsement from Western governments and institutions for the diplomatic shift championed, though they also highlighted divisions within , where critics argued the accords compromised security without reciprocal commitments from Palestinian leadership. The included a monetary award of approximately 7.8 million Swedish kronor (about $1 million USD at the time), divided among the three recipients.

Assassination and Immediate Consequences

The Assassination Event

On November 4, 1995, Israeli Yitzhak Rabin was assassinated at the conclusion of a large peace rally held at Kings of Israel Square in , an event attended by approximately 100,000 supporters of the peace process. The rally, which ended around 9:30 p.m., featured speeches advocating continued negotiations with the . As Rabin descended the steps of City Hall toward his official vehicle, , a 25-year-old Israeli law student and ultranationalist opposed to territorial concessions under the , emerged from the crowd and fired three shots from a Beretta 84F at Rabin's back from close range. Two bullets struck Rabin—one entering his back and rupturing his while puncturing his left lung, the other penetrating his —while the third missed Rabin but slightly wounded his , Yoram Rubin. Amir was immediately subdued and arrested by security personnel at the scene. Rabin was rushed to Ichilov Medical Center in , where surgeons operated to address massive and organ damage, but he succumbed to his injuries on the due to blood loss and the punctured lung. His death was officially pronounced shortly after 11:00 p.m. local time. Amir confessed to the act en route to police custody, stating he acted alone. Yigal Amir was apprehended immediately after firing three shots at Yitzhak Rabin on November 4, 1995, outside the Kings of Israel Square rally venue in , by a combination of police officers, agents, and rally security personnel who subdued him on the spot. During initial interrogations conducted jointly by the and starting that evening, Amir confessed to the premeditated murder, claiming ideological motivation rooted in opposition to Rabin's and invoking the halachic doctrine of din rodef (pursuer's law) as justification, though he provided no evidence of rabbinical authorization for the act. The criminal investigation, led by the Shin Bet's Jewish Department and supported by police forensics, confirmed Amir's sole execution of using a modified 84F 9mm , which ballistic tests matched to casings recovered at the scene; evidence showed Amir had stalked Rabin at prior events, practiced the attack, and received logistical aid from his brother Hagai in acquiring and altering the weapon, but no broader network participated in the final assault. Amir was formally indicted on December 6, 1995, in Court on charges of under aggravating circumstances, conspiracy to commit , and causing to Rabin's Yoram , who was wounded in the attack. Amir's trial opened on December 19, 1995, before a three-judge panel in Court, where he represented himself alongside counsel, reiterating his lack of remorse and ideological rationale without disputing the factual elements of the crime; the proceedings, lasting approximately four months, featured testimony from eyewitnesses, security officials, and forensic experts, culminating in a guilty verdict on all counts on March 4, 1996. On March 27, 1996, the court sentenced Amir to for the murder—commutable only by presidential , which later barred specifically for this case—plus six years for injuring and eight years for conspiracy, emphasizing the gravity of assassinating a democratically elected leader as an unprecedented threat to state stability. Parallel legal proceedings targeted Amir's associates: his brother Hagai was convicted in 1996 of for aiding in weapon preparation and scouting, receiving a 16-year sentence (released in 2012 after serving two-thirds), while friend Dror Adani received seven years for similar involvement; a fifth individual, Margalit Har-Shefi, was initially convicted in 2001 of failing to report the plot but acquitted on appeal by Israel's in 2005, which ruled her knowledge did not legally compel disclosure absent imminent action. In tandem with the criminal probe, the government-appointed Shamgar Commission—chaired by former President Meir Shamgar and including security experts—investigated systemic failures in Rabin's protection, releasing its report on March 28, 1996; it faulted the for underestimating right-wing extremist threats, inadequate rally perimeter controls allowing Amir multiple prior entries, and insufficient inter-agency coordination, but exonerated officials of any foreknowledge or complicity in the plot, prompting Director Carmi Gillon's resignation. Separately, Avishai faced charges in 1999 for not relaying specific assassination threats he overheard from Amir and other extremists in his undercover role with radical groups, but was convicted only of regarding unrelated operational details and ultimately acquitted of the failure-to-warn count, highlighting internal agency debates over handling without implicating deliberate in the murder itself.

Political and Societal Aftermath

Following Rabin's assassination on November 4, 1995, , as deputy prime minister and foreign minister, immediately assumed the role of and was formally sworn in as on November 22, 1995, heading a caretaker . called for early elections under Israel's new direct prime ministerial voting system, scheduled for May 29, 1996. Initial public opinion polls in late 1995 and early 1996 showed leading challenger by margins exceeding 20 percentage points, buoyed by sympathy for the Labor Party and the . A series of Hamas-claimed bombings in February and March 1996, including the February 25 attacks on buses in and that killed 26 civilians, dramatically shifted voter sentiment toward prioritizing security over further concessions. These incidents, occurring amid ongoing Palestinian violence that had intensified since the ' implementation, eroded confidence in Peres's handling of the process and amplified Netanyahu's campaign emphasis on robust . In the , Netanyahu secured victory with 50.5% of the vote to Peres's 49.5%, a razor-thin margin that installed the first prime minister in 15 years and dismantled the Labor-led coalition. The ensuing Netanyahu government adopted a more skeptical stance toward the Oslo framework, suspending planned Israeli withdrawals from parts of the outlined in the 1995 Oslo II agreement and conditioning further steps on verifiable Palestinian suppression of . This marked a causal pivot from Rabin's pragmatic but concessionary approach, which had already begun incorporating stricter security demands by mid-1995 in response to attacks, toward a policy prioritizing settlement continuity and unilateral measures over bilateral negotiations. Societally, the assassination induced widespread trauma and mourning, with over one million Israelis attending memorial events and Rabin's drawing international dignitaries, temporarily bridging divides in a display of collective grief. However, this unity proved fleeting, as recriminations over right-wing protests—such as depictions of Rabin in an SS uniform—and the killer's opposition to territorial compromises fueled accusations of , while critics of highlighted policy-induced risks and rising Arab attacks as legitimate grounds for dissent. The event entrenched societal cleavages between advocates of land-for-peace and those viewing the accords as endangering Israel's security, with subsequent violence reinforcing skepticism toward the process's viability.

Legacy and Ongoing Debates

Security and Military Achievements

Rabin's military career began in the , the elite strike force of the , where he rose to command the during the 1948 Arab-Israeli War of Independence, leading operations to secure amid intense fighting. His brigade defended key positions and facilitated supply lines, contributing to the retention of western Jerusalem despite heavy casualties and encirclement. Following the war, Rabin advanced through IDF ranks, serving as OC Northern Command from 1956 to 1959 and developing operational doctrines that emphasized mobility and initiative. By 1959, as Chief of Operations and later Deputy Chief of Staff until 1964, he focused on elevating training standards for Israel's citizen army, establishing protocols that integrated conscripts effectively into combat roles. Appointed IDF Chief of Staff in 1964, Rabin oversaw comprehensive preparations amid escalating tensions, including mobilization drills and equipment modernization that proved decisive in the 1967 Six-Day War. Under his leadership, the IDF achieved rapid victories, capturing the Sinai Peninsula, Golan Heights, West Bank, and Gaza Strip in six days, tripling Israel's territory and neutralizing immediate threats from Egypt, Jordan, and Syria. These reforms in doctrine and readiness were credited with enabling the preemptive strikes and coordinated offensives that minimized Israeli losses while overwhelming Arab forces. In his later roles, including as from 1974–1977 and 1992–1995, Rabin's security perspective emphasized deterrence and qualitative military superiority, informing policies like the 1976 and ongoing border fortifications. His tenure as solidified a legacy of transforming the IDF into a professional force capable of , a foundation for Israel's enduring defense posture against numerically superior adversaries.

Evaluations of Peace Initiatives

Rabin's peace initiatives, particularly the with the (PLO) signed on September 13, 1993, and the Israel-Jordan formalized on October 26, 1994, have elicited sharply divergent evaluations. Supporters, including figures in Israeli and international diplomatic circles, credit Rabin with pioneering mutual recognition and territorial withdrawals that laid groundwork for potential coexistence, arguing these steps broke decades of stalemate and fostered economic cooperation in the Jordanian case. However, empirical outcomes reveal significant shortcomings: the Oslo framework failed to curb Palestinian , instead correlating with a marked escalation in attacks, while the Jordan treaty has endured as a stable, if cool, bilateral arrangement without comparable violence. ![Bill Clinton, Yitzhak Rabin, Yasser Arafat at the White House 1993-09-13.jpg][center] The Oslo Accords' evaluations hinge on security metrics, where data indicate a doubling of Israel's terror fatalities relative to pre-1993 rates. From Israel's founding in 1948 through September 1993, approximately 1,100 Israelis died in terror attacks; in the subsequent period to 2017—despite enhanced counterterrorism—the toll exceeded 1,500, with suicide bombings peaking post-Oslo, including 73 deaths in a single wave from February to March 1996. This surge stemmed from absent enforcement mechanisms allowing PLO-affiliated groups like Hamas to operate unchecked, undermining Rabin's stated dual-track policy of pursuing peace while combating terror "as if there were no peace process." Critics, drawing on causal analysis of incentives, contend the accords' phased withdrawals empowered rejectionist factions by signaling unilateral concessions without reciprocal demilitarization or incitement cessation, precipitating the Second Intifada (2000–2005) that claimed over 1,000 Israeli lives. Proponents counter that interim agreements were never designed for finality and faced sabotage from extremists on both sides, yet this overlooks verifiable non-compliance, such as the PLO's failure to amend its charter revoking Israel's existence until 1998 under U.S. pressure. In contrast, the Jordan treaty garners more consensus as a pragmatic success, maintaining no interstate conflict since and enabling joint ventures in water allocation (e.g., Israel's supply of 50 million cubic meters annually from the ) and economic zones like the Yitzhak Rabin/. Evaluations highlight Rabin's rapport with King Hussein as pivotal, yielding normalized borders and mutual non-aggression pacts that withstood regional upheavals, including the Arab Spring. Though public sentiment in remains wary—polls showing persistent opposition to normalization—the treaty's durability stems from aligned interests in stability over the and shared anti-extremism goals, averting the reciprocity deficits plaguing . Long-term assessments, as of 2024, affirm its repeatability for state-to-state but underscore Oslo's legacy of heightened vulnerability, with over 3,100 total Israeli terror deaths since disproportionately clustered post-1993. These outcomes reflect Rabin's shift from security hawk to conciliator, yet empirically validate critiques that optimism outpaced verifiable assurances against violence.

Long-Term Impacts on Israeli Policy and Terrorism

Rabin's on November 4, 1995, accelerated a pivot in Israeli policy away from unilateral territorial concessions toward fortified security measures, as the subsequent wave of Hamas-led bombings eroded public support for the Oslo framework he championed. In the May 1996 elections, Benjamin Netanyahu's party defeated Shimon Peres's Labor, reflecting voter backlash against perceived vulnerabilities exposed by the accords, which had transferred control of parts of the and Gaza to the Palestinian Authority (PA) without commensurate disarmament of militant groups. Netanyahu's government halted further Oslo implementations, emphasizing preconditions like ending and before negotiations. The Oslo Accords correlated with a marked escalation in Palestinian terrorism, undermining Israel's security landscape for decades. Prior to 1993, annual Israeli fatalities from terrorism averaged under 20; post-Oslo, this surged, with over 250 deaths between 1994 and 2000 alone, driven by suicide bombings in civilian areas like buses and cafes. The Second Intifada (2000–2005), often linked by analysts to the accords' failure to dismantle terror infrastructure in PA-controlled zones, resulted in approximately 1,000 Israeli deaths, including 773 civilians, representing the deadliest period of terrorism in Israel's history. This violence, perpetrated largely by Hamas and Islamic Jihad, highlighted the accords' unintended consequence of empowering rejectionist factions while the PA proved unable or unwilling to suppress them. Israeli countermeasures evolved into a doctrine of active defense and separation, exemplified by the security barrier initiated in 2002 under . Spanning over 700 kilometers, the barrier—comprising fences, walls, and checkpoints—reduced suicide attacks by more than 90% within affected areas by curtailing terrorist infiltrations from PA territories, though it faced international criticism. This approach influenced subsequent policies, including the 2005 Gaza disengagement, which withdrew settlements and troops but yielded Hamas's 2007 takeover, rocket barrages, and wars in 2008–2009, 2012, 2014, 2021, and the , 2023, attack killing 1,200. Long-term, Rabin's peace initiatives shifted Israeli strategy from land-for-peace optimism to deterrence-focused realism, prioritizing intelligence-driven targeted killings, border fortifications, and military operations to neutralize threats, amid persistent debates over whether Oslo's institutional legacies exacerbated rather than mitigated terrorism.

Commemorations and Recent Assessments (to 2025)

Yitzhak Rabin is observed annually in on the 12th of , the Hebrew date corresponding to November 4, 1995, the day of his assassination, as established by the via the Yitzhak Rabin Memorial Law in 1997. The national flag flies at half-mast, and a state memorial ceremony occurs at Rabin's grave on in , emphasizing themes of , tolerance, and the rejection of . Educational programs and public events, including historical hikes organized in cooperation with the Yitzhak Rabin Center, promote reflection on Rabin's life and the implications of his death for Israeli society. Commemorative sites include (formerly Kings of Israel Square) in , where the assassination occurred, now featuring a monument at the site. The Yitzhak Rabin Center in serves as a museum and research institute dedicated to his legacy, hosting exhibitions and programs. International memorials exist, such as Yitzhak Rabin Walk in , , and a memorial stone in , . In 2024, a planned memorial was canceled at the Rabin family's request amid political tensions, with the state ceremony held on November 13 at . For the 30th anniversary in 2025, falling on (Gregorian) or November 2-3 ( observance), multiple events were organized worldwide, including panels at UCLA analyzing the assassination's impact on Israeli politics, reflections at the Streicker Center on Rabin's shift from warrior to peacemaker, and commemorations by Jewish community centers in Tucson and elsewhere focusing on his vision amid persistent conflicts. Recent assessments of Rabin's legacy, particularly from 2020 onward, highlight a divide: supporters him with bold peace initiatives like the and the 1994 Jordan treaty, viewing his as a setback to moderation and trust-building in leadership. Critics, drawing on empirical outcomes, argue that his concessions empowered Palestinian militants, contributing to Intifada's 1,000+ Israeli deaths from 2000-2005 and the entrenchment of rejectionist groups like , rendering his peace vision unviable without reciprocal security measures that did not materialize. These evaluations note systemic biases in academic and media sources favoring Oslo's intent over its causal failures, such as increased terrorism post-withdrawal from Gaza precursors under Rabin. By 2025, amid ongoing threats post-October 7, 2023, assessments increasingly emphasize Rabin's military realism over diplomatic optimism, with events underscoring the assassination's role in polarizing discourse without resolving underlying security dilemmas.

Honors, Writings, and Electoral Record

Awards and Decorations

Rabin received the in 1994, shared with Israeli Foreign Minister and Chairman , for their roles in forging the and advancing peace negotiations between and the Palestinians. In the same year, he was jointly awarded the Prince of Asturias Award for International Cooperation with Arafat, recognizing their collaborative efforts toward reconciliation. Throughout his career, Rabin was granted multiple honorary doctorates. The conferred a upon him in June 1967, shortly after the , in acknowledgment of the ' victories under his command as . awarded him a Doctor of Laws in 1968 during his tenure as Israel's ambassador to the . granted a Doctor of Laws in 1977, and the presented an honorary doctorate in 1990. As a career military officer, Rabin accumulated standard Israel Defense Forces decorations tied to major campaigns. These encompassed the War of Independence ribbon for his service in , the Sinai Campaign ribbon from his 1956 command of Northern Command operations, and the ribbon reflecting his overarching leadership in 1967.

Published Works

Rabin's principal published work is the autobiographical memoir Pinkas Sherut (English: Service Notebook or The Rabin Memoirs), first released in Hebrew in 1979 and co-authored with Dov Goldstein. The volume chronicles his early life, service, command roles in the 1948 Arab-Israeli War, ambassadorship to the from 1968 to 1973, and tenure as IDF , including operational decisions during the 1967 . An English translation appeared the same year via , with subsequent editions incorporating maps and photographs. In 1983, Rabin issued a book analyzing Israel's 1982 military intervention in after Operation Peace for Galilee, offering his perspective as a former defense leader critical of the campaign's scope and outcomes. A posthumous expanded edition of The Rabin Memoirs was published in 1999 by the , appending speeches from his second premiership, Nobel lecture excerpts, and an afterword on the . Rabin's other contributions consist mainly of political essays, interviews, and addresses, though none formed standalone volumes during his lifetime beyond the above.

Summary of Electoral and Leadership Contests

Rabin entered national politics by winning a seat in the during the December 31, 1973 elections as part of the Labor Alignment bloc. After Prime Minister Golda Meir's resignation in April 1974 amid criticism over the , Rabin defeated in the Labor Party leadership contest, assuming the role of and becoming Israel's fifth on June 3, 1974. Ahead of the 1977 general election, Rabin retained Labor leadership on February 23, 1977, narrowly defeating Peres with 1,404 votes to 1,363 among party delegates. However, on April 8, 1977, Rabin withdrew as the party's prime ministerial candidate following exposure of an illegal U.S. dollar-denominated bank account held by him and his wife, , in violation of Israel's foreign currency restrictions; he was fined 5,000 Israeli pounds (equivalent to about $1,500), while his wife faced trial. Shimon assumed leadership, but Labor lost the May 17, 1977 election to Menachem Begin's bloc, which secured 43 seats to Labor's 32, marking the end of Labor's continuous rule since Israel's founding. Rabin remained a prominent Labor figure in opposition and mounted multiple challenges against Peres for party leadership, including a failed bid in 1980 that intensified their long-standing rivalry. He renewed his contest in 1990 amid party dissatisfaction with Peres's coalition-building efforts. On February 20, 1992, decisively unseated Peres in the Labor primary, capturing a clear majority of votes from party members. Leading Labor into the June 23, 1992 Knesset elections, Rabin campaigned on economic reforms and peace negotiations, resulting in Labor securing 44 seats—outpacing Likud's 32—and forming a center-left with parties like and . Rabin was sworn in as for his second term on July 13, 1992, holding office until his assassination on November 4, 1995.

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